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diff --git a/old/66388-0.txt b/old/66388-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 81a09d5..0000000 --- a/old/66388-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,18511 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Invasion of India by Alexander the -Great as described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodoros, Plutarch and Justin, -by J. W. M'Crindle - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great as described by - Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodoros, Plutarch and Justin - Being Translations of such portions of the Works of these and - other Classical Authors as describe Alexander's Campaigns in - Afghanistan, the Panjâb, Sindh, Gedrosia and Karmania - -Author: J. W. M'Crindle - -Release Date: September 27, 2021 [eBook #66388] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Clarity and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive/American - Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INVASION OF INDIA BY -ALEXANDER THE GREAT AS DESCRIBED BY ARRIAN, Q. CURTIUS, DIODOROS, -PLUTARCH AND JUSTIN *** - - - - - - -ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND COMPANY’S PUBLICATIONS - - -CONSTABLE’S _Oriental Miscellany_, a series that ... has the strongest -claim on popularity.—_Notes and Queries._ - -_Already published_ - -Vol. I. - -BERNIER’S TRAVELS IN THE MOGUL EMPIRE. An entirely new edition, with -illustrations, and reproductions of maps from early editions. By -ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE, Mem. As. Soc. Bengal, F.S.A.Scot. Cr. 8vo, pp. liv + -500. Price 6s. nett. - - The old translation has now been revised and edited in very - scholarly fashion.—_The Times._ - - This is a scholarly volume, and bodes well for the success of - the Miscellany.—_The Scotsman._ - - The New Miscellany ... has been right worthily inaugurated by a - reprint of Bernier’s _Travels in India_, which must delight the - scholar and lover of books.—_The Bombay Gazette._ - - An almost perfect instance of careful, painstaking, and - judicious editing.—_The Pioneer._ - - The excellent editing, as well as outward get-up ... are a - guarantee that this new venture ... will supply a long-felt - want.—_The Times of India._ - - The student will know how to prize the work, and the general - reader will find it very interesting reading.—_The Manchester - Guardian._ - - Since their first appearance in Paris, in 1670, many have been - the reprints and translations of Bernier’s _Travels_.... With - all this, however, the book itself is not easily accessible. - In offering the English Public a new edition of it, Messrs. - Archibald Constable and Company have therefore no need to - apologise. It is a fact that until this publication no really - satisfactory edition has existed. It is now edited not only - with great care, but also with a laudable regard to the needs - of the general reader.—_The Anti-Jacobin._ - - The book abounds with curious scenes and anecdotes of - native life in India, amusing in themselves and interesting - for comparison with the ways, habits, and ideas of modern - India.... The running glossary of Indian terms and words is - very useful; so are the brief notices of distinguished persons - and remarkable places mentioned in the text; there is also a - chronicle of Bernier’s life, a bibliography of his works, and - an excellent index.—_The Speaker._ - - The book is of almost indispensable necessity to the reader of - history, being accurate and painstaking to a high degree.—_The - Academy._ - - The volume has been admirably edited and illustrated. The - numerous allusions in the text to individuals, places, - productions of art and industry, etc., are well explained - in brief but sufficient notes, which contain the results of - careful research in contemporary historians, and of an intimate - personal acquaintance with Indian life and industry at the - present day.—_The Scottish Geographical Magazine._ - -Vol. II. - -POPULAR READINGS IN SCIENCE. By JOHN GALL, M.A., LL.B., late Professor of -Mathematics and Physics, Canning College, Lucknow, and DAVID ROBERTSON, -M.A., LL.B., B.Sc. With many Diagrams, a Glossary of Technical Terms, and -an Index. Cr. 8vo, pp. 468. Price 5s. nett. - - The authors lay no claim to originality, but have exercised a - judicious choice in the selection of subject-matter.... The - narrative style which has been adopted by the authors will make - the book acceptable to general readers who are anxious to make - acquaintance with modern science.—_Nature._ - - It is hardly to be expected that this second volume of - Constable’s _Oriental Miscellany_ will meet with such universal - acclamation as the first volume, which consisted of Bernier’s - _Travels_. But when rightly considered, it equally shows the - thoroughness with which the publishers have thrown themselves - into the enterprise.—_The Academy._ - - While the essays are such as would attract and instruct a - general reader, they appear to have been written specially with - a view to the needs of Indian students approaching the study of - science for the first time.... They are well adapted to this - end, and cannot fail to create in their readers a desire to - push their knowledge further.—_The Scotsman._ - - The new volume of Constable’s _Oriental Miscellany_ would have - delighted Macaulay and the champions of “Occidentalism” in - Indian education in Lord William Bentinck’s day.... Messrs. - Gall and Robertson ... have prepared a collection of essays - which will be at least as acceptable to the general reader - as to the student, in which the results of the most modern - researches in physical science are brought up to date.... In - each case the subject is treated in a clear and interesting way - ... it is a most commendable undertaking.—_The Bombay Gazette._ - - The title sufficiently indicates the lines on which the two - collaborators have worked. Theirs is no dry-as-dust text-book; - it is rather a collection of scientific facts forming chapters - in what has aptly been called the romance of science.... - Messrs. Archibald Constable and Company have a particular - interest in this country, and their _Oriental Miscellany_ is so - well edited, printed, and published, that it is easy to predict - for it a wide popularity.—_The Madras Mail._ - - The second volume of Constable’s _Oriental Miscellany_, just - published under the above heading, has been designed to meet - an undoubted want, and will hardly yield in usefulness to any - in the projected series.... While elementary principles are - explained with sufficient clearness to enable the work to be - used independently of other text-books, the compilers have - devoted much attention and space to many of the results of - scientific researches which have mainly distinguished the - present century. The Darwinian theory, for instance, is not - only admirably summarised in itself, but we are furnished with - a useful _précis_ of the arguments _pro et con_, together with - an account of the more recent discoveries of paleontologists - which have strengthened the doctrine of the evolution of - organic beings, and an outline of the views regarding it of the - _savants_ of all nations. The book is one which should secure - a large number of general readers, who will find in it a vast - store of useful information placed before them in a peculiarly - readable and acceptable form.—_The Pioneer._ - - This is a popular treatise covering a very wide range of - subjects.... A well-written book like a modernised Lardner, or - a _fin-de-siècle_ edition of the _Scientific Information for - the People_ of the “Useful Knowledge Series.”—_The Educational - Times._ - - The authors write about what they know, and they write with - clearness and precision, and on the topics which they discuss - they have spoken with that accuracy which comes from full - knowledge.... The value of the book is enhanced by a glossary - of technical terms, which will be of the utmost possible use - to the beginner, and also of use to those who are somewhat - advanced in their studies.—_The Aberdeen Daily Free Press._ - -Vol. III. - -AURENG-ZEBE, a Tragedy, by JOHN DRYDEN, and Book II. of THE CHACE, a -Poem, by WILLIAM SOMERVILE. Edited, with Biographical Memoirs and Notes, -by KENNETH DEIGHTON, Editor of Select Plays of Shakespeare. With a -Portrait of Dryden, and a coloured reproduction of an Indian painting -representing the Emperor Akbar deer-stalking. Cr. 8vo, pp. xiii + 222. -Price 5s. nett. - - An interesting reprint of Dryden’s tragedy.... If any one - wishes to realise by an hour’s easy reading the vast gulf - which separates our knowledge of India and our conceptions - about India, at the close of this 19th century, from the views - of our ancestors about India in the last quarter of the 17th - century, we recommend this book to his notice. Mr. Deighton’s - copious and suggestive footnotes will render the perusal both - profitable and pleasant.—_The Times._ - - The volume, like its predecessors, is admirably got up, and - is enriched by a fine portrait of Dryden, and a capital - reproduction of a highly curious and interesting Indian picture - exhibiting the youthful Akbar at the chase.—_The Scotsman._ - - Mr. Kenneth Deighton supplies a short biography of Dryden, and - a just estimate of his dramatic power, taking due notice of the - improvement in the later tone of a poet who was largely made by - his surroundings, and had to write to please.... Ample notes, - suited to the capacity of the Indian student, are incorporated - in the volume.—_The Glasgow Herald._ - -Vol. IV. - -LETTERS FROM A MAHRATTA CAMP. By THOMAS DUER BROUGHTON. A new edition, -with an Introduction by the Right Hon. Sir M. E. GRANT DUFF, G.C.S.I., -F.R.S., Notes, Coloured and other Illustrations, a very full Index, and a -Map. Crown 8vo, pp. xxxii + 274. Price 6s. nett. - -_Forthcoming volumes, in active preparation_ - -LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA. By Mrs. SPEIR. A new edition, revised and edited -by Dr. ROST, C.I.E., Librarian, India Office. - -RAMBLES AND RECOLLECTIONS OF AN INDIAN OFFICIAL. By Major-General Sir W. -H. SLEEMAN, K.C.B. A new edition, edited by VINCENT ARTHUR SMITH, Indian -Civil Service. - -_Other publications_ - -STUDIES IN MOHAMMEDANISM, Historical and Doctrinal, with a chapter on -Islam in England. By JOHN J. POOL. With a Frontispiece and Index, pp. xvi -+ 420. Cr. 8vo, full cloth. Price 6s. - - An interesting survey—all the more readable, perhaps, on - account of its informal and even discursive arrangement—of - Mussulman faith, practice, and history.... A conspicuous - feature of Mr. Pool’s work is the account of the Moslem - propaganda, which Mr. Quilliam, a Liverpool solicitor, is now - prosecuting in that city.... It is tinged by no rancour or - contempt, and exhibits a conscientious endeavour to appreciate - the Mohammedan standpoint. As a “popular text-book,” dealing - with some of the most picturesque aspects of Islam, it deserves - more than ordinary attention.—_The Times._ - - Mr. Pool ... has done good service in publishing this popular - exposition of the doctrines and real character of Islam. So far - as he errs at all, he errs on the side of too much leniency - to Mohammedanism.... Mr. Pool’s too favourable account of - the Moorish _régime_ in Spain is the only part of his book - that is open to serious question. The rest of the volume is - both readable and instructive. He has evidently studied Islam - with great care, and he states his own views with exemplary - moderation.—_The Spectator._ - - The chapter which gives information on this matter [Islam in - Liverpool] is naturally the most interesting in the volume.... - As to the other parts of Mr. Pool’s book it is difficult to - speak too highly. His account of Mohammed and his system - is fair and full, abounding in all kinds of illustrative - anecdote.—_The Glasgow Herald._ - - In the forty-one chapters of this volume the promise of - the title is well kept, and every aspect of Islam faith - and practice is discussed in a clear, comprehensive, and - interesting manner.—_The Liverpool Mercury._ - - These _Studies in Mohammedanism_ are conspicuously fair. - The writer is devotedly attached to Christianity, but he - frankly and gladly acknowledges that Mohammed was a man of - extraordinary powers and gifts, and that the religion which - bears his name has done incalculable service to humanity in - keeping the sublime truth of the unity of God before the eyes - of the non-Christian world steeped in polytheism.—_The Bradford - Observer._ - - This volume will be found both interesting and useful to the - general reader, as supplying in a convenient form a very - good outline of the rise and development, with an account of - the more salient features, of the Mohammedan religion. There - are short chapters also on the Turks, Afghans, Corsairs, - crusades, literature, architecture, slavery, etc., which convey - much public information in a pleasant style.—_The Scottish - Geographical Magazine._ - - - - -ANCIENT INDIA - -ITS INVASION BY ALEXANDER THE GREAT - -CATALOGUE OR ORDER SLIPS - -[_Entered at Stationers’ Hall_] - - It is hoped that these slips, which have been drawn up and - printed strictly in accordance with the British Museum - Catalogue rules, will prove a convenience to Booksellers, - Librarians, Cataloguers, and Bookbuyers generally. - - Their _judicious_ acquisition and use may save many a hurried - fruitless search for a piece of paper and a pencil, required at - times to note down the title of a desirable book seen in the - possession of another. - - -M’CRINDLE (J. W.). The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, as -described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodôros, Plutarch, Justin, and other -classical authors. With an Introduction containing a Life of Alexander, -copious Notes, Illustrations, Maps, and Indices. Pp. xii + 432. -_Archibald Constable and Co., Westminster_ (London). 1893. 8vo. - -M’CRINDLE (J. W.). The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, as -described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodôros, Plutarch, Justin, and other -classical authors. With an Introduction containing a Life of Alexander, -copious Notes, Illustrations, Maps, and Indices. Pp. xii + 432. -_Archibald Constable and Co., Westminster_ (London). 1893. 8vo. - -M’CRINDLE (J. W.). The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, as -described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodôros, Plutarch, Justin, and other -classical authors. With an Introduction containing a Life of Alexander, -copious Notes, Illustrations, Maps, and Indices. Pp. xii + 432. -_Archibald Constable and Co., Westminster_ (London). 1893. 8vo. - -M’CRINDLE (J. W.). The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, as -described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodôros, Plutarch, Justin, and other -classical authors. With an Introduction containing a Life of Alexander, -copious Notes, Illustrations, Maps, and Indices. Pp. xii + 432. -_Archibald Constable and Co., Westminster_ (London). 1893. 8vo. - -M’CRINDLE (J. W.). The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, as -described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodôros, Plutarch, Justin, and other -classical authors. With an Introduction containing a Life of Alexander, -copious Notes, Illustrations, Maps, and Indices. Pp. xii + 432. -_Archibald Constable and Co., Westminster_ (London). 1893. 8vo. - - - - -ANCIENT INDIA - -ITS INVASION BY ALEXANDER THE GREAT - - - - -[Illustration: Comment le Roy alixandre ploura de pitie quil ont de son -cheual Buciffal qui se mouroit - -ALEXANDER THE GREAT MOURNING THE DEATH OF BOUKEPHALOS] - - - - - THE - INVASION OF INDIA - BY ALEXANDER THE GREAT - AS DESCRIBED BY - ARRIAN, Q. CURTIUS, DIODOROS - PLUTARCH AND JUSTIN - - Being Translations of such portions of the Works of these and other - Classical Authors as describe Alexander’s Campaigns in Afghanistan - the Panjâb, Sindh, Gedrosia and Karmania - - WITH AN INTRODUCTION CONTAINING A LIFE OF ALEXANDER - COPIOUS NOTES, ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS AND INDICES - BY - J. W. M’CRINDLE, M.A., M.R.A.S., F.R.S.G.S. - LATE PRINCIPAL OF THE GOVERNMENT COLLEGE, PATNA, AND FELLOW OF - THE CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY, MEMBER OF THE GENERAL COUNCIL - OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH - - NEW EDITION - Bringing the Work up to Date - - Westminster - ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND COMPANY - MDCCCXCVI - - _All rights reserved_ - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix - - PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION xi - - PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION xxxv - - INTRODUCTION, CONTAINING A LIFE OF ALEXANDER 3 - - ARRIAN 57 - - Q. CURTIUS RUFUS 183 - - DIODÔROS 269 - - PLUTARCH 305 - - JUSTIN 321 - - APPENDICES— - - NOTES A-L_L_ 331 - - BIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX 375 - - GENERAL INDEX 417 - - INDEX OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED OR REFERRED TO 430 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - ALEXANDER THE GREAT MOURNING FOR BOUKEPHALOS _Frontispiece_ - - _By the Autotype Company from a French MS. in the British Museum - of the Life of Alexander the Great, written in the fifteenth - century._ - - FIG. PAGE - - 1. LYSIMACHOS Gold coin of Lysimachos (B.C. - 306-281), struck at Lysimachia, - in the British Museum 16 - - 2. ARISTOTLE From an intaglio gem, engraved - on sard, in the British Museum 16 - - 3. SEAL OF DARIUS From a cylinder of chalcedony, - inscribed “I am Darius the great - king,” in Persian, Median, and - Babylonian, in the Brit. Museum 29 - - 4. ALEXANDER THE GREAT On a silver coin struck in Thrace - by Lysimachos, in the Brit. Museum 48 - - 5. DIODOTOS On a gold stater struck in Baktria, - in the British Museum 52 - - 6. ANTIOCHOS THE GREAT On a gold coin (B.C. 222-187), in - the British Museum 52 - - 7. EUTHYDÊMOS On a silver Baktrian coin, in the - British Museum 53 - - 8. THE TYRIAN HERAKLÊS On a silver coin struck at Tyre (B.C. - 125), in the British Museum 71 - - 9. EUMENÊS Silver coin of Eumenês I. (B.C. - 263-241), struck at Pergamos, - in the British Museum 120 - - 10. PTOLEMY SÔTÊR On a silver coin (B.C. 306-284), - in the British Museum 151 - - 11. INDIAN BOWMAN From a coin of Chandragupta II. (A.D. - 395-415), in the Brit. Mus. 210 - - 12. SÔPHYTÊS From a silver coin, in the Brit. Mus. 280 - - 13. GREEK WARSHIP From a silver coin of Sidon, in the - British Museum 316 - - 14. SELEUCUS NICATOR Obverse of a silver coin struck in - Pergamos, in the British Museum 327 - - 15. EUKRATIDÊS On a silver Baktrian coin, in the - British Museum 344 - - 16. ANTIMACHOS On a silver Baktrian coin, in the - British Museum 370 - - 17. AGATHOKLÊS Silver coin of Agathoklês, in the - British Museum 371 - - 18. HELIOKLÊS On a silver Baktrian coin, in the - British Museum 371 - - 19. APOLLODOTOS On a silver Baktrian coin, in the - British Museum 372 - - 20. AŚÔKA INSCRIPTION Reduced from an impression of the - Kalsi Edict by Dr. James Burgess, - C.I.E. 373 - - 21. ANTIGONOS GONATAS Silver coin of Antigonos Gonatas - (B.C. 277-239), in the Brit. Mus. 376 - - 22. ANTIGONOS DÔSÔN Silver coin of Antigonos Dôsôn (B.C. - 229-220), in the British Museum 377 - - 23. ANTIOCHOS II. On a silver coin (B.C. 261-246), - in the British Museum 377 - - 24. DEMETRIOS POLIORKÊTÊS Silver coin of Demetrios Poliorkêtês - (B.C. 294-288), in the Brit. Mus. 383 - - 25. PTOLEMY III. On a gold coin (B.C. 247-222), in - the British Museum 403 - - MAPS - - MAP OF ALEXANDER’S ROUTE IN THE PANJÂB _Facing_ 57 - - MAP OF THE ROUTE TAKEN BY ALEXANDER IN HIS ASIATIC EXPEDITION 432 - - - - -PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION - - -Since this volume was written, three works have appeared which not only -make important additions to our knowledge of Alexander’s campaigns in -Turkestan, Lower Sindh, and Makran respectively, but which also serve to -correct some current errors with regard to the identification of places -which lay in the route of the great conqueror, as he passed through these -obscure regions. As the works referred to have been written by scholarly -men, who possess an intimate personal knowledge of the localities which -they describe, the conclusions to which their investigations have -conducted them may be accepted with confidence, and we propose to give -here a brief summary of these conclusions so far as they concern our -subject. The works are these: 1. _Alexander des Grossen Feldzüge in -Turkestan_, von Franz Schwarz, München; 2. _The Indus Delta: a Memoir -chiefly on its Ancient History and Geography_, by Major-General M. R. -Haig, M.R.A.S., London; 3. _A Lecture on “The Retreat of Alexander the -Great from India,”_ by Colonel Holdich, R.E., as reported in the Calcutta -_Englishman_. - -We begin with Turkestan, by which is here meant the provinces called -anciently Baktriana and Sogdiana. Their reduction, as will be seen from -our Introduction (pp. 39-44), occupied the arms of Alexander for upwards -of two years, from B.C. 329-327. The description of the campaigns by -which this conquest was effected has hitherto proved a task of unusual -difficulty, due partly to imperfect knowledge of the geography of the -seat of war, and partly also to discrepancies in the accounts of these -campaigns as given by Arrian and Curtius, who neither drew their facts -from the same original sources nor relate them in quite the same order of -sequence. It is fortunate therefore that Herr Schwarz, who for fifteen -years resided in Turkestan, and had occasion or opportunity during that -time to visit all its places of importance, sedulously applied himself -to study the antiquities of the country, and was thus able ultimately -to identify with certainty, almost all the places in which Alexander -is reported, by his historians, to have shown himself. His work is -accompanied by an excellent map, in which he has traced the line of the -marches and the counter-marches of the Macedonian troops, while operating -in the regions of the Oxus and the Jaxartes. - -Alexander, in the early spring of 329 B.C., left Kabulistan, and having -crossed the Indian Kaukasos, arrived at Drapsaka, and from thence -continued his march to Aornos and Baktra. It has never been doubted -that Baktra is now Balkh, but opinions have differed with regard to the -other two places. Schwarz, on sufficient grounds, identifies Drapsaka -with Kunduz, and Aornos with Tash-Kurgan, near which are situated the -ruins of Khulm. Alexander, marching from Baktra through a frightful -desert, gained the banks of the Oxus, which he crossed with his army -in five days. The passage was effected, not from Kizil, as has been -hitherto supposed, but from Kilif, higher up the stream—a place which -Schwarz thinks was probably the city of the Branchidai, which, with its -inhabitants, Alexander so remorselessly destroyed. From the Oxus the -expedition advanced by way of Karshi and Jam to Marakanda, the famous -city of Samarcand. Near Karshi, at the hill Kungur-tau, occurred the -skirmish in which Alexander, on this march, received a wound. Marakanda -was situated on the banks of the Polytimêtos, now the Zerafshan or -Kohik, which flows westward till its waters are lost in the sands of -the Khorasmian Desert. Alexander marched thence to the river Tanais—the -Jaxartes or Syr-darya—which formed the eastern boundary of the Persian -empire, and separated it from the Skythians. On the Persian side of -this river Alexander founded a city, which he called by his own name, -Alexandria. It is agreed on all hands that the site of this Alexandria -was at or near where Khojent now stands. In this neighbourhood Alexander -captured seven towns, which had shown signs of a purpose to revolt. The -names of two of these have been recorded, Gaza and Kyropolis. The former -Schwarz identifies with Nau, and the latter with Ura-tübe, a considerable -city occupying a commanding position, strongly fortified, and distant -from Khojent about 40 miles. It had been founded by Cyrus to serve as a -bulwark against incursions of the Skythians. Alexander having quelled the -attempted revolt of the Sogdians, crossed the Jaxartes, and inflicted a -defeat on the Skythians, who had mustered in great force on their own -side of the river. He pursued them as far as what Curtius calls the -boundary-stones of Father Bacchus, which Schwarz has identified as a pass -over Mogul-Tau, near Mursa-rabat, a post-station, 17 miles distant from -Khojent. - -On the heels of this victory tidings reached Alexander of the terrible -defeat and slaughter of his Macedonian troops by Spitamenes in one of the -islands of the Polytimêtos, and he immediately started for Marakanda, and -reached it after a march of three days. As the distance from Khojent -to Samarcand is 172 English miles, this march, made in broiling heat, -and through a country without roads, must have tried to the very utmost -the powers of endurance of the Macedonian soldiers, some of whom were -hoplites, wearing their brazen helmets, carrying their shields, and clad -in mail. Spitamenes made his escape into the desert, and Alexander could -only sate his vengeance by ravaging with merciless severity the beautiful -valley through which the river flowed. Schwarz tells us that he searched -in vain to discover the island which was the scene of the disaster, and -it probably no longer exists. It must, however, he thinks, have been -situated in the neighbourhood of Ziadin and Kermineh. Alexander, pursuing -his way down the river, passed Bokhara, the Sogdian capital, and advanced -as far as Karakul, beyond which the river disappears in the sands. He -then retired for the winter to Zariaspa. Zariaspa has been taken to -be another name of Baktra, but Schwarz shows that such an opinion is -altogether untenable, and identifies it, for reasons not to be gainsaid, -with Charjui, a place some six or seven miles distant from where the Oxus -is now spanned by the bridge of the Trans-Caspian Railway. - -From Zariaspa Alexander returned to Marakanda, passing on his route -by Karakul, Bokhara, Kermineh, and Kata-Kurgan. Koinos meanwhile had -difficulty in holding his own against the indomitable Spitamenes, who -had collected at Bagai a body of 3000 Skythian horsemen, with a view to -invade Sogdiana. Bagai is now Ustuk, a Bokharan frontier fortress, 28 -miles below Charjui, but on the opposite side of the Oxus. The hostile -forces at length came to an engagement. Koinos was victorious, and -Spitamenes, who fled into the desert with his Skythian horsemen, fell -a victim to their treachery. They cut off his head, and sent it as a -peace-offering to Alexander. After the reduction of Sogdiana, Alexander -withdrew to Nautaka, where he spent the winter of 328-327 B.C. This place -has been generally identified with Karshi, but Schwarz takes it to be -Schaar, which lies 40 miles to the south of Samarcand. - -Alexander left Nautaka early in spring, and his next great exploit -was the capture of the famous Sogdian Rock, in the fortress of which -Oxyartes had placed for safety the members of his family, including his -daughter, the beautiful Roxana, whose charms so fascinated her captor, -that he made her his queen, in spite of all the remonstrances of his -friends. Curtius calls this stronghold the Rock of Arimazes. Some have -identified it with the steep crags which line one side of the narrow -gorge near Derbent, called the Iron Gate, which forms the only direct -approach from West-Bokhara to Hissar. Schwarz, however, says that the -Iron Gate, through which he has himself often passed, answers neither -to the description of Arrian nor of Curtius, and his own identification -of the Rock is with a mountain which ascends precipitously from a gorge -similar to that of the Iron Gate, from which it is some five miles -distant in a north-east direction. From the Rock the expedition marched -eastward into the country of the Paraitakai, the mountainous district -now known as Hissar. Here Alexander’s progress was arrested by another -mountain fortress no less formidable than the Sogdian. It is called by -Arrian the Rock of Chorienes, and by Curtius the Rock of Sysimithres. -Its identification presents no difficulty, as in all Hissar there is -but one place which answers the descriptions of it, namely, the narrow -pass at the river Waksh, where the Suspension Bridge (Pul-i-Sangin) -overspans it on the way from Hissar through Faizabad to Badshuan. This -pass, Schwarz tells us, is the most remarkable place to which he came -in the whole course of his travels. The fort having been surrendered -through the persuasions of Oxyartes, the conqueror returned to Baktra, -by way of Faizabad, Hissar, Karatag, and Yurchi, from which place he -proceeded down the right bank of the Surkhan to Tormiz, and thence to -the passage of the Oxus at Pata-gisar. On his return to Baktra, he there -made his preparations for the invasion of India. We have here only -further to notice that Alexander’s visit to Margiana, the city now so -well known as Merv, could not have been made, as Curtius informs us, from -Bokhara, which is 215 miles distant and separated from it by a terrible -intervening desert, all but entirely destitute of wells, but was probably -made from Sarakhs in the earlier part of the march from the Caspian Gates. - -We turn now to Major-General Haig’s _Memoir_ on the Indus-Delta country—a -work of which about a fourth part directly concerns our subject. The -sections which are of this nature discuss the following points:—1. The -Geography and Hydrography of the Delta Country (chap. i.); 2. The Delta -at the time of Alexander’s Expedition (chap. ii.); 3. The Delta according -to later Greek Accounts (chap. iii.); 4. The Lonibare Mouth of the Indus -(Append. Note A); 5. The general course of the Indus in Sindh in ancient -times (Append. Note C); 6. Itineraries in the Las Bêlâ Country (Append. -Note D); 7. The March to the Arabios (Append. Note E); 8. The voyage of -Nearchos from Alexander’s Haven to the Mouth of the Arabios (Append. Note -F). - -Our author could scarcely have chosen for his subject one that is more -beset with problems of aggravating perplexity. The Indus is notable -even among Indian rivers for the frequency, and sometimes also for the -suddenness, with which it changes its courses. As Colonel Holdich well -observes, “The difficulty of restoring to the map of India an outline -of the ancient geography of Sindh and the Indus Delta is one which -has baffled many generations of scholars. The vagaries of the Indus, -even within the limits of historic record, ... render this river, even -before the Delta is reached, a hopeless feature for reference with -regard to the position of places said once to have been near its bank. -Within the limits of the Delta the confusion of hydrography becomes -even more confounded.” In my note on Alexander in Sindh, which will be -found at page 352, I have noticed that the channel in which the Indus -now flows lies much farther to the west than the channel in which the -Macedonians found it flowing. This _westing_, as it is called, is due -to the operation of the law, first discovered by K. E. von Baer, that -the difference of the velocity of the earth’s rotation at the Equator -and at the Poles causes eroding rivers in the Northern Hemisphere to -attack their right bank more than the left, and to push their beds -sideways—while in the Southern Hemisphere, this action is reversed. From -the _Memoir_ we learn how this law, and the other natural laws by which -its action is modified, have affected the Indus. The river, we learn, -pursues from the confluence of the Panjnad a very uniform S.W. direction -for nearly 300 miles, till it reaches lat. 26° 56´, long. 67° 53´. At -this point the river changes its general direction to one due south, and -maintains this for about 60 miles, till it strikes, in lat. 26° 20´, -long. 67° 55´, the eastern base of the Lakî Hills, just under the peak -called Bhago Toro. Below this point the westing movement of centuries -has now brought the stream to the extreme edge of the alluvial land, and -into contact with the gravel slopes bordering the hill-country. As the -gravel tracts project in a bow into the alluvial land of Lower Sindh, -the river, unable to erode them, is forced to conform to their contour, -and to run in a great curve for nearly 180 miles to Thata. This curve -continues through the Delta to the sea, so that from Bhago Toro to the -river-mouth the course of the Indus forms an arc of some 260 miles, of -which the chord is about 160 miles, and the maximum depth nearly 50 -miles. The general result is to give the course of the river in Sindh the -form of the letter S. And, as its abandoned channels attest, _such has -been the form in which the river has run in past ages_ as it approached -the sea. The lower curve of the S had a still bolder sweep _eastward_ -when the river ran far east of its present course, unchecked by rock or -gravel bed, than it has now, when this part of the course has been shaped -by a resistance which the current cannot overcome. This S-shaped course -of the river _in all ages_ should be remembered in considering questions -of ancient local topography, such, for instance, as that of the site of -Patala. It will then be seen to be impossible that the river can have run -at the same period in its present course near Haidarâbâd, and, lower down -through the Ghâro, or ancient Sindh Sâgara; also that if Patala was at -Haidarâbâd, the western river-mouth of Alexander’s time must have lain, -not at the western extremity of the sea-face of the Delta, but much to -the east of that point. From these remarks (which I have abbreviated from -the text), it will be seen that Haidarâbâd can no longer be taken to be -the modern representative of Patala. Where then was the point at which, -in Alexander’s time, the Indus bifurcated, and Patala was situated? -Major-General Haig says that any precise identification of this site is -hardly within the limits of possibility; but, for reasons for which his -work itself must be consulted, he is of opinion that “the ancient capital -of the Delta was most likely not far from a spot 35 miles south-east -of Haidarâbâd”—a spot which happens to be 160 miles distant from each -extremity of the Delta coast, as supposed to have existed in Alexander’s -time. With regard to places which lie farther north than Patala, the -views set forth in this volume do not differ from those of Major-General -Haig. He is, however, of opinion that the kingdom of Mousikanos was of -greater extent than is usually supposed, and must have embraced the -district of Bahawulpur, which answers better to the description of that -kingdom, as _the most flourishing in all India_, than the country around -Alôr. - -The Delta tract, as taken in the _Memoir_, extends from the sea -northwards to the latitude of Haidarâbâd (25° 25´ N.), and is bounded -on the east by the desert, the Purân or old course of the Indus, now -dry, and by the Korî mouth, which is the Lonibare mouth of Ptolemy; on -the west by the outer border of the plains, where the boundary runs S. -by W. for 50 miles to near Thata, from which point it turns almost due -west, and runs for 60 miles more to the sea, near Karâchî. This alluvial -tract is everywhere furrowed by ancient channels, some continuous, both -above and throughout the Delta, and others all but totally obliterated. -Our author has a notice of each of the more important of these channels. -Regarding the Ghâro, the western arm down which Alexander and his fleet -sailed, he says that it runs nearly east and west along the southern -border of the Kohistân (hill-country), that it is thus on the extreme -edge of the Delta, and that it has a course of about 40 miles in length. -Referring to the present channel of the Indus, he remarks:— - - “This divides the lower Delta region into two unequal portions. - Of these, the western, and much the smaller, portion is in - the form of an equilateral triangle, having sides of about 64 - miles in length, consisting of the river, the coast-line, and - the southern edge of the Kohistân plains, and including an - area of about 1700 square miles. This it will be convenient to - call the ‘Western Delta,’ a name the more suitable that all the - westward-flowing branches of the river have, or have once had, - their mouths within the limits of the tract to which it will - apply.” - -A very interesting question is next discussed—that of the secular -extension of the Delta seaward—and the conclusion arrived at, which is, -however, conjectural, and below the estimate of Colonel Holdich, is that -from Alexander’s time to 1869 A.D. the advance of the Delta seaward has -been eight miles, or at the rate of rather more than six yards in a year, -this being less than a fourth of the growth of the Nile Delta in a not -much greater period of time. - -We now proceed to show what new light we gain from the _Memoir_ -respecting the voyage of Nearchos from the naval station in the Indus to -Alexander’s Haven, now Karâchî. We abridge the account which Arrian has -given in his _Indika_ of this part of the famous voyage:— - - Weighing from the Naval Station, the fleet reached Stoura, - about 100 stadia further down stream, and at the further - distance of 30 stadia came to another channel where the sea - was salt, at a place called Kaumana. A run of 20 stadia from - Kaumana brought it to Koreatis, where it anchored. After - weighing from this, a bar (ἕρμα) was encountered at the spot - where the Indus discharges into the sea, and through this, - where it was soft, a passage had to be cut at low water, for - a space of five stadia. On this part of the coast, which was - rugged, the waves dashed with great violence. The next place - of anchorage was at Krokala, a sandy island, which was reached - after a course of 150 stadia, that had followed the windings - of the coast. Near this dwelt the Arabies, who had their name - from the river Arabis, which separates their territory from - that of the Oreitai. On weighing from Krokala, a hill called - Eiros lay to the right, and to the left a low flat island, - which stretched along the face of the coast, and made the - intervening creek narrow. The ships having cleared this creek, - reached a commodious harbour to which Nearchos gave the name of - “Alexander’s Haven.” At the harbour’s mouth, two stadia off, - lay an island named Bibakta, which, acting as a barrier against - the sea, caused the existence of the harbour. - -Our author thinks that some of the circumstances described in the above -passage supply irresistible evidence that it was through the Ghâro that -Nearchos sailed into the sea. If the obstruction at the mouth of the -river was caused in part by rock, it is certain, he says, that that mouth -cannot have been situated to the east of the Ghâro, for along the whole -sea-border of the Delta, to a depth of several miles, no rock, not even a -stone, is to be found. The description again of the coast adjoining the -bar as rugged or rocky (τραχεῖα) can apply with great propriety to the -plain west of the Ghâro, consisting, as it does, of a compact gravelly -soil, frequently broken by outcropping rock, while the description would -be utterly out of place if applied to the low mud-banks of the actual -Delta coast. And further, the statement that the fleet, after leaving the -river, ran a winding course, shows very pointedly that the Ghâro must -have been the mouth by which the fleet reached the sea, since, if it had -issued from any of the mouths east of the Ghâro, there would have been -no windings to follow, the coast of the Delta being singularly straight -and regular. The fleet probably entered the sea by the creek of the Ghâro -known as the Kudro, not far from the present mouth of which there is a -small port named the Wâghûdar, accessible to riverboats of light draught. -Sir A. Burnes, however, who visited the Delta in 1831, took the Pitî -channel to have been that by which Nearchos gained the sea. He had seen -in that channel what he took to be a rock, and concluded that it was the -obstacle which Nearchos had encountered. It was not a rock, however, -but probably an oyster-bank, for when search was made for it afterwards -during a survey it was no longer to be found. - -The island of Krokala, which General Cunningham erroneously identified -with the island of Kîâmârî, which lies in front of Karâchî, no longer -exists as an island, but forms part of the mainland. It lay at the mouth -of the Gisri Creek, by which the Malîr river pours its waters into the -sea. The headland which Arrian calls Eiros is to be identified with the -eminence called “Clifton,” the eastern headland of Karâchî Bay, the -“narrow creek” which the fleet entered on leaving Krokala, is Chinî -Creek, which leads into Karâchî Bay and harbour. Kîâmârî thus corresponds -with the “low, flat island” of the Greek narrative, while Manora -(mistaken by Cunningham for Eiros), exactly corresponds with Bibakta. - -We must now briefly notice what is said regarding the eastern portion of -the Delta. Here the most important of all the forsaken channels of the -Indus is the Purân, which can still be clearly traced from two different -starting-points in Central Sindh, one 24, the other 36 miles north-east -of Haidarâbâd. The two head channels run south-east for about 50 miles, -and unite at a spot 45 miles east by south from Haidarâbâd. The single -channel has then a course of over 140 miles to the head of the Korî -Creek, the last 50 miles being through the Ran of Kuchchha. The eastern -arm of the Indus, which Alexander in person explored, was probably some -channel running into the Purân not far above the point where it enters -the Ran. On reaching the sea by this eastern branch, Alexander, as Arrian -informs us, landed, and with some cavalry proceeded three marches along -the coast. This statement the _Memoir_ declares to be a fabrication, -since such a march would be an utter impossibility. At the same time, -the notion of wells being dug in the locality is scouted as an absurdity. - -The _Memoir_ further indicates the route by which Alexander, after -starting from Patala to return homewards, reached the Arabis or -Arabios—now the Purâli river, which flows through Lus Bela, and -discharges into Sonmiyâni Bay. The eastern frontier of the Arabios lay -near Krokala, and was very probably formed by the river called the Malîr. -Alexander, according to Curtius, reached this frontier in a nine-days’ -march from Patala, and the western frontier, which was about 65 miles -distant from the other, in five days more. Our author, assuming that -Alexander would not have marched his army across the comparatively -waterless plain of the Kohistân, but would keep, if possible, within easy -reach of the river or one of its branches, thinks it obvious that the -earlier part of the route would follow the branch which ran westward—the -branch, namely, of which the Kalrî and Ghâro formed the lower portion. -From the position which he assigns to Patala, the distance traversed in -the nine-days’ march would be 117 miles, while the point on the Malîr -where Alexander encamped would be, he thinks, 7 or 8 miles east by north -from Karâchî cantonments. The distance between the Malîr and the Purâli, -it must be pointed out, is much greater now than it was in Alexander’s -time, for, like the Indus, the Purâli has shifted its course far -westward. The coast-line, moreover, at Sonmiyâni has advanced 20 miles, -if not more, since then. Our author, therefore, placing the mouth of the -river rather to the north of the latitude of Liâri, suggests that the -point where the army reached the Arabios was about 10 miles east by north -from Liâri, and 20 miles north or north by east from Sonmiyâni. - -The last Appendix in the _Memoir_ is devoted to a review of the -narrative of the voyage by which Nearchos in six days reached the mouth -of the Arabios or Purâli from Alexander’s Haven. It states in the outset -that the discovery of the great advance of the coast about the head of -Sonmiyâni Bay serves to explain some difficulties in the account of the -voyage which have hitherto defied solution. We here abridge that account:— - - The fleet, on weighing from the haven, ran a course of 60 - stadia, and anchored under shelter of a desert island called - Domai. Next day, with a run of 300 stadia, it reached Saranga, - and on the following day anchored at a desert place called - Sakala. Another run of 300 stadia brought it on the morrow to - Morontobara or Women’s Haven. This haven had a narrow entrance, - but was deep, capacious, and well-sheltered. The fleet, before - gaining the entrance, had passed through between two islets, - which lay so close to each other that the oars grazed the - rocks on each side. On leaving this harbour next day it had on - the left a tree-covered island 70 stadia long which sheltered - it from the violence of the sea. As the channel, however, - which separated the island from the mainland was narrow, and - shoal with ebb-tide, the passage through it was difficult and - tedious, and it was not till near the dawn of the following day - that the fleet succeeded in clearing it. A course of 120 stadia - brought it to a good harbour at the mouth of the Arabios. Not - far from this harbour lay an island described as being high and - bare. - -The island of Domai Colonel Holdich and others would identify with -Manora. Manora, however, Haig points out, is even now 4 to 5 miles off -from the nearest mainland, and must have been further in Alexander’s -time. He would, therefore, place Domai rather more than 4 miles due -west of the town of Karâchî, or perhaps further north. The fleet, in -its course to Saranga, must have rounded Cape Monze or Râs Muâri, but -this projection is not mentioned by Arrian. The position of Saranga, to -judge from the recorded length of the run, must have been near the mouth -of the Hub river, which is 26 miles distant from the position assigned -to Domai. The Hub mouth has been silted up, and this led, last century, -to its port being abandoned. Our author points out that if Κ were -substituted for Σ in Saranga, we would then have in Karanga a very fair -representation of Kharok, the name of the Hub port. However this may be, -he adds, there can be no doubt that the Saranga of Nearchos was either at -the Hub mouth or a few miles further north. - -He then corrects a mistake into which Dr. Vincent and myself had both of -us fallen in our respective translations of the record of the next part -of the voyage—that from Saranga to Sakala, and thence to Morontobara. Our -versions represented the two rocky islets, between which the fleet passed -instead of taking a circuitous course out in the open sea, as being in -the neighbourhood of Sakala instead of that of Morontobara. Sakala, Haig -thinks, may be placed a little east of Bidok Lak—a place 24 miles distant -from Saranga, if Saranga be taken to lie a few miles north of the Hub -mouth. Between these two places the fleet must have passed the island of -Gadâni, which is now a part of the mainland, and was probably the Kodanê -of Ptolemy. - -With regard to Morontobara, our author agrees with Colonel Holdich in -thinking that it is now represented by the great depression known as -“Sirondha,” which, though usually a fresh-water lake, is occasionally -quite dry. This, as the Colonel states, was at no very distant date -a commodious harbour or arm of the sea, which has extended north in -historic times at least as far as Liâri, and possibly further. He -adds that south-west of Liâri some of the land formation is probably -very ancient, and that westward along the Makran coast there are many -indications of local changes. The distance from Bidok Lak to the -depression is estimated at about 27 miles, which represents very fairly -the 300 stadia of the narrative. Liâri is now about 20 miles distant from -the sea. - -On leaving the Arabios the fleet, coasting the shores of the Oreitai, -arrived at Kôkala, a place near Râs Kachar, where Nearchos landed, and -was joined by the division of the army under Leonnatus, from whom he -received a supply of provisions for his ships. From Kôkala, a course of -500 stadia brought him to the estuary of the Tomêros, or, as it is now -called, the river Hingol. All connection between the fleet and the army -was thenceforth lost until the district of Harmozia, in Karmania, was -reached. The coast of the Oreitai extended westward from the Arabios to -the great rocky headland of Malan, which still bears the name given to -it in Arrian, Malana—a distance of fully 100 miles. The desolate shores -of the Ichthyophagi succeeded, and inland lay the vast sandy wastes -of Gedrosia. Between Cape Malan and the mouth of the Anamis river in -Harmozia, from which Nearchos, with a small retinue, proceeded inland -to meet Alexander, no fewer than twenty-one names of places at which -the fleet touched are recorded in the narrative of the voyage. Most of -these have been identified by Major Mockler, the political agent of -Makrân. We can refer to only one or two of the more notable. From Cape -Malan the fleet proceeded to Bagisâra, which, Colonel Holdich tells us, -is likely enough the Dimizaar or eastern bay of the Urmara headland. -The Pasiris, who are mentioned as a people of this neighbourhood, have -left frequent traces of their existence along the coast. At Kalama, now -Khor Khalmat, which was reached on the second day from Urmara, there -can be traced a very considerable extension of the land seawards, which -would have completely altered the course of the fleet from the present -coasting tract. The island of Karbine, which was distant 100 stadia -from Kalama, cannot, our author points out, be the island of Astola, -but is probably a headland now connected with the mainland by a low -sandy waste. Astola, however, he takes to be the island sacred to the -sun, which Arrian calls Nosala, and places at a distance of 100 stadia -from the mainland. The nearest land to it is Ras Jaddi or Koh Zarên, in -the neighbourhood of which was Mosarna, where Nearchos took on board a -pilot, by whom thenceforth the course of the fleet was directed. The next -place of importance was Barna, called by others Bâdara, and this Mockler -identifies with Gwâdar. The following identifications succeed:—Dendrobosa -with the west point of Gwâdar headland, Kôphas with Pishikân Bay, Bagia -with Cape Brês, Tâlmena with a harbour in Chahbar Bay, Kanate with -Karatee, Dagasira with Jakeisar, near the mouth of the Jageen river, -Bâdis with Kôh Mubârak, and the mouth of the Anamis river with a point -north by east from the island of Ormus. The distances which Arrian -records as run by the fleet from day to day are generally excessive, -especially after it had left the mouth of the Arabios. - -We must now resume consideration of the movements of Alexander himself. -When we left him he had reached the banks of the Arabios, at a point -distant some twenty miles from Sonmiyâni, or perhaps even higher up the -river. On crossing the stream he turned to his left towards the sea, and -with a picked force made a sudden descent on the Oreitai. After a night’s -march he came to a well-inhabited district, defeated the Oreitai, and -penetrated to their capital—a mere village called Rambakia, which Colonel -Holdich places at or near Khairkot. The Oreitai themselves are, in his -opinion, represented by the Lumri tribes of Las Bela, who are of Rajput -descent. From Rambakia Alexander proceeded with a part of his troops to -force the narrow pass which the Gadrôsoi and the Oreitai had conjointly -seized with the design of stopping his progress. This defile was most -probably the turning pass at the northern end of the Hala range. The -Gadrôsoi seem to owe their name to the Gadurs, one of the Lumri clans, -from which, however, they hold themselves somewhat distinct. Alexander, -after clearing the pass, pushed on through a desert country into the -territory of the Gadrôsoi, and drew down to the coast. He must then, says -our author, have followed the valley of the Phur to the coast, and pushed -on along the track of the modern telegraph line till he reached the -neighbourhood of the Hingol river, where he halted to collect supplies -for the fleet. On this part of the route were the tamarisk trees which -yielded myrrh, the mangrove swamps, the euphorbias with prickly shoots, -and the roots of spikenard. - -Beyond this he could no longer pursue his march along the coast in order -to keep in touch with the fleet. The huge barrier of the Malan range, -which abutted direct on the sea, stopped his way. There was no goat track -in those days, such as, after infinite difficulty, helped the telegraph -line over. He was consequently forced into the interior. Taking the only -route that was possible, he followed up the Hingol till he could turn the -Malan by the first available pass westward. Nothing here, we are told, -has altered since his days. The magnificent peaks and mountains which -surround the sacred shrine of Hinglaz are “everlasting hills,” and it -was through these that he proceeded to make his way. The windings of the -Hingol river he followed for 40 miles up to its junction with the Parkan. -The bed of this stream leads westward from the Hingol, and skirts the -north of the Taloi range. Alexander had thus for the first time a chance -of turning the Malan block, and directing his march westward to the sea. -He therefore pushed his way through this low valley, which was flanked -by the Taloi hills, that rose on his left to a height of 2000 feet. All -the region at their base was a wilderness of sandy hillocks and scanty -grass-covered waste, which could afford his troops no supplies and no -shelter from the fierce autumn heat. All the miseries of his retreat, -which are so graphically depicted by his historians, were concentrated -into the distance between the Hingol and the point where he regained -the coast. The Parkan route should have led him to the river Basol, but -having lost his way, he must have emerged near the harbour of Pasnî, -almost on the line of the present telegraph. The distance from the -Hingol to Pasnî our author estimates at about 200 miles; but in Curzon’s -well-known map of Persia it appears as if only 150. - -From Pasnî Alexander marched for seven days along the coast till he -reached the well-known highway to Karmania. He could only leave the coast -near the Dasht river and strike into the valley of the Bahu, which would -lead him to Bampur, the capital of Gadrosia. This part of the march -probably occupied nearly a month. It has been doubted whether Bampur was, -in Alexander’s time, the capital of Gadrosia, rather than the place on -the edge of the Kirman desert, called indifferently Fahraj, Purag, and -Pura, where there are extensive ruins of a very ancient date. Colonel -Holdich, however, adduces arguments which suffice to set aside the claims -advanced in favour of Fahraj. Bampur is as old as Fahraj, and has in its -neighbourhood the site of a city still older, and now called Pura and -Purag. Besides, in order to reach Fahraj, Alexander must have passed -Bampur, since there is no other way consistent with Arrian’s account. -With regard to the route pursued by Krateros with the heavy transport -and invalids, our author points out that it was probably by the Mulla -(and not the Bolan) pass to Kelat and Quetta. Thence he must have taken -the Kandahar route to the Helmund, and followed that river down to the -fertile plains of lower Seistan, whence he crossed the Kirman desert by a -well-known modern caravan route and joined Alexander at or near Kirman. - -Since the publication of his lecture, of which we have thus summarised -the contents, Colonel Holdich has contributed to the _Journal of the -Royal Geographical Society_ (January 1896), an article on “The Origin -of the Kafîr of the Hindu-Kush,” which contains some very interesting -notices regarding Alexander as he fought his way from the Hindu-Kush to -the banks of the Indus. The route by which the conqueror himself advanced -with one division of his army, while the other division, which was more -heavily armed, advanced by the Khaibar Pass, is thus described by our -author:— - - “The recognised road to India from Central Asia was that which - passed through the plains of Kabul, by the Kabul river, into - Laghmân or Lamghân, and thence by the open Dasht-i-Gumbaz into - the lower Kunar. From the Kunar valley this road, even to the - time of Baber’s invasion of India (early in the sixteenth - century), crossed the comparatively low intervening range - into Bajour; thence to the valley of the Panj-Kora and Swat, - and out into India by the same passes with which we have now - (after nearly 400 years) found it convenient to enter the same - district.” - -A reference to our notes, B. C. D. E., in the Appendix, will show that -this view of the route is that which we ourselves had adopted. His views -with regard to the position of Massaga, Aornos, and Embolima are also -coincident with those at which we had arrived. Dyrta he takes to have -been the place now known as Dir. That opinion was held by such great -authorities as Court and Lassen, but we have pointed out an objection to -it in p. 76, n. 3. To Nysa, which, as will be seen by a reference to our -long note pp. 338-340, we have identified with the Nagara or Dionysopolis -of Ptolemy (B. vii., 43), thus placing it at a distance of four or five -miles west of Jalâlâbâd and near the Kabul river, Colonel Holdich assigns -a different locality. - - “The Nysaeans,” he says, “whose city Alexander spared, were the - descendants of those conquerors, who, coming from the west, - were probably deterred by the heat of the plains of India from - carrying their conquests south of the Punjab. They settled - on the cool and well-watered slopes of those mountains which - crown the uplands of Swat and Bajour, where they cultivated the - vine for generations.... It seems possible that they may have - extended their habitat as far eastward as the upper Swat valley - and the mountain region of the Indus, and at one time may have - occupied the site of the ancient capital of the Assakenoi, - Massaga, which there is reason to suppose stood in about the - position now occupied by the town of Manglaor.” - -The hill in the neighbourhood of Nysa called Mount Mêros, which was clad -with ivy, laurel, and vine-trees, he identifies with the Koh-i-Mor or -Mountain of Mor, and gives this account of it:— - - “On the right bank of the Panj-Kora river (the ancient Ghoura), - nearly opposite to its junction with the river of Swat - (Suastos), is a very conspicuous mountain, whose three-headed - outline can be distinctly seen from the Peshawar cantonment, - known as the Koh-i-Mor or Mountain of Mor. On the southern - slopes of this mountain, near the foot of it, is a large - scattered village called Nuzar or Nasar. The sides of the - mountain spurs are clothed with the same forest and jungle that - is common to the mountains of Kafiristan, and to the hills - intervening between Kafiristan and the Koh-i-Mor. Amid this - jungle are to be found the wild vine and ivy.” - -In note B.—Nikaia—page 332, some remarks will be found regarding the -Kafîrs. Colonel Holdich describes them similarly, but upholds the view, -rejected by Elphinstone, of their Greek origin. The best known of them, -he points out, are the Kamdesh Kafîrs from the lower valley of the -Bashgol, a large affluent of the Kunar river, which it joins from the -north-west, some forty miles below Chitral. He then continues:— - - “In the case of the Kamdesh Kafîr, at least, the tradition - of Greek or Pelasgic origin seems likely to be verified in a - very remarkable way. Scientific inquiry has been converging - on him from several directions, and it seems possible that - the ethnographical riddle connected with his existence will - be solved ere long. In appearance he is of a distinct Aryan - type, with low forehead, and prominent aquiline features, - entirely free from Tartar or Mongolian traits; his eyes, though - generally dark, are frequently of a light grey colour; his - complexion is fair enough to pass for Southern European; his - figure is always slight, but indicating marvellous activity and - strength; and the modelling of his limbs would furnish study - for a sculptor.” - -Colonel Holdich subsequently calls our attention to certain strange -inscriptions found in the valley of the Indus east of Swat, and engraved, -most of them, on stone slabs built into towers which are now in ruins. -These inscriptions, on being subjected to a congress of Orientalists, -were pronounced to be in an unknown tongue. They may possibly, he adds, -be found to be vastly more ancient than the towers they adorned, it -being, at any rate, a notable fact about them that some of them “recall a -Greek alphabet of archaic type.” He concludes his observations regarding -the Kafîrs in these terms: “I cannot but believe them to be the modern -representatives of that very ancient western race, the Nysaeans—so -ancient that the historians of Alexander refer to their origin as -mythical.” - -I may, in conclusion, advert, in a word, to an article of great ability, -contributed to the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_ for October -1894, in which the writer endeavours to show that Alexander reached the -Indus by a widely different route from that which is indicated in our -pages, although it is also the route which, in its main outlines, has -been determined by the best authorities—men of high military rank, -personally acquainted with the country, and scholars of the greatest -eminence. As the selection of the route advocated was mainly based -on the opinion which the writer had formed as to the point whereat -Alexander had effected his passage of the Indus, it will suffice to -refute his theory if we prove that his opinion is altogether untenable. -In his view, the Indus was crossed, not at Attock, but much higher up -stream, at a point between Amb and the mouth of the Barhind river, the -Parenos of the Greeks. Now, while the passage at Attock is that which, -from time immemorial, has been used as the easiest means of access -into India from the west, the passage higher up is much more difficult -and dangerous, for though the river is not there so wide, its current -is much more impetuous, while the banks are, at the same time, much -steeper. Had Alexander notwithstanding attempted to cross at that point, -he would have had to encounter a desperate resistance on the part of -his determined enemy Abisares, in whose dominions he would have found -himself on reaching the eastern bank. He made, however, no such foolhardy -attempt either here or afterwards at the Hydaspes. We find, as a matter -of fact, that when he made the passage he met with no opposition, but -was most hospitably received by his vassal, the King of Taxila, in whose -dominions Attock was situated. The writer, it would appear, has been -led to his erroneous assumption by applying to the Indus _specially_ -the remark in Strabo (quoted at page 64, note 4) regarding the rivers -of Northern Afghânistân _generally_, that Alexander wished to cross -them as near their sources as possible. The remark, we may be certain, -had no reference to the Indus at all, for Alexander could not but have -learned from Taxiles, who had joined him at Nikaia before the two -divisions of his army separated, where the Indus could best be crossed. -Taxiles, moreover, accompanied the division which advanced towards the -Indus by the Khaibar Pass, with instructions to make all the necessary -preparations for the passage of the whole army. Could such instructions -have been given if the point where the passage was to be made had still -to be discovered? A reference to Baber’s _Memoirs_ will show with what -ease that other great conqueror transported his army into India by using -the Attock passage. - - _A sixth volume, containing descriptions of India by Strabo - and Pliny, together with incidental notices of India by other - classical writers, is in course of preparation, and will - complete the series._ - - - - -PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION - - En inventant l’histoire, la Grèce inventa le jugement du monde, - et, dans ce jugement, l’arrêt de la Grèce fut sans appel. - A celui dont la Grèce n’a pas parlé, l’oubli, c’est-à-dire - le néant. A celui dont la Grèce se souvient, la gloire, - c’est-à-dire la vie.—_Discours de M. Ernest Renan du 5 Mai - 1892._ - - -This work is the fifth of a series which may be entitled _Ancient India -as described by the Classical Writers_, since it was projected to supply -annotated translations of all the accounts of India which have descended -to us from classical antiquity. The volumes which have already appeared -contain the fragments of the _Indika_ of Ktêsias the Knidian, and of -the _Indika_ of Megasthenês, the _Indika_ of Arrian, the _Periplous of -the Erythraian Sea_ by an unknown author, and Ptolemy’s _Geography of -India and the other Countries of Eastern Asia_. A sixth work, containing -translations of the chapters in Strabo’s _Geography_ which describe -_India and Ariana_, is in preparation, and will complete the series. -I cannot at present say whether this work will appear as a separate -publication, or will be included in a volume containing new and revised -editions of the three _Indikas_ mentioned above, which are now nearly out -of print, as are also the other two works of the series. - -In the present work I have translated and annotated all the earliest -and most authentic records which have been preserved of the Macedonian -invasion of India under Alexander the Great. The notes do not touch on -points either of grammar or of textual criticism, but are mainly designed -to illustrate the statements advanced in the narratives. When short, they -accompany the text as footnotes, and when of such a length as would too -much encumber the pages, they have been placed together in an appendix -by themselves. Such notes again as refer to _persons_ have been placed, -whether short or long, in a second appendix, which I have designated a -_Biographical Appendix_. - -In preparing the translations and notes I have consulted a great many -works, of which the following may be specified as those which I found -most useful:— - - Droysen’s _Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen_. - - Williams’s _Life of Alexander_. - - Sainte-Croix’s _Examen Critique des Anciens Historiens - d’Alexandre le Grand_. - - C. Müller’s _collection of the remaining fragments of the - Historians of Alexander the Great_. - - Thirlwall’s _History of Greece_, vols. vi. and vii. - - Grote’s _History of Greece_, vol. xii. - - Duncker’s _History of Antiquity_, vol. iv., which treats of - India exclusively. - - Talboys Wheeler’s _History of India_. - - Le Clerc’s _Criticism upon Curtius_, prefixed to Rooke’s - Translation of Arrian’s _Anabasis_. - - Lassen’s _Indische Alterthumskunde_. - - General Sir A. Cunningham’s _Geography of Ancient India_. - - V. de Saint-Martin’s _Étude sur la Géographie Grecque et Latine - de l’Inde_, and his _Mémoire Analytique sur la carte de l’Asie - Centrale et de l’Inde_. - - Rennell’s _Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan_. - - Bunbury’s _History of Ancient Geography_. - - Abbott’s _Gradus ad Aornon_. - - _Journal Asiatique._ Serie VIII. - - _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society._ New Series. - - Mahaffy’s _Alexander’s Empire_ and his _Greek Life_ and - _Thought from the Age of Alexander to the Roman Conquest_. - - Professor Freeman’s _Essay on Alexander the Great_. - - General Chesney’s _Lecture on the Indian Campaign of Alexander_. - - Wesseling’s Latin Translation of Diodôros. - - Translations of Curtius by Digby, Pratt, and Vaugelas - respectively. - - The Notes to the Elzevir edition of Curtius. - - Chinnock’s Translation of Arrian’s _Anabasis of Alexander_, and - Notes thereto. - - Chaussard’s Translation of Arrian into French. - - Moberly’s _Alexander the Great in the Punjaub_, from Arrian. - Book V. - - Burton’s _Sindh_. - - Weber’s _Die Griechen in Indien_. - - Dr. Bellew’s _Ethnography of Afghanistan_. - - Sir W. W. Hunter’s and Professor Max Müller’s Works on India. - -The Translations are strictly literal, but though such, will, I trust, be -found to give, without crudeness of diction, a faithful reflex not only -of the sense, but also of the spirit, force, fluency, and perspicuity -of the original compositions. I have at all events spared no pains to -combine in the translations the two merits of being at once literal and -idiomatic in expression. - -In translating Arrian I adopted the text of Sintenis (2nd edition, -Berlin, 1863); and with regard to Curtius, I found the work entitled -_Alexander in India_, edited by Heitland and Raven, very serviceable, -containing, as it does, exactly that portion of Curtius which it was -my purpose to translate. Both the works referred to contain valuable -_prolegomena_ and notes, to which I must here acknowledge my obligations. - -The Introduction consists of two parts. In the first, I have pointed out -the sources whence our knowledge of the history of Alexander has been -derived, and discussed their title to credibility; while in the second, -I have sketched Alexander’s career, and added a very brief summary of -the events that followed his death till the wars for the division of his -empire were finally composed. - -In the transcription of Greek proper names I have followed as hitherto -the method introduced by Grote, which scholars have now generally -adopted. A vindication of the method which, to my thinking, is -unanswerable, has appeared in the preface to Professor Freeman’s _History -of Sicily_, a work which the author unfortunately has not lived to -complete. - -The most noticeable change resulting from this method is the substitution -of _K_ for _C_ in the spelling of Greek names. This should be borne in -mind by those who may have occasion to consult either the Biographical -Appendix or the General Index. I may further note that in transcribing -Sanskrit or other Indian names I have in all cases used the circumflex -to distinguish the long _â_, which is sounded as _a_ in _fall_, from -the short _a_, which is sounded as _u_ in _dumb_. In Sanskrit and its -derivative dialects this short vowel (अ) is never written unless it begin -a word, for it is supposed to be inherent in every consonant. The letter -_ś_ with the acute accent represents the palatal sibilant (श), which is -sounded like _sh_. - -Two maps accompany the work, the larger of which shows the entire line -of the route which Alexander followed in the course of his Asiatic -expedition, while the smaller shows more distinctly that part of his -route which lay through the northern parts of Afghânistân and the -Country of the Five Rivers. For both I consulted the latest and most -authoritative maps, both British and German, in which these routes have -been laid down, and I found them in pretty close agreement, except with -regard to that part of the route which is traced in the smaller map. Here -I have generally followed the sketch map of the Panjâb which is given -in General Cunningham’s _Ancient Geography of India_, but have ventured -to differ from him with regard to the position of the Rock Aornos, of -Alexander’s bridge over the Indus, of Sangala, and of the Oxydrakai, whom -I have placed, as in Sir E. H. Bunbury’s map, to the south of the Malloi. - -The frontispiece to the volume, reproduced from a fifteenth-century -French MS. of the Life of Alexander, may, it is hoped, appeal to many as -a quaint rendering of a widely “popular” incident. - -I cannot conclude without expressing my great obligations to Mr. -Archibald Constable, by whose firm this work is published, for all the -trouble he has taken in connection with its passage through the press, -and especially with the preparation of the illustrations. I have also -to thank Dr. Burgess for supplying the photograph from which the Aśôka -inscription on page 373 has been reproduced, and for sundry valuable -suggestions besides. - - J. W. M’C. - -9 WESTHALL GARDENS, EDINBURGH, 1892. - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - “Of the life of Alexander we have five consecutive narratives, - besides numerous allusions and fragments scattered up and down - various Greek and Latin writers.... Unluckily, among all the - five there is not a single contemporary chronicler.... The - value of all, it is clear, must depend upon the faithfulness - with which they represent the earlier writings which they - had before them, and upon the amount of critical power - which they may have brought to bear upon their examination. - Unluckily again, among all the five, one only has any claim - to the name of a critic. Arrian alone seems to have had at - once the will and the power to exercise a discreet judgment - upon the statements of those who went before him. Diodôros we - believe to be perfectly honest, but he is, at the same time, - impenetrably stupid. Plutarch, as he himself tells us, does - not write history, but lives; his object is rather to gather - anecdotes, to point a moral, than to give a formal narrative of - political and military events. Justin is a feeble and careless - epitomizer. Quintus Curtius is, in our eyes, little better - than a romance writer; he is the only one of the five whom we - should suspect of any wilful departure from the truth.”—From - _Historical Essays_, by Professor Freeman, 2d series, third - edition, pp. 183, 184. - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The invasion of India by Alexander the Great, like the first voyage of -Columbus to America, was the means of opening up a new world to the -knowledge of mankind. Before the great conqueror visited that remote and -sequestered country, which was then thought to lie at the utmost ends of -the earth, nothing was known regarding it beyond a few vague particulars -mentioned by Herodotos, and such grains of truth as could be sifted from -the mass of fictions which formed the staple of the treatise on India -written by Ktêsias of Knidos. A comparison of this work with the _Indika_ -of Megasthenes, which was written after the invasion, will show how -entirely all real knowledge of the country was due to that event. It may -even, we think, be asserted that had that invasion not taken place, the -knowledge of India among the nations of the West would not have advanced -much beyond where Ktêsias left it, until the maritime passage to the East -by the Cape of Good Hope had been discovered. - -It was early in the year 326 B.C. that Alexander, fresh from the conquest -of the fierce tribes of northern Afghânistân, led his army over into the -plains of India by a bridge of boats, with which he had spanned the Indus -a little below its junction with the Kabul river.[1] He remained in the -country not more than twenty months all told, yet in that brief space he -reduced the Panjâb as far as the Satlej, and the whole of the spacious -valley of the lower Indus, downwards to the ocean itself. He would even -have penetrated to the Ganges had his army consented to follow him, and, -in the opinion of Sandrokottos, would have succeeded in adding to his -empire the vast regions through which that river flows. The rapidity -with which he achieved his actual conquests in the country appears all -the more surprising when we take into account that at every stage of -his advance he encountered a most determined resistance. The people -were not only of a most martial temperament, but were at the same time -inured to arms; and had they but been united and led by such a capable -commander as Pôros, the Macedonian army was doomed to utter destruction. -Alexander, with all his matchless strategy, could not have averted such -a catastrophe; for what is the record of his Indian campaigns? We find -that the toughest of all his battles was that which he fought on the -banks of the Hydaspes against Pôros; that he had hot work in overcoming -the resistance of the Kathaians before the walls of Sangala; that he -was wounded near to death in his assault upon the Mallian stronghold; -and that in the valley of the Indus he could only overpower the -opposition instigated by the Brahmans by means of wholesale massacres -and executions. It may hence be safely inferred that if Alexander had -found India united in arms to withstand his aggression, the star of his -good fortune would have culminated with his passage of the Indus. But -he found, on the contrary, the political condition of the country when -he entered it eminently favourable to his designs. The regions of the -Indus and its great tributary streams were then divided into separate -states—some under kingly and others under republican governments, but -all alike prevented by their mutual jealousies and feuds from acting -in concert against a common enemy, and therefore all the more easy to -overcome. Alexander, in pursuance of his usual policy, sought to secure -the permanence of his Indian conquests by founding cities,[2] which he -strongly fortified and garrisoned with large bodies of troops to overawe -and hold in subjection the tribes in their neighbourhood. The system of -government also which he established was the same as that which he had -provided for his other subject provinces, the civil administration being -entrusted to native chiefs, while the executive and military authority -was wielded by Macedonian officers. - -The Asiatic nations in general submissively acquiesced in the new order -of things, and after a time found no reason to regret the old order -which it had superseded. Under their Hellenic masters they enjoyed a -greater measure of freedom than they had ever before known; commerce was -promoted, wealth increased, the administration of justice improved, and -altogether they reached a higher level of culture, both intellectual and -moral, than they could possibly have attained under a continuance of -Persian supremacy. - -India did not participate to any great extent in these advantages. Her -people were too proud and warlike to brook long the burden and reproach -of foreign thraldom, and within a few years after the Conqueror’s death -they completely freed themselves from the yoke he imposed, and were -thereafter ruled by their native princes. The Greek occupation having -thus proved so transient, had little more effect in shaping the future -course of the national destinies than a casual raid of Scottish borderers -into Cumberland in the old days could have had in shaping the general -course of English history.[3] - -By this disruption of her relations with the rest of Alexander’s empire, -India fell back into her former isolation from all the outside world, and -for more than fifteen or sixteen centuries afterwards the western nations -knew as little of her internal condition as they knew till lately of the -interior of the Dark Continent. The invasion was, however, by no means -fruitless of some good results. As has been already indicated, it drew -aside the veil which had till then shrouded India from the observation -of the rest of the world, and it thus widened the horizon of knowledge. -It is fortunate that what then became known of India was not left for -its preservation at the mercy of mere oral tradition, but was committed -to the safer custody of writing. Not a few of Alexander’s officers and -companions were men of high attainments in literature and science, and -some of their number composed memoirs of his wars, in the course of -which they recorded their impressions of India and the races by which -they found it inhabited.[4] These reports, even in the fragmentary state -in which they have come down to us, have proved of inestimable value to -scholars engaged in the investigation of Indian antiquity—a task which -the sad deficiency of Sanskrit literature in history and chronology has -rendered one of no ordinary difficulty. Strabo, we must however note, -stigmatized the authors referred to as being in general a set of liars, -of whom only a few managed now and then to stammer out some words of -truth. This sweeping censure is, however, a most egregious calumny. It -may indeed be admitted that their descriptions are not uniformly free -from error or exaggeration, and may even be tainted by some intermixture -of fiction, but on the whole they wrote in good faith—a fact which even -Strabo himself practically admits by frequently citing their authority -for his statements. If one or two of them are to some extent liable to -the censure, it must be remembered that Ptolemy, Aristoboulos, Nearchos, -Megasthenes, and others of them, are writers of unimpeachable veracity. - -It is to be regretted that the works in which these writers recorded -their Indian experiences have all, without exception, perished. We know, -however, the main substance of their contents from the histories of -Alexander, written several centuries after his death by the authors we -have here translated, as well as from Strabo, Pliny, Ailianos, Athênaios, -Orosius, and others. - -The following is a list of the writers on India who visited the country -either with Alexander, or not many years after his death, or who were at -least his contemporaries:— - - 1. Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, who became king of Egypt. - - 2. Aristoboulos of Potidaia, or, as it was called afterwards, - Kassandreia. - - 3. Nearchos, a Kretan by birth, but settled at Amphipolis, - admiral of the fleet. - - 4. Onêsikritos of Astypalaia, or, as some say, of Aegina, pilot - of the fleet. - - 5. Eumenês of Kardia, Alexander’s secretary, who kept the - _Ephemerides_ or Court Journal. His countryman, Hieronymos, in - his work on Alexander’s successors, made a few references to - the campaigns of the Conqueror. - - 6. Chares of Mitylene, wrote anecdotes of Alexander’s private - life. - - 7. Kallisthenes of Olynthos, Aristotle’s kinsman, author of an - account of Alexander’s Asiatic expedition. - - 8. Kleitarchos (Clitarchus), son of Deinôn of Rhodes, author of - a life of Alexander. - - 9. Androsthenes of Thasos, a naval officer, author of a - Paraplous. - - 10. Polykleitos of Larissa, author of a history of Alexander, - full of geographical details. - - 11. Kyrsilos of Pharsalos, who wrote of the exploits of - Alexander. - - 12. Anaximenes of Lampsakos, author of a history of Alexander. - - 13. Diognêtos, who, with Baitôn, measured and recorded the - distances of Alexander’s marches. - - 14. Archelaös, a geographer, supposed to have accompanied - Alexander’s expedition. - - 15. Amyntas, author of a work on Alexander’s _Stathmoi_, _i.e._ - stages or halting-places. - - 16. Patroklês, a writer on geography. - - 17. Megasthenês, friend of Seleukos Nikator, and his ambassador - at the Court of Sandrokottos, king of Palibothra, composed an - _Indika_. - - 18. Dêïmachos, ambassador at the same court in the days of the - son and successor of Sandrokottos, author of a work on India in - two books. - - 19. Diodotos of Erythrai, who, like Eumenês, kept Alexander’s - Court Journal, and may possibly have been in India. - -Five consecutive narratives of Alexander’s Indian campaigns, compiled -several centuries after his death from the works of the writers -enumerated, who were either witnesses of the events they described, or -living at the time of their occurrence, have descended to our times, and -are respectively contained in the following productions:— - - 1. The Anabasis of Alexander, by Arrian of Nikomêdeia. - - 2. The History of Alexander the Great, by Quintus Curtius Rufus. - - 3. The Life of Alexander, in Plutarch’s Parallel Lives. - - 4. The History of Diodôros the Sicilian. - - 5. The Book of Macedonian History, compiled from the Universal - History of Trogus Pompeius, by Justinus Frontinus. - - -ARRIAN - -Arrian, who is universally allowed to be by far the best of all -Alexander’s historians, was at once a philosopher, a statesman, a -military commander, an expert in the tactics of war, and an accomplished -writer. He was born towards the end of the first century of our aera at -Nikomêdeia (now Ismiknid or Ismid), the capital of Bithynia, situated -near the head of a deep bay at the south-eastern end of the Propontis or -Sea of Marmora. He became a disciple of the Stoic philosopher Epiktêtos -(much in the same way as Xenophon attached himself to Sôkrates), and -gave to the world an abstract of his master’s lectures, together with -an _Encheiridion_ or manual of his philosophy—a work which was long -and widely popular. Under the Emperor Hadrian he was appointed in A.D. -132 prefect of Kappadokia. He had not long filled this office when a -large body of wild Alan horsemen made one of their formidable raids -into his province. They had hitherto proved irresistible, but on this -occasion they were completely foiled by the skilful strategy and tactics -of Arrian, who expelled them from his borders before they had secured -any plunder. In Rome he was preferred to various high offices, and -under Antoninus Pius was raised to the consulship. In his later years -he retired to his native city, where he occupied himself in composing -treatises on a considerable variety of subjects, but chiefly on history -and geography. He died at an advanced age in the reign of the Emperor -Marcus Aurelius. - -His account of Alexander’s Asiatic expedition was followed by a treatise -on India called the _Indika_. The first part of this work, which gives a -description of India and its people, was based chiefly on the _Indika_ -of Megasthenes; and the second part, which narrates the famous voyage of -Nearchos from the mouth of the Indus to the head of the Persian Gulf, was -based on a journal kept by Nearchos himself. The work is but a supplement -to his history. He speaks himself with noble pride of this great work. -“This I do assert,” he says, “that this historical record of Alexander’s -deeds is, and has been from my youth up, in place to me of native -land, family, and honours of state; and so I do not regard myself as -unworthy to take rank among the foremost writers in the Greek language, -if Alexander be forsooth among the foremost in arms.” “Quel délire de -l’amour propre!” here exclaims Sainte-Croix. His merits as an author -are thus well stated by a writer in Smith’s _Classical Dictionary_: -“This great work (the _Anabasis_) reminds the reader of Xenophon’s -_Anabasis_, not only by its title, but also by the ease and clearness -of its style.... Great as his merits thus are as an historian, they are -yet surpassed by his excellences as an historical critic. His _Anabasis_ -is based upon the most trustworthy historians among the contemporaries -of Alexander.... One of the great merits of the work is the clearness -and distinctness with which he describes all military movements and -operations, the drawing up of the armies for battle, and the conduct of -battles and sieges.” - - -Q. CURTIUS RUFUS - -Nothing is known with any certainty respecting either the life of this -historian or the time at which he lived. Niebuhr makes him contemporary -with Septimius Severus, but most critics with Vespasian. Zumpt again, -who, like some other eminent scholars, identifies him with the -rhetorician Q. Curtius Rufus, of whom Suetonius wrote a life now lost, -places him as early as Augustus.[5] The style in which his history is -written certainly shows him to have been a consummate master of rhetoric. -He was particularly given to adorning his narrative with speeches and -public harangues, and these, as Zumpt observes, are marked with a degree -of power and effectiveness which scarcely anything in that species of -writing can surpass. It may also be said that his style for elegance does -not fall much short of the perfection of Cicero himself. It has of course -its faults, and in these can be traced the incipient degeneracy of the -Latin language, such as the introduction of poetical diction into prose, -the ambition of expressing everything pointedly and strikingly, not to -mention certain deviations from strict grammatical propriety. - -The materials of his narrative were drawn chiefly from Ptolemy, who -accompanied Alexander into India, from Kleitarchos their contemporary, -and from Timagenes, who flourished in the reign of Augustus, and wrote -an excellent history of Alexander and his successors. While the sources -whence he derived his information were thus good on the whole, he was -himself deficient in the knowledge of military tactics, geography, -chronology, astronomy, and especially in historical criticism, and he -is therefore as an historical authority far inferior to Arrian. But -in perusing his “pictured pages” the reader takes but little note of -his errors and inconsistencies, being fascinated with his graceful and -glowing narrative, interspersed as it is with brilliant orations, sage -maxims, sound moral reflections, vivid descriptions of life and manners, -and beautiful estimates of character. It is not surprising that with such -merits Curtius has been one of the most popular of the classical authors. -In spite of all his sins, for which he has so often been pilloried by the -censors of literary morals, his history of Alexander has been the delight -and admiration of not a few of the greatest of European scholars. He -seems to have taken Livy as his model, as Arrian took Xenophon for his. -His work consisted originally of ten books, but the first two are lost, -and in some of the others considerable gaps occur. The French translation -of Curtius by Vaugelas, who devoted thirty years of his life to the task, -is so remarkable for its elegance that it has been pronounced to be as -inimitable as Alexander himself was invincible. It is not, however, a -very close version. - - -PLUTARCH - -There are but few works in the wide circle of literature which have -afforded so much instruction and entertainment to the world as Plutarch’s -_Parallel Lives of the Famous Men of Greece and Rome_. These _Lives_, -which are forty-six in number, are arranged in pairs, and each pair -contains the _life_ of a Greek and a Roman, followed, though not always, -by a comparison drawn between the two. Alexander the Great and Caesar are -ranked together, but no comparison follows. In his introduction to the -_life_ of the former, Plutarch explains his method as a biographer. “We -do not,” he says, “give the actions in full detail and with a scrupulous -exactness, but rather in a short summary, since we are not writing -_histories_, but _lives_. It is not always in the most distinguished -achievements that men’s vices or virtues may be best discerned, but -often an action of but little note—a short saying or a jest—may mark -a person’s real character more than the greatest sieges or the most -important battles.” His _Lives_, therefore, while useful to the writer of -history, must be used with care, since they are not intended as materials -for history. His narrative of Alexander’s progress through India has one -or two passages which show this indifference to historical accuracy, as -when, for instance, he states that the soldiers of Alexander refused to -pass the Ganges when they saw the opposite bank covered with the army of -the King of the Praisians.[6] His account of the battle with Pôros is, -however, excellent, and all the more interesting, because, as he tells -us, he obtained the particulars from Alexander’s own letters.[7] - -Plutarch was a native of Chairôneia, a town in Boiôtia. The date of -his birth is unknown, but may be fixed towards the middle of the first -century of our aera. He visited Italy, and lectured on philosophy in some -of its cities. For some time he lived in Rome, where, it is said, but on -doubtful authority, that he was promoted to high offices of state, and -became tutor to the Emperor Trajan. The later years of his life he spent -at Chairôneia, where he discharged various magisterial offices and held -a priesthood. The date of his death, like that of his birth, is unknown, -but it is clear that he lived to an advanced age. Besides the _Lives_, -he published other writings, mostly essays, having some resemblance to -those of Bacon. They are sixty in number, and are called collectively -_Moralia_, though some of them are of an historical character. Two of -them are orations _About the Fortune or Virtue of Alexander_. His style -is somewhat difficult, at times cumbrous and involved, and somewhat -deficient in that grace and perspicuity for which the works of the Attic -writers are noted. His writings are all the more valuable from their -supplying a deficiency of the Greek historians, whose works are filled -with the records of war and politics, while giving us but little insight -into men’s private lives and their social surroundings. - - -DIODOROS THE SICILIAN - -Diodôros was born at Agyrium, a city in the interior of Sicily, and was -a contemporary of Julius Caesar and the Emperor Augustus. It was the -great ambition of his life to write an universal history, and having -this in view he travelled over a great part of Europe and Asia in order -to acquire a more accurate knowledge of countries and nations than could -be obtained from merely reading books. In Rome, where a far greater -number of the ancient documents which he required to consult had been -collected than were to be found elsewhere, he resided for a considerable -time. He spent thirty years in the composition of his work, to which he -gave the name of _Bibliothêkê_, which indicated that it formed quite _a -library_ in itself, embracing, as it did, the history of all ages and all -countries. It consisted of forty books, which he divided into three great -sections: 1st, the mythical period previous to the Trojan war; 2d, the -period thence to the death of Alexander the Great; 3d, the period from -Alexander to the beginning of Caesar’s Gallic wars. Considerable portions -of the _Bibliothêkê_ are lost, but all the books relating to the period -with which we are concerned are still extant. - -Diodôros constructed his narrative upon the plan of annals, placing -the events of each year side by side without regard to their intrinsic -connection. The value of the work is greatly impaired by the author’s -evident want of critical discernment; he mixes up history with fiction, -shows frequently that he has misunderstood his authorities, and advances -statements which are mutually contradictory. His style is, however, -pleasing, having the merits of simplicity and clearness. In his second -book he gives a description of India epitomized from Megasthenes. -His account of Alexander’s career in India records some interesting -particulars of which we should otherwise have remained ignorant. He seems -to have drawn largely from the same sources as Curtius. - - -JUSTINUS FRONTINUS - -Justin, in the preface to his work entitled _De Historiis Philippicis_, -informs us that it was “a kind of anthology”—_veluti florum -corpusculum_—extracted from the forty-four volumes published by Pompeius -Trogus on Philippic (_i.e._ Macedonian) history. As these volumes -included histories of nearly all the countries with which the Macedonian -sovereigns had transactions, they embraced such a very wide field that -they were regarded as a cyclopaedia of general history. Justin remarks -that while many authors regard it as an arduous task to write no more -than the history of one king or one state, we cannot but think that -Pompeius had the daring of Hercules in attacking the whole world, seeing -that in his books are contained the _res gestae_ of all ages, kings, -nations, and peoples. He then states that he had occupied his leisure -while in Rome by selecting those passages of Trogus which seemed most -worthy of being generally known, and passing over such as he took to -be neither particularly interesting nor instructive. He has been much, -but unjustly, blamed for his omissions, seeing that his only object in -writing was to compile a work of elegant historical extracts. By so -doing he has rescued from oblivion many facts not elsewhere recorded. -From the extracts relating to India we gather more information about -Sandrokottos (Chandragupta) than from any other classical source. Trogus -Pompeius belonged, we know, to the age of Augustus, but it is uncertain -when Justin lived. As the earliest writer by whom he is mentioned is St. -Jerome, his date cannot be later than the beginning of the fifth century -of our aera. - - -THE LIFE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT - -[Illustration: FIG. 1.—LYSIMACHOS.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 2.—ARISTOTLE.] - -Alexander III., King of Macedonia, surnamed the Great, was born at Pella -in the year 356 B.C. He was the son of Philip II. and Olympias, who -belonged to the royal race of Epeiros, which claimed to be descended -from Achilles, the hero of the _Iliad_. The education of the prince -was in the outset entrusted to Lysimachos, an Akarnanian, and to his -mother’s kinsman Leonidas, a man of an austere character, who inured -his pupil to Spartan-like habits of hard exercise and simple fare. -In his thirteenth year he was placed under the immediate tuition of -Aristotle, who acquired a life-long influence over the mind and character -of his pupil. It may be supposed that the eager love of discovery which -conspicuously distinguished Alexander from ordinary conquerors was in -a great measure inspired and stimulated by the precepts of his master. -In his sixteenth year he was entrusted, during his father’s absence -on a foreign expedition, with the regency of Macedonia; and two years -later, at the battle of Chaironeia, which was won chiefly through his -impetuous valour, he displayed for the first time his incomparable genius -for war. This victory made the Macedonian King supreme in Greece, and -at a convention which met soon afterwards at his summons, and which was -attended by deputies from all the Grecian states except Sparta, he was -appointed to command the national forces and to conduct an expedition -against Persia to avenge the invasions of Mardonios and Xerxes. He was -actively engaged in preparing for this great contest when he fell by -the hand of an assassin. Alexander succeeded (336 B.C.) not only to his -sovereignty, but also to his supremacy in the affairs of Greece. He found -himself, immediately on his accession, beset on all sides with most -formidable opponents. Attalos, who was in Asia with a considerable force -under his command, aspired to the throne; the Greeks, instigated by the -passionate eloquence of Demosthenes, attempted to liberate themselves -from Macedonian dictation, and the barbarians of the north threatened his -hereditary dominions with invasion. The youthful monarch was equal to the -emergency. He at once seized Attalos and put him to death. Then suddenly -marching southwards, he suppressed by skilful diplomacy the incipient -rebellion of the Greek states. In the next place he turned his arms -northwards, and, after much severe fighting, subjugated the barbarous -tribes which lay between the frontiers of his kingdom and the Danube. -Finally, he quelled in blood and desolation the revolt of Thebes, which -had been prompted by a false rumour of his death. Having thus in a single -year made himself a more powerful monarch than his father had ever been, -he directed all his energies to complete the arrangements for the Persian -expedition. The whole force which he collected for this purpose amounted -to little more than 30,000 foot and 4500 horse. - -The empire which this comparatively insignificant force was destined to -attack and overthrow was the greatest which the world had as yet seen, -and had already subsisted for two hundred years. It had been founded by -Cyrus the Great, and extended by his successors till it embraced all -Asia from the shores of the Aegean and the Levant to the regions of the -Jaxartes and the Indus. It was divided by the great belt of desert, -which stretches almost continuously from the Persian Gulf to the Sea -of Aral, into two great sections which differed widely both in their -physical aspect and the character of their inhabitants. The eastern -tribes living amid mountains and deserts were rude, but distinguished for -their hardihood, their love of independence, and their martial prowess. -The western Asiatics, on the other hand, who inhabited those fair and -fertile countries which had been the earliest seats of civilisation, -were singularly deficient in these qualities. Enervated by ease and -the affluence of luxuries, they offered but a feeble resistance to -Alexander, and bent their necks submissively to his yoke. He had quite -a different experience when he came into conflict with the tribes of -the Oxus, Jaxartes, and Indus. They resisted him with the utmost spirit -and determination, rose against him even after defeat, and succeeded in -inflicting a signal disaster on his arms. - -The system by which the vast empire was governed may be described as a -rigid monarchy. It was divided by Darius Hystaspes into twenty provinces, -a number which was afterwards much augmented probably by the subdivision -of the larger ones. The government of each was committed to a satrap[8] -whose powers were almost despotic. He collected the revenues, from which, -besides defraying the expenses of his own administration, he was obliged -to remit a fixed amount of annual tribute to the royal treasury. The -Indian satrapy, which probably included Baktria and was limited to the -regions west of the Indus, paid the largest tribute, which, as we learn -from Herodotos, amounted to the immense sum of 360 talents of gold dust. - -The king who filled the throne at the time of the invasion was Darius -Kodomannos, who had some reputation for personal courage and some other -virtues which might have adorned his reign had it been fated to be -peaceful. He was, however, like Louis XVI. of France, quite destitute -of the skill and nerve required for piloting the vessel of the state in -stormy times. The empire long before his accession had been falling into -decay. Insurrections were for ever breaking out. Some of the provinces, -though nominally subject, were practically independent, while in others -the satraps both claimed and exercised the right of transmitting their -authority by hereditary succession. What saved it from dissolution was, -not so much the strength of the government, as the reluctance of the -leading men, through their distrust of each other’s good faith, to enter -into combinations against it. It was another symptom of its weakness, -that the king in his wars trusted far more to the Greek troops in his -pay than to his native levies and their leaders. Neither the Greeks nor -the Persians had lost sight of the fact that at Kounaxa the victory had -been won for Cyrus by the Greek mercenaries. - -Alexander having completed his preparations, and appointed Antipater -to act as regent of Macedonia during his absence, crossed over the -Hellespont into Asia in the spring of 334 B.C. His army, though -numerically insignificant when compared with the magnitude of the -enterprise which lay before it, proved nevertheless, from the physical -superiority, courage, and daring of the men, combined with the perfection -of their organisation and discipline, and the consummate skill of their -leader, more than a match for any force, however numerous, which was -brought into the field against it. We may here quote a passage from -Thirlwall, in which he describes the composition, organisation, and -equipment of this heroic little army which performed the greatest deeds -recorded in military annals: - - “The main body, the phalanx—or quadruple phalanx, as it was - sometimes called, to mark that it was formed of four divisions, - each bearing the same name—presented a mass of 18,000 men, - which was distributed, at least by Alexander, into six brigades - of 3000 each, formidable in its aspect, and on ground suited - to its operations, irresistible in its attacks. The phalangite - soldier wore the usual defensive armour of the Greek heavy - infantry—helmet, breast-plate, and greaves: and almost the - whole front of his person was covered with the long shield - called the _aspis_. His weapons were a sword long enough to - enable a man in the second rank to reach an enemy who had come - to close quarters with the comrade who stood before him, and - the celebrated spear, known by the Macedonian name, _sarissa_, - four-and-twenty feet long. The sarissa, when couched, projected - eighteen feet in front of the soldier: and the space between - the ranks was such that those of the second rank were fifteen, - those of the third twelve, those of the fourth nine, those of - the fifth six, and those of the sixth three feet in advance of - the first line: so that the man at the head of the file was - guarded on each side by the points of six spears. The ordinary - depth of the phalanx was of sixteen ranks. The men who stood - too far behind to use their sarissas, and who therefore - kept them raised until they advanced to fill a vacant place, - still added to the pressure of the mass. As the efficacy of - the phalanx depended on its compactness, and this again on - the uniformity of its movements, the greatest care was taken - to select the best soldiers for the foremost and hindmost - ranks—the frames, as it were, of the engine. The bulk and core - of the phalanx consisted of Macedonians; but it was composed - in part of foreign troops. These were no doubt Greeks. But - the northern Illyrians, Paeonians, Agrianians, and Thracians, - who were skilled in the use of missiles, furnished bowmen, - dartsmen, and slingers: probably according to the proportion - which the master of tactics deemed the most eligible, about - half the number of the phalanx. To these was added another - class of infantry, peculiar in some respects to the Macedonian - army, though the invention belonged to Iphicrates. They were - called Hypaspists, because, like the phalangites, they carried - the long shield: but their spears were shorter, their swords - longer, their armour lighter. They were thus prepared for more - rapid movements, and did not so much depend on the nature of - the ground. They formed a corps of about 6000 men. The cavalry - was similarly distinguished into three classes by its arms, - accoutrements, and mode of warfare. Its main strength consisted - in 1500 Macedonian and as many Thessalian horse. But the rider - and his horse were cased in armour, and his weapons seem to - have corresponded to those of the heavy infantry. The light - cavalry, chiefly used for skirmishing and pursuit, and in - part armed with the sarissa, was drawn from the Thracians and - Paeonians, and was about the third of the number of the heavy - horse. A smaller body of Greek cavalry probably stood in nearly - the same relation to the other two divisions, as the Hypaspists - to the heavy and light infantry. To the Hypaspists belonged - the royal foot bodyguard, the Agêma, or royal escort, and the - Argyraspides, so called from the silver ornaments with which - their long shields were enriched. But the precise relation in - which these bodies stood to each other does not appear very - distinctly from the descriptions of the ancients. The royal - horse-guard was composed of eight Macedonian squadrons, filled - with the sons of the best families. The numbers of each are not - ascertained, but they seem in all not much to have exceeded or - fallen short of a thousand.” - -From this description of the Macedonian army, it may easily be imagined -what a formidable aspect its main arm—the phalanx of panoplied -infantry—would present to the enemy. Polybios informs us that the Roman -officers who were present in the battle of Kynoskephalai, and then saw -the phalanx for the first time, told him that in all their experience -of war they had never seen anything so terrible. The phalanx, however, -as that historian points out, could only operate effectively on level -and open ground—was quite unfit for rapid advance and rough terrain, -and useless if its ranks were broken. It was thus helpless in face of -an active enemy unless well supported by cavalry and light troops. This -explains why Alexander attached so much importance to his cavalry. In -point of fact he owed none of his victories to the phalanx; his cavalry, -rapid in its evolutions and charging with resistless impetuosity, gained -them all. In addition to the troops which have been particularised in the -extract, there was one kind organised by Alexander called _dimachai_, -intermediate between cavalry and infantry, being designed to fight on -horseback or on foot as circumstances required. His artillery formed a -very useful part of his equipment. The _balistai_ and _katapeltai_ of -which it consisted threw stones and darts to the distance of 300 yards, -and was frequently employed with great effect. - -As he foresaw that in the course of his expedition he was likely to -penetrate to regions either imperfectly or altogether unknown, he -entertained on his staff men of literary and scientific requirements to -write his deeds, and describe those countries and nations to which he -might carry his arms. - -He first came into conflict with the Persians on the banks of the -Granîkos, a small river, which, flowing from Mount Ida through the Trojan -plain, enters the Propontis to the west of Kyzikos. Their army, which -consisted of 20,000 horse, and an equal number of Greek mercenaries, was -commanded by several satraps who were assisted by the counsels of Memnon -the Rhodian, the ablest general in the service of Darius. The Persians -were drawn up in line along the right bank of the stream, while their -mercenaries were posted on a range of heights that rose in the rear. -Alexander drew up his forces on the opposite bank in the order which he -adopted in all his great battles. Thus the phalanx formed his centre; he -commanded himself the extreme right, and the officer in whom he had most -confidence the extreme left. To either wing were attached such brigades -of the phalanx as circumstances seemed to require. The Persians having -observed where Alexander was posted, strengthened their left wing with -dense squadrons of their best cavalry, anticipating that this part of -their line would be exposed to the first fury of the onset led by himself -in person. They judged aright. Alexander having sent a detachment of -cavalry across the stream, followed with other cavalry and a portion -of the phalanx. The Persians made a gallant resistance, but were soon -beaten. Their darts and scimitars were no match for the tough cornel of -the Macedonian spears. Their ranks first broke where Alexander himself -in the hottest of the fight was dealing death and wounds around him. A -blow which was descending on his own head, and which if delivered would -have proved fatal, was intercepted by Kleitos, who cut off the arm of the -assailant, scimitar and all. The field was won before either the phalanx -on the one side, or the Greek mercenaries on the other, could come into -action. The Macedonians, after returning from a short pursuit, closed -around the mercenaries and cut them down, all but 2000 who were made -prisoners and sent in chains to Macedonia. The number of the Persians -slain was about 1000 against only 115 on the other side. - -Alexander did not, like most other conquerors after a victory, plunder -the surrounding country, but regarding Asia as already his own, treated -the inhabitants as subjects whose interests he was bound to protect and -promote. Neither did he at once advance into the interior, but, acting -by a rule of strategy which he was always careful to observe, resolved -to make his rear secure. He therefore first reduced all the western -provinces of the empire which Darius after the defeat of his satraps had -placed under the supreme authority of Memnon the Rhodian. Memnon was a -formidable antagonist, both from his skill in war, and from his having a -powerful fleet at his command, which gave him the dominion of the sea, -and enabled him to threaten at will the shores of Greece and Macedonia. - -Alexander marched from the battle-field to Ilion, and advanced thence -southward through the beautiful regions of Ionia and the other -maritime states, which, in striking contrast to their present blighted -condition, were then at the height of prosperity—adorned with numerous -rich and splendid cities, which vied with each other in all the arts -of refinement. The terror of his name preceded him, and these cities -one after another, including even Sardis, the western capital, which -was strongly fortified, threw open their gates to admit him. Milêtos, -however, and Halikarnassos, being supported by the Persian fleet, refused -to surrender, and did not fall into his hands until each had been for -some time besieged. After the fall of Halikarnassos, the rest of Karia, -of which it was the capital, submitted, and then the operations of the -first year of the war were brought to a close by the reduction of all -Lykia. In this province he gave his army some rest. - -The next campaign opened with the conquest of Pamphylia, after which -Alexander turned his march away from the coast with a view to invade -Phrygia, which lay to the north beyond the lofty range of Tauros. It was -now the depth of winter, but Alexander in defiance of all obstacles—frost -and snow, torrents and precipices, and the resistance of the fierce -Pisidian mountaineers—forced his way into the Phrygian plains. This -passage of the Tauros at such a season was an achievement not unworthy -to rank with the more celebrated passage of the Alps made by Hannibal -about a century later. After he had cleared the defiles, a march of five -days brought him to Kelainai, the capital of the greater Phrygia, which -was pleasantly situated where the river Marsyas joins the Maeander, and -was embellished with a palace and a royal park. Alexander, deeming its -acropolis to be impregnable, made terms with the inhabitants, and then -advanced to the ancient capital called Gordion, after Gordios, the father -of the celebrated Midas, the first king of the country. Here was the -complicated knot to which the prophecy was attached that whoever untied -it should be Lord of Asia. It was tied on a rope of bark which fastened -the yoke to the pole of the wagon on which Midas had been carried into -the city on the day when the people chose him as their king. Alexander -either undid the knot or cut it through with his sword. - -On the return of spring he moved forward to Ankyra (now Angora), -and there had the satisfaction to receive the submission of the -Paphlagonians, who at that time were a very powerful nation. Being thus -free to move southwards without leaving an enemy in his rear, he entered -Kappadokia, and having overrun it without encountering any serious -opposition, he recrossed the Tauros by a pass that admitted him into -the fertile plains of Eastern Kilikia. The capital of this province was -Tarsos, a flourishing seat of commerce, art, and learning, built on both -banks of the river Kydnos, which was navigable to the sea. This important -city fell without resistance into Alexander’s hands, the satrap having -fled at the tidings of his approach. Here, however, he nearly lost his -life, having caught a violent fever by throwing himself when heated into -the waters of the Kydnos, which ran cold with the snows of Mount Tauros. -After his recovery he sent Parmeniôn eastward to occupy the passes -leading into Syria, called the Syrian Gates, and marched himself in the -opposite direction to reduce the hill-tribes of Western Kilikia. In the -meantime Darius, advancing from the East, had crossed the Euphrates and -the Syrian desert at the head of an army not less numerous than that -with which Napoleon invaded Russia, and was lying encamped on a wide -plain suitable for his cavalry within a two days’ march of the Syrian -Gates. Here he waited for some time ready to fall upon the Macedonian -troops and crush them with the overwhelming superiority of his numbers -when they debouched from the defile. When he despaired of their coming, -he marched into Kilikia through a pass known as the Amanian Gates and -encamped on the banks of the Pinaros which flows through the plain of -Issos to the sea. He thus placed himself in a trap where he was hemmed in -by the mountains and the sea in a narrow plain not more than a mile and -a half in width. Alexander meanwhile had passed through the other gates -into the Syrian plain when he learned to his astonishment that Darius -was now in his rear. He at once retraced his steps, and by midnight -regained the pass, where from one of its summits he beheld the Persian -watchfires gleaming far and wide over the plain of Issos. At daybreak he -marched down the pass, and on reaching the open part of the plain made -the usual disposition of his forces, Parmeniôn commanding the left, and -himself the right wing. Darius had drawn up his line, which extended from -the mountains to the sea, along the northern bank of the river Pinaros. -In the centre, which confronted the dreaded Macedonian phalanx, he had -posted a body of 30,000 heavy-armed Greek mercenaries. - -Alexander began the action by dislodging a detachment of the enemy which -had been posted at the base of the mountains and threatened his rear. -Finding the Persians did not advance, he crossed the river and charged -their left wing with such impetuosity that he broke their ranks and swept -them from the field irretrievably discomfited. He then wheeled round -and brought timely succour to his phalanx, which the Greek mercenaries -of Darius were driving back with disordered ranks to the river. The -struggle now became desperate, for these mercenaries, bitterly resenting -the state of political degradation to which the Macedonians had reduced -their compatriots in southern Greece, now fought against them with all -the fury that the passions of hate and rivalry could inspire. They were -nevertheless driven back, and the tide of battle surged up towards the -state chariot itself, on which Darius was mounted in the centre of his -line. The pusillanimous monarch no sooner perceived that his person was -in danger than he ordered his charioteer to turn the heads of his horses -for flight. This decided the fortunes of the day; it was the signal of -his defeat, and his troops, on seeing it, at once broke from their ranks -and fled from the field. The cavalry even, which on the extreme right -had victory almost within their grasp, yielded to the general panic, and -helped to swell the crowd of fugitives. As the narrowness of the plain -allowed but very little room for escape, the vanquished were massacred -in myriads. Darius escaped across the Euphrates, but his treasures and -his family, consisting of his mother, wife, and children, fell into -Alexander’s hands, who treated these illustrious captives with all the -kindness and courtesy which were due alike to their misfortunes and their -exalted rank. - -He did not pursue Darius, and about two years passed away before he again -met him in battle. His victory had left Syria and Egypt open to his arms, -and these countries had to be reduced and the power of Persia effectually -crushed at sea before he could advance with safety into the heart of the -empire. He therefore marched southward to Phoenicia, the seaports of -which supplied the Persians with most of their war-galleys. Parmeniôn he -sent forward with a small detachment to seize Damascus, where Darius, -before his defeat, had deposited his treasures. The city surrendered -without resistance, and a vast and varied spoil fell into the hands of -the Macedonians. The cities along the Syrian coast submitted in like -manner to Alexander himself, all but Tyre, which sent him a golden crown, -but refused to admit him within her gates. For this temerity the city of -merchant princes paid a dreadful penalty. Alexander, having captured it -after a seven months’ siege, burned it to the ground, and most of the -inhabitants he either slew or sold into slavery. This is considered to -have been the greatest of all Alexander’s military achievements. Tyre had -hitherto been deemed impregnable. It was built on an island separated -from the mainland by a channel of the sea half a mile in width; its -walls, which were of great solidity, rose to an immense height, and its -navy gave it the command of the sea. The inhabitants, moreover, were -expert in arms, and defended themselves with such spirit and obstinacy -that Alexander found himself unable to overcome their resistance, until -he obtained from Cyprus and Sidon a fleet superior to their own. He had -also to construct a causeway through the channel to enable him to bring -his engines close up to the walls, and this was a work of vast labour and -difficulty. His merciless treatment of the vanquished darkly overshadows -the glory of this memorable exploit. - -Palestine, with the adjoining districts, next submitted to the Conqueror. -Gaza alone, like Tyre, closed its gates against him. This city, which -stood not far from the sea, towards the edge of the desert which -separates Syria from Egypt, was strongly fortified, and held out for two -months. Alexander took it by storm, slaughtered the garrison, and then -set out for Egypt. A seven days’ march through the desert brought him to -Pelusium. The Egyptians, who smarted under the bondage of Persia, like -the Israelites of old under their own, hailed his advent as that of a -deliverer, and gladly submitted to his rule. - -Alexander proceeded as far southward as Memphis and the Pyramids, and -then embarking on the western or Kanopic branch of the Nile, sailed down -to Lake Mareôtis, and landed on the narrow sandy isthmus by which that -lake is separated from the sea. This neck of land was faced on the north -by the island of Pharos, a long ridge of rock which sheltered it from all -the violence of the ocean. Alexander, discerning with his keen eye all -the advantages of such a position for commerce, at once founded on the -isthmus the city of Alexandria, which, as he anticipated, soon became the -great centre of trade between the eastern and western worlds. His next -object was to consult the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, which was said to have -been visited by Heraklês and Perseus, from both of whom he claimed to be -descended. He therefore marched along the coast for about 200 miles to -Paraitonion, which lay at the western extremity of Egypt. On the way he -was met by deputies from Kyrênê, who brought him valuable presents, and -invited him to visit their city. From Paraitonion he marched southward -through the Libyan desert, and, after some days, reached the large and -beautiful oasis where, embosomed amid thick woods, rose the temple of -Ammon and the palace of his priests. On consulting the oracle he obtained -answers, about the nature of which he stated nothing further than that -they were satisfactory. He then returned across the desert to Memphis, -where he settled the future government of Egypt, and ordered justice to -be dispensed according to the ancient laws of the country. From Memphis -he directed his march to Syria, and on reaching Tyre, remained there for -some time. While he was in Egypt he had been visited by Hegelochos, his -admiral, who reported that the Persians had been dispossessed of the -islands which they had acquired in the Aegean; that their fleet had been -dissipated, and that all their leaders were prisoners except Pharnabazos, -the successor of Memnon, who had died somewhat suddenly while Alexander -was in Phrygia. - -Alexander was now, therefore, the undisputed master of all the countries -west of the Euphrates, and could with complete security turn his arms -eastward to bring his contest with Persia to a final issue. Darius, on -the other hand, who, in the interval between his defeat and the fall -of Tyre, had twice sent an embassy to the Conqueror to sue for peace -and the ransom of his family, on terms which, though most tempting, had -been haughtily refused, was mustering all his forces to encounter the -storm of war which would sooner or later burst from the clouds that hung -ominously on his western horizon. The army he now raised was far stronger -numerically than that with which he had fought at Issos, and, as it was -drawn chiefly from the east, consisted of the best troops in his empire. -He led it from Babylon across the Tigris, and marching northward along -the eastern bank of that river, reached the plains of northern Assyria, -which afforded ample space for the evolutions of his numerous cavalry. -Here he encamped on a wide plain between the Tigris and the mountains of -Kurdistan, near a village called Gaugamela. - -[Illustration: FIG. 3.—SEAL OF DARIUS.] - -Alexander, having remained at Tyre until his preparations were completed, -started from that city after midsummer in the year 331 B.C. On crossing -the Euphrates at the fords of Thapsakos, he learned where Darius was, and -at once accelerated his march to find him. He passed the Tigris, which -had been left unguarded, and advancing southward for a few days, came -in sight of the Persian host, which he found already drawn up in line -prepared for action. It is said that Parmeniôn, alarmed by the immense -array of the hostile ranks, came at a late hour to the king’s tent and -proposed a night attack, and that Alexander’s answer was that it would -be a base thing to steal a victory. His forces amounted only to 40,000 -infantry and 7000 horse, yet he was so confident of success that on the -morning of the decisive day his sleep was deeper and longer than usual. - -In its main features, the battle that followed was but a repetition of -the day of Issos. Alexander again commanded the right wing and Parmeniôn -the left. Again Darius posted himself in the centre of his line, and -again the Greek mercenaries confronted the Macedonian phalanx. Again -Alexander, at the head of the Companion cavalry, made havoc of the troops -which guarded the royal standard; and again Darius, terror-struck at his -near approach, ignominiously fled from the field. His flight gave once -more the signal of defeat, and that too, as at Issos, just at the time -when his cavalry on the right had made the position of Parmeniôn most -critical.[9] Alexander was recalled from the pursuit of Darius, whom he -was eagerly bent on capturing, by a messenger sent by Parmeniôn pressing -for instant aid. He at once turned back. On his way he met the Persian -and Parthian cavalry and the Indian troops now in full retreat. A combat -close and hot followed. The fugitives were for the most part killed, but -sold their lives dearly. On returning to the field Alexander found that -his left wing was no longer in distress, but putting the enemy to rout, -and he therefore started once more in pursuit of Darius. The fugitive -escaped, however, to Ekbatana, the capital in former days of the Median -kings. - -Accounts differ as to the numbers that were killed in this battle. Arrian -says, absurdly enough, that 300,000 of the Persians were slain, and a -greater number taken prisoners. Diodôros reduces the amount to 90,000, -and Curtius to 40,000. The loss again on Alexander’s side is reckoned by -Arrian at 100, by Curtius at 300, and by Diodôros at 500.[10] - -Alexander pursued the fugitive troops as far as Arbêla—the place which -has given its name to the battle, though it was sixty miles distant from -the field whereon it was fought. Here he found the baggage of Darius, -and having enriched himself with its spoils, he advanced southward to -Babylon. This great capital, which once gave law to all the nations of -the East, had under the rule of the Achaimenids gradually declined both -in wealth and importance. Its inhabitants, like the Egyptians, detested -their Persian masters, who oppressed them and persecuted their religion. -They issued therefore from their gates in a joyful procession to welcome -the victor and present him with gifts. His first acts on entering the -city were well calculated to make a favourable impression on their minds. -He ordered the temple of Belus to be rebuilt, honoured that deity with -a public sacrifice according to the Chaldaean ritual, and restored to -his priests the immense revenues with which they had been endowed by the -Assyrian kings.[11] - -Alexander thus found himself the master of a more spacious empire than -any the world had yet seen. No king or conqueror had ever before stood -on such a giddy pinnacle of power. As he had made his way to this -supreme height before he had yet reached those years or experienced those -vicissitudes of fortune which have a sobering effect on the mind, it is -not surprising that, as in the case of Napoleon, whose genius was at -many points in close touch with his own, and who, at a like early age, -had amazed the world with his deeds of arms, unbounded success tended -to deteriorate his character. He is found henceforth becoming more -arrogant and despotic, more suspicious, and avid of flattery, while less -tolerant of advice or remonstrance, and less capable of controlling the -violence of his passions. The simple style of living in which he had been -brought up seemed no longer to please him, and he began to assume all -the pomp and splendour with which an oriental despot loves to surround -himself,[12] an innovation in his habits which deeply mortified the pride -of the Macedonians. It may be urged in his defence that he may have made -the change less from any real inclination than from the politic motive of -conciliating his new subjects by conforming to their tastes and habits. - -Before leaving Babylon he settled the affairs of Assyria and its -dependencies in accordance with a principle on which he generally acted, -committing the civil administration to a native ruler, but leaving the -command of the forces and the collection of the revenue in the hands of -Macedonian officers. He then marched eastward, and in twenty days reached -Sousa, the favourite capital of the Persian kings. Rich as Babylon was, -its treasures were as nothing compared with those which had been here -accumulated. The sums contained in the treasury amounted to 40,000 -talents of uncoined gold and silver, and 9000 talents of coined gold, -and there was other booty besides of immense value, including the spoils -which Xerxes had carried off from Greece—the recovery of which gratified -beyond measure the patriotic feelings of the army. - -From Sousa Alexander took the road to Persepolis, the ancient capital of -the Persians, a rich and splendid city lying to the south-east of Sousa, -in the beautiful vale of Persis which was fertilised by the streams -descending from Mount Zagros, the Mêdos, and the Araxês.[13] On his -route he passed through the hill-country of the Ouxians, which like that -of the Pisidians, was occupied by warlike and predatory tribes. These -mountaineers were nominally subject to Persia, but they nevertheless -at one of their defiles exacted toll even from the Great King himself -whenever he passed through their country in going between his two -capitals. They beset this defile with the whole of their effective force -to levy the customary tribute from Alexander, who payed them what he -called their dues in the form of a crushing defeat.[14] He then plundered -their villages, and, having received their submission, pressed forward by -way of the formidable pass called the Persian Gates.[15] Here the satrap -Ariobarzanes, at the head of more than 40,000 men, tried but in vain to -arrest his progress. Alexander, with his usual skill and courage forced -the position, and meeting with no further resistance reached Persepolis, -where no defence was attempted. He not only permitted his soldiers to -plunder this ancient capital, but, if we may believe the story, with -which Dryden’s Ode has made us familiar, set fire with his own hands in a -drunken revel to the royal palace, a structure of supreme magnificence, -as its ruins, which are still to be seen, attest. It is more probable, -however, that he burned it from motives of policy, partly to show the -Persians how absolutely he was now their master, and partly to avenge -Greece for the destruction of her temples by Xerxes. In the royal -treasury he found the vast sum of 120,000 talents, which falls little -short of thirty million pounds of our money. As it was now mid-winter -he here gave his army some respite from their toils. He gave himself, -however, no rest, but led a detachment to Pasargadai, the primitive seat -of the Achaimenids, which contained an august monument, the tomb of -Cyrus, which still exists, and a rich treasury which he plundered.[16] He -next assailed the Mardians, and marching over ice and snow, reduced their -mountain fastnesses and compelled their submission. - -In the spring of 330 B.C. he resumed the pursuit of Darius, who was -still at Ekbatana making vain efforts to raise another army. The fallen -monarch, on hearing that the enemy was again moving against him and had -reached Media, fled eastward hoping to find protection and safety in -the far remote province of Baktria, of which his kinsman Bessos was the -satrap. The capital which he had left was the summer residence of the -Persian kings, and was noted for the enormous strength of its citadel. -Alexander therefore ordered Parmeniôn to transport thither, as to a place -of peculiar security, the treasures which had been seized at the other -capitals, and to confide their custody to a strong guard of Macedonian -soldiers.[17] This done, he set out with a light detachment of troops -in the hope of overtaking the fugitive king before he passed through -the Kaspian Gates. At Rhagai, which was a day’s rapid march from that -pass, he learned that Darius had escaped beyond it, and he therefore -halted for five days to recruit his troops. On renewing the pursuit and -reaching the open country beyond the gates, he learned that the Persian -officers who were escorting their sovereign had conspired against him -and deprived him of his liberty. Greatly fearing now lest the traitors -had some deadlier purpose in view, he made incredible exertions to -overtake them, and he came up with them on the fourth day—but all too -late. The conspirators, among whom was Bessos, finding that the pursuit -was gaining upon them, mortally wounded the hapless king, who breathed -his last before Alexander reached him. “Such,” says Arrian, “was the end -of Darius, who as a warrior was singularly remiss and injudicious. In -other respects his character is blameless, either because he was just -by nature, or because he had no opportunity of displaying the contrary, -as his accession and the Macedonian invasion were simultaneous. It was -not in his power, therefore, to oppress his subjects, as his danger was -greater than theirs. His reign was one unbroken series of disasters, -and he was at last treacherously assassinated by his most intimate -connections. At his death he was about fifty years old.” Alexander sent -his body into Persia with orders that it should be buried with all due -honours in the royal sepulchre. Bessos escaped into his own satrapy -where he assumed the upright tiara, the distinguishing emblem of Persian -royalty, and took the name of Artaxerxes. - -Alexander now halted at Hekatompylos,[18] a place which received this -Greek name from its being the centre where many roads met, and which -became in after times the capital of the Parthian kings. Being joined -here by the rest of his army, he prepared to invade Hyrkania, from which -he was separated by the chain of mountains now called the Elburz. As -the passes were beset by robber-tribes, he divided his army into three -bodies. The most numerous division crossed the mountains under his -own command by the shortest and most difficult roads. Krateros made a -circuit to the left through the country of the Tapeirians (Taburistan), -while the third division under Erigyios took the royal road which led -westward from Hekatompylos to Zadrakarta.[19] The divisions on emerging -from the defiles united, and encamped near the last named place, which -was the Hyrkanian capital. Hither came to Alexander with three of his -sons the aged Artabazos, accompanied by the Tapeirian satrap and by -deputies from the Greek mercenaries of Darius. Artabazos was received -with distinguished honour, both because of his high rank and the fidelity -he had shown to Darius, whom he had accompanied in his flight. The satrap -was confirmed in his government, but the deputies were sternly told -that as the mercenaries had violated the duty which they owed to their -country, they must submit themselves unreservedly to the judgment of -the king. Alexander then attacked the Mardians who inhabited the lofty -mountains to the north-west of the Kaspian Gates. They submitted after a -slight resistance, and were ordered to obey the Tapeirian satrap. - -Alexander’s next object was to crush Bessos and possess himself of all -the eastern provinces as far as the borders of India. He therefore -marched eastward towards Baktria, and having traversed the northern part -of Parthia, reached Sousia, a city of Areia (now Sous, near Meshed, the -present capital of Khorasan). Satibarzanes, the satrap of that province, -and one of the conspirators against Darius, met him here, and having -tendered his submission, was confirmed in his government, and dismissed -with an escort of Macedonian horsemen to his capital, Artakoana. -Alexander then resumed his march towards Baktria, but was arrested on the -way by receiving word that Satibarzanes had revolted in favour of Bessos, -armed the Areians, and slain his Macedonian escort. He therefore at once -altered his route, and by the promptitude of his appearance confounded -the plans of the satrap, who fled and was deserted by most of his troops. -Artakoana was captured by Krateros after a short siege. This city stood -in a plain of exceptional fertility at a point where all the roads -from the north to the south, and from the west to the east, united, -and Alexander, discerning the incomparable advantages of its position, -whether for war or commerce, founded in its neighbourhood a new city -in which he planted a Macedonian colony. He called it Alexandreia, and -as it still exists as Herat, it will be seen how well grounded was its -founder’s belief in the strategetical and commercial importance of its -site. - -Alexander, after suppressing this revolt, instead of resuming his march -to Baktria, moved forward to Prophthasia (now Furrah), the capital of -Drangiana (Seistan), of which Barsaentes, another of the accomplices in -the murder of Darius, was satrap. This traitor was seized and executed. -Here an event occurred which has left a dark stain on the character -of Alexander. He was led to suspect that a conspiracy had been formed -against his life by some of his principal officers, and among others by -the son of Parmeniôn, Philôtas, who held the most coveted post in the -army, that of commander of the Companion Cavalry. It is certain that he -was not an accomplice in the plot; but as he had been informed of its -existence, and failed to give the king any warning of his danger, he was -accused before the Macedonian army and condemned to death. He confessed -under torture that his father, Parmeniôn, had formed a design against -the king’s life, and that he had himself joined the recent plot, lest -his father, who was now an old man, might, before the plot was ripe, be -snatched away by death from his command at Ekbatana, which placed the -vast treasures deposited there at his disposal. This confession, wrung -by torture when its agonies became insupportable, and obviously framed -to meet the wishes of the questioners, was no proof of the guilt either -of the father or the son. Parmeniôn was, nevertheless, on this worthless -evidence condemned to death, and Alexander, whom he had so faithfully -served, took care that the sentence should be executed before the news -of his son’s death, which he might seek to avenge, could reach his ears. -Many other Macedonians were also at this time tried and put to death. -Alexander’s confidence in his friends was thus much shaken; and instead -of entrusting as formerly the command of the Companion Cavalry to one -individual, he divided that body into two regiments, giving the command -of one to Kleitos, and of the other to Hêphaistiôn. - -From Prophthasia he proceeded southwards into the fertile plains along -the Etymander (R. Helmund), then inhabited by a peaceful tribe called the -Ariaspians, who had received from Cyrus the title of _Euergetai_—that is, -benefactors, because they had assisted him at a time when he had been -reduced to great straits. Alexander spent two months in their dominions, -probably awaiting the arrival of reinforcements from Ekbatana. During -this interval Dêmetrios, a member of the king’s bodyguard, was arrested -on suspicion of his having been implicated with Philôtas in the recent -plot, and his office was bestowed on Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, for -whom this promotion opened the way to a royal destiny. Alexander before -resuming his march appointed a governor over the Euergetai, but rewarded -their hospitality by augmenting their territory and confirming them in -the enjoyment of their political privileges. - -He left this country about mid-winter, and ascending the valley of the -Etymander penetrated into Arachosia, a province which stretched eastward -to the Indus. As he advanced northward by Kandahar the snow lay deep -on the ground, and the soldiers suffered severely both from hunger and -cold. About this time he heard that the Areians had again revolted at the -instigation of Satibarzanes, who had entered their province at the head -of 2000 horse, and he immediately sent a detachment under Erigyios to -quell the insurgents. Continuing meanwhile his own advance, he arrived -at the foot of the colossal mountain-barrier, the chain of Paropanisos, -which separates Kabul from Baktria. Here in a commanding position, -near the village of Charikar, which stands in the rich and beautiful -valley of Koh-Daman, he founded yet another Alexandreia (called by way -of distinction Alexandreia of the Paropamisadai, or Alexandria apud -Caucasum), and planted it with Macedonian colonists. According to Strabo -he wintered in this neighbourhood, but Arrian leads us to suppose that he -departed as soon as he had founded the city. He crossed the mountains, -as some think, by the Bamiân Pass, the most western of the four routes -which give access from the Koh-Daman to the regions of the Upper Oxus. -It is likelier, however, that he ascended by the more direct route along -the course of the Panjshir river. The army again suffered on the way from -the severity of the cold, and still more from the scarcity of provisions. -According to Aristoboulos nothing grew on these hills but terebinth -trees and the herb called silphium, on which the flocks and herds of the -mountaineers pastured. This march, which terminated at Adrapsa, occupied -fifteen days. - -The Macedonians had now reached a fertile country; but as Bessos had -ordered it to be ravaged, they found a wide barrier of desolation opposed -to their further advance. The barrier was interposed in vain. Alexander -resolutely pressed forward, and Bessos and his associates fled at his -approach, and, crossing the Oxus, retired into Sogdiana. Aornos and -Baktra, the two principal cities of the Baktrian satrapy, surrendered -without resistance, and the satrapy itself was soon afterwards reduced. -At Baktra Erigyios, who had succeeded in quelling the Areian revolt, -rejoined the army. Alexander having appointed Artabazos satrap of his -new conquest, marched to the Oxus in pursuit of Bessos, and came upon -that river at the point where Kijil now stands. There it was about -three-quarters of a mile in breadth, and the current was found to be -both deep and rapid. The passage, which occupied five days, was made on -floats, supported by skins stuffed with straw, and rendered watertight. -The army had no sooner gained the right bank than messengers arrived -from two of the leading adherents of Bessos—Spitamenes, the satrap of -Sogdiana, and Dataphernes—promising to surrender Bessos, who was already -their prisoner, if Alexander would send a small force to their support. -The king assented, and sent Ptolemy forward to receive the traitor from -their hands. They gave him up, and he was conducted with a rope round his -neck into the presence of the king, who ordered him to be scourged and -then conveyed to Zariaspa (which some identify with Baktra), there to -await his final doom. - -The army next marched forward to Marakanda, now Samarkand, then merely -the capital of the Sogdian satrapy, but destined to be in aftertimes -the capital of the vast empire founded by Timour. It stood in the -valley of the Polytimêtos (R. Kohik), a region of such exuberant -fertility and beauty that it figures in Persian poetry as one of the -four paradises of the world. Alexander remained for some time in this -pleasant neighbourhood to remount his cavalry and otherwise recruit -his forces. He then advanced to the river Jaxartes, which formed the -boundary between the Persian empire and the barbarous Skythian tribes, -and which the Greeks confounded with the Tanais or Don. The country -was protected against the inroads of these warlike tribes by a line of -fortified towns, of which the largest and strongest, Cyropolis, had -been founded, as its name imports, by Cyrus. Alexander captured all -these fortresses and manned them with small Macedonian garrisons; and to -curb the Skythians still more effectually, founded on the banks of the -Jaxartes, near where Khojent now stands, still another Alexandreia, which -the Greeks for distinction’s sake called _Eschatê_, or “the Extreme.” In -the midst of this undertaking, he was interrupted by the sudden outbreak -of a widespread rebellion instigated by Spitamenes and his confederates. -Taking immediate and energetic steps for its suppression, he in a few -days recovered the seven towns; and then crossing the Jaxartes, defeated -the Skythians, who with a view to aid the insurgents had mustered in -great force on its right bank. After this victory he received tidings of -the first serious disaster that had befallen his arms. He had sent a -large force to operate against Spitamenes, who was at the time besieging -the Macedonian garrison which held Marakanda. On learning that this -force was approaching, the rebel chief retired down the Polytimêtos to -Bokhara, and thence to the vast desert which stretches from Sogd to the -Sea of Aral. Here he was joined by a large body of Skythian horsemen, and -thus reinforced turned upon his pursuers, drove them back from the edge -of the desert, which they had just entered, into the valley whence they -had emerged, and there, amid the woody ravines of the Polytimetos, cut -them to pieces almost to a man. Encouraged by this success, he returned -to Marakanda and renewed the siege of its citadel, but on learning that -Alexander was rapidly returning from the Jaxartes, he retraced his steps -towards the desert, and reached it before the enemy overtook him. The -course of the pursuit led Alexander to the scene of the late disaster. -His first care was to bury the slain, and he then avenged their death by -ravaging with fire and sword, in all its length and breadth, the lovely -valley of the Polytimetos. He showed no mercy, but slaughtered all who -fell into his hands, soldier and citizen alike. This is certainly, as -Thirlwall remarks, one of the acts of his life for which it is most -difficult to find an excuse. - -As the year (329 B.C.) was now drawing to a close, he recrossed the Oxus -and returned to Zariaspa (Baktra?), where he spent the winter. Sentence -was here pronounced upon Bessos, who was mutilated and then sent to -Ekbatana for execution. Alexander’s European forces, as the narrative -has shown, were constantly undergoing diminution, not only by losses -in the field, but also by his leaving Macedonian veterans to garrison -important strongholds, or to form the nucleus of the population of the -cities he founded. He therefore from time to time sent requisitions -for recruits to Macedonia and Greece, and as these were adequately met -the fighting quality of his troops was always maintained at the same -high level. During his stay at Baktra a great number of such recruits -arrived, and filled up the large gap which the late disaster had made -in his ranks. There came thither also ambassadors from the King of the -Skythians, bringing presents and the offer of a marriage alliance, which -was declined. The King of the Khorasmians, moreover, whose dominions, -according to his own account, bordered on the land of the Kolchians and -the Amazons, came in person and offered his services to Alexander should -he wish to subdue the nations to the north and west of the Kaspian Sea. -Alexander, however, being now anxious to enter India, declined his offers -for the present. - -The accounts of his next two campaigns are confused, and not always -mutually consistent. According to Curtius, when he moved from Zariaspa, -he crossed the river Ochos (now the Aksou), and came to a city called -Marginia, probably the _Marginan_ of our times. Arrian, however, makes -no mention of this expedition. The Baktrians were still imperfectly -subjugated, and the Sogdians, notwithstanding the severe chastisement -they had received, were again up in arms against his authority. He -therefore left Krateros to deal with the former, while he marched in -person against Marakanda. On his way thither he performed another of -his marvellous achievements, the capture of a fortress perched on the -summit of a steep, lofty, and strongly fortified rock, held by a powerful -garrison, and deemed to be impregnable. He captured it, nevertheless. -Within this stronghold Oxyartes, a Baktrian chief, had for safety -deposited his wife and daughters. Roxana, the eldest daughter, was, next -to the wife of Darius, the most beautiful of all Asiatic women, and -Alexander was so captivated with her charms that he did not hesitate to -make her his wife. - -Spitamenes, meanwhile, assisted by the Massagetai, one of the Skythian -tribes that ranged over the Khorasmian desert, made a devastating -irruption into Baktria, and though he was in the end repulsed by -Krateros, escaped into the desert beyond the reach of pursuit. Fearing -he might renew his attack in some other quarter, Alexander hastened to -Marakanda to settle the province and provide for its security against -future hostile incursions. To this end he directed a number of new towns -to be founded and planted with Macedonian, Greek, and native colonists. -In the course of this expedition he came to the Royal Park at Bazaria -(perhaps Bokhara), and while hunting within its precincts killed a lion -of extraordinary size with his own hand. - -On his return to Marakanda a tragic incident occurred—his murder of -Kleitos, from whom he had received some provocation in the course of -a drunken revel. As he was tenderly attached to Kleitos, who was the -brother of his nurse, and had saved his life at the Granîkos, his remorse -for this frenzied deed knew no bounds at the time, and gave him many -bitter moments in his after life. - -His next expedition led him towards the western frontier of the province, -where he reduced the district called Xenippa, which lay on the skirts -of the Noura mountains—a range that runs from east to west about ten -miles north of Bokhara. As Spitamenes was supposed to be in the desert -not far off, he left Koinos in that part of the country with orders to -capture that audacious rebel, while he himself withdrew to Nautaka, -where he intended to pass the winter. This place was situated in a -fertile oasis between Samarkand and the Oxus, and must have occupied the -site of Kurshee or Kesh, noted afterwards as the birthplace of Timour. -Spitamenes, meanwhile, attacked Koinos, but was defeated after a severe -struggle, and driven back into the desert. His Skythian confederates, -fearing their own country might be invaded, cut off his head and sent -it to Alexander; and so perished the most active, bold, and persevering -antagonist that he had as yet encountered in Asia, one of the few who -resolutely and to the last scorned to bend his neck to a foreign yoke. - -With the first return of spring (B.C. 327) he moved from his winter -quarters to invade the Paraitakai, who, as their name indicates, -inhabited a mountainous district, and were, some think, a branch of -the widespread Takka tribe, the name of which appears in Taxila, which -designated a great capital it possessed in India. In the country of -the Paraitakai, which lay to the east of Baktria and Sogdiana, there -was another great rock fortress, which, like the Sogdian, was deemed -impregnable. It was the main stronghold of a chief called Khorienês, -who, after holding out for some time, was persuaded by Oxyartes to cast -himself on the generosity of the great conqueror, a quality of which -he had himself a very satisfactory experience. Khoriênes therefore -surrendered, and was rewarded by being confirmed in his government. -Alexander after this success proceeded to Baktra in order to make -preparation for his expedition into India, but left Krateros to reduce -such of the tribes as still held out for independence. At Baktra -another tragedy was enacted. The court pages, at the instigation of -one of their number, called Hermolaos, who had been subjected to some -degrading punishment, conspired against the king, who narrowly escaped -assassination. The pages, who all belonged to families of high rank, were -tortured to extract confessions of their guilt, and were then stoned -to death by the Macedonians. The confessions indicated, it is said, -that Kallisthenes, a literary man attached to the court who had been -permitted, on the recommendation of his kinsman Aristotle, to accompany -the expedition, not only knew of the existence of the plot, but had -encouraged the pages to persist in their design. He had rendered himself -obnoxious to the king by the freedom with which he expressed his opinions -and by his opposition to the Persian fashions introduced into the court, -and his doom was sealed. Accounts differ as to the time and mode of his -death. According to Ptolemy he was tortured and then crucified, but -Aristoboulos and Chares agree in stating that he was carried about in -chains and died at last of disease in India. - -The summer had set in when Alexander set out from Baktra on his Indian -expedition. He crossed the chain of Paropamisos in ten days, and halted -at the Alexandreia which he had founded at their base to settle the -affairs of that city and the surrounding district. The narrative of his -campaigns, from the time he left this place till he led his army into -Karmania, after its disastrous march through the burning sands of the -Gedrosian desert, is given in full detail in the translations which form -the body of this work. His march, which on his emerging from the desert -lay through the beautiful and fertile province of Karmania, resembled a -festive procession, and the licence in which he permitted his soldiers -to indulge was meant no less to obliterate the memory of their terrible -sufferings in the desert than to celebrate according to Bacchic fashion -and example the conquest of India. - -In Karmania, Alexander received intelligence that Philip, who had been -left in command of all the country west of the Indus had been slain -in a mutiny by the Greek mercenaries under his command, but that the -Macedonian troops had quelled the mutiny and put the assassins to death. -He did not at the time appoint any successor to Philip, but empowered -Eudêmos and Taxiles to take temporary charge of the affairs of the -satrapy. Before he left Karmania he was rejoined by Krateros who brought -in safety the division of the army which he had led from the Indus by way -of Arachôsia, Drangiana, and the Karmanian desert. Nearchos also visited -his camp, which at the time was a five days’ journey distant from the -sea, and communicated the welcome news that the fleet had arrived in -safety at the mouth of the Persian Gulf. The admiral was instructed to -continue the voyage by sailing up the Gulf to the mouth of the Tigris, -while Hephaistiôn was put in command of the main army with orders to -proceed to Sousa along the maritime parts of Persis and Sousiana. The -king himself with a small division took the upper road which led to that -capital through Pasargadai and Persepolis. In Persis things had not gone -well in his absence. The satrap whom he had appointed was dead, and his -office had been usurped by Orxines, a Persian of great wealth and high -rank, against whom many acts of violence and oppression were charged. -He found also that the tomb of Cyrus had been desecrated and plundered, -and this outrage excited his violent indignation, since he looked upon -that conqueror as the founder of the vast empire which was now his own. -He could not discover the perpetrators, but had to content himself with -ordering the violated sepulchre to be properly restored. On reaching -Persepolis he investigated the charges against Orxines, and finding them -proved, put him to death, and gave his satrapy to Peukestas, one of the -commanders of his bodyguard. - -In Persis the health of Kalanos, the Indian gymnosophist, who, at -Alexander’s request, had abjured the ascetic life and followed him -from India, began to fail, and, as he chose rather to die than suffer -the infirmities of age, he announced that it was his intention to -burn himself. The king attempted to dissuade him, but finding that he -was inexorably bent on self-destruction, ordered a funeral pyre to be -prepared for him, and all the arrangements connected with his cremation -to be superintended by Ptolemy. On the day appointed the devotee ascended -the pyre and perished in its flames, exhibiting throughout a serene -fortitude and self-possession which greatly astonished the Macedonians -who attended in throngs to witness this strange spectacle. Strabo makes -Pasargadai to be the scene of this incident, but Diodôros, Sousa, and -with more probability, since we know that Nearchos was an eye-witness of -the burning. - -Alexander reached Sousa in the beginning of the year 324 B.C., and -remained there for a considerable time, regulating the affairs of his new -dominions. One of his great objects was to fuse together as far as was -practicable his European with his Asiatic subjects; and to this end he -assigned to some eighty of his generals Asiatic wives, giving with each -an ample dowry. He took himself a second wife, Barsinê, called sometimes -Stateira, the eldest daughter of Darius, and, it is said, also a third, -Parysatis, the daughter of Ochos, one of the predecessors of Darius. -About 10,000 Macedonians followed the example of their superiors, and -all who did so received presents from their royal master. Carrying out -this object in another form, he enrolled a large number of Asiatics -among his European troops. These new schemes were so bitterly resented -by the better class of his Macedonian veterans that they rose against -him in a mutiny which he had no little difficulty in quelling. About -10,000 of these veterans were dismissed, and they returned to Europe -under the command of Krateros. Towards the close of the year he went -to Ekbatana, and there he lost his chief favourite Hêphaistiôn, who -succumbed to an attack of fever. His grief at this bereavement knew no -bounds, and showed itself in acts which seem copied from those wherewith -Achilles demonstrated his passionate sense of the loss of his beloved -Patroklos. From Ekbatana he marched back towards Babylon, and was met -on the way by ambassadors from all parts of the known world, who came -to do homage to the greatest of all kings and conquerors, and also by -a deputation of Chaldaean priests who warned him of danger if at that -time he should enter Babylon. He entered it nevertheless, though with -gloomy forebodings, early in the spring of 323 B.C. As this city was the -best point of communication between the eastern and western parts of his -dominions, he had selected it to be the capital of his vast empire, and -accordingly took measures immediately on his return for the improvement -of its internal condition, for the drainage of the swampy lands in its -neighbourhood which rendered its climate unhealthy, and also for removing -obstacles to the safe and easy navigation of the great river by which it -communicated with the sea. - -His ambition being still, however, unsated, he meditated fresh conquests, -which, if effected, would have made him master of the world from the -shores of the Atlantic to the Eastern Ocean. But his end was now drawing -near. The climate of Babylon was malarious, and as his spirits were -depressed both by his loss of Hêphaistiôn and by superstitious fears, he -was less able to withstand its malignant influences. He caught a fever, -and having aggravated its virulence by indulging in convivial excesses, -was cut off in June 323 B.C. at the age of thirty-three, and after he -had reigned for nearly thirteen years. “So passed from the earth,” says -Bishop Thirlwall, “one of the greatest of her sons: great above most -for what he was in himself, and not, as many who have borne the title, -for what was given him to effect. Great, not merely in the vast compass -and the persevering ardour of his ambition ... but in the course which -his ambition took, in the collateral aims which ennobled and purified -it, so that it almost grew into one with the highest of which man is -capable, the desire of knowledge and the love of good. In a word, great -as one of the benefactors of his kind.... It may be truly asserted that -his was the first of the great monarchies founded in Asia that opened a -prospect of progressive improvement, and not of continual degradation, to -its subjects: it was the first that contained any element of moral and -intellectual progress.” This estimate, high as it is, appears to be just -and sober, and to hold a due balance between the extravagant eulogiums -and the damnatory criticisms of other writers such as Mitford, Williams, -and Droysen on the one hand, and Niebuhr, Sainte-Croix, and Grote on the -other, who all alike allowed their ethical and political proclivities to -bias their judgment. - -[Illustration: FIG. 4.—ALEXANDER THE GREAT.] - -Alexander was dignified both in his appearance and in his demeanour. -He was not above the ordinary height, but his frame was well built and -extremely muscular. “He was very handsome in person,” says Arrian, -“devoted to exertion, of an active mind and a most heroic courage, -tenacious of honour, ever ready to meet dangers, indifferent to the -pleasures of the body, and strictly observant of his religious duties.” -Plutarch tells us that the statues of Alexander which most resembled -him were those of Lysippos, who alone had his permission to represent -him in marble, and who best hit off the turn of his head, which leaned a -little to one side.[20] He adds that he was of a fair complexion, with -a tinge of red in his face and upon his breast, and that his breath and -whole person were so fragrant that they perfumed his under garments. In -another passage, describing Alexander’s habits, the same author says that -he was very temperate in eating, and that he was not so much addicted -to wine as he was thought to be. What gave rise to this opinion was his -practice of spending a great deal of time at table. The time, however, -was passed rather in talking than drinking, every cup introducing some -long discussion. Besides, he never sat long at table except when he had -abundance of leisure. There was always a magnificence at his table, and -the expense rose with his fortune till it came to the fixed sum of 10,000 -drachms for each entertainment. As in his dying moments he had given -orders that his body should be conveyed to Ammôn in the Libyan oasis, -it was embalmed, and after more than two years had been spent in making -preparations for its removal, it was conveyed with vast pomp in a car of -wondrous magnificence to Egypt, where it was entombed first at Memphis, -and afterwards, by the authority of Ptolemy,[21] at Alexandreia, the -greatest of all the cities which he had founded and called after his name. - -Alexander was so prematurely cut off, and was besides so much occupied -before his death with organising fresh expeditions, both maritime and -military, that he had no time to improve or complete the measures which -he had initiated for promoting the fusion and securing the permanent -unification of the multifarious races comprised in his empire. Had he -been vouchsafed a longer term of life, it seems probable that he would -have succeeded in welding so firmly together all the parts of his -dominions that centuries might have elapsed before they became again -disintegrated; but the dissensions which speedily broke out between his -great captains, originating in their ambition to rule with independent -authority, shattered his empire and embroiled it in wars which lasted for -nearly half a century. - -Soon after his death Perdikkas, to whom in his last moments he had given -his signet-ring, was appointed to conduct the government on behalf of -the royal family, which was held to consist of Arrhidaios, the king’s -half-brother, a man of weak intellect and character, and Queen Roxana, -who a few months after her husband’s death gave birth to a son who -received the name of Alexander Aigos. The satrapies were then divided -among the leading generals. Perdikkas soon began to use his position -for the furtherance of his own selfish designs, and having secured the -support of Eumenês, attempted to crush his colleagues and assume all -power to himself. He marched first into Egypt against Ptolemy, but on -the banks of the Nile he was defeated and slain in a mutiny of his own -men 321 B.C. Tidings soon afterwards reached the army that Krateros had -been defeated and slain in fighting against Eumenês while marching to -assist Ptolemy. The office of regent was upon this offered to Ptolemy, -who declined its acceptance, as he held that the satrapies should become -independent kingdoms. The army then conferred that office, along with the -tutelage of the royal family, on Antipater of Macedonia, who had crossed -over into Asia to oppose Perdikkas. A new partition of the provinces, -which did not differ much from the former, was then made at a place in -Upper Syria called Triparadeisos. Under this arrangement Ptolemy held -Egypt; Lysimachos, Thrace; Antigonos, Phrygia or Central Asia Minor; -Seleukos, Babylon; Antigenes, Sousiana; Peukestas, Persia; Peithôn, -son of Krateros, Media; Nearchos, Pamphylia and Lycia; Arrhidaios, -Hellespontine Phrygia; Antipater and Polysperchon, Macedonia and -Greece. Eumenês still held the satrapy at first assigned to him—that -of Kappadokia, Paphlagonia, and Pontos—and was now the leader of those -who had been the adherents of Perdikkas. He was supported by Alketas, -the brother of Perdikkas, Peukestas, Attalos, Antigenes, and by the -influence of Olympias, the mother of Alexander. Besides Perdikkas and -Krateros, two other great generals had by this time disappeared from the -scene—Meleager, who had been cut off by Perdikkas, and Leonnatos, who had -been slain in the Lamian war. - -Antigonos was appointed by Antipater to conduct the war against Eumenês, -and after many fluctuations of fortune at last captured him and put -him to death. This happened early in the year 316 B.C. The fortunes of -Alexander’s empire were then left at the disposal of five men—Antigonos, -Lysimachos, Ptolemy, Seleukos, and Kassander, the son of Antipater, who -had died in the year 319 B.C. The ambition and ever-increasing power of -Antigonos soon led his colleagues to form a coalition against him, and -a long series of hostilities followed. In the end Antigonos and his son -Dêmêtrios, surnamed Poliorkêtês, were defeated by the confederates in -the battle of Ipsos in 301 B.C. Antigonos fell on the field of battle, -and the greater part of his dominions fell to the share of Seleukos, -whose cavalry and elephants had been chiefly instrumental in winning the -victory. He received as his reward a great part of Asia Minor as well -as the whole of Syria from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean. Ptolemy -obtained Phoenicia and Hollow Syria, but these provinces afterwards gave -rise to frequent wars between succeeding kings of Egypt and Syria. A war -in later times broke out between Seleukos and Lysimachos, in which the -latter was slain in 281 B.C. His kingdom of Thrace was afterwards merged -in that of Macedonia. Thus the empire of Alexander, after a period of -incessant wars continued for upwards of forty years, was divided between -the powerful monarchs of Macedonia, Egypt, and Syria. - -[Illustration: FIG. 5.—DIODOTOS.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 6.—ANTIOCHOS THE GREAT.] - -The successors of Seleukos were unable to retain hold of their remote -eastern dependencies. About the middle of the third century B.C. -Theodotos or Diodotos, the governor of Baktra, revolted from his grandson -Antiochos II. and made Baktra an independent kingdom. Not long afterwards -Aśôka, the grandson of Chandragupta, as we learn from one of his own -inscriptions,[22] sent missionaries to the kings of the West to proclaim -to them and to their subjects the doctrines of Buddhism. The kings named -in the inscription are Antiyoka (Antiochos II., king of Syria), Turamaya -(Ptolemy III., Euergetes, king of Egypt), Antigona (Antigonas Gonatas, -king of Macedonia), Maga (Magas, king of Kyrênê). About the year 212 B.C. -Antiochos III., surnamed the Great, marched eastward to recover Parthia -and Baktria which had both revolted from the second Antiochos. He was, -however, unable, even after a war which lasted for some years, to effect -the subjugation of these kingdoms, and accordingly concluded a treaty -with them in which he recognised their independence. With the assistance -of the Baktrian sovereign Euthydêmos, who founded the greatness of the -Baktrian monarchy, he made an expedition into India, where he renewed -the alliance with that country which had been formed in the days of -Sandrokottos. From Sophagasenos,[23] the chief of the Indian kings, he -obtained a large supply of elephants, and then returned to Syria by the -route through Arachôsia in the year 205 B.C. - -[Illustration: FIG. 7.—EUTHYDÊMOS.] - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER’S ROUTE IN THE PANJAB - -John Bartholomew & Co., Edinʳ. - -_NOTE:—Lines of Route shewn thus_ ——] - - - - -ARRIAN - - - - -ARRIAN’S ANABASIS - - -FOURTH BOOK - - -_Chapter XXII.—Alexander crosses the Indian Kaukasos to invade India and -advances to the river Kôphên_ - -After capturing the Rock of Choriênês, Alexander went himself to Baktra, -but despatched Krateros with 600 of the Companion Cavalry[24] and a force -of infantry, consisting of his own brigade with that of Polysperchôn -and Attalos and that of Alketas, against Katanês and Austanês the only -chiefs now left in the country of the Paraitakênai[25] who still held -out against him. In the battle which ensued Krateros after a severe -struggle proved victorious. Katanês fell in the action, while Austanês -was made prisoner and brought to Alexander. Of the barbarians who had -followed them to the field, there were slain 120 horsemen and about 1500 -foot. Krateros after the victory led his troops also to Baktra. While -Alexander was here the tragic incident in his history, the affair of -Kallisthenês and the pages, occurred. - -When spring was now past,[26] he led his army from Baktra to invade the -Indians, leaving Amyntas in the land of the Baktrians with 3500 horse -and 10,000 foot. In ten days he crossed the Kaukasos[27] and arrived -at the city of Alexandreia[28] which he had founded in the land of the -Parapamisadai[29] when he first marched to Baktra. The ruler whom he had -then set over the city he dismissed from his office because he thought -he had not discharged its duties well. He recruited the population of -Alexandreia with fresh settlers from the surrounding district, and also -with such of his soldiers as were unfit for further service.[30] He then -ordered Nikanor, one of the Companions, to take charge of the city itself -and regulate its affairs, but he appointed Tyriaspes satrap of the land -of the Parapamisadai and the rest of the country as far as the river -Kôphên.[31] Having reached the city of Nikaia[32] and sacrificed to the -goddess Athêna, he despatched a herald to Taxilês[33] and the chiefs -on this side of the river Indus, directing them to meet him where it -was most convenient for each. Taxilês accordingly and the other chiefs -did meet him and brought him such presents as are most esteemed by the -Indians. They offered also to give him the elephants which they had with -them amounting in number to five-and-twenty. - -Having here divided his army, he despatched Hêphaistiôn and Perdikkas -with the brigades of Gorgias, Kleitos,[34] and Meleager, half of the -companion cavalry, and the whole of the mercenary cavalry, to the land -of Peukelaôtis[35] and the river Indus.[36] He ordered them either to -seize by force whatever places lay on their route or to accept their -submission if they capitulated, and when they came to the Indus to make -whatever preparations were necessary for the transport of the army -across that river. They were accompanied on their march by Taxilês and -the other chiefs. On reaching the river Indus they began to carry out -the instructions which they had received from Alexander. One of the -chiefs, however, Astês, a prince of the land of Peukelaôtis, revolted, -but perished in the attempt, besides involving in ruin the city to which -he had fled for refuge, which the troops under Hêphaistiôn captured in -thirty days. Astês himself fell, and Sanggaios,[37] who had some time -before fled from Astês and deserted to Taxilês, a circumstance which -guaranteed his fidelity to Alexander, was appointed governor of the city. - - -_Chapter XXIII.—Alexander wars against the Aspasians_ - -Alexander took command in person of the other division of the army, -consisting of the hypaspists,[38] all the companion cavalry except -what was with Hêphaistiôn, the brigades of infantry called the -foot-companions, the archers, the Agrianians, and the horse lancers, -and advanced into the country of the Aspasians and Gouraians and -Assakênians.[39] The route which he followed[40] was hilly and rugged, -and lay along the course of the river called the Khôês,[41] which he had -difficulty in crossing. This done he ordered the mass of the infantry -to follow leisurely, while he rode rapidly forward, taking with him -the whole of his cavalry, besides 800 Macedonian foot soldiers, whom -he mounted on horseback with their infantry shields; for he had been -informed that the barbarians inhabiting those parts had fled for refuge -to their native mountains, and to such of their cities as were strongly -fortified. When he proceeded to attack the first city of this kind that -came in his way, he found men drawn up before it in battle order, and on -these he fell at once, just as he was, put them to rout, and shut them -up within the gates. He was wounded, however, in the shoulder by a dart -which penetrated through his breast-plate, but not severely, for the -breast-plate prevented the weapon from going right through his shoulder. -Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, and Leonnatos were also wounded. - -He then encamped near the city on the side where he thought the wall was -weakest. Next day, as soon as there was light, the Macedonians attacked -the outer of the two walls by which the city was encompassed, and as it -was but rudely constructed they captured it without difficulty. At the -inner wall, however, the barbarians made some resistance; but when the -ladders were applied, and the defenders were galled with darts wherever -they turned, they no longer stood their ground, but issued from the city -through the gates and made for the hills. Some of them perished in the -flight, while such as were taken alive were to a man put to death by the -Macedonians, who were enraged against them for having wounded Alexander. -Most of them, however, made good their escape to the mountains, which lay -at no great distance from the city. Alexander razed it to the ground, and -then marched forward to another city called Andaka, which surrendered -on capitulation. When the place had thus fallen into his hands he left -Krateros in these parts, with the other infantry officers, to take -by force whatever other cities refused voluntary submission, and to -settle the affairs of the surrounding district in the best way existing -circumstances would permit, while he himself advanced to the river -Euaspla,[42] where the chief of the Aspasians was. - - -_Chapter XXIV.—Operations against the Aspasians_ - -In this expedition Alexander took with him the hypaspists, the archers, -the Agrianians, the brigade of Koinos and Attalos, the cavalry guard, -about four squadrons of the other companion cavalry, and one half of the -mounted archers. After a long march he reached, on the second day, the -city of the Aspasian chief.[43] The barbarians on hearing of his approach -set fire to their city and fled to the mountains. But Alexander’s men -followed close at the heels of the fugitives, as far as the mountains, -and made a great slaughter of the barbarians before they could escape to -rough and difficult ground. - -During the pursuit Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, descried the chief of the -Indians of that country standing at the time on a small eminence, with -some of his shield-bearing guards around him, and, although his own -following was much smaller, he nevertheless continued the chase, being -still on horseback. When the ascent, however, became so difficult that -his charger could no longer mount it at a good pace, he left him there, -and handing him over to one of the hypaspists to lead, he proceeded on -foot, just as he was, to come up with the Indian. The latter on seeing -that Ptolemy was now near at hand, turned round to face him, as did also -his shield-bearing guards. The Indian, closing with his adversary, struck -him on the breast with a long spear which pierced his cuirass, but the -cuirass broke all the force of the blow. Ptolemy, on the other hand, -smote the Indian right through the thigh, laid him prone at his feet, -and stripped him of his arms. When his men saw their leader lying dead -they left the place, but the other Indians, when they saw on looking -from the mountains that the dead body of their chief was being carried -off by the enemy, were filled with grief and rage, and rushing down to -the small eminence fought for the recovery of the corpse with the utmost -determination; for by this time Alexander also was on the eminence, and -had brought with him the infantry soldiers, who had now alighted from -their horses. This reinforcement falling upon the Indians succeeded after -a hard struggle in driving them off to the mountains and securing the -possession of the dead body. - -Alexander then crossed the mountains, and came to a city at their base, -named Arigaion.[44] He found that the inhabitants had burned the place -and taken to flight. Here Krateros, with his staff and the troops under -his command, rejoined him, after having fully carried out all the orders -given by the king. As the city seemed to occupy a very advantageous -site, he commanded Krateros to fortify it strongly, and people it with -as many natives of the neighbourhood as should consent to make it their -home, together with any soldiers found unfit for further service. He then -marched to a place where, as he had ascertained, most of the barbarians -of that part of the country had taken refuge, and on reaching a certain -mountain encamped at its base. - -Meanwhile Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, who had been sent out by Alexander -to procure forage, and had gone with a few followers a considerable -distance in advance to reconnoitre the enemy, came back to Alexander -to report that he had seen more fires where the barbarians were posted -than in Alexander’s camp. Alexander, without believing that the fires -were so numerous, was still convinced that a host of barbarians had -mustered together from the surrounding country, and therefore leaving -a part of his army where it was encamped in proximity to the mountain, -he took with him such a force as the reports led him to think would be -adequate, and when the fires were near in view, he divided it into three -parts. The command of one part he gave to Leonnatos, an officer of the -bodyguard, placing under him the brigade of Attalos, along with that of -Balakros. The command of the second division he gave to Ptolemy, the son -of Lagos. It consisted of a third of the royal hypaspists, together with -the brigade of Philippos and Philôtas, two companies of archers, each -a thousand strong, the Agrianians, and half of the horsemen. The third -division Alexander led in person against the position occupied by the -main body of the barbarians. - - -_Chapter XXV.—Defeat of the Aspasians—The Assakenians and Gouraians -attacked_ - -When they saw the Macedonians advancing against them they came down from -the high ground which they had occupied into the plain below, confident -in their numbers, and despising the Macedonians for the smallness of -theirs. A sharp conflict followed, but Alexander without much trouble -gained the victory. Ptolemy did not draw up his men in line upon the -plain, but since the barbarians were posted on a small hill, he formed -his battalions into column, and led them up the hill on the side where -it was most assailable. He did not surround the entire circuit of the -hill, but left an opening for the barbarians by which to escape if they -meant flight. With these men also the conflict was sharp, not only from -the difficult nature of the ground, but also because the Indians were of -a different mettle from the other barbarians there, and were by far the -stoutest warriors in that neighbourhood; but brave as they were they were -driven from the hill by the Macedonians. The men of the third division -under Leonnatos were equally successful, as they also routed those with -whom they engaged. Ptolemy states that the men taken prisoners were in -all above 40,000, and that there were also captured more than 230,000 -oxen, from which Alexander chose out the best—those which he thought -superior to the others both for beauty and size—with a view to send them -to Macedonia to be employed in agriculture. - -He marched thence to invade the country of the Assakenians, for they -were reported to have under arms and ready for battle an army of 20,000 -cavalry and more than 30,000 infantry, besides 30 elephants. Krateros -had now completed the work of fortifying the city which he had been left -to plant with colonists, and rejoined Alexander with the heavy armed -troops and the engines which it might be necessary to employ in besieging -towns. Alexander himself then proceeded to attack the Assakenians, -taking with him the companion cavalry, the horse archers, the brigade of -Koinos and Polysperchon, and the thousand Agrianians and the archers. -He passed through the country of the Gouraians, where he had to cross -the Gouraios,[45] the river named after that country. The passage was -difficult on account of the depth and swiftness of the stream, and also -because the stones at the bottom were so smooth and round that the men on -stepping on them were apt to stumble. When the barbarians saw Alexander -approaching they had not the courage to encounter him in the open field -with their collective forces, but dispersed to their several cities, -which they resolved to defend to the last extremity. - - -_Chapter XXVI.—Siege of Massaga_ - -Alexander marched first to attack Massaga,[46] which was the greatest -city in those parts. When he was now approaching the walls, the -barbarians, supported by a body of Indian mercenaries brought from a -distance, and no less than 7000 strong, sallied out with a run against -the Macedonians when they observed them preparing to encamp. Alexander -thus saw that the battle would be fought close to the city, whereas he -wished the enemy to be drawn away to a distance from the walls, so that, -if they were defeated, as he was certain they would be, they might have -less chance of escaping with their lives by a short flight into the city. -Alexander therefore ordered the Macedonians to fall back to a little hill -which was about seven stadia distant from the place where he had meant to -encamp. This gave the enemy fresh courage as they thought the Macedonians -had already given way before them, and so they charged them at a running -pace and without any observance of order. But when once their arrows -began to reach his men, Alexander immediately wheeled round at a signal -agreed on and led the phalanx at a running pace to fall upon them. But -his horse-lancers and the Agrianians and the archers darted forward, -and were the first to come into conflict with the barbarians, while he -was leading the phalanx in regular order into action. The Indians were -confounded by this unexpected attack, and no sooner found themselves -involved in a hand-to-hand encounter than they gave way and fled back to -the city. About 200 of them were killed, and the rest were shut up within -the walls. Alexander brought up the phalanx against the fortifications, -but was wounded in the ankle, though not severely, by an arrow shot from -the battlements. The next day he brought up the military engines, and -without much difficulty battered down a part of the wall. But when the -Macedonians attempted to force their way through the breach which had -been made, the Indians repelled all their attacks with so much spirit -that Alexander was obliged for that day to draw off his forces. On the -morrow the Macedonians renewed their assault with even greater vigour, -and a wooden tower was brought up against the wall from which the archers -shot at the Indians, while missiles were discharged against them from -engines. They were thus driven back to a good distance, but still their -assailants were after all unable to force their way within the walls. - -On the third day Alexander led the phalanx once more to the assault, and -causing a bridge to be thrown from an engine over to that part of the -wall which had been battered down, by that gangway he led the hypaspists -over to the breach—the same men who by a similar expedient had enabled -him to capture Tyre. The bridge, however, broke down under the great -throng which was pushing forward with eager haste, and the Macedonians -fell with it. The barbarians on the walls, seeing what had happened, -began amid loud cheering to ply the Macedonians with stones and arrows -and whatever missiles they had ready at hand or could at the moment -snatch up, while others sallying out from posterns in the wall between -the towers, struck them at close quarters before they could extricate -themselves from the confusion caused by the accident. - - -_Chapter XXVII.—Massaga taken by storm—Ora and Bazira besieged_ - -Alexander then sent Alketas with his brigade to take up the wounded and -recall to the camp the active combatants. On the fourth day another -gangway on a different engine was despatched by him against the wall. - -Now the Indians, as long as the chief of that place was still living, -continued with great vigour to maintain the defence, but when he was -struck by a missile from an engine and was killed by the blow, while -some of themselves had fallen in the uninterrupted siege, and most of -them were wounded and disabled for fighting, they sent a herald to treat -with Alexander. To him it was always a pleasure to save the lives of -brave men, and he came to an agreement with the Indian mercenaries to the -effect that they should change their side and take service in his ranks. -Upon this they left the city, arms in hand, and encamped by themselves on -a small hill which faced the camp of the Macedonians. But as they had no -wish to take up arms against their own countrymen, they resolved to arise -by night and make off with all speed to their homes. When Alexander was -informed of this he surrounded the hill that same night with all his -troops, and having thus intercepted the Indians in the midst of their -flight, cut them to pieces. The city now stripped of its defenders he -took by storm, and captured the mother and daughter of Assakênos.[47] -Alexander lost in the siege from first to last five-and-twenty of his men -in all. - -He then despatched Koinos to Bazira,[48] convinced that the inhabitants -would capitulate on learning that Massaga had been captured. He, -moreover, sent Attalos, Alketas, and Dêmêtrios, the captain of cavalry, -to another city, Ora, instructing them to draw a rampart round it, and to -invest it until his own arrival. The inhabitants of this place sallied -out against the troops under Alketas, but the Macedonians had no great -difficulty in routing them, and driving them back within the walls of the -city. As regards Koinos, matters did not go well with him at Bazira, for -as it stood on a very lofty eminence, and was strongly fortified in every -quarter, the people trusted to the strength of their position and made no -proposals about surrendering. - -Alexander, on learning this, set out for Bazira, but as he knew that -some of the barbarians of the neighbouring country were going to steal -unobserved into the city of Ora, having been sent by Abisares[49] for -this very purpose, he directed his march first to that city. He then sent -orders to Koinos to fortify some strong position as a basis of operations -against the city of the Bazirians, and to leave in it a sufficient -garrison to prevent the inhabitants from going into the country around -for provisions without fear of danger. He was then to join Alexander with -the remainder of his troops. When the men of Bazira saw Koinos departing -with the bulk of his troops they regarded the Macedonians who remained, -as contemptible antagonists, and sallied out into the plain to attack -them. A sharp conflict ensued in which 500 of the barbarians were slain, -and upwards of 70 taken prisoners. The rest fled together into the city -and were more rigorously than ever debarred all access to the country -by the garrison of the fort. The siege of Ora did not cost Alexander -much labour, for he captured the place at the first assault, and got -possession of all the elephants which had been left therein. - - -_Chapter XXVIII.—Bazira captured—Alexander marches to the rock Aornos_ - -When the inhabitants of Bazira heard that Ora had fallen, they regarded -their case as desperate, and at the dead of night fled from their city to -the Rock, as all the other barbarians were doing, for, having left their -cities, they were fleeing to the rock in that land called Aornos;[50] -for this is a mighty mass of rock in that part of the country, and a -report is current concerning it that even Heraklês, the son of Zeus, -had found it to be impregnable. Now whether the Theban, or the Tyrian, -or the Egyptian Heraklês penetrated so far as to the Indians[51] I can -neither positively affirm nor deny, but I incline to think that he did -not penetrate so far; for we know how common it is for men when speaking -of things that are difficult to magnify the difficulty by declaring that -it would baffle even Heraklês himself. And in the case of this rock my -own conviction is that Heraklês was mentioned to make the story of its -capture all the more wonderful. The rock is said to have had a circuit -of about 200 stadia, and at its lowest elevation a height of eleven -stadia.[52] It was ascended by a single path cut by the hand of man, yet -difficult. On the summit of the rock there was, it is also said, plenty -of pure water which gushed out from a copious spring. There was timber -besides, and as much good arable land as required for its cultivation the -labour of a thousand men. - -[Illustration: FIG. 8.—THE TYRIAN HERAKLÊS.] - -Alexander on learning these particulars was seized with an ardent desire -to capture this mountain also, the story current about Heraklês not being -the least of the incentives. With this in view he made Ora and Massaga -strongholds for bridling the districts around them, and at the same time -strengthened the defences of Bazira. The division under Hêphaistiôn and -Perdikkas fortified for him another city called Orobatis[53] in which -they left a garrison and then marched on to the river Indus. On reaching -it they began preparing a bridge to span the Indus in accordance with -Alexander’s orders. - -Alexander now appointed Nikanor, one of the companions, satrap of -the country on this side of the Indus,[54] and then first marched -himself towards that river and received the submission of the city of -Peukelaôtis which lay not far from the Indus. He placed in it a garrison -of Macedonian soldiers under the command of Philippos, and then occupied -himself in reducing other towns—some small ones—situated near the -river Indus.[55] He was accompanied on this occasion by Kôphaios and -Assagetês the local chiefs.[56] On reaching Embolima,[57] a city close -adjoining the rock of Aornos,[58] he there left Krateros with a part of -the army to gather into the city as much corn as possible and all other -requisites for a long stay, that the Macedonians having this place as -the basis of their operations might, during a protracted siege, wear -out the defenders of the rock by famine, should it fail to be captured -at the first assault. He himself then advanced to the rock, taking with -him the archers, the Agrianians, the brigade of Koinos, the lightest and -best-armed men selected from the remainder of the phalanx, 200 of the -companion cavalry, and 100 horse-archers. At the end of the day’s march -he encamped on what he took to be a convenient site. The next day he -advanced a little nearer to the Rock, and again encamped. - - -_Chapter XXIX.—Siege of Aornos_ - -Some men thereupon who belonged to the neighbourhood came to him, and -after proffering their submission undertook to guide him to the most -assailable part of the rock, that from which it would not be difficult to -capture the place. With these men he sent Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, a -member of the bodyguard, leading the Agrianians and the other light-armed -troops and the selected hypaspists, and directed him, on securing the -position, to hold it with a strong guard and to signal to him when he -had occupied it. Ptolemy, who followed a route which proved rough and -otherwise difficult to traverse, succeeded in occupying the position -without being perceived by the barbarians.[59] The whole circuit of this -he fortified with a palisade and a trench, and then raised a beacon on -the mountain from which the flame was likely to be seen by Alexander. -Alexander did see it, and next day moved forward with his army, but -as the barbarians obstructed his progress he could do nothing more on -account of the difficult nature of the ground. When the barbarians -perceived that Alexander had found an attack to be impracticable, they -turned round, and in full force fell upon Ptolemy’s men. Between these -and the Macedonians hard fighting ensued, the Indians making strenuous -efforts to destroy the palisade by tearing up the stakes, and Ptolemy -to guard and maintain his position. The barbarians were worsted in the -skirmish and when night began to fall withdrew. - -From the Indian deserters Alexander selected one who knew the country -and could otherwise be trusted, and sent him by night to Ptolemy with a -letter importing that when he himself assailed the rock, Ptolemy should -no longer content himself with defending his position but should fall -upon the barbarians on the mountain, so that the Indians, being attacked -in front and rear, might be perplexed how to act. Alexander, starting at -daybreak from his camp, led his army by the route followed by Ptolemy -when he went up unobserved, being convinced that if he forced a passage -that way, and effected a junction with Ptolemy’s men, the work still -before him would not then be difficult; and so it turned out; for up -to mid-day there continued to be hard fighting between the Indians and -the Macedonians—the latter forcing their way up the ascent, while the -former plied them with missiles as they ascended. But as the Macedonians -did not slacken their efforts, ascending the one after the other, while -those in advance paused to rest, they gained with much pain and toil the -summit of the pass early in the afternoon, and joined Ptolemy’s men. His -troops being now all united, Alexander put them again in motion and led -them against the rock itself; but to get close up to it was not yet -practicable. So came this day to its end. - -Next day at dawn he ordered the soldiers to cut a hundred stakes per man. -When the stakes had been cut he began piling them up towards the rock -(beginning from the crown of the hill on which the camp had been pitched) -to form a great mound, whence he thought it would be possible for arrows -and for missiles shot from engines to reach the defenders. Every one took -part in the work helping to advance the mound. Alexander himself was -present to superintend, commending those that were intent on getting the -work done, and chastising any one that at the moment was idling. - - -_Chapter XXX.—Capture of Aornos—Advance to the Indus_ - -The army by the first day’s work extended the mound the length of a -stadium, and on the following day the slingers by slinging stones at the -Indians from the mound just constructed, and the bolts shot at them from -the engines, drove them back whenever they sallied out to attack the men -engaged upon the mound. The work of piling it up thus went on for three -days, without intermission, when on the fourth day a few Macedonians -forced their way to a small hill which was on a level with the rock, -and occupied its crest. Alexander without ever resting drove the mound -towards the hill which the handful of men had occupied, his object being -to join the two together. - -But the Indians terror-struck both by the unheard-of audacity of the -Macedonians in forcing their way to the hill, and also by seeing that -this position was now connected with the mound, abstained from further -resistance, and, sending their herald to Alexander, professed they were -willing to surrender the rock if he granted them terms of capitulation. -But the purpose they had in view was to consume the day in spinning -out negotiations, and to disperse by night to their several homes. When -Alexander saw this he allowed them to start off as well as to withdraw -the sentinels from the whole circle of outposts. He did not himself stir -until they began their retreat, but, when they did so, he took with him -700 of the bodyguards and the hypaspists and scaled the rock at the point -abandoned by the enemy. He was himself the first to reach the top, the -Macedonians ascending after him pulling one another up, some at one place -and some at another. Then at a preconcerted signal they turned upon the -retreating barbarians and slew many of them in the flight, besides so -terrifying some others that in retreating they flung themselves down -the precipices, and were in consequence dashed to death. Alexander -thus became master of the rock which had baffled Heraklês himself. He -sacrificed upon it and built a fort, giving the command of its garrison -to Sisikottos,[60] who long before had in Baktra deserted from the -Indians to Bessos, but after Alexander had conquered the Baktrian land -served in his army, and showed himself a man worthy of all confidence. - -He then set out from the rock and invaded the land of the -Assakênians,[61] for he had been apprised that the brother of Assakênos, -with the elephants and a host of the barbarians from the adjoining -country, had fled for refuge to the mountains of that land. On reaching -Dyrta[62] he found there were no inhabitants either in the city itself or -the surrounding district. So next day he sent out Nearchos and Antiochos, -commanders of the hypaspists, the former with the light-armed Agrianians, -and the latter with his own regiment and other two regiments besides. -They were despatched to examine the nature of the localities, and to -capture, if possible, some of the barbarians who might give information -about the state of matters in the country, and particularly about the -elephants, as he was very anxious to know where they were. - -He himself now marched towards the river Indus, and the army going on -before made a road for him, without which there would have been no means -of passing through that part of the country.[63] He there captured a -few of the barbarians, from whom he learned that the Indians of the -country had fled away for refuge to Abisarês,[64] but had left their -elephants there at pasture near the river Indus. He ordered these men to -show him the way to the elephants. Now many of the Indians are elephant -hunters,[65] and men of this class found favour with him and were kept -in his retinue, and on this occasion he went with them in pursuit of the -elephants. Two of these animals were killed in the chase by throwing -themselves down a steep place, but the others on being caught suffered -drivers to mount them, and were added to the army. He was further -fortunate in finding serviceable timber[66] along the river, and this -was cut for him by the army and employed in building boats. These were -taken down the river Indus to the bridge which a good while before this -Hêphaistiôn and Perdikkas had constructed.[67] - - -FIFTH BOOK - - -_Chapter I.—Alexander at Nysa_ - -In the country traversed by Alexander between the Kôphên and the river -Indus, they say that besides the cities already mentioned, there stood -also the city of Nysa,[68] which owed its foundation to Dionysos, and -that Dionysos founded it when he conquered the Indians, whoever this -Dionysos in reality was, and when or whencesoever he made his expedition -against the Indians; for I have no means of deciding whether the Theban -Dionysos setting out either from Thebes or the Lydian Tmôlos[69] marched -with an army against the Indians, passing through a great many warlike -nations unknown to the Greeks of those days, but without subjugating -any of them by force of arms except only the Indian nations; all I know -is, that one is not called on to sift minutely the legends of antiquity -concerning the gods; for things that are not credible, if one reasons -as to their consistency with the course of nature, do not seem to be -incredible altogether if one takes the divine agency into account. - -When Alexander came to Nysa, the Nysaians sent out to him their -president, whose name was Akouphis,[70] and along with him thirty -deputies of their most eminent citizens, to entreat him to spare the -city for the sake of the god. The deputies, it is said, on entering -Alexander’s tent found him sitting in his armour, covered with dust from -his journey, wearing his helmet and grasping his spear. They fell to the -ground in amazement at the sight, and remained for a long time silent. -But when Alexander had bidden them rise and to be of good courage, then -Akouphis taking up speech thus addressed him. - -“The Nysaians entreat you, O King! to permit them to be still free -and to be governed by their own laws from reverence towards Dionysos; -for when Dionysos after conquering the Indian nation was returning to -the shores of Greece he founded with his war-worn soldiers, who were -also his bacchanals, this very city to be a memorial to posterity of -his wanderings and his victory, just as you have founded yourself an -Alexandreia near Kaukasos, and another Alexandreia in the land of the -Egyptians, not to speak of many others, some of which you have already -founded, while others will follow in the course of time, just as your -achievements exceed in number those displayed by Dionysos. Now Dionysos -called our city Nysa, and our land the Nysaian, after the name of his -nurse Nysa; and he besides gave to the mountain which lies near the city -the name of Mêros, because according to the legend he grew, before his -birth, in the thigh of Zeus. And from his time forth we inhabit Nysa as -a free city, and are governed by our own laws, and are a well-ordered -community. But that Dionysos was our founder, take this as a proof, that -ivy which grows nowhere else in the land of the Indians, grows with -us.”[71] - - -_Chapter II.—Alexander permits the Nysaians to retain their -Autonomy—Visits Mount Mêros_ - -It gratified Alexander to hear all this, for he was desirous that the -legends concerning the wanderings of Dionysos should be believed, as -well as that Nysa owed its foundation to Dionysos, since he had himself -reached the place to which that deity had come, and meant to penetrate -farther than he; for the Macedonians, he thought, would not refuse to -share his toils if he advanced with an ambition to rival the exploits of -Dionysos. He therefore confirmed the inhabitants of Nysa in the enjoyment -of their freedom and their own laws; and when he enquired about their -laws, he praised them because the government of their state was in the -hands of the aristocracy. He moreover requested them to send with him 300 -of their horsemen, together with 100 of their best men selected from the -governing body, which consisted of 300 members. He then asked Akouphis, -whom he appointed governor of the Nysaian land, to make the selection. -When Akouphis heard this, he is said to have smiled at the request, and -when Alexander asked him why he laughed, to have replied, “How, O King! -can a single city if deprived of a hundred of its best men continue to be -well-governed? But if you have the welfare of the Nysaians at heart, take -with you the 300 horsemen, or, if you wish, even more; but instead of the -hundred of our best men you have asked me to select, take with you twice -that number of our worst men, so that on your returning hither you may -find the city as well governed as it is now.” By these words he persuaded -Alexander, who thought he spoke sensibly, and who ordered him to send -the horsemen without again asking for the hundred men who were to have -been selected, or even for others to supply their place. He requested -Akouphis, however, to send him his son and his daughter’s son to attend -him on his expedition. - -Alexander felt a strong desire to see the place where the Nysaians -boasted to have certain memorials of Dionysos. So he went, it is said, -to Mount Mêros with the companion cavalry and the body of foot-guards, -and found that the mountain abounded with ivy and laurel and umbrageous -groves of all manner of trees, and that it had also chases supplied -with game of every description. The Macedonians, to whom the sight of -the ivy was particularly welcome, as it was the first they had seen for -a long time (there being no ivy in the land of the Indians, even where -they have the vine), are said to have set themselves at once to weave -ivy chaplets, and, accoutred as they were, to have crowned themselves -with these, chanting the while hymns to Dionysos and invoking the god -by his different names.[72] Alexander, they say, offered while there -sacrifice to Dionysos and feasted with his friends. Some even go so far -as to allege, if any one cares to believe such things, that many of -his courtiers, Macedonians of no mean rank, while invoking Dionysos, -and wreathed with ivy crowns, were seized with the inspiration of the -god, raised in his honour shouts of Evoi, and revelled like Bacchanals -celebrating the orgies. - - -_Chapter III—How Eratosthenes views the legends concerning Heraklês and -Dionysos—Alexander crosses the Indus_ - -Any one who hears these stories is free to believe them or disbelieve -them as he chooses. For my own part, I do not altogether agree with -Eratosthenes the Kyrênian, who says that all these references to the -deity were circulated by the Macedonians in connection with the deeds of -Alexander, to gratify his pride by grossly exaggerating their importance. -For, to take an instance, he says that the Macedonians, on seeing a -cavern among the Paropamisadai, and either hearing some local legend -about it, or inventing one themselves, spread a report that this was -beyond doubt the cave in which Promêtheus had been bound, and to which -the eagle resorted to prey upon his vitals, until Heraklês, coming -that way, slew the eagle and freed Promêtheus from his bonds.[73] -And again, he says that the Macedonians transferred the name of Mount -Kaukasos from Pontos to the eastern parts of the world and the land of -the Paropamisadai adjacent to India (for they called Mount Paropamisos, -Kaukasos), to enhance the glory of Alexander as if he had passed over -Kaukasos. And again, he says that when the Macedonians saw in India -itself oxen marked with a brand in the form of a club, they took this as -a proof that Heraklês had gone as far as the Indians. Eratosthenes has -likewise no belief in similar stories about the wanderings of Dionysos. -Whether or not the accounts about them are true, I cannot decide, and so -leave them. - -When Alexander arrived at the river Indus he found a bridge already -made over it by Hêphaistiôn, and two thirty-oared galleys, besides a -great many small boats. He found also a present which had been sent -by Taxilês the Indian, consisting of 200 talents of silver, 3000 oxen -fattened for the shambles, 10,000 sheep or more, and 30 elephants. The -same prince had also sent to his assistance a force of 700 horsemen, and -these brought word that Taxilês surrendered into his hands his capital -Taxila, the greatest of all the cities between the river Indus and the -Hydaspês. Alexander there offered sacrifices to the gods to whom it was -his custom to sacrifice, and entertained his army with gymnastic and -equestrian contests on the banks of the river. The sacrifices proved to -be favourable for his undertaking the passage. - - -_Chapter IV.—General description of the Indus and of the people of India_ - -That the Indus is the greatest of all the rivers of Asia, except the -Ganges, which is itself an Indian river; that its sources lie on this -side of the Paropamisos or Kaukasos;[74] that it falls into the great -sea which washes the shores of India towards the south wind; that it -has two mouths, both of which outlets abound with shallows, like the -five mouths of the Ister; and that it forms a delta in the land of the -Indians closely resembling the Egyptian Delta, and that this is called in -the Indian tongue Pâtâla,[75] let this be my description of the Indus, -setting forth those facts which can least be disputed, since the Hydaspês -and the Akesinês and the Hydraôtês and the Hyphasis, which are also -Indian rivers, are considerably larger than any other rivers in Asia, but -are smaller, I may even say much smaller, than the Indus, just as also -the Indus itself is smaller than the Ganges. Indeed, Ktêsias (if any one -thinks him a proper authority) states that where the Indus is narrowest -its banks are 40 stadia apart, and where broadest 100 stadia, while its -ordinary breadth is the mean between these two distances.[76] - -This river Indus Alexander began to cross at daybreak with his army to -enter the country of the Indians. Concerning this people I have, in this -present work, described neither under what laws they live, nor what -strange animals their country produces, nor in what number and variety -fish and water-monsters are bred in the Indus, the Hydaspês, the Ganges, -and other Indian rivers. Nor have I described the ants which dig up -gold for them, nor its guardians the griffins,[77] nor other stories -invented rather to amuse than to convey a knowledge of facts, since -there was no one to expose the falsehood of any absurd stories told -about the Indians. However, Alexander and those who served in his army -did expose the falsehood of most of them, although some even of these -very men invented lies of their own. They proved also, in contradiction -of the common belief, that the Indians were goldless, those tribes at -least, and they were many, which Alexander visited with his army; and -that they were not at all luxurious in their style of living, while they -were of so great a stature[78] that they were amongst the tallest men in -Asia, being five cubits in height, or nearly so. They were blacker than -any other men except the Aethiopians,[79] while in the art of war they -were far superior to the other nations by which Asia was at that time -inhabited. For I cannot make any proper comparison between the Indians -and the race of ancient Persians, who, under the command of Cyrus, the -son of Kambyses, wrested the supremacy of Asia from the Medes, and added -to their empire other nations, some by conquest and others by voluntary -submission; for the Persians of those days were but a poor people, -inhabiting a rugged country and approximating closely in the austerity -of their laws and usages to the Spartan discipline.[80] Then with regard -to the discomfiture of the Persians in the Skythian land, I cannot with -certainty conjecture to what cause it was attributable, whether to the -difficult nature of the country into which they were led, or to some -other mistake made by Cyrus, or whether it was that the Persians were -inferior in the art of war to those Skythians whose territories they -invaded.[81] - - -_Chapter V.—The rivers and mountains of Asia_ - -However, I shall treat of the Indians in a separate work,[82] in which I -shall set down whatever seems to be most credible in the reports supplied -by those who accompanied Alexander in his expedition, and by Nearchos -who made a voyage round the Great Sea which adjoins the Indians. I shall -then add the accounts of the country which were compiled by Megasthenes -and Eratosthenês, who are both writers of standard authority. I shall -describe the customs of the Indians and the remarkable animals which -their country is said to produce, and also the voyage which was made -by Nearchos in the outer sea.[83] In the meantime it will suffice if I -content myself with describing only what seems requisite to make the -account of Alexander’s operations clearly intelligible. Mount Tauros -divides Asia, beginning from Mykalê, the mountain which lies opposite -to the island of Samos; then forming the boundary of the country of the -Pamphylians and Kilikians, it stretches onwards to Armenia. From the -Armenians it passes into Mêdia, and runs through the country of the -Parthians and the Khorasmians. Reaching Baktria it there unites with -Mount Parapamisos, which the Macedonians of Alexander’s army called -the Kaukasos, for the purpose, it is said, of magnifying the deeds of -Alexander, for it could thus be said that he had carried his victorious -arms even beyond the Kaukasos. It is possible, however, that this -mountain range may be a continuation of that other Kaukasos which is in -Skythia, in the same way as it is a continuation of the Tauric range. For -this reason I have before this occasionally called this range Kaukasos, -and in future I mean to call it so. This Kaukasos extends as far as the -great Indian Ocean in the direction of the east.[84] All the important -rivers of Asia accordingly rise either in Mount Tauros or Mount Kaukasos, -and shape their courses some to the north, and others to the south. -Those which run northward discharge their waters either into the Maiôtic -Lake, or into the Hyrkanian Sea, which is in reality a gulf of the Great -Sea.[85] The rivers which run southward are the Euphrates, Tigris, -Indus, Hydaspês, Akesines, Hydraôtes, and Hyphasis, together with the -rivers between these and the Ganges. All these either enter the sea, or, -like the Euphrates, disappear among the swamps which receive their waters. - - -_Chapter VI.—Position and boundaries of India and how its plains may have -been formed_ - -If anyone takes this view of Asia, that it is divided by the Tauros -and the Kaukasos from west to east, then he finds that it is formed by -the Tauros itself into two great sections, one of which lies towards -the south and the south wind, and the other towards the north and -the north wind. The southern section is divided into four parts, of -which, according to Eratosthenês, India is the largest, this being also -the opinion of Megasthenes who resided with Siburtios the satrap of -Arakhôsia, and who tells us that he frequently visited Sandrakottos the -king of the Indians.[86] They say that the smallest part is that which is -bounded by the river Euphrates, and which extends to our own inland sea, -while the other two parts which lie between the river Euphrates and the -Indus will scarcely bear comparison with India even if both were taken -together. They also say that India is bounded towards the east and the -east wind as far as the south by the Great Sea, and towards the north -by Mount Kaukasos, as far as its junction with the Tauros, while the -river Indus cuts it off from other countries towards the west and the -north-west wind as far as the Great Sea. The larger portion of India is -a plain, and this, as they conjecture, has been formed from the alluvial -deposits of the rivers, just as in other countries plains which are -not far off from the sea are generally formations of their respective -rivers, a fact which explains why the names of such countries were -applied of old to their rivers. There is, for instance, in the country -of Asia the plain of the Hermos, a river which rises in the mountain -of Mother Dindymênê, and on its way to the sea flows past the Aiolian -city of Smyrna. There is again another Lydian plain, called that of the -Kaÿstros, which is a Lydian river, and another plain in Mysia, that of -the Kaïkos, and another in Karia, that of the Maiandros, which extends as -far as the Ionian city of Milêtos. In the case of Egypt again, the two -historians, Herodotos, and Hêkataios (or at any rate the author of the -work on Egypt, if he was other than Hêkataios) agree in declaring that -in the same way Egypt was the gift of its river,[87] and clear proofs -have been adduced by Herodotos in support of this view, so that even the -country itself got perhaps its name from the river, for that in early -times Aigyptos was the name of the river which the Egyptians and other -nations now call the Nile the words of Homer sufficiently prove, since -he says[88] that Menelaös anchored his ships at the mouth of the river -Aigyptos. Now if the rivers we have mentioned, which are of no great -size, can each of them separately form in its course to the sea a large -tract of new country, by carrying down silt and slime from the upland -districts in which they have their sources, there can be no good reason -for doubting that India is mostly a plain which has been formed by the -alluvial deposits of its rivers.[89] For if the Hermos and the Kaÿstros -and the Kaïkos and the Maiandros and the other rivers of Asia which fall -into the inland sea were united, they could not be compared in volume of -water with one of the Indian rivers, and much less with the Ganges, which -is the greatest of them all, and with which neither the volume of the -Egyptian Nile, nor the Istros (Danube) which flows through Europe, can be -for a moment compared. Nay, the whole of those rivers if combined into -one would not be equal to the Indus, which is already a large river where -it issues from its springs, and which after receiving as tributaries -fifteen rivers,[90] all greater than those of Asia, enters the sea still -retaining its own name. Let these remarks which I have made about the -country of the Indians suffice for the present, while I reserve all other -particulars for my description of India. - - -_Chapter VII.—The bridging of rivers_ - -In what manner Alexander made his bridge over the Indus neither -Aristoboulos nor Ptolemy, the authorities whom I chiefly follow, have -given any account; nor can I decide for certain whether the passage was -bridged with boats, as was the Hellespont by Xerxes and as were the -Bosporos and the Istros by Darius,[91] or whether the bridge he made over -the river was one continuous piece of work. I incline, however, to think -that the bridge must have been made of boats,[92] for neither would the -depth of the river have admitted the construction of an ordinary kind of -bridge, nor could a work so vast and difficult have been executed in so -short a time. But if the passage was bridged with boats I cannot decide -whether the vessels being fastened together with cables and anchored in -a row sufficed to form a bridge as did those by which, as Herodotos the -Halikarnassian says, the Hellespont was joined, or whether the method was -that which is used by the Romans in bridging the Istros and the Keltic -Rhine,[93] and by which they bridged the Euphrates and the Tigris as -often as necessity required. Since, however, the Romans, as far as my -knowledge goes, have found that the bridging of rivers by boats is the -most expeditious method of crossing them, I think it worth a description -here. The vessels at a preconcerted signal are let go from their moorings -and rowed down stream not prow but stern foremost. The current of course -carries them downward, but a small pinnace furnished with oars holds -them back till they settle into their appointed place. Then baskets of -wicker work, pyramid-shaped and filled with rough stones, are lowered -into the river from the prow of each vessel to make it hold fast against -the force of the current. As soon as one of those vessels has been held -fast another is in the same way anchored with its prow against the stream -as far from the first as is commensurate with their bearing the strain -of what is put upon them. On both of them beams of wood are rapidly laid -lengthwise, and on these again planks are placed crosswise to bind them -together. In this manner the work proceeds through all the vessels which -are required for bridging the passage. At each end of the structure -firmly fixed railed gangways are thrown forward to the shore so that -horses and beasts of burden may with the greater safety enter upon it. -These gangways serve at the same time to bind the bridge to the shore. In -a short time the whole is completed amid great noise and bustle, though -discipline is by no means lost sight of as the work proceeds. In each -vessel the occasional exhortations of the overseers and their rebukes -of negligence neither prevent orders from being heard nor the work from -being quickly executed. - - -_Chapter VIII.—Alexander arrives at Taxila—Receives an embassy from -Abisares and advances to the Hydaspês_ - -This method has been practised by the Romans from of old, but how -Alexander bridged the river Indus I cannot say, for even those who served -in his army are silent on the matter. But the bridge was made, I should -think, as nearly as possible in the way described, or if it was otherwise -contrived let it be so. - -When Alexander had crossed to the other side of the Indus he again -offered sacrifice according to his custom. Then marching away from -the Indus he arrived at Taxila,[94] a great and flourishing city, the -greatest indeed of all the cities which lay between the river Indus and -the Hydaspês. Taxilês, the governor of the city, and the Indians who -belonged to it received him in a friendly manner, and he therefore added -as much of the adjacent country to their territory as they requested. -While he was there Abisarês, the king of the Indians of the hill-country, -sent him an embassy which included his own brother and other grandees -of his court. Envoys came also from Doxarês, the chief of the province, -and those like the others brought presents. Here again in Taxila -Alexander offered his customary sacrifices and celebrated a gymnastic -and equestrian contest. Having appointed Philip, the son of Makhatas, -satrap of the Indians of that district, he left a garrison in Taxila and -those soldiers who were invalided, and then moved on towards the river -Hydaspês—for he had learned that Pôros with the whole of his army lay on -the other side of that river resolved either to prevent him from making -the passage or to attack him when crossing.[95] Upon learning this -Alexander sent back Koinos, the son of Polemokratês, to the river Indus -with orders to cut in pieces all the boats that had been constructed for -the passage of the Indus and to bring them to the river Hydaspês. In -accordance with these orders the smaller boats were cut each into two -sections and the thirty-oared galleys into three, and the sections were -then transported on waggons to the banks of the Hydaspês. There the boats -were reconstructed, and appeared as a flotilla upon that river. Alexander -then taking the forces which he had with him when he arrived at Taxila -and 5000 of the Indians commanded by Taxilês and the chiefs of that -country advanced towards the Hydaspês.[96] - - -_Chapter IX.—Alexander on reaching the Hydaspês finds Pôros prepared to -dispute its passage_ - -Alexander encamped on the banks of the river,[97] and Pôros was seen on -the opposite side, with all his army and his array of elephants around -him.[98] Against the place where he saw Alexander had encamped, he -remained himself to guard the passage, but he sent detachments of his -men, each commanded by a captain, to guard all parts of the river where -it could be easily forded, as he was resolved to prevent the Macedonians -from effecting a landing. When Alexander saw this, he thought it -expedient to move his army from place to place, so that Pôros might be at -a loss to discover his real intentions. For this purpose he divided his -army into many parts, and some of the troops he led himself in different -directions, sometimes to ravage the enemy’s country, and sometimes to -find out where he could most easily ford the river. He placed various -commanders at various times over different divisions of his army, and -despatched them also in different directions. At the same time he caused -provisions to be conveyed to the camp from all parts of the country on -this side of the river, to impress Pôros with the conviction that he -intended to remain where he was near the bank, till the waters of the -river subsided in winter, and afforded him a large choice of passages. -As the boats were constantly plying up and down the stream, and the -skins were being filled with hay, while all the bank was lined, here with -horse and there with foot, all this prevented Pôros from resting and -concentrating his preparations at any one point selected in preference -to any other as the best for defending the passage. At this time of the -year besides, all the Indian rivers were swollen and flowing with turbid -and rapid currents, for the sun is then wont to turn towards the summer -tropic.[99] At this season incessant rains deluge the soil of India, and -the snows of the Kaukasos then melting flood the numerous rivers to which -they give birth. In winter they again subside and become small and clear, -and in many places fordable, with the exception of the Indus and the -Ganges, and perhaps some one or two others. The Hydaspês at all events -does become fordable. - - -_Chapter X.—Alexander’s devices to deceive Pôros and steal the passage of -the river_ - -Alexander therefore publicly announced that he would remain where he was -throughout that season of the year if his passage was for the present -to be obstructed, but he continued as before waiting in ambush to see -whether he could anywhere rapidly steal a passage to the other side -without being observed. He clearly saw that it was impossible for him to -cross where Pôros himself had encamped near the bank of the Hydaspês, not -only because he had so many elephants, but also because his large army -arrayed for battle, and splendidly accoutred, was ready to attack his -troops the moment they landed. He foresaw besides that his horses would -refuse to mount the opposite bank, where the elephants would at once -encounter them, and by their very aspect and their roaring would terrify -them outright; nor did he think that even before they gained the shore -they would remain upon the inflated hides during the passage; but that on -seeing the elephants even at a distance off, they would become frantic -and leap into the water. He resolved therefore to steal the passage, and -to do this in the following way. Leading out by night the greater part -of his cavalry along the river bank in different directions, he ordered -them to set up a loud clamour, raise the war-shout,[100] and fill the -shores with every kind of noise, as if they were really preparing to -attempt the passage. Pôros marched meanwhile along the opposite bank, in -the direction of the noise, having his elephants with him, and Alexander -gradually accustomed him to lead out his men in this way in opposition. -When this had been done repeatedly, and the men did nothing more than -make a great noise and shout the war-cry, Pôros no longer made any -counter-movement when the cavalry issued out from the camp, but remained -within his own lines, his spies being, however, posted at numerous points -along the bank. When Alexander had thus quieted the suspicions of Pôros -about his nocturnal attempts, he devised the following stratagem. - - -_Chapter XI.—Arrangements made by Alexander for crossing the Hydaspês -unobserved_ - -There was a bluff ascending from the bank of the Hydaspês at a point -where the river made a remarkable bend, and this was densely covered -with all sorts of trees. Over against it lay an island in the river -overspread with jungle, an untrodden and solitary place. Perceiving that -this island directly faced the bluff, and that both places were wooded -and adapted to screen his attempt to cross the river, he decided to take -his army over this way. Now the bluff and the island were 150 stadia -distant from the great camp.[101] But along the whole of the bank he -had posted running sentries[102] at a proper distance for keeping each -other in sight, and readily transmitting along the line any orders that -might be received from any quarter. In every direction, moreover, shouts -were raised by night, and fires were burnt for many nights together. But -when he had made up his mind to attempt the passage, the preparations -for crossing were made in the camp without any concealment. In the camp -Krateros had been left with his own division of the cavalry, and the -Arakhosian and Parapamisadan horsemen, together with the brigades of -the Macedonian phalanx commanded by Alketas and Polysperchon and the -contingent of 5000 men under the chiefs of the hither Indians. He had -ordered Krateros not to attempt to cross the river before Pôros moved off -against them, or before learning that he was flying from the field, and -that they were victorious. “If, however,” said he, “Pôros with one part -of his army advances against me while he leaves the other part and his -elephants in his camp, then please to remain where you are; but if Pôros -takes all his elephants with him, and a portion of the rest of his army -is left behind in the camp, then do you cross the river with all possible -speed; for,” added he, “it is the elephants only which make it impossible -for the horses to land on the other bank. The rest of the army can cross -over without difficulty.” - - -_Chapter XII.—Alexander crosses the Hydaspês_ - -Such were the instructions given to Krateros; but half-way between the -island and the main camp in which he had been left, there were posted -Meleager, Attalos and Gorgias, with the mercenary cavalry and infantry, -who had received orders to cross to the other side in detachments, into -which their ranks were to be separated as soon as they saw the Indians -fairly engaged in battle. He then selected to be taken under his own -command the corps of body-guards called Companions, the regiments of -cavalry under Hêphaistiôn, Perdikkas and Dêmêtrios, also the Baktrian, -Sogdian, and Skythian cavalry, and the Daan horse-archers, and from the -phalanx of infantry the hypaspists, the brigade of Kleitos and Koinos, -and the archers and the Agrianians, and with these troops he marched with -secrecy, keeping at a considerable distance from the bank that he might -not be seen to be moving towards the island and the bluff, from which he -intended to cross over to the other side. There in the night the skins, -which had long before been provided for the purpose, were stuffed with -hay, and securely stitched up. During the night a violent storm of rain -came on, whereby his preparations and the attempt at crossing were not -betrayed to the enemy by the rattle of arms and the shouting of orders, -since the thunder and rain drowned all other sounds. Most of the boats -which he had ordered to be cut into sections had been conveyed to this -place, and when secretly pieced together again were hidden away in the -woods along with the thirty-oared galleys. Towards daybreak the wind had -died down and the rain ceased. The rest of the army then crossed over -in the direction of the island, the cavalry mounted on the skin pontoon -rafts, and as many of the foot-soldiers as the boats could hold embarked -in them. They so proceeded, that they were not seen by the sentries -posted by Pôros till they had passed beyond the island, and were not far -from the bank. - - -_Chapter XIII.—Incidents of the passage of the river_ - -Alexander himself embarked on a thirty-oared galley, and went over -accompanied by Ptolemy, Perdikkas, and Lysimachos, his body-guards, and -by Seleukos, one of the companions, who was afterwards king, and by -one half of the hypaspists, the other half being on board of the other -galleys of like size. As soon as the soldiers had passed beyond the -island, they steered for the bank, being now full in view of the enemy, -whose sentinels on seeing their approach galloped off at the utmost speed -of each man’s horse to carry the tidings to Pôros. Meanwhile Alexander -was himself the first to disembark, and taking the horsemen who had been -conveyed over in his own and the other thirty-oared galleys, he at once -formed them into line as they kept landing, for the cavalry had orders -to be the first to disembark. At the head of these duly marshalled he -moved forward. Owing, however, to his ignorance of the locality he had -unawares landed not on the mainland, but upon an island, the great size -of which prevented it all the more from being recognised as an island. -It was separated from the mainland by a branch of the river in which the -water was shallow; but the violent storm of rain which had lasted the -most of the night had so swollen the stream that the horsemen could not -find the ford, and he feared that the latter part of the passage would -be as laborious as the first. When at last the ford was found he led -his men through it with difficulty; for the water where deepest reached -higher than the breasts of the foot soldiers, and as for the horses their -heads only were above the river. When he had crossed this piece of water -also, he selected the mounted corps of body-guards, and the best men from -the other squadrons of cavalry, and brought them from column into line -upon the right wing.[103] Then in front of all the cavalry he posted the -horse archers, and next in line to the cavalry and in front of all the -infantry the royal hypaspists commanded by Seleukos. Next to these again -he placed the royal foot guards, and then the other hypaspists, each in -what happened to be the order of his precedence for the time being. At -each extremity of the phalanx were posted the archers and the Agrianians -and the javelin men. - - -_Chapter XIV.—Skirmish with the son of Pôros at the landing-place_ - -Alexander having made these dispositions, ordered the infantry, which -numbered nearly 6000 men, to follow him at the ordinary marching pace and -in regular order, for when he saw that he was superior in cavalry, he -took with himself only the horsemen, about 5000 in number, and led them -forward at a rapid pace. Taurôn, the captain of the archers, he ordered -to hasten forward with his men to give support to the cavalry. He had -come to the conclusion that if Pôros engaged him with all his troops he -would either, without difficulty, overpower him by charging with his -cavalry, or would remain on the defensive till the infantry came up -during the action, or that if the Indians, terrified by the marvellous -audacity of his passage of the river, should take to flight, he would be -able to pursue them closely, and the slaughter being thus all the greater -there would not be left much more work for him to do. - -Aristoboulos says that the son of Pôros arrived with about 60 chariots -before Alexander made the final passage from the large island, and that -he could have hindered Alexander from landing (for he made the passage -with difficulty even when no one opposed him), if the Indians had but -leaped down from their chariots and fallen upon those who first stepped -on shore. The prince, however, passed by with his chariots, and allowed -Alexander to accomplish the passage in complete safety. Against these -Indians Alexander, he says, despatched his horse archers, who easily -put them to a rout which was by no means bloodless. Other writers say -that while the troops were landing an encounter took place between the -Indians who had come with the son of Pôros and Alexander at the head -of his cavalry, and that as the son of Pôros had come with a superior -force Alexander himself was wounded by the Indian prince, and that his -favourite horse Boukephalas was killed, having been wounded, like his -master, by the son of Pôros. But Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, with whom I -agree, gives a different account, for he states, like the others, that -Pôros sent off his son, but not in command of merely 60 chariots; and -indeed it is not at all likely that Pôros, on learning from the scouts -that either Alexander himself, or, at all events, a part of his army, -had made the passage of the Hydaspês, would have sent his own son with -no more than 60 chariots, which, considered as a reconnoitring party, -would have been too numerous, and not rapid in retreat, but considered as -meant to repel such of the enemy as had not yet crossed the river, and -to attack those who had already landed, an altogether inadequate force. -He says that the son of Pôros arrived at the head of 2000 men and 120 -chariots, and that Alexander had made even the final passage from the -island before the prince appeared upon the scene. - - -_Chapter XV.—The arrangements made by Pôros for the conflict_ - -Ptolemy states further that Alexander at first despatched against the -prince the horse archers, and led the cavalry himself, under the belief -that Pôros was advancing against him with the whole of his army, and -that this was a body of advanced cavalry thrown forward by Pôros. But -when he discovered what the real strength of the Indians was he then -briskly charged them with what cavalry he had with him. When they noticed -that Alexander himself and his body of cavalry did not charge them in -an extended line, but by squadrons, their ranks gave way, and 400 of -their horsemen fell, and among them the son of Pôros. Their chariots, -moreover, were captured, horses and all, for they proved heavy in the -retreat and useless in the action itself, by having stuck fast in the -clay. When the horsemen who had escaped from this rout reported one after -another to Pôros that Alexander himself had crossed the river with the -strongest division of his army, and that his son had been slain in the -fight, he was still at a loss what to determine, for the division which -had been left with Krateros in the great camp right opposite to his own -position appeared to be undertaking the passage, but he at last decided -to march with all his forces against Alexander and fight it out with -the strongest division of the Macedonians led by the king in person. He -nevertheless left there in his camp a few of the elephants and a small -force to deter the cavalry under the command of Krateros from landing. He -then took all his cavalry, 4000 strong, all his chariots, 300 in number, -200 of his elephants, and 30,000 efficient infantry, and marched against -Alexander. When he found a place where he saw there was no clay, but -that the ground from its sandy nature was all flat and firm, and suited -for the movements of cavalry whether charging or falling back, he then -drew up his army in order of battle,[104] posting his elephants in the -front line at intervals of at least 100 feet, so as to have his elephants -ranged in front before the whole body of his infantry, and so to spread -terror at all points among Alexander’s cavalry. He took it for certain -besides that none of the enemy would have the audacity to push in at -the intervals between the elephants—not the cavalry, since their horses -would be terrified by these animals, and much less the infantry, since -they would be checked in front by his heavy-armed foot soldiers falling -upon them, and trampled down when the elephants wheeled round upon them. -Behind these he drew up his infantry, which did not close up in one line -with the elephants, but formed a second line in their rear, so that the -regiments were only partly pushed forward into the intervals. He had also -troops of infantry posted on the wings beyond the elephants, and on both -sides of the infantry the cavalry had been drawn up, and in front of it -the chariots. - - -_Chapter XVI.—The plan of attack adopted by Alexander_ - -In this manner had Pôros arranged his troops. As soon as Alexander -perceived that the Indians had been drawn up in battle order he made his -cavalry halt, that he might get in hand each regiment of the infantry -as it came up; and even when the phalanx by a rapid march had effected -a junction with the cavalry he still did not at once marshal its ranks -and lead it into action, and thus expose the men, while tired and out -of breath, to the barbarians, who were quite fresh, but he gave them -time, while he rode round their ranks, to rest until they could recover -themselves. When he had observed how the Indians were arranged he -made up his mind not to advance against the centre, in front of which -the elephants had been posted, while the intervals between them had -been filled with compact masses of infantry, for he feared lest Pôros -should reap the advantage which he had calculated on deriving from that -arrangement. But as he was superior in cavalry he took the greater part -of that force, and marched along towards the left wing of the enemy to -make his attack in this quarter.[105] Koinos he sent at the head of his -own regiment of horse and that of Dêmêtrios to the right, and ordered -him, when the barbarians on seeing what a dense mass of cavalry was -opposed to them, should be riding along to encounter it, to hang close -upon their rear.[106] The command of the phalanx of infantry he committed -to Seleukos, Antigenês, and Taurôn, who received orders not to take part -in the action till they saw that the phalanx of infantry and the cavalry -of the enemy were thrown into disorder by the cavalry under his own -command. - -When the Indians were now within reach of his missiles he despatched -against their left wing the horse archers, who were 1000 strong, to throw -the enemy in that part of the field into confusion with storms of arrows -and charges of their horses. He marched rapidly forward himself with the -companion cavalry against the left wing of the barbarians, making haste -to attack their cavalry in a state of disorder while they were still in -column, and before they could deploy into line. - - -_Chapter XVII.—Description of the battle of the Hydaspês—Defeat of Pôros_ - -The Indians meanwhile had collected their horsemen from every quarter, -and were riding forward to repulse Alexander’s onset, when Koinos, in -accordance with his orders, appeared with his cavalry upon their rear. -Seeing this the Indians had to make their cavalry face both to front and -rear—the largest and best part to oppose Alexander, and the remainder -to wheel round against Koinos and his squadrons. This therefore at -once threw their ranks into confusion, and disconcerted their plan of -operations; and Alexander, seeing that now was his opportunity while -their cavalry was in the very act of forming to front and rear, fell -upon those opposed to him with such vigour that the Indians, unable to -withstand the charge of his cavalry, broke from their ranks, and fled -for shelter to the elephants as to a friendly wall.[107] Upon this -the drivers of the elephants urged these animals forward against the -cavalry; but the Macedonian phalanx itself now met them face to face, -and threw darts at the men on the elephants, and from one side and the -other struck the elephants themselves as they stood around them. This -kind of warfare was different from any of which they had experience in -former contests, for the huge beasts charged the ranks of the infantry, -and wherever they turned went crushing through the Macedonian phalanx -though in close formation; while the horsemen of the Indians, on seeing -that the infantry was now engaged in the action, again wheeled round -and charged the cavalry. But Alexander’s men, being far superior in -personal strength and military discipline, again routed them, and again -drove them back upon the elephants, and cooped them up among them. -Meanwhile the whole of Alexander’s cavalry had now been gathered into -one battalion, not in consequence of an order, but from being thrown -together in the course of the struggle, and wherever they fell upon the -ranks of the Indians they made great carnage before parting from them. -The elephants being now cooped up within a narrow space, did no less -damage to their friends than to their foes, trampling them under their -hoofs as they wheeled and pushed about. There resulted in consequence a -great slaughter of the cavalry, cooped up as it was in a narrow space -around the elephants. Many of the elephant drivers, moreover, had been -shot down, and of the elephants themselves some had been wounded, while -others, both from exhaustion and the loss of their mahouts, no longer -kept to their own side in the conflict, but, as if driven frantic by -their sufferings, attacked friend and foe quite indiscriminately, pushed -them, trampled them down, and killed them in all manner of ways. But -the Macedonians, who had a wide and open field, and could therefore -operate as they thought best, gave way when the elephants charged, and -when they retreated followed at their heels and plied them with darts; -whereas the Indians, who were in the midst of the animals, suffered far -more the effects of their rage. When the elephants, however, became -quite exhausted, and their attacks were no longer made with vigour, they -fell back like ships backing water, and merely kept trumpeting as they -retreated with their faces to the enemy. Then did Alexander surround -with his cavalry the whole of the enemy’s line, and signal that the -infantry, with their shields linked together so as to give the utmost -compactness to their ranks, should advance in phalanx. By this means the -cavalry of the Indians was, with a few exceptions, cut to pieces in the -action. Such also was the fate of the infantry, since the Macedonians -were now pressing upon them from every side. Upon this all turned to -flight wherever a gap could be found in the cordon of Alexander’s cavalry. - - -_Chapter XVIII.—Sequel of the battle and surrender of Pôros_ - -Meanwhile Krateros and all the other officers of Alexander’s army, who -had been left behind on the opposite bank of the Hydaspês, crossed -the river when they perceived that Alexander was winning a splendid -victory. These men, being fresh, were employed in the pursuit, instead of -Alexander’s exhausted troops, and they made no less a slaughter of the -Indians in the retreat than had been made in the engagement. - -The loss of the Indians in killed fell little short of 20,000 infantry -and 3000 cavalry, and all their chariots were broken to pieces.[108] Two -sons of Pôros fell in the battle, and also Spitakês,[109] the chief of -the Indians of that district. The drivers of the elephants and of the -chariots were also slain and the cavalry officers and the generals in -the army of Pôros all....[110] The elephants, moreover, that escaped -destruction in the field were all captured. On Alexander’s side there -fell about 80 of the 6000 infantry who had taken part in the first -attack, 10 of the horse archers who first began the action, 20 of the -companion cavalry, and 200 of the other cavalry.[111] - -When Pôros, who had nobly discharged his duties throughout the battle, -performing the part not only of a general, but also that of a gallant -soldier, saw the slaughter of his cavalry and some of his elephants -lying dead, and others wandering about sad and sullen without their -drivers, while the greater part of his infantry had been killed, he did -not, after the manner of Darius, the great king, abandon the field and -show his men the first example of flight, but, on the contrary, fought -on as long as he saw any Indians maintaining the contest in a united -body; but he wheeled round on being wounded in the right shoulder, where -only he was unprotected by armour in the battle. All the rest of his -person was rendered shot-proof by his coat of mail, which was remarkable -for its strength and the closeness with which it fitted his person, as -could afterwards be observed by those who saw him. When he found himself -wounded he turned his elephant round and began to retire. Alexander, -perceiving that he was a great man and valiant in fight, was anxious to -save his life, and for this purpose sent to him first of all Taxilês the -Indian. Taxilês, who was on horseback, approached as near the elephant -which carried Pôros as seemed safe, and entreated him, since it was no -longer possible for him to flee, to stop his elephant and listen to -the message he brought from Alexander. But Pôros, on finding that the -speaker was his old enemy Taxilês, turned round and prepared to smite -him with his javelin; and he would probably have killed him had not -Taxilês instantly put his horse to the gallop and got beyond the reach -of Pôros. But not even for this act did Alexander feel any resentment -against Pôros, but sent to him messenger after messenger, and last of -all Meroês, an Indian, as he had learned that Pôros and this Meroês -were old friends. As soon as Pôros heard the message which Meroês now -brought just at a time when he was overpowered by thirst, he made his -elephant halt and dismounted. Then, when he had taken a draught of water -and felt revived, he requested Meroês to conduct him without delay to -Alexander.[112] - - -_Chapter XIX.—Alexander makes Pôros his firm friend and ally—Founds two -cities—Death of his famous horse Boukephalas_ - -He was then conducted to Alexander, who, on learning that Meroês was -approaching with him, rode forward in front of his line with a few of -the Companions to meet him. Then reining in his horse he beheld with -admiration the handsome person and majestic stature of Pôros, which -somewhat exceeded five cubits. He saw, too, with wonder that he did not -seem to be broken and abased in spirit, but that he advanced to meet him -as a brave man would meet another brave man after gallantly contending -with another king in defence of his kingdom. Then Alexander, who was the -first to speak, requested Pôros to say how he wished to be treated. The -report goes that Pôros said in reply, “Treat me, O Alexander! as befits a -king;” and that Alexander, being pleased with his answer, replied, “For -mine own sake, O Pôros! thou shalt be so treated, but do thou, in thine -own behalf, ask for whatever boon thou pleasest,” to which Pôros replied -that in what he had asked everything was included. Alexander was more -delighted than ever with this rejoinder, and not only appointed Pôros to -govern his own Indians, but added to his original territory another of -still greater extent. Alexander thus treated this brave man as befitted -a king, and he consequently found him in all respects faithful and -devoted to his interests. Such, then, was the result of the battle in -which Alexander fought against Pôros[113] and the Indians of the other -side of the Hydaspês in the month of Mounychion of the year when Hêgemôn -was archon in Athens.[114] - -Alexander founded two cities, one on the battlefield, and the other at -the point whence he had started to cross the river Hydaspês. The former -he called Nikaia in honour of his victory over the Indians, and the other -Boukephala[115] in memory of his horse Boukephalas, which died there, -not from being wounded by any one, but from toil and old age, for he was -about thirty years old,[116] and had heretofore undergone many toils -and dangers along with Alexander. This Boukephalas was never mounted -by any one except Alexander only, for he disdained all other riders. -He was of an uncommon size and of generous mettle. He had by way of a -distinguishing mark the head of an ox impressed upon him, and some say -that from this circumstance he got his name. But others say that though -he was black, he had on his forehead a white mark which bore a close -resemblance to the brow of an ox. In the country of the Ouxians this -horse disappeared from Alexander, who sent a proclamation through the -land that he would kill all the Ouxians if they did not bring him his -horse, and brought back he was immediately after the proclamation had -been issued[117]—so great was Alexander’s attachment to his favourite, -and so great was the fear of Alexander which prevailed among the -barbarians. Let so much honour be paid by me to this Boukephalas for -Alexander’s sake. - - -_Chapter XX.—Alexander conquers the Glausai, receives embassies from -Abisarês and other chiefs, and crosses the Akesinês_ - -When Alexander had duly honoured with splendid obsequies those who had -been slain in the battle, he offered to the gods in acknowledgment of his -victory the customary sacrifices, and celebrated athletic and equestrian -contests on the bank of the river Hydaspês, at the place where he first -crossed with his army. He then left Krateros behind with a part of the -army to build and fortify the cities which he was founding there, while -he advanced himself against the Indians whose country lay next to the -dominions of Pôros. Aristoboulos says that the name of the nation was the -Glaukanikoi, but Ptolemy calls them the Glausai.[118] By which of the -names it was called I take to be a matter of no consequence. Alexander -invaded their country with the half of the companion cavalry, picked men -from each phalanx of the infantry, all the horse-archers, the Agrianians, -and the other archers. The people everywhere surrendered on terms of -capitulation. In this manner he took seven-and-thirty cities, the -smallest of which contained not fewer than 5000 inhabitants, while many -contained upwards of 10,000. He took also a great many villages which -were not less populous than the towns; and this country he gave to Pôros -to rule,[119] and between him and Taxilês he effected a reconciliation. -He then sent Taxilês home to his capital. - -At this time envoys came from Abisarês to say that their king surrendered -himself and his whole realm to Alexander.[120] Yet before the battle in -which Alexander had defeated Pôros, Abisarês was ready with his army to -fight on the side of Pôros. But he now sent his brother along with the -other envoys to Alexander, taking with them money and forty elephants as -a present. Envoys also arrived from the independent Indians, and from -another Indian ruler called Pôros.[121] Alexander ordered Abisarês to -come to him as quickly as possible, threatening that if he did not come -he would see him and his army arriving where he would not rejoice to see -them. - -At this time Phratophernes, the satrap of Parthia and Hyrkania, at the -head of the Thracians who had been left with him came to Alexander. -There came also envoys from Sisikottos, the satrap of the Assakênians, -reporting that these people had slain their governor and revolted from -Alexander. Against these he sent Philippos and Tyriaspês to quell the -insurrection and restore tranquillity and order to the province. - -Alexander himself advanced towards the river Akesinês.[122] This is the -only Indian river of which Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, has mentioned -the size. He states that where Alexander crossed it with his army in -boats and on inflated hides the current was so rapid that the waters -dashed with foam and fury against the large and jagged rocks with which -the channel was bestrewn. He informs us also that it was 15 stadia in -breadth; and while the passage was easy for those who crossed upon -inflated hides, not a few of those who were carried in boats perished -in the waters, as many of the boats were dashed to pieces by striking -against the rocks. From this description we may fairly conclude, if we -institute a comparison, that the size of the river Indus has been pretty -correctly stated by those who take it to have an average breadth of 40 -stadia, while, where narrowest and of course deepest, it contracts to -a breadth of 15 stadia, which I take to be its actual breadth in many -parts of its course, for I conclude that Alexander selected a part of -the Akesinês where the passage was widest, and where the current would -consequently be slower than elsewhere. - - -_Chapter XXI.—Pursuit after Pôros, nephew of the great Pôros—Conquest of -the country between the Akesinês and the Hydraôtês—Passage of the latter -river_ - -After crossing the river he left Koinos there upon the bank with his own -brigade, and ordered him to superintend the passage of the river by those -troops which had been left behind to collect corn and other supplies -from the part of India which was now under his authority. Pôros he sent -home to his capital with orders to select the best fighting men of the -Indians, and to muster all the elephants he possessed, and to rejoin -him with these. He resolved to pursue in person the other Pôros—the bad -one—with the lightest troops in his army, for word had been brought -that he had fled from the country of which he was the ruler; for, while -hostilities still subsisted between Alexander and the other Pôros, this -Pôros had sent envoys to Alexander offering to surrender into his hands -both his person and the country over which he ruled, but this more from -enmity to Pôros than friendliness to Alexander. On learning therefore -that Pôros had not only been set at liberty, but had his kingdom restored -to him, and that too with a large accession of territory, he was overcome -with fear, not so much of Alexander as of his namesake Pôros, and fled -from his country, taking with him as many fighting men as he could -persuade to accompany him in his flight. - -Alexander, while marching to overtake him, arrived at the -Hydraôtês—another Indian river, not less in breadth than the Akesinês, -but not so rapid.[123] Over all the country which he overran he planted -garrisons in the most suitable places, so that the troops under Krateros -and Koinos might, while scouring it far and near for forage, traverse -it in safety to join him. He then despatched Hêphaistiôn with a force -comprising two divisions of infantry, his own regiment of cavalry and -that of Dêmêtrios, and one-half of the archers, into the country of that -Pôros who had revolted. He received orders to hand over the country to -the other Pôros, and when he had reduced all the independent Indian -tribes bordering on the banks of the Hydraôtês, to place these also -under the rule of Pôros. He himself then crossed the river Hydraôtês, -where he met with none of the difficulties which had attended the -passage of the Akesinês. When he was advancing into the country beyond -the Hydraôtês he found most of the natives willing to surrender on -capitulation, while some met him in arms, and others were captured when -attempting to escape and reduced to submission. - - -_Chapter XXII.—Alexander marches against the Kathaians—Takes Pimprama, -and lays siege to Sangala_ - -Alexander meanwhile had learned that the Kathaians[124] and other tribes -of independent Indians[125] were preparing to meet him in battle if he -invaded their country, and were inviting the neighbouring tribes, which -were independent like themselves, to coöperate with them. He learned also -that the city near which they meant to engage him was strongly fortified, -and was called Sangala.[126] The Kathaians themselves enjoyed the highest -reputation for courage and skill in the art of war, and the same warlike -spirit characterised the Oxydrakai, another Indian race, and the Malloi, -who were also an Indian race, for when shortly before this time Pôros -and Abisarês had marched against them with their armies, and had besides -stirred up many of the independent Indians against them, they were -obliged, as it turned out, to retreat without accomplishing anything at -all adequate to the scale of their preparations. - -Alexander, on receiving this intelligence, marched rapidly against the -Kathaians, and on the second day after he had left the river Hydraôtês -arrived at a city named Pimprama, belonging to an Indian race called the -Adraïstai,[127] which surrendered on terms of capitulation. Alexander -gave his troops rest the next day, and on the third day advanced to -Sangala, where the Kathaians and the neighbouring tribes that had joined -them were mustered before the city, and drawn up in battle-order on a -low hill, which was not on all sides precipitous. They lay encamped -behind their waggons, which, by encircling the hill in three rows, -protected the camp with a triple barricade. Alexander, on perceiving -the great number of the barbarians, and the nature of the position they -occupied, drew up his army in the order which seemed best suited to the -circumstances, and at once despatched against them the horse-archers just -as they were, with orders to ride along and shoot at the Indians from -a distance, so as not only to prevent them from making a sortie before -his own dispositions should be completed, but to wound them within their -stronghold even before the battle began. Upon his right wing he posted -the corps of horseguards and the cavalry regiment of Kleitos, next to -these the hypaspists, and then the Agrianians. The left wing he assigned -to Perdikkas, who commanded his own cavalry regiment and the battalions -of the footguards. The archers he formed into two bodies, and placed them -upon each wing. While he was making these dispositions the infantry and -cavalry which formed the rearguard arrived upon the field. This cavalry -he divided in two parts, and led one to each wing, and with the infantry -that had arrived he closed up the ranks of the phalanx more densely. Then -he took the cavalry which had been drawn up on the right and advanced -against the waggons ranged on the left wing of the Indians, where the -position seemed easier to assault, and where the waggons were not so -closely packed together. - - -_Chapter XXIII.—Alexander drives the Kathaians into Sangala, which he -invests on every side_ - -But when the Indians, instead of sallying out from behind their waggons -to attack the cavalry as it advanced, mounted upon them, and began -to shoot from the top of them, Alexander saw that this was not work -for cavalry, and so, having dismounted, he led on foot the phalanx of -infantry against them. The Macedonians found no difficulty in driving the -Indians from the first row of waggons, but on the other hand the Indians, -having formed in line in front of the second row, were able to force back -their assailants with greater ease, standing as they did more compactly -together, and in a narrower circle, while the Macedonians had less room -in which to operate against them. At this time they quietly drew back the -waggons of the first row, and through the gaps each man, as he found an -opportunity, assailed the enemy in an irregular way.[128] Yet even from -these waggons they were forcibly driven by the phalanx of infantry, and -even at the third row they no longer held ground, but fled with all the -haste they could into the city and shut themselves up within its gates. -Alexander that same day encamped with his infantry around the city, as -far at least as the phalanx enabled him to surround it, for the wall -was of such great extent that his camp did not completely environ it. -Opposite the part where the gap was left, and where also was a lake not -far from the walls, he posted the cavalry all round the lake, as he knew -it not to be deep, and at the same time anticipated that the Indians, -terrified by their previous defeat, would abandon the city during the -night. The event showed he had conjectured aright, for about the second -watch the most of them dropped down from the wall and came upon the -outposts of the cavalry. The foremost of them were cut to pieces by the -sentinels, but those in the rear, perceiving that the lake was guarded -all round, withdrew into the city. Alexander now encompassed the city -with a double stockade, except where the lake shut it in, and around the -lake he posted guards to keep still stricter watch. He resolved also to -bring up the military engines against the place for battering down the -walls. Some deserters, however, came to him from the city and informed -him that the Indians intended that very night to escape from the city -by way of the lake where the gap occurred in the stockade. So at that -point he stationed Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, with three divisions of the -hypaspists, each 1000 strong, all the Agrianians, and a single line of -archers, and pointed out to him the particular spot where the barbarians, -as he conjectured, were likeliest to attempt forcing their passage. “And -now,” said he, “when thou perceivest the barbarians forcing their way at -this point, do thou with the army arrest their advance, and order the -trumpets to sound the signal; and do you, sirs,” he added, turning to the -officers, “as soon as the signal is given, each of you with your men in -battle-order, hasten towards the noise wherever the trumpet summons you. -I shall not myself stand idly by away from the broil.” - - -_Chapter XXIV.—Alexander captures Sangala, razes it to the ground, and -advances to the river Hyphasis_ - -Such were the directions he gave, and Ptolemy in that place collected -as many as he could of the waggons which the enemy had left behind -in their first flight, and placed them athwart so that the fugitives -might imagine there were many obstacles to their escaping by night. He -ordered the stakes, which had been cut but not fixed in the ground, to -be formed into stockades at different points between the lake and the -wall. All this was done by the soldiers during the night. But when it -was now about the fourth watch the barbarians, in accordance with the -information Alexander had received, opened the gates which fronted the -lake and rushed towards it at full speed. They did not, however, escape -the vigilance either of the picquets posted there, or of Ptolemy who lay -behind ready to support them; and just then the trumpeters gave him the -signal, and he advanced against the barbarians with his troops which were -under arms and drawn up ready for action. The waggons, moreover, as well -as the stockade, which had been constructed between the wall and the -lake, impeded the fugitives; and as soon as the trumpet sounded the alarm -Ptolemy with his men fell upon them and killed them, one after another, -as they slunk out from the waggons. Upon this the Indians fled back once -more to the city for refuge, and as many as 500 of them were slain in the -retreat. - -Meanwhile Pôros also arrived, bringing with him the remainder of his -elephants and a force of 5000 Indians, and the military engines which had -been constructed by Alexander were now being brought up to the wall. But -the Macedonians, before any part of it was battered down, took the city -by storm, having undermined the wall, which was of brick, and planted -ladders against it all round. In the capture 17,000 of the Indians -were slaughtered, and more than 70,000 were captured, together with -300 waggons and 500 horsemen.[129] The loss in Alexander’s army during -all the siege was somewhat under 100 killed, but the proportion of the -wounded to the number killed was higher than usual, for there were 1200 -wounded, including some officers, and among these Lysimachos, a member of -the body-guard. - -[Illustration: FIG. 9.—EUMENÊS.] - -Alexander having buried the dead according to custom, sent Eumenês, -his secretary, in command of 300 horsemen to the two cities which had -revolted along with Sangala, to tell those who held them that Sangala -had been captured, and that Alexander would not at all deal hardly with -them if they remained where they were and received him in a friendly -way, for that none of the independent Indians who had voluntarily -surrendered themselves had received any ill-treatment at his hands. But -they had already learned that Sangala had been stormed by Alexander, -and being terrified by the news had left the cities and were in flight. -When Alexander was informed of their flight he hastened after them, but -as they had a long start of him most of them baffled his efforts to -overtake them. Those, however, who were left behind in the retreat when -their strength failed were taken by the troops and slaughtered to the -number of about 500. As he gave up the design of pursuing the fugitives -any farther, he drew back to Sangala and razed the city to the ground. -The land belonging to it he made over to those Indians who had formerly -been independent, but who had voluntarily submitted to him. He then sent -Pôros with his own forces to the cities which had submitted to introduce -garrisons within them, but he himself with his army advanced to the river -Hyphasis[130] to conquer the Indians who dwelt beyond it. Nor did there -appear to him any end of the war as long as an enemy remained to be -encountered. - - -_Chapter XXV.—Alexander finding the army unwilling to advance beyond the -Hyphasis, convokes his officers and addresses them on the subject_ - -It was reported that the country beyond the Hyphasis was exceedingly -fertile, and that the inhabitants were good agriculturists, brave in -war, and living under an excellent system of internal government; for -the multitude was governed by the aristocracy, who exercised their -authority with justice and moderation. It was also reported that the -people there had a greater number of elephants than the other Indians, -and that those were of superior size and courage. This information only -whetted Alexander’s eagerness to advance farther, but the Macedonians now -began to lose heart when they saw the king raising up without end toils -upon toils and dangers upon dangers. The army, therefore, began to hold -conferences at which the more moderate men bewailed their condition, -while others positively asserted that they would follow no farther though -Alexander himself should lead the way. When this came to Alexander’s -knowledge he convoked the officers in command of brigades, before the -disorder and despondency should be further developed among the soldiers, -and he thus addressed them: - -“On seeing that you, O Macedonians and allies! no longer follow me into -dangers with your wonted alacrity, I have summoned you to this assembly -that I may either persuade you to go farther, or be persuaded by you to -turn back. If you have reason to complain of past labours, and of me your -leader, I need say no more. But if by those labours you have acquired -Ionia,[131] and the Hellespont with the two Phrygias, Kappadokia, -Paphlagonia, Lydia, Karia, Lykia, and Pamphylia, as well as Phoenikia -and Egypt, together with Hellenic Lybia, part of Arabia, Hollow Syria, -Mesopotamia, Babylon, Sousiana, Persis, and Media, and all the provinces -governed by the Medes and Persians, not to mention other states which -were never subject to them; if in addition we have conquered the regions -beyond the Kaspian Gates, those beyond Kaukasos, the Tanais[132] also, -and the country beyond, Baktria, Hyrkania, and the Hyrkanian Sea; if we -have driven the Skythians back into their deserts, and if besides, the -Indus, Hydaspês, Akesinês, and Hydraôtês flow through territories that -are ours, why should you hesitate to pass the Hyphasis also and add the -tribes beyond it to your Macedonian conquests? Are you afraid there are -other barbarians who may yet successfully resist you, although of those -we have already met some have willingly submitted, others have been -captured in flight, while others have left us their deserted country to -be distributed either to our allies or to those who have voluntarily -submitted to us?” - - -_Chapter XXVI.—Continuation of Alexander’s Speech_ - -“For my part, I think that to a man of spirit there is no other aim and -end of his labours except the labours themselves, provided they be such -as lead him to the performance of glorious deeds. But if any one wishes -to know the limits of the present warfare, let him understand that the -river Ganges and the Eastern Sea are now at no great distance off. This -sea, I am confident, is connected with the Hyrkanian Sea, because the -Great Ocean flows round the whole earth.[133] I shall besides prove -to the Macedonians and their allies that the Indian Gulf is connected -with the Persian, and the Hyrkanian Sea with the Indian Gulf. From the -Persian Gulf our fleet will sail round to Lybia as far as the Pillars -of Heraklês.[134] From these pillars all the interior of Lybia becomes -ours, and thus all Asia shall belong to us,[135] and the boundaries of -our empire in that direction will coincide with those which the deity has -made the boundaries of the earth. But, if we now turn back, many warlike -nations extending beyond the Hyphasis to the Eastern Sea, and many others -lying northwards between these and Hyrkania, to say nothing of their -neighbours the Skythian tribes, will be left behind us unconquered, so -that if we turn back there is cause to fear lest the conquered nations, -as yet wavering in their fidelity, may be instigated to revolt by those -who are still independent. Our many labours will in that case be all -completely thrown away, or we must enter on a new round of toils and -dangers. But persevere, O Macedonians and allies! glory crowns the deeds -of those who expose themselves to toils and dangers. Life, signalised -by deeds of valour, is delightful, and so is death, if we leave behind -us an immortal name. Know ye not that it was not by staying at home -in Tiryns[136] or Argos, or even in Peloponnêsos or Thebes, that our -ancestor was exalted to such glory, that from being a man he became, or -was thought to be, a god. Nor were the labours few even of Dionysos, who -ranks as a god far above Heraklês. But we have advanced beyond Nysa, -and the rock Aornos, which proved impregnable to Heraklês, is in our -possession. Add, then, the rest of Asia to our present acquisitions—the -smaller part of it to the greater. Could we ourselves, think you, have -achieved any great and memorable deeds if, sitting down at home in -Macedonia, we had been content without exertion merely to preserve our -own country, by repelling the attacks of the neighbouring Thracians, -Illyrians, and Triballians, or those Greeks whose disposition to us is -unfriendly? - -“If, indeed, while leading you, I had myself shrunk from the toils and -dangers to which you were exposed, you would not without good reason be -dispirited in prospect of undertaking fresh enterprises, seeing that -while you alone shared the toils, it was for others you procured the -rewards. But our labours are in common; I, equally with you, share in -the dangers, and the rewards become the public property. For the land is -yours, and you are its satraps; and among you the greater part of its -treasures has already been distributed. And when all Asia is subdued -then, by heaven, I will not merely satisfy, but exceed every man’s hopes -and wishes. Such of you as wish to return home I shall send back to your -own country, or even myself will lead you back. But those who remain here -I will make objects of envy to those who go back.” - - -_Chapter XXVII—Koinos, replying to Alexander, states the grievances of -the army_ - -When Alexander had spoken to this and the like effect, a long silence -followed, because those present neither dared to speak freely in -opposition to the king, nor yet wished to assent to what he proposed. -Alexander again and again requested that any one who wished should speak, -even if his views differed from those which he had himself expressed. But -the silence was unbroken for a long time, till at last Koinos, the son of -Polemokratês, summoned up courage and spoke to this effect: - -“Forasmuch as you do not wish, O king! to rule Macedonians by constraint, -but say that you will lead them by persuasion, or suffering yourself to -be persuaded by them, will not have recourse to compulsion, I intend to -speak, not on behalf of myself and fellow-officers who have been honoured -above the other soldiers, and have most of us received splendid rewards -of our labours, and from having been highly exalted above others are -more zealous than others to serve you in all things, but in behalf of -the great body of the army. Yet on behalf of this army I intend not to -say what may be agreeable to the men, but what I think will be conducive -to your present interests and safest for the future. I feel bound by my -age not to conceal what appears to be the best course to follow; bound -by the high authority conferred on me by yourself, and bound also by the -unhesitating boldness which I have hitherto exhibited in all enterprises -of danger. The more I look to the number and magnitude of the exploits -performed under your command by us who set out with you from home, the -more does it seem to me expedient to place some limit to our toils and -dangers. For you see yourself how many Macedonians and Greeks started -with you, and how few of us are left. From our ranks you sent away home -from Baktra the Thessalians[137] as soon as you saw they had no stomach -for further toils, and in this you acted wisely. Of the other Greeks, -some have been settled in the cities founded by you, where all of them -are not willing residents; others still share our toils and dangers. -They and the Macedonian army have lost some of their numbers in the -fields of battle; others have been disabled by wounds; others have been -left behind in different parts of Asia, but the majority have perished -by disease. A few only out of many survive, and these few possessed no -longer of the same bodily strength as before, while their spirits are -still more depressed.[138] All those, whose parents are still living, -have a yearning to see them—a yearning to see their wives and children—a -yearning to see were it but their native land itself—a desire pardonable -in men who would return home in great splendour derived from your -munificence, and raised from humble to high rank, and from indigence to -wealth. Seek not, therefore, to lead them against their inclinations, for -you will not find them the same men in the face of dangers, if they enter -without heart into their contests with the enemy. But do you also, if it -agree with your wishes, return home with us, see your mother once more, -settle the affairs of the Greeks, and carry to the house of your fathers -those your great and numerous victories. Then having so done, form, if -you so wish, a fresh expedition against these same tribes of eastern -Indians, or, if you prefer, against the shores of the Euxine Sea, or -against Karchêdon,[139] and the parts of Lybia beyond the Karchêdonians. -It will then be your part to unfold your purpose, and then other -Macedonians and other Greeks will follow you—young men full of vigour -instead of old men worn out with toils—men for whom war, through their -inexperience of it, has no immediate terrors, and eager to set out from -the hope of future rewards. They will also naturally follow you with the -greater alacrity, from seeing that the companions of your former toils -and dangers have returned home wealthy instead of poor, and raised to -high distinction from their original obscurity. Moderation, in the midst -of success, is, O king! the noblest of virtues, for though, at the head -of so brave an army, you have nothing to dread from mortal foes, yet the -visitations of the deity cannot be foreseen, and man cannot, therefore, -guard against them.” - - -_Chapter XXVIII.—Alexander mortified by the refusal of his army to -advance, secludes himself in his tent, but in the end resolves to return_ - -When Koinos had concluded his address, those present are said to have -signified their approval of what he said by loud applause, while many -by their streaming tears showed still more expressively their aversion -to encounter further dangers, and how welcome to them was the idea of -returning. But Alexander, who resented the freedom with which Koinos -had spoken, and the hesitation displayed by the other generals, broke up -the conference; but next day while his wrath was still hot he summoned -the same men again, and told them that he was going forward himself, but -would not force any of the Macedonians to accompany him against their -wishes, for he would find men ready to follow their king of their own -free will. But those who wished to go away were free to go home, and -might tell their friends there that they had returned, and left their -king in the midst of his enemies. It is said that with these words he -withdrew into his tent, and did not admit any of his companions to see -him on that day, nor even till the third day after, waiting to see -whether a change of mood, such as often takes place in an assemblage -of soldiers, would manifest itself among the Macedonians and the -allies, and make them readier to yield to his persuasions. But when a -deep silence again reigned throughout the camp, and the soldiers were -evidently offended by his wrath without their minds being changed by it, -he began none the less, as Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, states, to offer -there sacrifice for the passage of the river; but when on sacrificing -he found the omens were against him, he then assembled the oldest of -the Companions, and especially his intimate friends among them, and as -everything indicated that to return was his most expedient course he -intimated to the army that he had resolved to march back. - - -_Chapter XXIX.—Alexander erects altars on the banks of the Hyphasis to -mark the limits of his advance, recrosses the Hydraôtês and Akesinês and -regains the Hydaspês_ - -Then they shouted, as a mixed multitude would shout when rejoicing, -and many of them shed tears. Some of them even approached the royal -pavilion, and invoked many blessings on Alexander, because by them and -them only did he permit himself to be vanquished. He then divided the -army into brigades, which he ordered to prepare twelve altars[140] to -equal in height the highest military towers, and to exceed them in -point of breadth, to serve as thank-offerings to the gods who had led -him so far as a conqueror, and also as a memorial of his own labours. -When the altars had been constructed, he offered sacrifice upon them -with the customary rites, and celebrated a gymnastic and equestrian -contest. Having thereafter committed all the country west of the river -Hyphasis to the government of Pôros, he marched back to the Hydraôtês. -After crossing this river, he retraced his steps to the Akesinês, and on -arriving there found the city which he had ordered Hêphaistiôn to fortify -completely built.[141] Herein he settled as many of the inhabitants of -the neighbourhood as were willing to make it their domicile, and such -also of the mercenary soldiers as were now unfit for further service. He -then began to make preparations for the downward voyage to the Great Sea. - -At this time Arsakês,[142] ruler of the country adjoining the dominions -of Abisarês, together with the brother of Abisarês and his other -relatives, came to him, bringing presents such as the Indians consider -the most valuable, and some thirty elephants sent by Abisarês. They -represented that Abisarês was prevented from coming in person by -illness—a statement which the ambassadors sent by Alexander to Abisarês -corroborated. Alexander, readily believing that such was the case, made -Abisarês satrap of his own dominions, and moreover placed Arsakês under -his jurisdiction. Having then fixed the amount which was to be paid as -tribute, he again offered sacrifice near the river Akesinês. He then -recrossed that river, and reached the Hydaspês, where he employed his -army in repairing the damage caused by the rains to the cities of Nikaia -and Boukephala, and set the other affairs of the country in order. - - -SIXTH BOOK - - -_Chapter I.—Alexander mistakes the Indus for the upper Nile—Prepares to -sail down stream to the sea_ - -When Alexander had got ready upon the banks of the Hydaspês a large -number of thirty-oared galleys, and others of one bank and a half of -oars, besides numerous horse transports and every other requisite for -the easy conveyance of an army by river, he resolved to sail down the -Hydaspês[143] to the Great Sea. As he had before this seen crocodiles in -the river Indus, and in no other river but the Nile only, and had besides -seen beans of the same species as those which Egypt produces[144] growing -near the banks of the Akesinês, and as he had heard that this river falls -into the Indus, he was led to think that he had discovered the sources of -the Nile. His idea was that this river rose somewhere among the Indians -and pursued its course through a vast tract of desert country, where it -lost the name of the Indus, and that from the time when it began to flow -through the inhabited parts of the world it was called the Nile both by -the Aithiopians, who lived there and by the Egyptians, just as Homer also -changed its name, calling it the river Egypt after Egypt, the country -where at last it discharges itself into the Inner Sea.[145] Accordingly -when he was writing to his mother Olympias about the country of the -Indians, he mentioned, it is said, among other things that he thought he -had discovered the sources of the Nile, actually basing on such slight -and contemptible evidence his judgements respecting questions of so much -importance. When, however, he investigated with special care the facts -relating to the river Indus, he ascertained from the natives that the -Hydaspês unites with the Akesinês, and the Akesinês with the Indus, to -which the other two rivers lose both their waters and their names. He -learned further that the Indus discharges itself into the Great Sea by -two mouths, and that it has no connection with the Egyptian country. -He is said to have then deleted what he had written about the Nile in -the letter to his mother, and as he had set his mind on sailing down -the rivers to the Great Sea he ordered a fleet for this purpose to be -prepared for him. Adequate crews for the vessels were supplied by the -Phoenicians, Cyprians, Karians, and Egyptians who accompanied the army. - - -_Chapter II.—Description of the voyage down the Hydaspês_ - -At this time Koinos, who was one of Alexander’s most faithful -companions, took ill and died, and his master buried him with all the -magnificence circumstances allowed. He then assembled the Companions and -all the ambassadors of the Indians who had come to him, and in their -presence appointed Pôros king of all the Indian territories already -subjugated—seven nations in all, containing more than 2000 cities. -He then made the following distribution of his army. He took in the -ships along with himself all the hypaspists, and the archers, and the -Agrianians, and the corps of horse-guards.[146] Krateros commanding -a division of the infantry and cavalry, conducted it along the right -bank of the Hydaspês, while Hêphaistiôn on the opposite bank advanced -in command of the largest and best division of the army, to which the -elephants, now about 200 in number, were attached. These generals were -instructed to march with all possible speed to where the palace of -Sôpeithês[147] was situated. Philippos, the satrap of the province -lying west of the Indus in the direction of the Baktrians, received -orders to follow them with his troops after an interval of three days, -but the cavalry of the Nysaians he now sent back to Nysa. The command -of the whole naval squadron was entrusted to Nearchos, while the pilot -of Alexander’s own ship was Onêsikritos, who, in the narrative which he -composed about the wars of Alexander, among his other lies, described -himself as the commander of the fleet, although he was in reality only -a pilot. According to Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, whose authority I -principally follow, the ships numbered collectively eighty thirty-oared -galleys, but the whole fleet, including the horse-transports and the -small craft and other river boats consisting of those that formerly plied -on the rivers and those recently built for the present service, did not -fall much short of 2000.[148] - - -_Chapter III.—Description of the voyage down the Hydaspês continued_ - -When all the preparations had been completed, the army at break of day -began to embark. Alexander himself sacrificed according to custom both -to the gods and to the river Akesinês as the seers directed. After he -had embarked he poured a libation into the river, from his station on -the prow, out of a golden bowl, and invoked not only the Hydaspês, but -also the Akesinês, as he had learned that the Akesinês was the greatest -of all the confluents of the Hydaspês, and that their point of junction -was not far off. He invoked likewise the Indus, into which the Akesinês -falls after receiving the Hydaspês. He further poured out libations to -his ancestor Heraklês, and to Ammôn[149] and every other god to whom it -was his custom to sacrifice, and then he ordered the signal for starting -on the voyage to be given by sound of trumpet. The fleet as soon as the -signal sounded began the voyage in due order, for directions had been -given at what distances the luggage-boats, the horse-transports, and -the war-galleys should keep apart from each other to prevent collisions -which would be inevitable if the ships sailed at random down the channel. -Even the fast sailers were not allowed to break rank by out-distancing -the others. The noise caused by the rowing was great beyond all -precedent, proceeding as it did from a vast number of boats being rowed -simultaneously, and swelled by the shouts of the officers directing the -rowing to begin or to stop, commingled with the shouts of the rowers, -which rung like the war-cry when they joined together in keeping time -to the dashing of the oars. The banks, moreover, being in many places -higher than the ships, and compressing the sound within a narrow compass, -sent the echoes, greatly increased by the compression itself, flying -to and fro between them. The ravines also which occasionally opened on -the river on either of its shores served further to swell the din by -reverberating amid their solitudes the thuds of the oars. The appearance -of the war-horses on the decks of the transports struck the barbarians, -who saw them through the lattice work, with such wonder and astonishment, -that the throng which lined the shores to witness the departure of the -fleet accompanied it to a great distance, for in the country of the -Indians horses had never before been seen on shipboard, nor was there -any tradition to the effect that the Indian expedition of Dionysos was -of a naval character. Those Indians also who had already submitted to -Alexander, as soon as they heard the shouts of the rowers and the dashing -of the oars, ran down to the edge of the river and followed the fleet, -singing their wild native chaunts, for the Indians have been peculiarly -distinguished among the nations as lovers of dance and song, ever since -Dionysos and his attendant Bacchanals made their festive progress through -the realms of India.[150] - - -_Chapter IV.—Alexander accelerates his voyage to frustrate the plans of -the Malloi and Oxydrakai, and reaches the turbulent confluence of the -Hydaspês and Akesinês_ - -Alexander sailing thus,[151] halted on the third day at the place where -he had ordered Hêphaistiôn and Krateros to pitch their camps right -opposite each other, each on his own side of the river.[152] Having -waited here for two days until Philippos arrived with the rest of the -army, he sent that general forward with the detachment he had brought -with him to the river Akesinês, with orders to continue his march along -the banks of that river. He also sent Krateros and Hêphaistiôn off -again with instructions how they were to conduct the march. He himself -continued his voyage down the river Hydaspês, which was found throughout -the passage to be nowhere less than twenty stadia in breadth. Mooring his -boats wherever he could on the banks, he subjected the Indians who lived -near the Hydaspês to his authority, some having surrendered on terms -of capitulation, and such as resorted to arms, having been subdued by -force. He then sailed rapidly to the country of the Malloi and Oxydrakai, -because he had ascertained that they were the most numerous and warlike -of all the Indian tribes in those parts, and news had reached him that -they had conveyed their children, and their wives for safety into their -strongest cities, and that they meant themselves to give him a hostile -reception. He in consequence prosecuted the voyage with still greater -speed, so that he might attack them before they had settled their plans, -and while their preparations were still incomplete and they were in a -state of confusion and alarm. On the fifth day after he had started -from the place where he had halted, and been joined by Krateros and -Hêphaistiôn, he reached the junction of the Hydaspês and Akesinês. Where -these rivers unite the one river formed from them is very narrow, and -not only is the current swift from the narrowness of the channel, but -the waters whirl round in monstrous eddies, curl up in great billows, -and dash so violently that the roar of the surge is distinctly heard by -those who are still a great distance off. All this had been previously -reported by the natives to Alexander, and he had repeated the information -to the soldiers; but, notwithstanding, when the army in approaching the -confluence caught the roar of the stream, the sailors simultaneously -suspended the action of the oars, not at any order from the boatswains, -who had become mute from astonishment, but because they were stunned with -terror by the thundering noise.[153] - - -_Chapter V.—Dangers encountered by the fleet at the confluence—Plan of -the operations which followed—Voyage down the Akesinês_ - -When they were not far from the meeting of the rivers, the pilots -enjoined the rowers to put all their strength to the oars to clear the -rapids, so that the vessels might not be caught and capsized in the -eddies, but by the exertions of the rowers might overcome the whirling -of the waters. The merchant vessels accordingly, if they happened to be -whirled round by the current, suffered no damage from the eddy, beyond -the alarm caused to the men on board, for these vessels, being of a round -form, were kept upright by the current itself, and settled into the -proper course. But the ships of war did not escape so unscathed from the -eddying stream, for, owing to their length, they were not upheaved in -the same way as the others on the seething surges, and if they had two -banks of oars, the lower oars were not raised much above the level of the -water. When the broad sides, therefore, of these vessels were exposed -to the eddying current, their oars, if not lifted in proper time, were -caught by the water and the blades snapped asunder. Many of the ships -were thus damaged, and two which fell foul of each other sunk with the -greater part of their crews. But when the river began to widen out, the -current was no longer so rapid and dangerous, and the impetuosity of the -eddies diminished. Alexander therefore brought his fleet to moorings -on the right bank where there was a protection from the strength of -the current and a roadstead for the ships. Here was also a headland -projecting into the river which afforded facilities for collecting the -wrecks and whatever living freight they brought. He saved the survivors; -and when he had repaired the damaged craft, ordered Nearchos to sail -downward till he reached the confines of the nation called the Malloi. He -made himself an inroad into the territories of the barbarians who refused -their submission,[154] and prevented them sending succours to the Malloi. -He then rejoined the fleet. - -Hêphaistiôn, Krateros, and Philippos had there already united their -forces. He then transported to the other side of the river Hydaspês -the elephants, the brigade of Polysperchôn, the archers, and Philippos -with the troops under his command, and appointed Krateros to conduct -this expedition. Nearchos he despatched in command of the fleet, and -instructed him to start on the voyage three days before the departure of -the army. The rest of his forces he divided into three parts. Hêphaistiôn -was directed to set out five days in advance, so that if any of the -enemy fled forward before the division commanded by the king in person -they might be captured, when endeavouring to escape in that direction, -by falling into Hêphaistiôn’s hands. He gave also a part of the army to -Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, with orders to follow him three days later, so -that such of the enemy as fled backward from his own troops might fall -into the hands of those under Ptolemy.[155] The detachment that marched -in advance he ordered to wait until he himself should come up at the -confluence of the Akesinês and Hydraôtês,[156] where Krateros and Ptolemy -had orders to join him with their divisions. - - -_Chapter VI.—Alexander invades the territories of the Malloi_ - -Alexander selected for his own division the hypaspists, the archers, -the Agrianians, the corps of foot-guards under Peithôn, all the -horse-archers, and the half of the companion cavalry, and led them -through a waterless tract of country against the Malloi,[157] a race of -independent Indians. On the first day he encamped near a small stream -which was twenty stadia distant from the river Akesinês. Having dined -there and allowed the army a short time for repose, he ordered every -man to fill whatever vessel he had with water. He then marched during -the remainder of the day and all night a distance of about 400 stadia, -and with the dawn arrived before a city to which many of the Malloi had -fled for refuge. As they never imagined that Alexander would come to -attack them through the waterless desert, most of them were abroad in the -fields, and without their arms; and just as it was manifest that he led -his forces by this route because of the difficulties it presented, so did -it appear to the enemy past belief that he would conduct an army by a way -so perilous. He thus fell upon them unexpectedly, and slew most of them -without their even turning to offer resistance, since they were unarmed. -The rest he shut up within the city, and as the phalanx of infantry had -not yet arrived, he posted the cavalry in a cordon round the wall, thus -making it serve for a stockade. No sooner, however, did the infantry come -up than he despatched Perdikkas with his own cavalry regiment and that -of Kleitos, together with the Agrianians, to another city of the Malloi, -into which many of the Indians of that district had fled for refuge. -He was enjoined to blockade the men in the city, but not to attempt -to storm the place until his own arrival, so that no one might escape -and carry the news of Alexander’s approach to the other barbarians. He -then made an assault upon the wall, which the barbarians abandoned on -seeing it could no longer hold out, since many had been killed during -the siege, and others disabled for fighting by reason of their wounds. -They fled into the citadel, which, being seated on a commanding height -and difficult of access, they continued to defend for some time. As -the Macedonians, however, vigorously pressed the attack at all points, -while Alexander himself was seen everywhere urging forward the work, the -citadel was stormed, and all the men who had fled to it for refuge were -put to the sword to the number of 2000.[158] - -Perdikkas meanwhile reached the city whither he had been sent, but on -learning that the inhabitants had not long before fled from it, he rode -away at full gallop on the track of the fugitives, while the light troops -followed him on foot as fast as they could. Some of the fugitives he -overtook and killed, but such as had been too quick for him made their -escape to the river marshes.[159] - - -_Chapter VII.—Siege and capture of several Mallian strongholds_ - -Alexander having dined and allowed his troops to rest till the first -watch of the night, began to march forward, and having travelled a great -distance in the night, arrived at the river Hydraôtês at daybreak. There -he learned that many of the Malloi had already crossed to the other bank, -but he fell upon others who were in the act of crossing and slew many -of them during the passage. He crossed the river along with them, just -as he was, and by the same ford. He then closely pursued the fugitives -who had outstripped him in their retreat. Many of these he slew and he -captured others, but most of them escaped to a position of great natural -strength which was also strongly fortified.[160] But when the infantry -came up with him, Alexander sent Peithôn with his own brigade and two -squadrons of cavalry against the fugitives. This detachment attacked the -stronghold, captured it at the first assault, and made slaves of all who -had fled into it, except, of course, those who had fallen in the attack. -Then Peithôn and his men, their task fulfilled, returned to the camp. - -Alexander himself next led his army against a certain city of the -Brachmans,[161] because he had learned that many of the Malloi had fled -thither for refuge. On reaching it he led the phalanx in compact ranks -against all parts of the wall. The inhabitants, on finding the walls -undermined, and that they were themselves obliged to retire before the -storm of missiles, left the walls and fled to the citadel, and began -to defend themselves from thence. But as a few Macedonians had rushed -in along with them, they rallied, and turning round in a body upon the -pursuers, drove some from the citadel and killed twenty-five of them in -their retreat. Upon this Alexander ordered his men to apply the scaling -ladders to the citadel on all its sides, and to undermine its walls; and -when an undermined tower had fallen and a breach had been made in the -wall between two towers, thus exposing the citadel to attack in that -quarter, Alexander was seen to be the first man to scale and lay hold of -the wall. Upon seeing this, the rest of the Macedonians for very shame -ascended the wall at various points, and quickly had the citadel in their -hands. Some of the Indians set fire to their houses, in which they were -caught and killed, but most part fell fighting. About 5000 in all were -killed, and, as they were men of spirit, a few only were taken prisoners. - - -_Chapter VIII.—Alexander defeats the Malloi at the Hydraôtês_ - -He remained there one day to give his army rest, and next day he -moved forward to attack the rest of the Malloi. He found their cities -abandoned, and ascertained that the inhabitants had fled into the desert. -There he again allowed the army a day’s rest, and next day sent Peithôn -and Dêmêtrios, the cavalry commander, back to the river with their own -troops, and as many battalions of light-armed infantry as the nature of -the work required. He directed them to march along the edge of the river, -and if they came upon any of those who had fled for refuge to the jungle, -of which there were numerous patches along the river-bank, to put them -all to death unless they voluntarily surrendered. The troops under these -two officers captured many of the fugitives in these jungles and killed -them. - -He marched himself against the largest city of the Malloi, to which -he was informed many men from their other cities had fled for safety. -The Indians, however, abandoned this place also when they heard that -Alexander was approaching. They then crossed the Hydraôtês, and with -a view to obstruct Alexander’s passage, remained drawn up in order of -battle upon the banks, because they were very steep. On learning this, -he took all the cavalry which he had with him, and marched to that part -of the Hydraôtês where he had been told the Malloi were posted; and the -infantry were directed to follow after him. When he came to the river -and descried the enemy drawn up on the opposite bank, he plunged at -once, just as he was after the march, into the ford, with the cavalry -only. When the enemy saw Alexander now in the middle of the stream they -withdrew in haste, but yet in good order, from the bank, and Alexander -pursued them with the cavalry only. But when the Indians perceived he -had nothing but a party of horse with him, they faced round and fought -stoutly, being about 50,000 in number. Alexander, perceiving that their -phalanx was very compact, and his own infantry not on the ground, rode -along all round them, and sometimes charged their ranks, but not at close -quarters. Meanwhile the Agrianians and other battalions of light-armed -infantry, which consisted of picked men, arrived on the field along with -the archers, while the phalanx of infantry was showing in sight at no -great distance off. As they were threatened at once with so many dangers, -the Indians wheeled round, and with headlong speed fled to the strongest -of all the cities that lay near.[162] Alexander killed many of them in -the pursuit, while those who escaped to the city were shut up within its -walls. At first, therefore, he surrounded the place with his horsemen as -soon as they came up from the march. But when the infantry arrived he -encamped around the wall on every side for the remainder of this day—a -time too short for making an assault, to say nothing of the great fatigue -his army had undergone, the infantry from their long march, and the -cavalry by the continuous pursuit, and especially by the passage of the -river. - - -_Chapter IX.—Alexander assails the chief stronghold of the Malloi, scales -the wall of the citadel, into which he leaps down though alone_ - -On the following day, dividing his army into two parts, he himself -assaulted the wall at the head of one division, while Perdikkas led -forward the other. Upon this the Indians, without waiting to receive the -attack of the Macedonians, abandoned the walls and fled for refuge to the -citadel. Alexander and his troops therefore burst open a small gate, and -entered the city long before the others. But Perdikkas and the troops -under his command entered it much later, having found it no easy work to -surmount the walls. The most of them, in fact, had neglected to bring -scaling ladders, for when they saw the wall left without defenders they -took it for granted that the city had actually been captured. But when -it became clear that the enemy was still in possession of the citadel, -and that many of them were drawn up in front of it to repel attack, the -Macedonians endeavoured to force their way into it, some by sapping the -walls, and others by applying the scaling ladders wherever that was -practicable. Alexander, thinking that the Macedonians who carried the -ladders were loitering too much, snatched one from the man who carried -it, placed it against the wall, and began to ascend, cowering the while -under his shield. The next to follow was Peukestas, who carried the -sacred shield which Alexander had taken from the temple of the Ilian -Athênâ, and which he used to keep with him and have carried before -him in all his battles.[163] Next to him Leonnatos, an officer of the -bodyguard, ascended by the same ladder; and by a different ladder Abreas, -one of those soldiers who for superior merit drew double pay[164] and -allowances. The king was now near the coping of the wall, and resting his -shield against it, was pushing some of the Indians within the fort, and -had cleared the parapet by killing others with his sword. The hypaspists, -now alarmed beyond measure for the king’s safety, pushed each other in -their haste up the same ladder and broke it, so that those who were -already mounting it fell down and made the ascent impracticable for -others. - -Alexander, while standing on the wall, was then assailed on every side -from the adjacent towers, for none of the Indians had the courage to come -near him. He was assailed also by men in the city, who threw darts at -him from no great distance off, for it so happened that a mound of earth -had been thrown up in that quarter close to the wall. Alexander was, -moreover, a conspicuous object both by the splendour of his arms[165] -and the astonishing audacity he displayed. He then perceived that if he -remained where he was, he would be exposed to danger without being able -to achieve anything noteworthy, but if he leaped down into the citadel -he might perhaps by this very act paralyse the Indians with terror, and -if he did not, but necessarily incurred danger, he would in that case -not die ignobly, but after performing great deeds worth being remembered -by the men of after times. Having so resolved, he leaped down from the -wall into the citadel. Then, supporting himself against the wall, he slew -with his sword some who assailed him at close quarters, and in particular -the governor of the Indians, who had rushed upon him too boldly. Against -another Indian whom he saw approaching, he hurled a stone to check his -advance, and another he similarly repelled. If any one came within nearer -reach, he again used his sword. The barbarians had then no further wish -to approach him, but standing around assailed him from all quarters with -whatever missiles they carried or could lay their hands on. - - -_Chapter X.—Alexander is dangerously wounded within the citadel_ - -At this crisis Peukestas, and Abreas the dimoirite, and after them -Leonnatos, the only men who succeeded in reaching the top of the wall -before the ladder broke, leaped down and began fighting in front of -the king. But there Abreas fell, pierced in the forehead by an arrow. -Alexander himself was also struck by one which pierced through his -cuirass into his chest above the pap, so that, as Ptolemy says, air -gurgled from the wound along with the blood. But sorely wounded as he -was, he continued to defend himself as long as his blood was still warm. -Since much blood, however, kept gushing out with every breath he drew, -a dizziness and faintness seized him, and he fell where he stood in a -collapse upon his shield. Peukestas then bestrode him where he fell, -holding up in front of him the sacred shield which had been taken from -Ilion, while Leonnatos protected him from side attacks. But both these -men were severely wounded, and Alexander was now on the point of swooning -away from the loss of blood. As for the Macedonians, they were at a -loss how to make their way into the citadel, because those who had seen -Alexander shot at upon the wall and then leap down inside it had broken -down the ladders up which they were rushing in all haste, dreading lest -their king, in recklessly exposing himself to danger, should come by some -hurt. In their perplexity they devised various plans for ascending the -wall. It was made of earth, and so some drove pegs into it, and swinging -themselves up by means of these, scrambled with difficulty to the top. -Others ascended by mounting one upon the other. The man who first reached -the top flung himself headlong from the wall into the city, and was -followed by the others. There, when they saw the king fallen prostrate, -they all raised loud lamentations and outcries of grief. And now around -his fallen form a desperate struggle ensued, one Macedonian after another -holding his shield in front of him. In the meantime, some of the soldiers -having shattered the bar by which the gate in the wall between the towers -was secured, made their way into the city a few at a time, and others, -when they saw that a rift was made in the gate, put their shoulders -under it, and having then pushed it into the space within the wall, -opened an entrance into the citadel in that quarter. - - -_Chapter XI.—Dangerous nature of Alexander’s wound—Arrian refutes some -current fictions relating to this accident_ - -Upon this some began to kill the Indians, and in the massacre spared -none, neither man, woman, nor child. Others bore off the king upon his -shield. His condition was very low, and they could not yet tell whether -he was likely to survive. Some writers have asserted that Kritodêmos, a -physician of Kôs, an Asklêpiad by birth,[166] extracted the weapon from -the wound by making an incision where the blow had struck. Other writers, -however, say that as no surgeon was present at this terrible crisis, -Perdikkas, an officer of the bodyguard, at Alexander’s own desire, made -an incision into the wound with his sword and removed the weapon. Its -removal was followed by such a copious effusion of blood that Alexander -again swooned, and the swoon had the effect of staunching the flux. Many -fictions also have been recorded by historians concerning this accident, -and Fame, receiving them from the original inventors, has preserved -them to our own day, nor will she cease to transmit the falsehoods to -one generation after another except they be finally suppressed by this -history. - -The common account, for example, is that this accident befell Alexander -among the Oxydrakai, but in fact it occurred among the Malloi an -independent Indian nation. The city belonged to the Malloi, and the men -who wounded Alexander were Malloi. They had certainly agreed to combine -with the Oxydrakai and give battle to the common enemy, but Alexander had -thwarted this design by his sudden and rapid march through the waterless -country, whereby these tribes were prevented from giving each other -mutual help. To take another instance, according to the common account, -the last battle fought with Darius (that at which he fled, nor paused in -his flight till he was seized by the soldiers of Bêssos and murdered at -Alexander’s approach) took place at Arbêla, just as the previous battle -came off at Issos, and the first cavalry action at the Granikos. Now this -cavalry action was really fought at the Granikos, and the next battle -with Darius at Issos. But Arbêla is distant from the field where Darius -and Alexander had their last battle 600 stadia according to those authors -who make the distance greatest, and 500 stadia according to those who -make it least. But Ptolemy and Aristoboulos say that the battle took -place at Gaugamêla near the river Boumodos. Gaugamêla, however, was not -a city, but merely a good-sized village, a place of no distinction, -and bearing a name which offends the ear. This seems to me the reason -why Arbêla, which was a city, has carried off the glory of the great -battle.[167] But if we must perforce consider that this battle took -place near Arbêla, though fought at so great a distance off, then we may -as well say that the sea fight at Salamis came off near the Isthmus of -Corinth, and the sea-fight at Artemision in Euboia, near Aigina or Sunium. - -With regard again to those who protected Alexander with their shields in -his peril, all agree that Peukestas was of the number, but with respect -to Leonnatos and Abreas the dimoirite, they are no longer in harmony. -Some say that Alexander received a blow on his helmet from a bludgeon -and fell down in an access of dizziness, and that on regaining his -feet he was hit by a dart which pierced through his breastplate into -his chest. But Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, says that this wound in his -chest was the only one he received. I take, however, the following to be -the greatest error into which the historians of Alexander have fallen. -Some have written that Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, along with Peukestas -mounted the ladder together with Alexander; that Ptolemy held his shield -over him when he was lying on the ground, and that he thence received -the surname of Sôtêr.[168] And yet Ptolemy himself has recorded that he -was not present at this conflict, but was fighting elsewhere against -other barbarians, in command of a different division of the army. Let me -mention these facts in digressing from my narrative that the men of after -times may not regard it as a matter of indifference how these great deeds -and great sufferings are reported. - -[Illustration: FIG. 10.—PTOLEMY SÔTÊR.] - - -_Chapter XII.—Distress and anxiety of the army at the prospect of -Alexander’s death_ - -While Alexander remained at this place to be cured of his wound, the -first news which reached the camp whence he had started to attack the -Malloi was that he had died of his wound. Then there arose at first a -loud lamentation from the whole army, as the mournful tidings spread -from man to man. But when their lamentation was ended, they gave way -to despondency and anxious doubts about the appointment of a commander -to the army, for among the officers many could advance claims to that -dignity which both to Alexander and the Macedonians seemed of equal -weight. They were also in fear and doubt how they could be conducted -home in safety, surrounded as they were on all hands by warlike nations, -some not yet reduced, but likely to fight resolutely for their freedom, -while others would to a certainty revolt when relieved from their fear of -Alexander. They seemed besides to be just then among impassable rivers, -while the whole outlook presented nothing but inextricable difficulties -when they wanted their king. But on receiving word that he was still -alive, they could hardly think it true, or persuade themselves that he -was likely to recover. Even when a letter came from the king himself -intimating that he would soon come down to the camp, most of them from -the excess of fear which possessed them distrusted the news, for they -fancied that the letter was a forgery concocted by his body-guards and -generals. - - -_Chapter XIII.—Joy of the army on seeing Alexander after his recovery—His -officers rebuke him for his rashness_ - -On coming to know this, Alexander, anxious to prevent any commotions -arising in the army, as soon as he could bear the fatigue, had himself -conveyed to the banks of the river Hydraôtês, and embarking there, -he sailed down the river to reach the camp, at the junction of the -Hydraôtês and the Akesinês, where Hêphaistiôn commanded the land forces -and Nearchos the fleet. When the vessel which carried the king was now -approaching the camp, he ordered the awning to be removed from the -poop that he might be visible to all. They were, however, even yet -incredulous, supposing that the freight of the vessel was Alexander’s -dead body, until he neared the bank, when he raised his arm and stretched -out his hand to the multitude. Then the men raised a loud cheer, and -lifted up their hands, some towards heaven and some towards Alexander -himself. Tears even started involuntarily to the eyes of not a few at -the unexpected sight. Some of the hypaspists brought him a litter where -he was carried ashore from the vessel, but he called for his horse. When -he was seen once more on horseback, the whole army greeted him with loud -acclamations, which filled with their echoes the shores and all the -surrounding hills and dales. On approaching his tent he dismounted that -he might be seen walking. Then the soldiers crowded round him, touching -some his hands, others his knees, and others nothing but his raiment. -Some, satisfied with nothing more than a near view, went away with -expressions of admiration. Others again covered him with garlands, and -others with the flowers of the clime and the season. - -Nearchos says that he was offended with certain of his friends who -reproached him for exposing himself to danger when leading the army, -for this, they said, was not the duty of a commander, but of a common -soldier, and it seems to me that Alexander resented these remarks because -he felt their truth, and knew he had laid himself open to censure. Owing, -however, to his prowess in fighting and his love of glory, he, like other -men who are swayed by some predominant pleasure, yielded to temptation, -lacking sufficient force of will to hold aloof from dangers. Nearchos -also says that a certain elderly Boiôtian (whose name he does not give) -observing that Alexander resented the censures of his friends, and was -giving them sour looks, approached him, and in the Boiôtian tongue thus -addressed him: “O Alexander, it is for heroes to do great deeds,” and -then he subjoined an Iambic verse, the purport of which was that he who -did any great deed was bound also to suffer.[169] The man, it is said, -not only found favour with Alexander, but was admitted afterwards to -closer intimacy. - - -_Chapter XIV.—Submission of the Malloi, Oxydrakai, and others—Voyage down -the Hydraôtês and Akesinês to the Indus_ - -At this time envoys came to Alexander from the Malloi who still survived, -tendering the submission of the nation; and from the Oxydrakai came the -leading men of their cities and their provincial governors, besides 150 -of their most eminent men, entrusted with full powers to conclude a -treaty. They brought with them those presents which the Indians consider -the choicest, and, like the Malloi, tendered the submission of their -nation. Their error in so long delaying to send an embassy was, they -said, pardonable, for they were attached more than others to freedom -and autonomy, and their freedom they had preserved intact from the -time Dionysos came to India until Alexander’s arrival. Since, however, -Alexander was also, according to current report, of the race of the -gods, they were willing, if he so pleased, to receive whatever satrap -Alexander might appoint, pay the tribute he chose to impose, and give -as many hostages as he required. Upon this he asked for a 1000 men, the -flower of the nation, to be retained, if he thought good, as hostages, -but, if not, to be employed as auxiliaries until he had finished the war -against the other Indians. They selected accordingly 1000 men, their -best and tallest, and sent them to him, together with 500 chariots and -their charioteers, though these were not demanded. Alexander appointed -Philippos as satrap over that nation and over the Malloi who still -survived. The hostages he sent back, but he kept the chariots. - -When these arrangements had been completed, and many vessels had been -built in the interval while his wound was healing, he put on board the -fleet 1700 of the cavalry companions, the same number of light-armed -troops as before, and about 10,000 infantry, and sailed a short distance -down the river Hydraôtês. But when the Hydraôtês fell into the Akesinês -he continued the voyage down the latter river (which in preference to -the Hydraôtês gives its name to the united stream) until he reached the -junction of the Akesinês with the Indus. For these four vast rivers which -are all navigable yield up their waters to the river Indus, but not each -of them under its own special name. For the Hydaspês discharges into the -Akesinês, and the single stream then forms what is called the Akesinês. -But this Akesinês again unites with the Hydraôtês, and after absorbing -this river is still the Akesinês. The Akesinês after this receives the -Hyphasis,[170] and still keeping its own name falls into the Indus, but -after the junction it resigns its name to that river. Hence I am ready to -believe that the Indus from this point to where it bifurcates to form the -Delta expands to a breadth of 100 stadia or even more in places where it -spreads out more like a lake than a river. - - -_Chapter XV.—Appointment of Satraps—Voyage down the Indus to the -dominions of Mousikanos, who tenders his submission_ - -There at the confluence of the Akesinês and Indus he waited until -Perdikkas arrived with his forces. This general in the course of his -march had subjugated the Abastanoi,[171] one of the independent tribes. -Meanwhile there arrived at the camp other thirty-oared galleys and -transport vessels which had been built for him among the Xathroi,[172] -another independent tribe of Indians whose submission he had received. -From the Ossadioi[173] also, another independent tribe, came envoys -offering the submission of their nation. Alexander then fixed the -confluence of the Akesinês and Indus as the boundary of the satrapy of -Philippos, and left with him all the Thracians and as many foot-soldiers -as seemed sufficient for the defence of his province. Then he ordered -a city to be founded there at the very confluence of the rivers,[174] -hoping it would become a great city and make a name for itself in the -world. He ordered also the construction of dockyards. At this time the -Baktrian Oxyartês, the father of Alexander’s wife Roxana, arrived, and on -him he bestowed the satrapy of the Parapamisadai after dismissing the -previous satrap Tyriaspês, who had been reported guilty of irregularities -in the exercise of his authority. - -Then he transported Krateros, with the bulk of the army and the -elephants, to the left side of the river Indus, because the route along -that bank of the river seemed easier for an army heavily accoutred, and -because the tribes inhabiting those parts were not quite friendly. He -sailed himself down to the capital of the Sôgdoi, where he fortified -another city, constructed other dockyards, and repaired his damaged -vessels. He then appointed Oxyartês and Peithôn satraps of the country -which extended from the confluence of the Indus and Akesinês to the sea, -together with the whole sea-board of India.[175] - -Krateros he again despatched with the army [through the country of the -Arachôtians and Drangians]; while he sailed down himself to the realm -of Mousikanos,[176] which was reported to be the most opulent in India, -because that sovereign had neither come to surrender himself and his -country, nor sent envoys to seek his friendship. He had not even sent -presents to show the respect due to a mighty king, nor had he asked any -favour from Alexander. He therefore made the voyage down the river so -rapidly that he reached the frontiers of the country of Mousikanos before -that prince had even heard that Alexander had started to attack him. -Mousikanos, dismayed by his sudden arrival, hastened to meet him, taking -the choicest presents India could offer and all his elephants with him. -He offered to surrender both his nation and himself, and acknowledged his -error, which was the most effective way with Alexander to obtain from him -whatever one wanted. Alexander therefore granted Mousikanos a full pardon -on account of his submission and penitence, expressed much admiration of -his capital and his realm, and confirmed him in his sovereignty. Krateros -was then ordered to fortify the citadel which protected the capital, and -this work was executed while Alexander was still on the spot. A garrison -was placed in the fortress, which he thought suitable for keeping the -surrounding tribes in subjection. - - -_Chapter XVI.—Campaign against Oxykanos and Sambos_ - -Then he took the archers and the Agrianians and the cavalry which was -sailing with him, and marched against the governor of a district in -that part of the country whose name was Oxykanos, because he neither -came himself nor sent envoys to offer the surrender of himself and his -country.[177] At the first assault he took by storm the two largest -cities under the rule of Oxykanos, in the second of which that chief -himself was taken prisoner. The booty he gave to the army, but the -elephants he led away and reserved for himself. The other cities in -the same country surrendered without attempting resistance wherever he -advanced; so much were the minds of all the Indians paralysed with abject -terror by Alexander and the success of his arms. - -He then advanced against Sambos, whom he had appointed satrap of the -Indian mountaineers, and who was reported to have fled on hearing that -Mousikanos had been pardoned by Alexander, and was ruling his own -land, for he and Mousikanos were on hostile terms. But when Alexander -approached the city called Sindimana,[178] which formed the metropolis of -the country of Sambos, the gates were thrown open on his arrival, and the -members of the household of Sambos with his treasure (of which they had -reckoned up the amount) and his elephants went forth to meet him. Sambos, -these men informed him, had fled, not from hostility to Alexander, but -from fears to which the pardon of Mousikanos had given rise. He captured -besides another city,[179] which had at this time revolted, and he put to -death all those Brachmans who had instigated the revolt. These Brachmans -are the philosophers of the Indians, and of their philosophy, if so it -may be called, I shall give an account in my work which describes India. - - -_Chapter XVII.—Mousikanos is captured by Peithôn and executed—Alexander -reaches Patala at the apex of the Indus Delta_ - -Meantime he received word that Mousikanos had revolted. Thereupon he -despatched the satrap Peithôn, the son of Agênor, against him with an -adequate force, while he marched himself against the cities which had -been placed under the rule of Mousikanos. Some of these he razed to -the ground after reducing the inhabitants to slavery; into others he -introduced garrisons and fortified their citadels. When these operations -were finished he returned to the camp and the fleet—whither Mousikanos -was conducted, who had been taken prisoner by Peithôn. Alexander ordered -the rebel to be taken to his own country and hanged there, together with -all those Brachmans who had instigated him to revolt. Then there came to -him the ruler of the country of the Patalians, which, as I have stated, -consists of the Delta formed by the river Indus, and is larger than the -Egyptian Delta. This chief surrendered to him the whole of his land, and -entrusted both himself and all his possessions to him. Alexander sent him -back to his government with orders to make all due preparations for the -reception of his expedition. He then sent away Krateros into Karmania -by the route through the Arachôtians and the Sarangians,[180] leading -the brigades of Attalos, Meleager, and Antigenês, along with some of -the archers and such of the companions and other Macedonians as he was -sending home to Macedonia as unfit for further service. He also sent away -the elephants with him. The rest of the army, except that portion which -with himself was sailing down to the sea, was placed under the command of -Hêphaistiôn. Peithôn, who led the horse-lancers and the Agrianians, he -transported to the opposite bank so that he might not be on that side of -the river by which Hêphaistiôn was to advance. Peithôn was instructed to -put colonists into the cities which had just been fortified, to suppress -any insurrection which the Indians might attempt, to introduce settled -order among them, and then to join him at Patala. - -On the third day after Alexander had started on the voyage, he was -informed that the Prince of Patala was fleeing from that city, taking -with him most of its inhabitants, and leaving the country deserted. -He accordingly accelerated his voyage down the river, and on reaching -Patala found that both the city itself and the cultivated lands which lay -around it had been deserted by the inhabitants. But he despatched his -lightest troops in pursuit of the fugitives, and when some of these had -been captured sent them on to their countrymen to bid them take courage -and return, for they were free to inhabit their city and cultivate their -lands as formerly; and so most of them did return.[181] - - -_Chapter XVIII.—Alexander orders wells to be dug in the district round -Patala, and sails down the western arm of the Indus_ - -After directing Hêphaistiôn to construct a citadel in Patala, he sent out -men into the adjacent country, which was waterless, to dig wells[182] and -make it habitable. Some of the barbarians in the neighbourhood attacked -them, and, as they fell upon them quite unexpectedly, killed several of -their number, but as the assailants lost many on their own side, they -fled to the desert. The men were thus able to complete the work they were -sent to execute, especially as Alexander, on learning that they had been -attacked by the barbarians, had sent additional troops to take part in -the work. - -Near Patala the stream of the Indus is divided into two large -rivers,[183] both of which retain the name of the Indus till they enter -the sea. Here Alexander set about the construction of a roadstead and -dock, and when some satisfactory progress had been made with these -undertakings, he resolved to sail down to the mouth of the right arm of -the river.[184] To Leonnatos he gave the command of about 1000 cavalry -and 8000 heavy and light infantry, and despatched him to move down the -island of Patala, holding along the shore in a line with the squadron of -ships. He set out himself on a voyage down the right arm of the river, -taking with him the fastest vessels with one and a half bank of oars, -all the thirty-oared galleys, and several of the smaller craft. As the -Indians of that region had fled, he had no pilot to direct his course, -and this made the navigation all the more difficult. Then on the second -day after he had started a storm arose, and the gale blowing against the -current made deep furrows in the river, and battered the hulls of the -vessels so violently that most of his ships were damaged, while some of -the thirty-oared galleys were completely wrecked, though the sailors -managed to run them on shore before they went all to pieces in the -water. Other vessels were therefore constructed; and Alexander, having -despatched the quickest of the light-armed troops some distance into -the interior, captured some Indians, whom he employed in piloting his -fleet for the rest of the voyage. But when they found themselves where -the river expands to the vast breadth of 200 stadia the wind blew strong -from the outer sea, and the oars could scarcely be raised in the swell. -They therefore again drew toward the shore for refuge, and the fleet was -steered by the pilots into the mouth of a canal. - - -_Chapter XIX.—The fleet is damaged by the tide, halts at an island in the -Indus, and thence reaches the open sea_ - -While the fleet was at anchor here, a vicissitude to which the Great Sea -is subject occurred, for the tide ebbed, and their ships were left on -dry ground. This phenomenon, of which Alexander and his followers had -no previous experience, caused them no little alarm, and greater still -was their dismay, when in due course of time the tide advanced, and the -hulls of the vessels were floated aloft. Those vessels which it found -settled in the soft mud were uplifted without damage, and floated again, -nothing the worse for the strain; but as for those vessels which had been -left on a drier part of the beach, and were not firmly embedded, some -on the advance of a massive wave fell foul of each other, while others -were dashed upon the strand and shattered in pieces.[185] Alexander -caused these vessels to be repaired as well as circumstances allowed, -and despatched men in advance down the river in two boats to explore an -island at which the natives informed him he must anchor on his way to the -sea. They said that the name of the island was Killouta.[186] When he -learned that the island had harbours, was of great extent, and yielded -water, he ordered the rest of the fleet to make its way thither, but he -himself with the fastest sailing ships advanced beyond the island to see -the mouth of the river, and ascertain whether it offered a safe and easy -passage out into the open main. When they had proceeded about 200 stadia -beyond the island, they descried another which lay out in the sea. Then -they returned to the island in the river, and Alexander, having anchored -his ships near its extremity, offered sacrifice to those gods to whom, he -said, Ammôn had enjoined him to sacrifice. On the following day he sailed -down to the other island which lay in the ocean, and approaching close to -it also, offered other sacrifices to other gods and in another manner. -These sacrifices, like the others, he offered under sanction of an oracle -given by Ammôn. He then advanced beyond the mouths of the river Indus, -and sailed out into the great main to discover, as he declared, whether -any land lay anywhere near in the sea, but, in my opinion, chiefly that -it might be said that he had navigated the great outer sea of India. He -then sacrificed bulls to the god Pôseidôn, which he threw into the sea; -and following up the sacrifice with a libation, he threw the goblet and -bowls of gold into the bosom of the deep as thanks-offerings, beseeching -the god to conduct in safety the naval expedition which he intended -to despatch under Nearchos to the Persian Gulf and the mouths of the -Euphrates and Tigris. - - -_Chapter XX.—Alexander after returning to Patala sails down the eastern -arm of the Indus_ - -On his return to Patala, he found the citadel fortified, and Peithôn -arrived with his troops after completing the objects of his expedition. -Hêphaistiôn was then ordered to prepare what was requisite for the -fortification of the harbour, and the construction of a dockyard, -for here at the city of Patala, which stands where the river Indus -bifurcates, he meant to leave behind him a very considerable naval -squadron. - -He himself sailed down again to the Great Sea by the other mouth of the -Indus,[187] to ascertain by which of the mouths it was easier to reach -the ocean. The mouths of the river Indus are about 1800 stadia distant -from each other.[188] When he was approaching the mouth, he came to a -large lake formed by the river in widening out, unless, indeed, this -watery expanse be due to rivers which discharge their streams into it -from the surrounding districts, and give it the appearance of a gulf -of the sea;[189] for salt-water fish were now seen in it of larger -size than the fish in our sea. Having anchored in the lake, at a place -selected by the pilots, he left there most of the soldiers under the -command of Leonnatos and all the boats, while he himself with the -thirty-oared galleys, and the vessels with one and a half bank of oars -passed beyond the mouth of the Indus, and sailing out into the sea by -this other route, satisfied himself that the mouth of the Indus on this -side was easier to navigate than the other. He then anchored his fleet -near the beach, and taking with him some of the cavalry, proceeded along -the shore a three days’ journey, examining what sort of a country it -was for a coasting voyage, and ordering wells to be sunk for supplying -sea-farers with water. He then returned to the fleet, and sailed back -to Patala. He sent, however, a part of the army to complete the work of -digging wells along the shore, with instructions to return to Patala -on their completing this service. Sailing down again to the lake, he -constructed there another harbour and other docks, and, having left a -garrison in the place, he collected sufficient food to supply the army -for four months, and made all other necessary preparations for the voyage -along the coast. - - -_Chapter XXI.—Alexander crosses the river Arabios and invades the Oreitai_ - -The season of the year was impracticable for navigation from the -prevalence of the Etesian winds, which do not blow there as with us -from the north, but come as a south wind from the Great Ocean. It was -ascertained that from the beginning of winter, that is from the setting -of the Pleiades,[190] till the winter solstice, the weather was suitable -for making voyages, because the mild breezes which then blow steadily -seaward from the land, which is drenched by this time with heavy rains, -favour coasting voyages, whether made by oar or by sail. Nearchos, who -had been appointed to the command of the fleet, was waiting for the -season for coasting, but Alexander set out from Patala, and advanced with -the whole of his army to the river Arabios.[191] He then took half of the -hypaspists and archers, the infantry brigades called foot companions, -the corps of companion cavalry, and a squadron from each division of the -other cavalry, and all the horse archers, and turned towards the sea, -which lay on the left, not only to dig as many wells as possible for -the use of the expedition while coasting those shores, but also to fall -suddenly upon the Oreitai (an Indian tribe in those parts which had long -been independent), because they had rendered no friendly service either -to himself or the army. The command of the troops which he did not take -with him was entrusted to Hêphaistiôn. There was settled near the river -Arabios another[192] independent tribe called the Arabitai, and, as -these neither thought themselves a match for Alexander, nor yet wished -to submit to him, they fled into the desert when they learned that he -was marching against them. But Alexander having crossed the Arabios, -which was neither broad nor deep, traversed the most of the desert, and -found himself by daybreak near the inhabited country. Then leaving orders -with the infantry to follow him in regular line, he set forward with -the cavalry, which he divided into squadrons, to be spread over a wide -extent of the plain, and it was thus he marched into the country of the -Oreitai.[193] All who turned to offer resistance were cut down by the -cavalry, but many were taken prisoners. He then encamped near a small -sheet of water, and on being joined by the troops under Hêphaistiôn still -continued his progress, and arrived at the village called Rambakia,[194] -which was the largest in the dominions of the Oreitai. He was pleased -with the situation, and thought that if he colonised it, it would become -a great and prosperous city. He therefore left Hêphaistiôn behind him to -carry this scheme into effect. - - -_Chapter XXII.—Submission of the Oreitai—Description of the Gadrôsian -desert_ - -He then took again the half of the hypaspists and Agrianians, and the -corps of cavalry and the horse-archers, and marched forward to the -frontiers of the Gadrôsoi and the Oreitai, where he was informed his way -would lie through a narrow defile before which the combined forces of the -Oreitai and the Gadrôsoi were lying encamped, resolved to prevent his -passage. They were in fact drawn up there, but when they were apprised of -Alexander’s approach most of them deserted the posts they were guarding -and fled from the pass. Then the leaders of the Oreitai came to him -to surrender themselves and their nation. He ordered them to collect -the multitude of the Oreitai, and send them away to their homes, since -they were not to be subjected to any bad treatment. Over these people -he placed Apollophanês as satrap. Along with him he left Leonnatos, an -officer of the body-guard in Ora,[195] in command of all the Agrianians, -some of the archers and cavalry, and the rest of the Grecian mercenary -infantry and cavalry, and instructed him to remain in the country till -the fleet sailed past its shores, to settle a colony in the city, and -establish order among the Oreitai, so that they might be readier to pay -respect and obedience to the satrap. He himself with the great bulk of -the army (for Hêphaistiôn had now rejoined him with his detachment) -advanced to the country of the Gadrôsoi[196] by a route mostly desert. - -Aristoboulos says that myrrh-trees larger than the common kind grow -plentifully in this desert, and that the Phoenicians who followed -the army as suttlers collected the drops of myrrh which oozed out in -great abundance from the trees (their stems being large and hitherto -uncropped), and conveyed away the produce loaded on their beasts of -burden. He says also that this desert yields an abundance of odoriferous -roots of nard, which the Phoenicians likewise collected; but much of -it was trodden down by the army, and the sweet perfume thus crushed -out of it was from its great abundance diffused far and wide over the -country.[197] Other kinds of trees are found in the desert, one in -particular which had a foliage like that of the laurel, and grew in -places washed by the waves of the sea. These trees when the tide ebbed -were left in dry ground, but when it returned they looked as if they grew -in the sea. The roots of some were always washed by the sea, since they -grew in hollows from which the water never receded, and yet trees of this -kind were not destroyed by the brine. Some of these trees attained here -the great height of 30 cubits. They happened to be at that season in -bloom, and their flower closely resembled the white violet,[198] which, -however, it far surpassed in the sweetness of its perfume. Another kind -of thorny stalk is mentioned, which grew on dry land, and was armed with -a thorn so strong that when it got entangled in the dress of some who -were riding past, it rather pulled the rider down from his horse than -was itself torn away from its stalk. When hares are running past these -bushes the thorns are said to fasten themselves in the fur so that the -hares are caught like birds with bird-lime or fish with hooks. These -thorns were, however, easily cut through with steel, and when severed the -stalk yielded juice even more abundant and more acid than what flows from -fig-trees in springtime.[199] - - -_Chapter XXIII.—Alexander marching through Gadrôsia endeavours to collect -supplies for the fleet_ - -Thence he marched through the country of the Gadrôsoi by a difficult -route, on which it was scarcely possible to procure the necessaries of -life, and which often failed to yield water for the army. They were -besides compelled to march most of the way by night, and at too great a -distance from the sea; for Alexander wished to go along the sea-coast, -both to see what harbours it had, and to make in the course of his march -whatever preparations were possible for the benefit of the fleet, either -by making his men dig wells or seek out markets and anchorages. The -maritime parts of Gadrôsia were, however, entirely desert. Nevertheless -he sent Thoas, the son of Mandradôros, down to the sea with a few -horsemen to see if there happened to be any anchorage or water not far -from the sea, or anything else that could supply the wants of the fleet. -This man on returning reported that he found some fishermen upon the -beach living in stifling huts, which had been constructed by heaping up -mussel shells, while the roofs were formed of the backbones of fish. He -also reported that these fishermen had only scanty supplies of water, -obtained with difficulty by their digging through the shingle, and that -what they got was far from sweet.[200] - -When Alexander came to a district of the Gadrôsian country where corn -was more abundant, he seized it, placed it upon the beasts of burden, -and having marked it with his own seal ordered it to be conveyed to the -sea. But when he was coming to the halting station nearest the sea, -the soldiers paid but little regard to the seal, and even the guards -themselves made use of the corn and gave a share of it to such as -were most pinched with hunger. Indeed, they were so overcome by their -sufferings, that, as reason dictated, they took more account of the -impending danger with which they now stood face to face than of the -unseen and remote danger of the king’s resentment. Alexander, however, -forgave the offenders when made aware of the necessity which had prompted -their act. He himself scoured the country in search of provisions, and -sent Krêtheus the Kallatian[201] with all the supplies he could collect -for the use of the army which was sailing round with the fleet. He also -ordered the natives to grind all the corn they could collect in the -interior districts, and convey it, for sale to the army, along with dates -and sheep. He besides sent Telephos, one of the companions, to another -locality with a small supply of ground corn. - - -_Chapter XXIV.—Difficulties encountered on the march through Gadrôsia_ - -He then advanced towards the capital of the Gadrôsoi, called Poura,[202] -and arrived there in sixty days after he had started from Ora. Most -of Alexander’s historians admit that all the hardships which his army -suffered in Asia are not to be compared with the miseries which it here -experienced. Nearchos is the only author who says that Alexander did -not take that route in ignorance of its difficulty, but that he chose -it on learning that no one had as yet traversed it with an army except -Semiramis when she fled from India. The natives of the country say that -she escaped with only twenty men of all her army, while even Cyrus, the -son of Kambyses, escaped with only seven. For Cyrus, they say, did in -truth enter this region to invade India, but lost, before reaching it, -the greater part of his army from the difficulties which beset his march -through the desert. When Alexander heard these accounts he was seized, it -is said, with an ambition to outrival both Cyrus and Semiramis. Nearchos -says that this motive, added to his desire to be near the coast in order -to keep the fleet supplied with provisions, induced him to march by this -route; but that the blazing heat and want of water destroyed a great part -of the army, and especially the beasts of burden, which perished from the -great depth of the sand, and the heat which scorched like fire, while a -great many died of thirst. For they met, he says, with lofty ridges of -deep sand not hard and compact, but so loose that those who stepped on it -sunk down as into mud or rather into untrodden snow. The horses and mules -besides suffered still more severely both in ascending and descending -the ridges, because the road was not only uneven, but wanted firmness. -The great distances also between the stages were most distressing to the -army, compelled as it was at times from want of water to make marches -above the ordinary length. When they traversed by night all the stage -they had to complete and came to water in the morning, their distress was -all but entirely relieved. But if as the day advanced they were caught -still marching owing to the great length of the stage, then suffer they -did, tortured alike by raging heat and thirst unquenchable. - - -_Chapter XXV.—Sufferings of the army in the Gadrôsian desert_ - -The soldiers destroyed many of the beasts of burden of their own accord. -For when their provisions ran short they came together and killed most -of the horses and mules. They ate the flesh of these animals, which they -professed had died of thirst and perished from the heat. No one cared to -look very narrowly into the exact nature of what was doing, both because -of the prevailing distress and also because all were alike implicated in -the same offence. Alexander himself was not unaware of what was going -on, but he saw that the remedy for the existing state of things was -to pretend ignorance of it rather than permit it as a matter that lay -within his cognisance. It was therefore no longer easy to convey the -soldiers labouring under sickness, nor others who had fallen behind on -the march from exhaustion. This arose not only from the want of beasts -of burden, but also because the men themselves took to destroying the -waggons when they could no longer drag them forward owing to the deepness -of the sand. They had done this even in the early stages of the march, -because for the sake of the waggons they had to go not by the shortest -roads, but those easiest for carriages. Thus some were left behind on -the road from sickness, others from fatigue or the effects of the heat -or intolerable thirst, while there were none who could take them forward -or remain to tend them in their sickness. For the army marched on apace, -and in the anxiety for its safety as a whole the care of individuals -was of necessity disregarded. As they generally made their marches by -night, some of the men were overcome by sleep on the way, but on awaking -afterwards those who still had some strength left followed close on the -track of the army, and a few out of many saved their lives by overtaking -it. The majority perished in the sand like shipwrecked men at sea. - -Another disaster also befell the army which seriously affected the men -themselves as well as the horses and the beasts of burden. For the -country of the Gadrôsians, like that of the Indians, is supplied with -rains by the Etesian winds; but these rains do not fall on the Gadrôsian -plains, but on the mountains to which the clouds are carried by the -wind, where they dissolve in rain without passing over the crests of -the mountains. When the army on one occasion lay encamped for the night -near a small winter torrent for the sake of its water, the torrent which -passes that way about the second watch of the night became swollen by -rains which had fallen unperceived by the army, and came rushing down -with so great a deluge that it destroyed most of the women and children -of the camp-followers, and swept away all the royal baggage and whatever -beasts of burden were still left. The soldiers themselves, after a hard -struggle, barely escaped with their lives, and a portion only of their -weapons. Many of them besides came by their death through drinking, for -if when jaded by the broiling heat and thirst they fell in with abundance -of water, they quaffed it with insatiable avidity till they killed -themselves. For this reason Alexander generally pitched his camp not in -the immediate vicinity of the watering-places, but some twenty stadia -off to prevent the men and beasts from rushing in crowds into the water -to the danger of their lives, as well as to prohibit those who had no -self-control from polluting the water for the rest of the troops by their -stepping into the springs or streams. - - -_Chapter XXVI.—Incidents of the march through Gadrôsia_ - -Here I feel myself bound not to pass over in silence a noble act -performed by Alexander, perhaps the noblest in his record, which occurred -either in this country or, as some other authors have asserted, still -earlier, among the Parapamisadai. The story is this. The army was -prosecuting its march through the sand under a sun already blazing high -because a halt could not be made till water, which lay on the way farther -on was reached, and Alexander himself, though distressed with thirst, -was nevertheless with pain and difficulty marching on foot at the head -of his army, that the soldiers might, as they usually do in a case of -the kind, more cheerfully bear their hardships when they saw the misery -equalised. But in the meantime some of the light-armed soldiers, starting -off from the army, found water collected in the shallow bed of a torrent -in a small and impure spring. Having, with difficulty, collected this -water they hastened off to Alexander as if they were the bearers of some -great boon. As soon as they came near the king they poured the water -into a helmet, and offered it to him. He took it and thanked the men who -brought it, but at once poured it upon the ground in the sight of all. By -this deed the whole army was inspired with fresh vigour to such a degree -that one would have imagined that the water poured out by Alexander had -supplied a draught to the men all round. This deed I commend above all -others, as it exhibits Alexander’s power of endurance as well as his -wonderful tact in the management of an army. - -The army met also with the following adventure in this country. The -guides, becoming uncertain of the way, at last declared that they could -no longer recognise it, because all its tracks had been obliterated by -the sands which the wind blew over them. Amid the deep sands, moreover, -which had been everywhere heaped up to a uniform level, nothing rose up -from which they could conjecture their path, not even the usual fringe -of trees, nor so much as the sure landmark of a hill-crest. Nor had they -practised the art of finding their way by observation of the stars by -night or of the sun by day, as sailors do by watching one or other of the -Bears—the Phoenicians the Lesser Bear, and all other nations the Greater. -Alexander, at last perceiving that he should direct his march to the -left, rode away forward, taking a small party of horsemen with him. But -when their horses were tired out by the heat, he left most of his escort -behind, and rode on with only five men and found the sea. Having scraped -away the shingle on the beach, he found water, both fresh and pure, and -then went back and brought his whole army to this place. And for seven -days they marched along the sea-coast, and procured water from the beach. -As the guides by this time knew the way, he led his expedition thence -into the interior parts. - - -_Chapter XXVII.—Appointment of satraps—Alexander learns that the satrap -Philippos had been murdered in India—Punishes satraps who had misgoverned_ - -When he arrived at the capital of the Gadrôsians he then gave his army a -rest. Apollophanês he deposed from his satrapy because he found out that -he had utterly disregarded his instructions. He appointed Thoas to be -satrap over the people of this district, but, as he took ill and died, -Siburtios received the vacant office. The same man had also recently -been appointed by Alexander satrap of Karmania, but now the government -of the Arachotians and Gadrôsians was committed to him, and Tlêpolemos, -the son of Pythophanês, got Karmania. The king was already advancing -into Karmania when tidings reached him that Philippos, the satrap of -the Indian country, had been plotted against by the mercenaries and -treacherously murdered; but that the Macedonian bodyguards of Philippos -had put to death his murderers whom they had caught in the very act, and -others whom they had afterwards seized. On learning what had occurred -he sent a letter to India addressed to Eudêmos and Taxilês directing -them to assume the administration of the province previously governed by -Philippos until he could send a satrap to govern it. - -When he arrived in Karmania, Krateros joined him, bringing the rest of -the army and the elephants. He brought also Ordanês, whom he had made -prisoner for revolting and attempting to make a revolution. Thither came -also Stasanôr, the satrap of the Areians and Zarangians, accompanied by -Pharismanes, the son of Phrataphernês, the satrap of the Parthyaians -and Hyrkanians. There came besides the generals who had been left with -Parmenion over the army in Media, Kleander and Sitalkês and Hêrakôn, -who brought with them the greater part of their army. Against Kleander -and Sitalkês both the natives and the soldiers themselves brought many -accusations, as that they had pillaged temples, despoiled ancient tombs, -and perpetrated other outrageous acts of injustice and tyranny against -their subjects. When these charges were proved against them, he put them -to death, to make others who might be left as satraps, or governors, or -chiefs of districts, stand in fear of suffering a like punishment if they -violated their duty. This was the means which above all others served to -keep in due order and obedience the nations which Alexander had conquered -in war or which had voluntarily submitted to him, numerous as they were, -and so far remote from each other, because under his sceptre the ruled -were not allowed to be unjustly treated by their rulers. Hêrakôn on this -occasion was acquitted of the charge, but was soon afterwards punished, -because he was convicted by the men of Sousa of having plundered the -temple of their city. Stasanôr and Phrataphernês in setting out to join -Alexander, took with them a multitude of beasts of burden and many -camels, because they learned that he was taking the route through the -Gadrôsians, and conjectured that his army would suffer, as it actually -did. These men arrived therefore very opportunely, as did also their -camels and their beasts of burden. For Alexander distributed all these -animals to the officers one by one, to the squadrons and centuries of -the cavalry, and to the companies of the infantry as far as their number -sufficed. - - -_Chapter XXVIII.—Alexander holds rejoicings in Karmania on account of -his Indian victories—List of his body-guards—Nearchos reports to him the -safety of the fleet_ - -Some authors have recorded, though I cannot believe what they state, -that he made his progress through Karmania stretched at length with his -companions on two covered waggons joined together, enjoying the while the -music of the flute, and followed by the soldiers crowned with garlands -and making holiday. They say also that food and all kinds of good cheer -were provided for them along the roads by the Karmanians, and that these -things were done by Alexander in imitation of the Bacchic revelry of -Dionysos, because it was said of that deity that, after conquering the -Indians, he traversed, in this manner, a great part of Asia, and received -the name of Thriambos in addition to that of Dionysos, and that for this -very reason the splendid processions in honour of victories in war were -called _Thriamboi_.[203] But neither Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, nor -Aristoboulos has mentioned these doings in their narratives, nor any -other writer whose testimony on such subjects it would be safe to trust, -and as for myself I have done enough in recording them as unworthy of -belief. But in the account I now proceed to offer I follow Aristoboulos. -In Karmania Alexander offered sacrifice in thanksgiving to the gods for -his victory over the Indians, and the preservation of his army during -its march through Gadrôsia. He celebrated also a musical and a gymnastic -contest. He then appointed Peukestas to be one of his body-guards, having -already resolved to make him the satrap of Persis. He wished him, before -his promotion to the satrapy, to experience this honour and mark of -confidence for the service he rendered among the Malloi. Up to this time -the number of his body-guards was seven—Leonnatos, the son of Anteas; -Hêphastiôn, the son of Amyntôr; Lysimachos, the son of Agathoklês; -Aristonous, the son of Peisaios, who were all Pellaians; Perdikkas, the -son of Orontês from Orestis; Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, and Peithôn, the -son of Krateuas, who were both Heordaians—Peukestas, who had held the -shield over Alexander, was added to them as an eighth. - -At this time Nearchos, having sailed round the coast of Ora and Gadrôsia, -and that of the Ichthyophagoi, put into port in the inhabited parts of -the Karmanian coast, and going up thence into the interior with a few -followers related to Alexander the incidents of the voyage which he had -made for him in the outer sea. He was sent down again to sea, to sail -round to the land of the Sousians and the outlets of the river Tigris. -How he sailed from the river Indus to the Persian Sea and the mouth of -the Tigris, I shall describe in a separate work, wherein I shall follow -Nearchos himself, as the history which he composed in the Greek language -had Alexander for its subject. Perhaps at some future time I shall -produce this work if my own inclination and the deity prompt me to the -task. - - - - -Q. CURTIUS RUFUS - - - - -HISTORY OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT, BY Q. CURTIUS RUFUS - - -EIGHTH BOOK - - -_Chapter IX.—Description of India_ - -Alexander, not to foster repose which naturally sets rumours in -circulation, advanced towards India, always adding more to his glory by -warfare than by his acts after victory. - -India lies almost entirely towards the east,[204] and it is of less -extent in breadth than in length.[205] The southern parts rise in hills -of considerable elevation.[206] The country is elsewhere level, and hence -many famous rivers which rise in Mount Caucasus traverse the plains with -languid currents. The Indus is colder than the other rivers, and its -waters differ but little in colour from those of the sea. The Ganges, -which is the greatest of all rivers in the east, flows down to the south -country, and running in a straight bed washes great mountain-chains until -a barrier of rocks diverts its course towards the east. Both rivers -enter the Red Sea.[207] The Indus wears away its banks, absorbing into -its waters great numbers of trees and much of the soil. It is besides -obstructed with rocks by which it is frequently beaten back. Where it -finds the soil soft and yielding it spreads out into pools and forms -islands. The Acesines increases its volume. The Ganges, in running -downward to the sea, intercepts the Iomanes,[208] and the two streams -dash against each other with great violence. The Ganges in fact presents -a rough face to the entrance of its affluent, the waters of which though -beaten back in eddies, hold their own. - -The Dyardanes is less frequently mentioned, as it flows through the -remotest parts of India. But it breeds not only crocodiles, like the -Nile, but dolphins also, and various aquatic monsters unknown to other -nations.[209] The Ethimanthus, which curves time after time in frequent -maeanders, is used up for irrigation by the people on its banks. Hence -it contributes to the sea but a small and nameless residue of its -waters.[210] The country is everywhere intersected with many rivers -besides these, but they are obscure, their course being too short -to bring them into prominent notice. The maritime tracts, however, -are most parched up by the north wind. This wind is prevented by the -mountain-summits from penetrating to the interior parts, which for this -reason are mild and nourish the crops.[211] But so completely has nature -altered the regular changes of the season in these regions that, when -other countries are basking under the hot rays of the sun, India is -covered with snow; and on the other hand, when the world elsewhere is -frost-bound, India is oppressed with intolerable heat. The reason why -nature has thus inverted her order is not apparent; the sea, at any rate, -by which India is washed does not differ in colour from other seas. It -takes its name from King Erythrus, and hence ignorant people believe that -its waters are red.[212] - -The soil produces flax from which the dress ordinarily worn by the -natives is made.[213] The tender side of the barks of trees receives -written characters like paper.[214] The birds can be readily trained -to imitate the sounds of human speech.[215] The animals except those -imported are unknown among other nations. The same country yields fit -food for the rhinoceros, but this animal is not indigenous.[216] The -elephants are more powerful than those tamed in Africa, and their size -corresponds to their strength.[217] Gold is carried down by several -rivers, whose loitering waters glide with slow and gentle currents.[218] -The sea casts upon the shores precious stones and pearls, nor has -anything contributed more to the opulence of the natives, especially -since they spread the community of evil to foreign nations; for these -offscourings of the boiling sea are valued at the price which fashion -sets on coveted luxuries.[219] - -The character of the people is here, as elsewhere, formed by the position -of their country and its climate. They cover their persons down to the -feet with fine muslin, are shod with sandals,[220] and coil round their -heads cloths of linen (cotton). They hang precious stones as pendants -from their ears, and persons of high social rank, or of great wealth, -deck their wrist and upper arm with bracelets of gold. They frequently -comb, but seldom cut, the hair of their head. The beard of the chin they -never cut at all, but they shave off the hair from the rest of the face, -so that it looks polished.[221] The luxury of their kings, or as they -call it, their magnificence, is carried to a vicious excess without a -parallel in the world. - -When the king condescends to show himself in public his attendants carry -in their hands silver censers, and perfume with incense all the road by -which it is his pleasure to be conveyed. He lolls in a golden palanquin, -garnished with pearls, which dangle all round it, and he is robed in fine -muslin embroidered with purple and gold. Behind his palanquin follow -men-at-arms and his bodyguards, of whom some carry boughs of trees, -on which birds are perched trained to interrupt business with their -cries.[222] The palace is adorned with gilded pillars clasped all round -by a vine embossed in gold, while silver images of those birds which most -charm the eye diversify the workmanship. The palace is open to all comers -even when the king is having his hair combed and dressed. It is then -that he gives audience to ambassadors, and administers justice to his -subjects. His slippers being after this taken off, his feet are rubbed -with scented ointments. His principal exercise is hunting; amid the -vows and songs of his courtesans he shoots the game enclosed within the -royal park. The arrows, which are two cubits long, are discharged with -more effort than effect, for though the force of these missiles depends -on their lightness they are loaded with an obnoxious weight. He rides -on horseback when making short journeys, but when bound on a distant -expedition he rides in a chariot (howdah) mounted on elephants, and, -huge as these animals are, their bodies are covered completely over with -trappings of gold. That no form of shameless profligacy may be wanting, -he is accompanied by a long train of courtesans carried in golden -palanquins, and this troop holds a separate place in the procession -from the queen’s retinue, and is as sumptuously appointed. His food is -prepared by women, who also serve him with wine, which is much used by -all the Indians. When the king falls into a drunken sleep his courtesans -carry him away to his bedchamber, invoking the gods of the night in their -native hymns.[223] - -Amid this corruption of morals who would expect to find the culture of -philosophy? Notwithstanding, they have men whom they call philosophers, -of whom one class lives in the woods and fields, and is extremely -uncouth. These think it glorious to anticipate the hour of destiny, and -arrange to have themselves burned alive when age has destroyed their -activity, or the failure of health has made life burdensome. They regard -death if waited for as a disgrace to their life, and when dissolution -is simply the effect of old age funeral honours are denied to the dead -body. They think that the fire is polluted unless the pyre receives the -body before the breath has yet left it.[224] Those philosophers again who -lead a civilised life in cities are said to observe the motions of the -heavenly bodies, and to predict future events on scientific principles. -These believe that no one accelerates the day of his death who can -without fear await its coming.[225] - -They regard as gods whatever objects they value, especially trees, to -violate which is a capital offence.[226] Their months they make to -consist each of fifteen days, but they nevertheless assign to the year -its full duration. They mark the divisions of time by the course of the -moon, not like most nations when that planet shows a full face, but when -she begins to appear horned, and hence, by fixing the duration of a -month to correspond with this phase of the moon, they have their months -one-half shorter than the months of other people.[227] Many other things -have been related of them, but to interrupt with them the progress of the -narrative I consider quite out of place. - - -_Chapter X.—Campaign in the regions west of the Indus—Alexander captures -Nysa, and visits Mount Merus—Siege of Mazaga, and its surrender_ - -Alexander had no sooner entered India than the chiefs of various tribes -came to meet him with proffers of service. He was, they said, the third -descendant of Jupiter who had visited their country, and that while -Father Bacchus and Hercules were known to them merely by tradition, him -they saw present before their eyes. To these he accorded a gracious -reception, and intending to employ them as his guides, he bade them to -accompany him. But when no more chiefs came to surrender, he despatched -Hephaestion and Perdiccas in advance with a part of his army to reduce -whatever tribes declined his authority. He ordered them to proceed to the -Indus and build boats for transporting the army to the other side of that -river. Since many rivers would have to be crossed, they so constructed -the vessels that, after being taken to pieces, the sections could be -conveyed in waggons, and be again pieced together. He himself, leaving -Craterus to follow with the infantry, pressed forward with the cavalry -and light troops, and falling in with the enemy easily routed them, and -chased them into the nearest city. Craterus had now rejoined him, and the -king, wishing to strike terror into this people, who had not yet proved -the Macedonian arms, gave previous orders that when the fortifications -of the city under siege had been burned, not a soul was to be left -alive. Now, in riding up to the walls he was wounded by an arrow, but he -captured the place, and having massacred all the inhabitants, vented his -rage even upon the buildings.[228] - -Having conquered this obscure tribe, he moved thence towards the city -of Nysa. The camp, it so happened, was pitched under the walls on woody -ground, and as the cold at night was more piercing than had ever before -been felt, it made the soldiers shiver. But they were fortunate enough -to have at hand the means of making a fire, for felling the copses they -kindled a flame, and fed it with faggots, so that it seized the tombs of -the citizens, which, being made of old cedar wood, spread the fire they -had caught in all directions till every tomb was burned down. The barking -of dogs was now heard from the town, followed by the clamour of human -voices _from the camp_. Thus the citizens discovered that the enemy had -arrived, and the Macedonians that they were close to the city. - -The king had now drawn out his forces and was assaulting the walls, -when some of the defenders risked an engagement. These were, however, -overpowered with darts, so that dissensions broke out among the Nysaeans, -some advising submission, but others the trial of a battle. Alexander, -on discovering that their opinions were divided, instituted a close -blockade, but forbade further bloodshed. - -After a while they surrendered, unable to endure longer the miseries -of a blockade. Their city, so they asserted, was founded by Father -Bacchus, and this was in fact its origin. It was situated at the foot -of a mountain which the inhabitants call Meros, whence the Greeks took -the license of coining the fable that Father Bacchus had been concealed -in the thigh of Jupiter. The king learned from the inhabitants where -the mountain lay, and sending provisions on before, climbed to its -summit with his whole army.[229] There they saw the ivy-plant and the -vine growing in great luxuriance all over the mountain, and perennial -waters gushing from its slopes. The juices of the fruits were various -and wholesome since the soil favoured the growth of chance-sown seeds, -and even the crags were frequently overhung with thickets of laurel -and spikenard. I attribute it not to any divine impulse, but to wanton -folly, that they wreathed their brows with chaplets of gathered ivy and -vine-leaves, and roved at large through the woods like bacchanals; so -that, when the folly initiated by a few had, as usually happens, suddenly -infected the whole multitude,[230] the slopes and peaks of the mountain -rang with the shouts of thousands paying their homage to the guardian -divinity of the grove. Nay, they even flung themselves down full length -on the greensward, or on heaps of leaves as if peace reigned all around. -The king himself, so far from looking askance at this extemporaneous -revel, supplied with a liberal hand all kinds of viands for feasting, and -kept the army engaged for ten days in celebrating the orgies of Father -Bacchus. Who then can deny that even distinguished glory is a boon for -which mortals are oftener indebted to fortune than to merit, seeing that -when they had abandoned themselves to feasting and were drowsed with wine -the enemy had not even the courage to fall upon them, being terrified no -less by the uproar and howling made by the revellers than if the shouts -of warriors rushing to battle had rung in their ears. The like good -fortune afterwards protected them in the presence of their enemies when -on returning from the ocean they gave themselves up to drunken festivity. - -From Nysa they came to a region called Daedala.[231] The inhabitants -had deserted their habitations and fled for safety to the trackless -recesses of their mountain forests. He therefore passed on to Acadira, -which he found burned, and like Daedala deserted by the flight of the -inhabitants. Necessity made him therefore change his plan of operations. -For having divided his forces he showed his arms at many points at once, -and the inhabitants taken by surprise were overwhelmed with calamities -of every kind. Ptolemy took a greater number of cities, and Alexander -himself those that were more important. This done, he again drew together -his scattered forces. Having next crossed the river Choaspes,[232] -he left Coenus to besiege an opulent city—the inhabitants called it -Beira[233]—while he himself went on to Mazaga. - -Assacanus, its previous sovereign, had lately died, and his mother -Cleophis now ruled the city and the realm. An army of 38,000 infantry -defended the city which was strongly fortified both by nature and art. -For on the east, an impetuous mountain-stream with steep banks on both -sides barred approach to the city, while to south and west nature, as if -designing to form a rampart, had piled up gigantic rocks, at the base of -which lay sloughs and yawning chasms hollowed in the course of ages to -vast depths, while a ditch of mighty labour drawn from their extremity -continued the line of defence. The city was besides surrounded with a -wall 35 stadia in circumference which had a basis of stonework supporting -a superstructure of unburnt, sun-dried bricks. The brick-work was bound -into a solid fabric by means of stones so interposed that the more -brittle material rested upon the harder, while moist clay had been used -for mortar. Lest, however, the structure should all at once sink, strong -beams had been laid upon these, supporting wooden floors which covered -the walls and afforded a passage along them.[234] - -Alexander while reconnoitring the fortifications, and unable to fix -on a plan of attack, since nothing less than a vast mole, necessary -for bringing up his engines to the walls, would suffice to fill up the -chasms, was wounded from the ramparts by an arrow which chanced to hit -him in the calf of the leg. When the barb was extracted, he called for -his horse, and without having his wound so much as bandaged, continued -with unabated energy to prosecute the work on hand. But when the injured -limb was hanging without support, and the gradual cooling, as the blood -dried, aggravated the pain, he is reported to have said that though he -was called, as all knew, the son of Jupiter, he felt notwithstanding all -the defects of the weak body.[235] He did not, however, return to the -camp till he had viewed every thing and ordered what he wanted to be -done. Accordingly some of the soldiers began, as directed, to destroy -the houses outside the city and to take from the ruins much material for -raising a mole, while others cast into the hollows large trunks of trees, -branches and all, together with great masses of rock. When the mole had -now been raised to a level with the surface of the ground, they proceeded -to erect towers; and so zealously did the soldiers prosecute the works, -that they finished them completely within nine days. These the king, -before his wound had as yet closed, proceeded to inspect. He commended -the troops, and then from the engines which he had ordered to be -propelled a great storm of missiles was discharged against the defenders -on the ramparts. What had most effect in intimidating the barbarians was -the spectacle of the movable towers, for to works of that description -they were utter strangers. Those vast fabrics moving without visible -aid, they believed to be propelled by the agency of the gods.[236] It -was impossible, they said, that those javelins for attacking walls—those -ponderous darts hurled from engines could be within the compass of -mortal power. Giving up therefore the defence as hopeless, they withdrew -into the citadel, whence, as nothing but to surrender was open to the -besieged, they sent down envoys to the king to sue for pardon.[237] This -being granted, the queen came with a great train of noble ladies who -poured out libations of wine from golden bowls. The queen herself, having -placed her son, still a child, at Alexander’s knees, obtained not only -pardon, but permission to retain her former dignity, for she was styled -queen, and some have believed that this indulgent treatment was accorded -rather to the charms of her person than to pity for her misfortunes. At -all events she afterwards gave birth to a son who received the name of -Alexander, whoever his father may have been. - - -_Chapter XI.—Siege and capture of the Rock Aornis_ - -Polypercon being despatched hence with an army to the city of Nora, -defeated the undisciplined multitude which he encountered, and pursuing -them within their fortifications compelled them to surrender the place. -Into the king’s own hands there fell many inconsiderable towns, deserted -by their inhabitants who had escaped in time with their arms and seized -a rock called Aornis. A report was current that this stronghold had been -in vain assaulted by Hercules, who had been compelled by an earthquake -to raise the siege. The rock being on all sides steep and rugged, -Alexander was at a loss how to proceed, when there came to him an elderly -man familiar with the locality accompanied by two sons, offering, if -Alexander would make it worth his while, to show him a way of access to -the summit. Alexander agreed to give him eighty talents, and, keeping -one of his sons as a hostage, sent him to make good his offer. Mullinus -(Eumenês?), the king’s secretary, was put in command of the light-armed -men, for these, as had been decided, were to climb to the summit by a -detour, to prevent their being seen by the enemy. - -This rock does not, like most eminences, grow up to its towering top by -gradual and easy acclivities, but rises up straight just like the _meta_, -which from a wide base tapers off in ascending till it terminates in -a sharp pinnacle.[238] The river Indus, here very deep and enclosed -between rugged banks, washes its roots. In another quarter are swamps and -craggy ravines; and only by filling up these could an assault upon the -stronghold be rendered practicable. A wood which was contiguous the king -directed to be cut down. The trees where they fell were stripped of their -leaves and branches which would otherwise have proved an impediment to -their transport. He himself threw in the first trunk, whereupon followed -a loud cheer from the army, a token of its alacrity, no one refusing -a labour to which the king was the first to put his hand. Within the -seventh day they had filled up the hollows, and then the king directed -the archers and the Agrianians to struggle up the steep ascent. He -selected besides from his personal staff[239] thirty of the most active -among the young men, whom he placed under the command of Charus and -Alexander. The latter he reminded of the name which he bore in common -with himself. - -And at first, because the peril was so palpable, a resolution was -passed that the king should not hazard his safety by taking part in the -assault.[240] But when the trumpet sounded the signal, the audacious -prince at once turned to his body-guards, and bidding them to follow was -the first to assail the rock. None of the Macedonians then held back, but -all spontaneously left their posts and followed the king. Many perished -by a dismal fate, for they fell from the shelving crags and were engulfed -in the river which flowed underneath—a piteous sight even for those who -were not themselves in danger. But when reminded by the destruction of -their comrades what they had to dread for themselves, their pity changed -to fear, and they began to lament not for the dead but for themselves. - -And now they had attained a point whence they could not return without -disaster unless victorious, for as the barbarians rolled down massive -stones upon them while they climbed, such as were struck fell headlong -from their insecure and slippery positions. Alexander and Charus, -however, whom the king had sent in advance with the thirty chosen men, -reached the summit, and had by this time engaged in a hand-to-hand fight; -but since the barbarians discharged their darts from higher ground, the -assailants received more wounds than they inflicted. So then Alexander, -mindful alike of his name and his promise, in fighting with more spirit -than judgment, fell pierced with many darts. Charus, seeing him lying -dead, made a rush upon the enemy, caring for nothing but revenge. Many -received their death from his spear and others from his sword. But as he -was single-handed against overwhelming odds, he sank lifeless on the body -of his friend.[241] - -The king, duly affected by the death of these heroic youths and the other -soldiers, gave the signal for retiring. It conduced to the safety of the -troops that they retreated leisurely, preserving their coolness, and -that the barbarians, satisfied with having driven them down hill, did -not close on them when they withdrew. But, though Alexander had resolved -to abandon the enterprise, deeming the capture of the rock hopeless, -he still made demonstrations of persevering with the siege, for by his -orders the avenues were blocked, the towers advanced, and the working -parties relieved when tired. The Indians, on seeing his pertinacity, by -way of demonstrating not only their confidence but their triumph, devoted -two days and nights to festivity and beating their national music out of -their drums. But on the third night the rattle of the drums ceased to be -heard. Torches, however, which, as the night was dark, the barbarians -had lighted to make their flight safer down the precipitous crags, shed -their glare over every part of the rocks. - -The king learned from Balacrus, who had been sent forward to reconnoitre, -that the Indians had fled and abandoned the rock. He thereupon gave a -signal that his men should raise a general shout, and he thus struck -terror into the fugitives as they were making off in disorder. Then many, -as if the enemy were already upon them, flung themselves headlong over -the slippery rocks and precipices and perished, while a still greater -number, who were hurt, were left to their fate by those who had descended -without accident. Although it was the position rather than the enemy he -had conquered, the king gave to this success the appearance of a great -victory by offering sacrifices and worship to the gods. Upon the rock he -erected altars dedicated to Minerva and Victory. To the guides who had -shown the way to the light-armed detachment which had been sent to scale -the rock he honourably paid the stipulated recompense, even although -their performance had fallen short of their promises. The defence of the -rock and the country surrounding was entrusted to Sisocostus. - - -_Chapter XII.—Alexander marches to the Indus, crosses it, and is -hospitably received by Omphis, King of Taxila_ - -Thence he marched towards Embolima, but on learning that the pass -which led thereto was occupied by 20,000 men in arms under Erix,[242] -he hurried forward himself with the archers and slingers, leaving the -heavy-armed troops under the command of Coenus to advance leisurely. -Having dislodged those men who beset the defile, he cleared the passage -for the army which followed. The Indians, either from disaffection to -their chief or to court the favour of the conqueror, set upon Erix during -his flight and killed him. They brought his head and his armour to -Alexander, who did not punish them for their crime, but to condemn their -example gave them no reward. Having left this pass, he arrived after the -sixteenth encampment at the river Indus, where he found that Hephaestion, -agreeably to his orders, had made all the necessary preparations for the -passage across it. - -The sovereign of the territories on the other side was Omphis,[243] who -had urged his father to surrender his kingdom to Alexander, and had -moreover at his father’s death sent envoys to enquire whether it was -Alexander’s pleasure that he should meanwhile exercise authority or -remain in a private capacity till his arrival. He was permitted to assume -the sovereignty, but modestly forbore to exercise its functions. He had -extended to Hephaestion marks of civility, and given corn gratuitously to -his soldiers, but he had not gone to join him, from a reluctance to make -trial of the good faith of any but Alexander. Accordingly, on Alexander’s -approach, he went to meet him at the head of an army equipped for the -field. He had even brought his elephants with him, which, posted at short -intervals amidst the ranks of the soldiery, appeared to the distant -spectator like towers. - -Alexander at first thought it was not a friendly but a hostile army that -approached, and had already ordered the soldiers to arm themselves, and -the cavalry to divide to the wings, and was ready for action. But the -Indian prince, on seeing the mistake of the Macedonians, put his horse -to the gallop, leaving orders that no one else was to stir from his -place. Alexander likewise galloped forward, not knowing whether it was an -enemy or a friend he had to encounter, but trusting for safety perhaps -to his valour, perhaps to the other’s good faith. They met in a friendly -spirit, as far as could be gathered from the expression of each one’s -face, but from the want of an interpreter to converse was impossible. -An interpreter was therefore procured, and then the barbarian prince -explained that he had come with his army to meet Alexander that he might -at once place at his disposal all the forces of his empire, without -waiting to tender his allegiance through deputies. He surrendered, he -said, his person and his kingdom to a man who, as he knew, was fighting -not more for fame than fearing to incur the reproach of perfidy. - -The king, pleased with the simple honesty of the barbarian, gave him his -right hand as a pledge of his own good faith, and confirmed him in his -sovereignty. The prince had brought with him six-and-fifty elephants, and -these he gave to Alexander, with a great many sheep of an extraordinary -size, and 3000 bulls of a valuable breed, highly prized by the rulers of -the country. When Alexander asked him whether he had more husbandmen or -soldiers, he replied that as he was at war with two kings he required -more soldiers than field labourers. These kings were Abisares and Porus, -but Porus was superior in power and influence. Both of them held sway -beyond the river Hydaspes, and had resolved to try the fortune of war -whatever invader might come. - -Omphis, under Alexander’s permission, and according to the usage of the -realm, assumed the ensigns of royalty along with the name which his -father had borne. His people called him Taxiles, for such was the name -which accompanied the sovereignty, on whomsoever it devolved. When, -therefore, he had entertained Alexander for three days with lavish -hospitality, he showed him on the fourth day what quantity of corn he -had supplied to Hephaestion’s troops, and then presented him and all his -friends with golden crowns, and eighty talents besides of coined silver. -Alexander was so exceedingly gratified with this profuse generosity -that he not only sent back to Omphis the presents he had given, but -added a thousand talents from the spoils which he carried, along with -many banqueting vessels of gold and silver, a vast quantity of Persian -drapery, and thirty chargers from his own stalls, caparisoned as when -ridden by himself. - -This liberality, while it bound the barbarian to his interests, gave -at the same time the deepest offence to his own friends. One of -them, Meleager, who had taken too much wine at supper, said that he -congratulated Alexander on having found in India, if nowhere else, some -one worthy of a thousand talents. The king, who had not forgotten what -remorse he had suffered when he killed Clitus for audacity of speech, -controlled his temper, but remarked that envious persons were nothing but -their own tormentors. - - -_Chapter XIII.—Alexander and Porus confront each other on opposite banks -of the Hydaspes_ - -On the following day envoys from Abisares reached the king, and, as they -had been instructed, surrendered to him all that their master possessed. -After pledges of good faith had been interchanged, they were sent back -to their sovereign. Alexander, thinking that by the mere prestige of -his name Porus also would be induced to surrender, sent Cleochares -to tell him in peremptory terms that he must pay tribute and come to -meet his sovereign at the very frontiers of his own dominions. Porus -answered that he would comply with the second of these demands, and when -Alexander entered his realm he would meet him, but come armed for battle. -Alexander had now resolved to cross the Hydaspes, when Barzaentes, who -had instigated the Arachosians to revolt, was brought to him in chains, -along with thirty captured elephants, an opportune reinforcement against -the Indians, since these huge beasts more than the soldiery constituted -the hope and main strength of an Indian army. - -Samaxus was also brought in chains, the king of a small Indian state, -who had espoused the cause of Barzaentes. Alexander having then put the -traitor and his accomplice under custody, and consigned the elephants to -the care of Taxiles, advanced till he reached the river Hydaspes, where -on the further bank Porus had encamped to prevent the enemy from landing. -In the van of his army he had posted 85 elephants of the greatest size -and strength, and behind these 300 chariots and somewhere about 30,000 -infantry, among whom were the archers, whose arrows, as already stated, -were too ponderous to be readily discharged. He was himself mounted -on an elephant which towered above all its fellows, while his armour, -embellished with gold and silver, set off his supremely majestic person -to great advantage. His courage matched his bodily vigour, and his wisdom -was the utmost attainable in a rude community. - -The Macedonians were intimidated not only by the appearance of the enemy, -but by the magnitude of the river to be crossed, which, spreading out -to a width of no less than four stadia in a deep channel which nowhere -opened a passage by fords, presented the aspect of a vast sea. Yet its -rapidity did not diminish in proportion to its wider diffusion, but it -rushed impetuously like a seething torrent compressed into a narrow bed -by the closing in of its banks. Besides, at many points the presence of -sunken rocks was revealed where the waves were driven back in eddies. -The bank presented a still more formidable aspect, for, as far as the -eye could see, it was covered with cavalry and infantry, in the midst of -which, like so many massive structures, stood the huge elephants, which, -being of set purpose provoked by their drivers, distressed the ear with -their frightful roars. The enemy and the river both in their front, -struck with sudden dismay the hearts of the Macedonians, disposed though -they were to entertain good hopes, and knowing from experience against -what fearful odds they had ere now contended. They could not believe that -boats so unhandy could be steered to the bank or gain it in safety. In -the middle of the river were numerous islands to which both the Indians -and Macedonians began to swim over, holding their weapons above their -heads. Here they would engage in skirmishes, while each king endeavoured -from the result of these minor conflicts to gauge the issue of the final -struggle. In the Macedonian army were Symmachus and Nicanor, both young -men of noble lineage, distinguished for their hardihood and enterprise, -and from the uniform success of their side in whatever they assayed, -inspired with a contempt for every kind of danger. Led by these, a party -of the boldest youths, equipped with nothing but lances, swam over to the -island when it was occupied by crowds of the enemy. - -Armed with audacious courage, the best of all weapons, they slew many -of the Indians, and might have retired with glory if temerity when -successful could ever keep within bounds. But while with contempt and -pride they waited till succours reached the enemy, they were surrounded -by men who had unperceived swum over to the island, and were overthrown -by discharges of missiles. Such as escaped the enemy were either swept -away by the force of the current or swallowed up in its eddies. This -fight exalted the confidence of Porus, who had witnessed from the bank -all its vicissitudes. - -Alexander, perplexed how to cross the river, at last devised a plan -for duping the enemy. In the river lay an island larger than the rest, -wooded and suitable for concealing an ambuscade. A deep hollow, moreover, -which lay not far from the bank in his own occupation, was capable of -hiding not only foot-soldiers but mounted cavalry. To divert, therefore, -the attention of the enemy from a place possessing such advantages, he -ordered Ptolemy with all his squadrons of horse to ride up and down at -a distance from the island in view of the enemy, and now and then to -alarm the Indians by shouting, as if he meant to make the passage of -the river.[244] For several days Ptolemy repeated this feint, and thus -obliged Porus to concentrate his troops at the point which he pretended -to threaten. - -The island was now beyond view of the enemy.[245] Alexander then gave -orders that his own tent should be pitched on a part of the bank looking -the other way, that the guard of honour which usually attended him should -be posted before it, and that all the pageantry of royal state should -be paraded before the eyes of the enemy on purpose to deceive them. He -besides requested Attalus, who was about his own age, and not unlike him -in form and feature, especially when seen from a distance, to wear the -royal mantle, and so make it appear as if the king in person was guarding -that part of the bank without any intention of crossing the river. The -state of the weather at first hindered, but afterwards favoured, the -execution of this design, fortune making even untoward circumstances turn -out to his ultimate advantage. For when the enemy was busy watching the -troops under Ptolemy which occupied the bank lower down, and Alexander -with the rest of his forces was making ready to cross the river and reach -the land over against the island already mentioned, a storm poured down -torrents of rain, against which even those under cover could scarcely -protect themselves. The soldiers, overcome by the fury of the elements, -deserted the boats and ships, and fled back for safety to land, but the -din occasioned by their hurry and confusion could not be heard by the -enemy amid the roar of the tempest. All of a sudden the rain then ceased, -but clouds so dense overspread the sky that they hid the light, and made -it scarcely possible for men conversing together to see each other’s -faces. - -Any other leader but Alexander would have been appalled by the darkness -drawn over the face of heaven just when he was starting on a voyage -across an unknown river, with the enemy perhaps guarding the very bank -to which his men were blindly and imprudently directing their course. -But the king deriving glory from danger and regarding the darkness -which terrified others as his opportunity, gave the signal that all -should embark in silence, and ordered that the galley which carried -himself should be the first to be run aground on the other side. The -bank, however, towards which they steered was not occupied by the enemy, -for Porus was in fact still intently watching Ptolemy only. Hence all -the ships made the passage in safety except just one, which stuck on a -rock whither it had been driven by the wind. Alexander then ordered the -soldiers to take their arms and to fall into their ranks. - - -_Chapter XIV.—Battle with Porus on the left bank of the Hydaspes—Porus -being defeated surrenders_ - -He was already in full march at the head of his army, which he had -divided into two columns, when the tidings reached Porus that the bank -was occupied by a military force, and that the crisis of his fortunes -was now imminent. In keeping with the infirmity of our nature, which -makes us ever hope the best, he at first indulged the belief that this -was his ally Abisares come to help him in the war as had been agreed -upon. But soon after, when the sky had become clearer, and showed the -ranks to be those of the enemy, he sent 100 chariots and 4000 horse -to obstruct their advance. The command of this detachment he gave to -his brother Hages.[246] Its main strength lay in the chariots, each of -which was drawn by four horses and carried six men, of whom two were -shield-bearers, two, archers posted on each side of the chariot, and the -other two, charioteers, as well as men-at-arms, for when the fighting -was at close-quarters they dropped the reins and hurled dart after dart -against the enemy. - -But on this particular day these chariots proved to be scarcely of -any service, for the storm of rain, which, as already said, was of -extraordinary violence, had made the ground slippery, and unfit for -horses to ride over, while the chariots kept sticking in the muddy -sloughs formed by the rain, and proved almost immovable from their -great weight. Alexander, on the other hand, charged with the utmost -vigour, because his troops were lightly armed and unencumbered. The -Scythians and Dahae first of all attacked the Indians, and then the king -launched Perdiccas with his horse upon their right wing. The fighting -had now become hot everywhere, when the drivers of the chariots rode -at full speed into the midst of the battle, thinking they could thus -most effectively succour their friends. It would be hard to say which -side suffered most from this charge, for the Macedonian foot-soldiers, -who were exposed to the first shock of the onset, were trampled down, -while the charioteers were hurled from their seats, when the chariots in -rushing into action jolted over broken and slippery ground. Some again of -the horses took fright and precipitated the carriages not only into the -sloughs and pools of water, but even into the river itself. - -A few which were driven off the field by the darts of the enemy made -their way to Porus, who was making most energetic preparations for the -contest. As soon as he saw his chariots scattered amid his ranks, and -wandering about without their drivers, he distributed his elephants to -his friends who were nearest him. Behind them he had posted the infantry -and the archers and the men who beat the drums, the instruments which the -Indians use instead of trumpets to produce their war music. The rattle -of these instruments does not in the least alarm the elephants, their -ears, through long familiarity, being deadened to the sound. An image -of Hercules was borne in front of the line of infantry, and this acted -as the strongest of all incentives to make the soldiers fight well. To -desert the bearers of this image was reckoned a disgraceful military -offence, and they had even ordained death as a penalty for those who -failed to bring it back from the battlefield, for the dread which the -Indians had conceived for the god when he was their enemy had been toned -down to a feeling of religious awe and veneration. - -The sight not only of the huge beasts, but even of Porus himself, made -the Macedonians pause for a time, for the beasts, which had been placed -at intervals between the armed ranks, presented, when seen from a -distance, the appearance of towers, and Porus himself not only surpassed -the standard of height to which we conceive the human figure to be -limited, but, besides this, the elephant on which he was mounted seemed -to add to his proportions, for it towered over all the other elephants -even as Porus himself stood taller than other men. Hence Alexander, after -attentively viewing the king and the army of the Indians, remarked to -those near him, “I see at last a danger that matches my courage. It is -at once with wild beasts and men of uncommon mettle that the contest now -lies.” Then turning to Coenus, “When I,” he said, “along with Ptolemy, -Perdiccas, and Hephaestion, have fallen upon the enemy’s left wing, and -you see me in the heat of the conflict, do you then advance the right -wing,[247] and charge the enemy when their ranks begin to waver. And you, -sirs,” he added, turning to Antigenes, Leonnatus, and Tauron, “must bear -down upon their centre, and press them hard in front. The formidable -length and strength of our pikes will never be so useful as when they are -directed against these huge beasts and their drivers. Hurl, then, their -riders to the ground, and stab the beasts themselves. Their assistance -is not of a kind to be depended on, and they may do their own side more -damage than ours, for they are driven against the enemy by constraint, -while terror turns them against their own ranks.” - -Having spoken thus he was the first to put spurs to his horse. And -now, as had been arranged, Coenus, upon seeing that Alexander was at -close-quarters with the enemy, threw his cavalry with great fury upon -their left wing. The phalanx besides, at the first onset, broke through -the centre of the Indians. But Porus ordered his elephants to be driven -into action where he had seen cavalry charging his ranks. The slow-footed -unwieldy animals, however, were unfitted to cope with the rapid movements -of horses, and the barbarians were besides unable to use even their -arrows. These weapons were really so long and heavy that the archers -could not readily adjust them on the string unless by first resting their -bow upon the ground. Then, as the ground was slippery and hindered their -efforts, the enemy had time to charge them before they could deliver -their blows. - -[Illustration: FIG. 11.—INDIAN BOWMAN.] - -The king’s authority was in these circumstances unheeded, and, as usually -happens when the ranks are broken, and fear begins to dictate orders -more peremptorily than the general himself, as many took the command -upon themselves as there were scattered bodies of troops. Some proposed -that these bodies should unite, others that they should form separate -detachments, some that they should wait to be attacked, others that they -should wheel round and charge the enemy in the rear. No common plan of -action was after all concerted. Porus, however, with a few friends in -whom the sense of honour was stronger than fear, rallied his scattered -forces, and marching in front of his line advanced against the enemy with -the elephants. These animals inspired great terror, and their strange -dissonant cries frightened not only the horses, which shy at everything, -but the men also, and disordered the ranks, so that those who just -before were victorious began now to look round them for a place to which -they could flee. Alexander thereupon despatched against the elephants the -lightly-armed Agrianians and the Thracians, troops more serviceable in -skirmishing than in close combat. They assailed the elephants and their -drivers with a furious storm of missiles, and the phalanx, on seeing the -resulting terror and confusion, steadily pressed forward. - -Some, however, by pursuing too eagerly, so irritated the animals -with wounds that they turned their rage upon them, and they were in -consequence trampled to death under their feet, thus warning others to -attack them with greater caution. The most dismal of all sights was when -the elephants would, with their trunks, grasp the men, arms and all, and -hoisting them above their heads, deliver them over into the hands of -their drivers. Thus the battle was doubtful, the Macedonians sometimes -pursuing and sometimes fleeing from the elephants, so that the struggle -was prolonged till the day was far spent. Then they began to hack the -feet of the beasts with axes which they had prepared for the purpose, -having besides a kind of sword somewhat curved like a scythe, and called -a chopper, wherewith they aimed at their trunks. In fact, their fear of -the animals led them not only to leave no means untried for killing them, -but even for killing them with unheard-of forms of cruelty. - -Hence the elephants, being at last spent with wounds, spread havoc among -their own ranks, and threw their drivers to the ground, who were then -trampled to death by their own beasts. They were therefore driven from -the field of battle like a flock of sheep, as they were maddened with -terror rather than vicious. Porus, meanwhile, being left in the lurch by -the majority of his men, began to hurl from his elephant the darts with -which he had beforehand provided himself, and while many were wounded -from afar by his shot he was himself exposed as a butt for blows from -every quarter. He had already received nine wounds before and behind, -and became so faint from the great loss of blood that the darts were -dropped rather than flung from his feeble hands. But his elephant, waxing -furious though not yet wounded, kept charging the ranks of the enemy -until the driver, perceiving the king’s condition—his limbs failing -him, his weapons dropping from his grasp, and his consciousness almost -gone—turned the beast round and fled. - -Alexander pursued, but his horse being pierced with many wounds fainted -under him, and sank to the ground, laying the king down gently rather -than throwing him from his seat.[248] The necessity of changing his horse -retarded of course his pursuit. In the meantime the brother of Taxiles, -the Indian King whom Alexander had sent on before, advised Porus not to -persist in holding out to the last extremity, but to surrender himself to -the conqueror.[249] Porus, however, though his strength was exhausted, -and his blood nearly spent, yet roused himself at the well-known voice, -and said, “I recognise the brother of Taxiles, who gave up his throne and -kingdom.” Therewith he flung at him the one dart that had not slipped -from his grasp, and flung it too with such force that it pierced right -through his back to his chest.[250] Having roused himself to this last -effort of valour, he began to flee faster than before, but his elephant, -which had by this time received many wounds, was now, like himself, quite -exhausted, so that he stopped the flight, and made head against the -pursuers with his remaining infantry. - -Alexander had now come up, and knowing how obstinate Porus was, forbade -quarter to be given to those who resisted.[251] The infantry therefore, -and Porus himself, were assailed with darts from all points, and as he -could no longer bear up against them he began to slip from his elephant. -The Indian driver, thinking the king wished to alight, made the elephant -kneel down in the usual manner. On seeing this the other elephants also -knelt down, for they had been trained to lower themselves when the royal -elephant did so. Porus and his men were thus placed entirely at the mercy -of the conqueror. Alexander, supposing that he was dead, ordered his body -to be stripped,[252] and men then ran forward to take off his breastplate -and robes, when the elephant turned upon them in defence of its master, -and lifting him up placed him once more on its back. - -Upon this the animal was on all sides overwhelmed with darts, and when -it was stabbed to death, Porus was placed upon a waggon. But the king -perceiving him to lift up his eyes, forgot all animosity, and being -deeply moved with pity, said to him, “What the plague! what madness -induced you to try the fortune of war with me, of whose exploits you have -heard the fame, especially when in Taxiles you had a near example of my -clemency to those who submit to me?” He answered thus: “Since you propose -a question, I shall answer with the freedom which you grant by asking -it. I used to think there was no one braver than myself, for I knew my -own strength, but had not yet experienced thine. The result of the war -has taught me that you are the braver man, but even in ranking next to -you, I consider myself to be highly fortunate.” Being asked again how he -thought the victor should treat him, “in accordance,” he replied, “with -the lesson which this day teaches—a day in which you have witnessed how -readily prosperity can be blasted.” - -By giving this admonition he gained more than if he had resorted to -entreaty, for Alexander, in consideration of the greatness of his -courage which scorned all fear, and which adversity could not break -down, extended pity to his misfortunes and honour to his merits.[253] He -ordered his wounds to be as carefully attended to as if he had fought in -his service, and when he had recovered strength, he admitted him into -the number of his friends, and soon after presented him with a larger -kingdom than that which he had.[254] And in truth his nature had no more -essential or more permanent quality than a high respect for true merit -and renown; but he estimated more candidly and impartially glory in an -enemy than in a subject. In fact, he thought that the fabric of his -fame might be pulled down by his own people, while it could but receive -enhanced lustre the greater those were whom he vanquished. - - -NINTH BOOK - - -_Chapter I.—Alexander’s speech to his soldiers after the victory—Abisares -sends him an embassy_ - -Alexander rejoicing in a victory so memorable, which led him to believe -that the East to its utmost limits had been opened up to his arms, -sacrificed to the sun,[255] and having also summoned the soldiers to a -general meeting, he praised them for their services, that they might with -the greater alacrity undertake the wars that yet remained. He pointed -out to them that all power of opposition on the part of the Indians had -been quite overthrown in the battle just fought. What now remained for -them was a noble spoil. The much-rumoured riches of the East abounded -in those very regions, to which their steps were now bent. The spoils -accordingly which they had taken from the Persians had now become cheap -and common. They were going to fill with pearls, precious stones, gold, -and ivory, not only their private abodes, but all Macedonia and Greece. -The soldiers who coveted money as well as glory, and who had never known -his promises to fail, on hearing all this, readily placed their services -at his command. He sent them away full of good hope, and ordered ships to -be built in order that when he had overrun all Asia, he might be able to -visit the sea which formed the boundary of the world. - -In the neighbouring mountains was abundance of timber fit for building -ships, and the men in hewing down the trees came upon serpents of most -extraordinary size.[256] There they also found the rhinoceros, an animal -rarely met with elsewhere. This is not the name it bears among the -Indians, but one given it by the Greeks, who were ignorant of the speech -of the country.[257] The king having built two cities, one on each side -of the river which he had lately crossed, presented each of the generals -with a crown, in addition to a thousand pieces of gold. Others also -received rewards in accordance either with the place which they held in -his friendship, or the value of the services which they had rendered. -Abisares, who had sent envoys to Alexander before the battle with Porus -had come off, now sent others to assure him that he was ready to do -whatever he commanded, provided only he was not obliged to surrender his -person; for he could neither live, he said, without having the power of a -king, nor have that power if he were to be kept in captivity. Alexander -bade them tell their master that if he grudged to come to Alexander, -Alexander would go to him. - - -_Chapter I. Continued.—Alexander advancing farther into the interior of -India, passes through forests and deserts—Crosses the Hydraotes—Besieges -and captures Sangala, and enters the kingdom of Sopithes, who receives -him with great hospitality and shows him a dog and lion fight_ - -After crossing a river some distance farther on, he advanced into the -interior parts of India. The forests there extended over an almost -boundless tract of country, and abounded with umbrageous trees of -stateliest growth, that rose to an extraordinary height. Numerous -branches, which for size equalled the trunk of ordinary trees, would bend -down to the earth, and then shoot straight up again at the point where -they bent upward, so that they had more the appearance of a tree growing -from its own root than of a bough branching out from its stem.[258] The -climate is salubrious, for the dense shade mitigates the violence of the -heat, and copious springs supply the land with abundance of water. But -here, also, were multitudes of serpents, the scales of which glittered -like gold. The poison of these is deadlier than any other, since their -bite was wont to prove instantly fatal, until a proper antidote was -pointed out by the natives.[259] From thence they passed through deserts -to the river Hyarôtis, the banks of which were covered with a dense -forest, abounding with trees not elsewhere seen, and filled with wild -peacocks.[260] Decamping hence, he came to a town that lay not far off. -This he captured by a general attack all round the walls, and having -received hostages, imposed a tribute upon the inhabitants.[261] He came -next to a great city—great at least for that region—and found it not only -encompassed with a wall, but further defended by a morass.[262] - -The barbarians nevertheless sallied out to give battle, taking their -waggons with them, which they fastened together each to each. For weapons -of offence some had pikes and others axes, and they were in the habit -of leaping nimbly from waggon to waggon if they saw their friends hard -pressed and wished to help them. This mode of fighting being quite new to -the Macedonians, at first alarmed them,[263] since they were wounded by -enemies beyond their reach, but coming afterwards to look with contempt -upon a force so undisciplined, they completely surrounded the waggons -and began stabbing all the men that offered resistance. The king then -commanded the cords which fastened the waggons together to be cut[264] -that it might be easier for the soldiers to beset each waggon separately. -The enemy after a loss of 8000 men withdrew into the town.[265] Next day -the walls were escaladed all round and captured. A few were indebted for -their safety to their swiftness of foot. Those who swam across the sheet -of water when they saw the city was sacked, carried great consternation -to the neighbouring towns, where they reported that an invincible army, -one of gods assuredly, had arrived in the country. - -Alexander having sent Perdiccas with a body of light troops to ravage -the country, and given another detachment to Eumenes to be employed in -bringing the barbarians to submission, marched himself with the rest -of the army against a strong city within which the inhabitants of some -other cities had taken refuge. The citizens sent deputies to appease the -king’s anger, but continued all the same to make warlike preparations. A -dissension, it seems, had arisen among them and divided their counsels, -some preferring to submit to the last extremities rather than surrender, -others thinking that resistance on their part would be altogether -futile. But as no consultation was held in common, those who were bent -on surrendering threw open the gates and admitted the enemy. Alexander -would have been justified in making the advocates of resistance feel his -displeasure, but he nevertheless pardoned them all without exception, and -after taking hostages marched forward to the next city. As the hostages -were led in the van of the army, the defenders on the wall recognised -them to be their own countrymen, and invited them to a conference. -Here they were prevailed on to surrender, when they were informed of -the king’s clemency to the submissive, and his severity if opposed. In -a similar way he gained over other towns, and placed them under his -protection. - -They entered next the dominions of King Sopithes,[266] whose nation -in the opinion of the barbarians excels in wisdom, and lives under -good laws and customs. Here they do not acknowledge and rear children -according to the will of the parents, but as the officers entrusted with -the medical inspection of infants may direct, for if they have remarked -anything deformed or defective in the limbs of a child they order it to -be killed.[267] In contracting marriages they do not seek an alliance -with high birth, but make their choice by the looks, for beauty in the -children is a quality highly appreciated. - -Alexander had brought up his army before the capital of this nation where -Sopithes was himself resident. The gates were shut, but as no men-at-arms -showed themselves either on the walls or towers, the Macedonians were -in doubt whether the inhabitants had deserted the city, or were hiding -themselves to fall upon the enemy by surprise. The gate, however, was -on a sudden thrown open, and the Indian king with two grown-up sons -issued from it to meet Alexander. He was distinguished above all the -other barbarians by his tall and handsome figure. His royal robe, which -flowed down to his very feet, was all inwrought with gold and purple. -His sandals were of gold and studded with precious stones, and even his -arms and wrists were curiously adorned with pearls. At his ears he wore -pendants of precious stones which from their lustre and magnitude were -of an inestimable value. His sceptre too was made of gold and set with -beryls,[268] and this he delivered up to Alexander with an expression of -his wish that it might bring him good luck, and be accepted as a token -that he surrendered into his hands his children and his kingdom. - -His country possesses a noble breed of dogs, used for hunting, and said -to refrain from barking when they sight their game which is chiefly the -lion.[269] Sopithes wishing to show Alexander the strength and mettle of -these dogs, caused a very large lion to be placed within an enclosure -where four dogs in all were let loose upon him. The dogs at once fastened -upon the wild beast, when one of the huntsmen who was accustomed to work -of this kind tried to pull away by the leg one of the dogs which with the -others had seized the lion, and when the limb would not come away, cut -it off with a knife. The dog could not even by this means be forced to -let go his hold, and so the man proceeded to cut him in another place, -and finding him still clutching the lion as tenaciously as before, he -continued cutting away with his knife one part of him after another. The -brave dog, however, even in dying kept his fangs fixed in the lion’s -flesh; so great is the eagerness for hunting which nature has implanted -in these animals, as testified by the accounts transmitted to us. - -I must observe, however, that I copy from preceding writers more than -I myself believe, for I neither wish to guarantee statements of the -truth of which I am doubtful, nor yet to suppress what I find recorded. -Alexander therefore leaving Sopithes in possession of his kingdom, -advanced to the river Hyphasis, where he was rejoined by Hephaestion who -had subdued a district situated in a different direction. Phegeus,[270] -who was king of the nearest nation, having beforehand ordered his -subjects to attend to the cultivation of their fields according to their -wont, went forth to meet Alexander with presents and assurances that -whatever he commanded he would not fail to perform. - - -_Chapter II.—Alexander obtains information about the Ganges and the -strength of the army kept by Agrammes, king of the Prasians—His speech to -the soldiers to induce them to advance to the Ganges_ - -The king made a halt of two days with this prince, designing on the third -day to cross the river, the passage of which was difficult, not only -from its great breadth, but also because its channel was obstructed with -rocks. Having therefore requested Phegeus to tell him what he wanted -to know, he learned the following particulars: Beyond the river lay -extensive deserts which it would take eleven days to traverse.[271] Next -came the Ganges, the largest river in all India, the farther bank of -which was inhabited by two nations, the Gangaridae and the Prasii,[272] -whose king Agrammes[273] kept in the field for guarding the approaches -to his country 20,000 cavalry and 200,000 infantry, besides 2000 -four-horsed chariots, and, what was the most formidable force of all, a -troop of elephants which he said ran up to the number of 3000. - -All this seemed to the king to be incredible, and he therefore asked -Porus, who happened to be in attendance, whether the account was true. -He assured Alexander in reply that, as far as the strength of the nation -and kingdom was concerned, there was no exaggeration in the reports, but -that the present king was not merely a man originally of no distinction, -but even of the very meanest condition. His father was in fact a barber, -scarcely staving off hunger by his daily earnings, but who, from his -being not uncomely in person, had gained the affections of the queen, -and was by her influence advanced to too near a place in the confidence -of the reigning monarch. Afterwards, however, he treacherously murdered -his sovereign; and then, under the pretence of acting as guardian to -the royal children, usurped the supreme authority, and having put the -young princes to death begot the present king, who was detested and held -cheap by his subjects, as he rather took after his father than conducted -himself as the occupant of a throne. - -The attestation of Porus to the truth of what he had heard made the king -anxious on manifold grounds; for while he thought contemptuously of the -men and elephants that would oppose him, he dreaded the difficult nature -of the country that lay before him, and in particular, the impetuous -rapidity of the rivers. The task seemed hard indeed, to follow up and -unearth men removed almost to the uttermost bounds of the world. On the -other hand, his avidity of glory and his insatiable ambition forbade -him to think that any place was so far distant or inaccessible as to be -beyond his reach. He did indeed sometimes doubt whether the Macedonians -who had traversed all those broad lands and grown old in battlefields -and camps, would be willing to follow him through obstructing rivers and -the many other difficulties which nature would oppose to their advance. -Overflowing and laden with booty, they would rather, he judged, enjoy -what they had won than wear themselves out in getting more. They could -not of course be of the same mind as himself, for while he had grasped -the conception of a world-wide empire, and stood as yet but on the -threshold of his labours, they were now worn out with toil, and longed -for the time when, all their dangers being at length ended, they might -enjoy their latest winnings. In the end ambition carried the day against -reason; and, having summoned a meeting of the soldiers, he addressed them -very much to this effect: - -“I am not ignorant, soldiers, that during these last days the natives of -this country have been spreading all sorts of rumours designed expressly -to work upon your fears; but the falsehood of those who invent such -lies is nothing new in your experience. The Persians in this sort of -way sought to terrify you with the gates of Cilicia, with the plains -of Mesopotamia, with the Tigris and Euphrates, and yet this river you -crossed by a ford, and that by means of a bridge. Fame is never brought -to a clearness in which facts can be seen as they are. They are all -magnified when she transmits them. Even our own glory, though resting -on a solid basis, is more indebted for its greatness to rumour than to -reality. Who but till the other day believed that it was possible for -us to bear the shock of those monstrous beasts that looked like so many -ramparts, or that we could have passed the Hydaspes, or conquered other -difficulties which after all were more formidable to hear of than they -proved to be in actual experience. By my troth we had long ago fled from -Asia could fables have been able to scare us. - -“Can you suppose that the herds of elephants are greater than of other -cattle when the animal is known to be rare, hard to be caught, and -harder still to tame?[274] It is the same spirit of falsehood which -magnifies the number of horse and foot possessed by the enemy; and with -respect to the river, why, the wider it spreads the liker it becomes to -a placid pool. Rivers, as you know, that are confined between narrow -banks and choked by narrow channels flow with torrent speed, while on -the other hand the current slackens as the channel widens out. Besides, -all the danger is at the bank where the enemy waits to receive us as we -disembark; so that, be the breadth of the river what it may, the danger -is all the same when we are in the act of landing. But let us suppose -that these stories are all true, is it then, I ask, the monstrous size -of the elephants or the number of the enemy that you dread? As for the -elephants, we had an example of them before our eyes in the late battle -when they charged more furiously upon their own ranks than upon ours, and -when their vast bodies were cut and mangled by our bills and axes. What -matters it then whether they be the same number as Porus had, or be 3000, -when we see that if one or two of them be wounded, the rest swerve aside -and take to flight. Then again, if it be no easy task to manage but a -few of them, surely when so many thousands of them are crowded together, -they cannot but hamper each other when their huge unwieldy bodies want -room either to stand or run. For myself, I have such a poor opinion of -the animals that, though I had them, I did not bring them into the field, -being fully convinced they occasion more danger to their own side than to -the enemy. - -“But it is the number, perhaps, of the horse and foot that excites your -fears! for you have been wont, you know, to fight only against small -numbers, and will now for the first time have to withstand undisciplined -multitudes! The river Granicus is a witness of the courage of the -Macedonians unconquered in fighting against odds;[275] so too is Cilicia -deluged with the blood of the Persians, and Arbela, where the plains -are strewn with the bones of your vanquished foes. It is too late, now -that you have depopulated Asia by your victories, to begin counting the -enemy’s legions. When we were crossing the Hellespont, it was then we -should have thought about the smallness of our numbers, for now Scythians -follow us, Bactrian troops are here to assist us, Dahans and Sogdians are -serving in our ranks. But it is not in such a throng I put my trust. It -is to your hands, Macedonians, I look. It is your valour I take as the -gage and surety of the deeds I mean to perform. - -“As long as it is with you I shall stand in battle, I count not the -number either of my own or the enemy’s army. Do ye only, I entreat, keep -your minds full of alacrity and confidence. We are not standing on the -threshold of our enterprise and our labours, but at their very close. We -have already reached the sunrise and the ocean, and unless your sloth and -cowardice prevent, we shall thence return in triumph to our native land, -having conquered the earth to its remotest bounds. Act not then like -foolish husbandmen who, when their crops are ripe, loose them out of hand -from sheer indolence to gather them. The prizes before you are greater -than the risks, for the country to be invaded not only teems with wealth, -but is at the same time feebly defended. So then I lead you not so much -to glory as to plunder. You have earned the right to carry back to your -own country the riches which that sea casts upon its shores; and it would -ill become you if through fear you should leave anything unattempted -or unperformed. I conjure you then by that glory of yours whereby ye -soar above the topmost pinnacle of human greatness—I beseech you by my -services unto you, and yours unto me (a strife in which we still contend -unconquered), that ye desert not your foster-son, your fellow-soldier, -not to say your king, just at the moment when he is approaching the -limits of the inhabited world. - -“All things else you have done at my orders—for this one thing I shall -hold myself to be your debtor. I, who never ordered you upon any service -in which I did not place myself in the fore-front of the danger, I who -have often with mine own buckler covered you in battle, now entreat you -not to shatter the palm which is already in my grasp, and by which, if -I may so speak without incurring the ill-will of heaven, I shall become -the equal of Hercules and Father Bacchus. Grant this to my entreaties, -and break at last your obstinate silence. Where is that familiar shout, -the wonted token of your alacrity? Where are the cheerful looks of my -Macedonians? I do not recognise you, soldiers, and, methinks, I seem not -to be recognised by you. I have all along been knocking at deaf ears. -I am trying to rouse hearts that are disloyal and crushed with craven -fears.” - -When the soldiers, with their heads bent earthwards, still suppressed -what they felt, “I must,” he said, “have inadvertently given you some -offence that you will not even look at me. Methinks I am in a solitude. -No one answers me; no one so much as says me nay. Is it to strangers I -am speaking? Am I claiming anything unreasonable? Why, it is your glory -and your greatness we are asserting. Where are those whom but the other -day I saw eagerly striving which should have the prerogative of receiving -the person of their wounded king? I am deserted, forsaken, surrendered -into the hands of the enemy. But I shall still persist in going forward, -even though I should march alone. Expose me then to the dangers of -rivers, to the rage of elephants, and to those nations whose very names -fill you with terror. I shall find men that will follow me though I be -deserted by you. The Scythians and Bactrians, once our foemen, but now -our soldiers—these will still be with me.[276] Let me tell you, I had die -rather than be a commander on sufferance. Begone then to your homes, and -go triumphing because ye have forsaken your king![277] For my part, I -shall here find a place, either for the victory of which you despair, or -for an honourable death.” - - -_Chapter III.—Speech of Coenus on behalf of the army—Alexander’s -displeasure at the refusal of the soldiers to advance—He resolves to -return—Raises altars as memorials of his presence—Reaches the Acesines, -where Coenus dies—Reconciles Taxiles and Porus, and then sails down -stream_ - -But not even by this appeal could a single word be elicited from any of -the soldiers. They waited for the generals and chief captains to report -to the king that the men, exhausted with their wounds and incessant -labours in the field, did not refuse the duties of war, but were simply -unable to discharge them. The officers, however, paralysed with terror, -kept their eyes steadfastly fixed on the ground, and remained silent. -Then there arose, no one knew how, first a sighing and then a sobbing, -until, little by little, their grief began to vent itself more freely -in streaming tears, so that even the king, whose anger had been turned -into pity, could not himself refrain from tears, anxious though he was to -suppress them. At last, when the whole assembly had abandoned itself to -an unrestrained passion of weeping, Coenus, on finding that the others -were reluctant to open their lips, made bold to step forward to the -tribunal where the king stood, and signified that he had somewhat to say. -When the soldiers saw him removing his helmet from his head—a custom -observed in addressing the king—they earnestly besought him that he would -plead the cause of the army. - -“May the gods,” he then said, “defend us from all disloyal thoughts; and -assuredly they do thus defend us. Your soldiers are now of the same mind -towards you as they ever were in times past, being ready to go wherever -you order them, ready to fight your battles, to risk their lives, and to -give your name in keeping to after ages. So then, if you still persist in -your purpose, all unarmed, naked and bloodless though we be, we either -follow you, or go on before you, according to your pleasure. But if you -desire to hear the complaints of your soldiers, which are not feigned, -but wrung from them by the sorest necessity, vouchsafe, I entreat you, a -favourable hearing to men who have most devotedly followed your authority -and your fortunes, and are ready to follow you wherever you may go. Oh, -sir! you have conquered, by the greatness of your deeds, not your enemies -alone, but your own soldiers as well. - -“We again have done and suffered up to the full measure of the capacity -of mortal nature. We have traversed seas and lands, and know them better -than do the inhabitants themselves. We are standing now almost on the -earth’s utmost verge, and yet you are preparing to go to a sphere -altogether new—to go in quest of an India unknown even to the Indians -themselves. You would fain root out from their hidden recesses and dens -a race of men that herd with snakes and wild beasts, so that you may -traverse as a conqueror more regions than the sun surveys. The thought is -altogether worthy of a soul so lofty as thine, but it is above ours; for -while thy courage will be ever growing, our vigour is fast waning to its -end. - -“See how bloodless be our bodies, pierced with how many wounds, and -gashed with how many scars! Our weapons are now blunt, our armour quite -worn out. We have been driven to assume the Persian garb since that of -our own country cannot be brought up to supply us. We have degenerated -so far as to adopt a foreign costume. Among how many of us is there to -be found a single coat of mail? Which of us has a horse? Cause it to be -inquired how many have servants to follow them, how much of his booty -each one has now left. We have conquered all the world, but are ourselves -destitute of all things. Can you think of exposing such a noble army as -this, all naked and defenceless, to the mercy of savage beasts, whose -numbers, though purposely exaggerated by the barbarians, must yet, as -I can gather from the lying report itself, be very considerable. If, -however, you are bent on penetrating still farther into India, that -part of it which lies towards the south is not so vast, and were this -subdued you could then quickly find your way to that sea which nature -has ordained to be the boundary of the inhabited world. Why do you make -a long circuit in pursuit of glory when it is placed immediately within -your reach, for even here the ocean is to be found. Unless, then, you -wish to go wandering about, we have already reached the goal unto which -your fortune leads you. I have preferred to speak on these matters in -your presence, O King! rather than to discuss them with the soldiers in -your absence, not that I have in view to gain thereby for myself the -good graces of the army here assembled, but that you might learn their -sentiments from my lips rather than be obliged to hear their murmurs and -their groans.”[278] - -When Coenus had made an end of speaking there arose from all parts of -the audience assenting shouts, mingled with lamentations and confused -voices, calling Alexander king, father, lord, and master. And now -also the other officers, especially the seniors, who from their age -possessed all the greater authority, and could with a better grace beg -to be excused from any more service, united in making the same request. -Alexander therefore found himself unable either to rebuke them for their -stubbornness or to appease their angry mood. Being thus quite at a loss -what to do, he leaped down from the tribunal and shut himself up in the -royal pavilion, into which he forbade any one to be admitted except his -ordinary attendants. For two days he indulged his anger, but on the third -day he emerged from his seclusion, and ordered twelve altars of square -stone to be erected as a monument of his expedition. He ordered also the -fortifications around the camp to be drawn out wide, and couches of a -larger size than was required for men of ordinary stature to be left, so -that by making things appear in magnificent proportions he might astonish -posterity by deceptive wonders.[279] - -From this place he marched back the way he had come, and encamped near -the river Acesines. There Coenus caught an illness, which carried him -off.[280] The king was doubtless deeply grieved by his death, but yet -he could not forbear remarking that it was but for the sake of a few -days he had opened a long-winded speech as though he alone were destined -to see Macedonia again. The fleet which he had ordered to be built was -now riding in the stream ready for service. Memnon also had meanwhile -brought from Thrace a reinforcement of 5000 cavalry, together with 7000 -infantry sent by Harpalus. He also brought 25,000 suits of armour inlaid -with silver and gold, and these Alexander distributed to the troops, -commanding the old suits to be burned.[281] Designing now to make for the -ocean with a thousand ships, he left Porus and Taxiles, the Indian kings -who had been disagreeing and raking up old feuds, in friendly relations -with each other, strengthened by a marriage alliance; and as they had -done their utmost to help him forward with the building of his fleet, -he confirmed each in his sovereignty. He built also two towns, one of -which he called Nicaea, and the other Bucephala, dedicating the latter to -the memory of the horse which he had lost. Then leaving orders for the -elephants and baggage to follow him by land, he sailed down the river, -proceeding every day about 40 stadia, to allow the troops to land from -time to time where they could conveniently be put ashore.[282] - - -_Chapter IV.—Alexander subdues various tribes on his way to the -Indus—Disasters to his fleet at the meeting of the rivers—His campaign -against the Sudracae and Malli—Assails their chief stronghold and is left -standing alone on the wall_ - -Thus he came at length into the country where the river Hydaspes falls -into the Acesines, and thence flows down to the territories of the -Sibi.[283] These people allege that their ancestors belonged to the -army of Hercules, and that being left behind on account of sickness had -possessed themselves of the seats which their posterity now occupied. -They dressed themselves with the skins of wild beasts, and had clubs for -their weapons. They showed besides many other traces of their origin, -though in the course of time Greek manners and institutions had grown -obsolete. He landed among them, and marching a distance of 250 stadia -into the country beyond their borders, laid it waste, and took its -capital town by an assault made against the walls all round. The nation, -consisting of 40,000 foot-soldiers, had been drawn up along the bank of -the river to oppose his landing, but he nevertheless crossed the stream, -put the enemy to flight, and, having stormed the town, compelled all who -were shut up within its walls to surrender. Those who were of military -age were put to the sword, and the rest were sold as slaves. - -He then laid siege to another town, but the defenders made so gallant -a resistance that he was repulsed with the loss of many of his -Macedonians.[284] He persevered, however, with the siege till the -inhabitants, despairing of their safety, set fire to their houses, and -cast themselves along with their wives and children into the flames. -War then showed itself in a new form, for while the inhabitants were -destroying their city by spreading the flames, the enemy were striving -to save it by quenching them, so completely does war invert natural -relations. The citadel of the town had escaped damage, and Alexander -accordingly left a garrison behind in it. He was himself conveyed by -means of boats around the fortress, for the three largest rivers in India -(if we except the Ganges) washed the line of its fortifications. The -Indus on the north flows close up to it, and on the south the Acesines -unites with the Hydaspes.[285] - -But the meeting of the rivers makes the waters swell in great billows -like those of the ocean, and the navigable way is compressed into a -narrow channel by extensive mud-banks kept continually shifting by the -force of the confluent waters. When the waves, therefore, in thick -succession dashed against the vessels, beating both on their prows -and sides, the sailors were obliged to take in sail; but partly from -their own flurry, and partly from the force of the currents, they were -unable to execute their orders in time, and before the eyes of all two -of the large ships were engulphed in the stream. The smaller craft, -however, though they also were unmanageable, were driven on shore -without sustaining injury. The ship which had the king himself on board -was caught in eddies of the greatest violence, and by their force was -irresistibly driven athwart and whirled onward without answering the helm. - -He had already stripped off his clothes preparatory to throwing himself -into the river, while his friends were swimming about not far off ready -to pick him up, but as it was evident that the danger was about equal -whether he threw himself into the water or remained on board, the boatmen -vied with each other in stretching to their oars, and made every exertion -possible for human beings to force their vessel through the raging -surges. It then seemed as though the waves were being cloven asunder, -and as though the whirling eddies were retreating, and the ship was thus -at length rescued from their grasp. It did not, however, gain the shore -in safety, but was stranded on the nearest shallows. One would suppose -that a war had been waged against the river. Alexander there erected as -many altars as there were rivers, and having offered sacrifices upon them -marched onward, accomplishing a distance of thirty stadia. - -Thence he came into the dominions of the Sudracae and the Malli, who -hitherto had usually been at war with each other, but now drew together -in presence of the common danger. Their army consisted of 90,000 -foot-soldiers, all fit for active service, together with 10,000 cavalry -and 900 war chariots. But when the Macedonians, who believed that they -had by this time got past all their dangers, found that they had still on -hand a fresh war, in which the most warlike nations in all India would -be their antagonists, they were struck with an unexpected terror, and -began again to upbraid the king in the language of sedition. “Though he -had been driven,” they said, “to give up the river Ganges and regions -beyond it, he had not ended the war, but only shifted it. They were now -exposed to fierce nations that with their blood they might open for him -a way to the ocean. They were dragged onward outside the range of the -constellations and the sun of their own zone, and forced to go to places -which nature meant to be hidden from mortal eyes.[286] New enemies were -for ever springing up with arms ever new, and though they put them all to -rout and flight, what reward awaited them? What but mists and darkness -and unbroken night hovering over the abyss of ocean? What but a sea -teeming with multitudes of frightful monsters—stagnating waters in which -expiring nature has given way in despair?”[287] - -The king, troubled not by any fears for himself, but by the anxiety of -the soldiers about their safety, called them together, and pointed out -to them that those of whom they were afraid were weak and unwarlike; -that after the conquest of these tribes there was nothing in their way, -once they had traversed the distance now between them and the ocean, to -prevent their coming to the end of the world, which would be also the -end of their labours; that he had given way to their fears of the Ganges -and of the numerous tribes beyond that river, and turned his arms to a -quarter where the glory would be equal but the hazard less; that they -were already in sight of the ocean, and were already fanned by breezes -from the sea.[288] They should not then grudge him the glory to which he -aspired. They would overpass the limits reached by Hercules and Father -Bacchus, and thus at a small cost bestow upon their king an immortality -of fame. They should permit him to return from India with honour, and not -to escape from it like a fugitive. - -Every assemblage, and especially one of soldiers, is readily carried -away by any chance impulse, and hence the measures for quelling a mutiny -are less important than the circumstances in which it originates. Never -before did so eager and joyous a shout ring out as was now sent forth by -the army asking him to lead them forward, and expressing the hope that -the gods would prosper his arms and make him equal in glory to those -whom he was emulating. Alexander, elated by these acclamations, at once -broke up his camp and advanced against the enemy, which was the strongest -in point of numbers of all the Indian tribes. They were making active -preparations for war, and had selected as their head a brave warrior of -the nation of the Sudracae.[289] This experienced general had encamped at -the foot of a mountain, and had ordered fires to be kindled over a wide -circuit to make his army appear so much the more numerous. He endeavoured -also at times, but in vain, to alarm the Macedonians when at rest by -making his men shout and howl in their own barbarous manner. - -As soon as day dawned, the king, full of hope and confidence, ordered -his soldiers, who were eager for action, to take their arms and march -to battle. The barbarians, however, fled all of a sudden, but whether -through fear or dissensions that had arisen among them, there is no -record to show. At any rate, they escaped timeously to their mountain -recesses, which were difficult of approach. The king pursued the -fugitives, but to no purpose; however, he took their baggage. - -Thence he came into the city of the Sudracae, into which most of the -enemy had fled,[290] trusting for safety as much to their arms as to the -strength of the fortifications. The king was now advancing to attack -the place, when a soothsayer warned him not to undertake the siege, or -at all events to postpone it, since the omens indicated that his life -would be in danger. The king fixing his eyes upon Demophon (for this was -the name of the soothsayer), said: “If any one should in this manner -interrupt thyself, while busied with thine art and inspecting entrails, -wouldst thou not regard him as impertinent and troublesome?” “I certainly -would so regard him,” said Demophon. Then rejoined Alexander, “Dost thou -not think then that when I am occupied with such important matters, -and not with the inspection of the entrails of cattle, there can be -any interruption more unseasonable to me than a soothsayer enslaved by -superstition?”[291] Without more loss of time than was required for -returning the answer, he ordered the scaling-ladders to be applied to -the wall, and while the others were hesitating to mount them, he himself -scaled the ramparts.[292] - -The parapet which ran round the rampart was narrow, and was not marked -out along the coping with battlements and embrasures, but was built in an -unbroken line of breastwork, which obstructed assailants in attempting -to get over. The king then was clinging to the edge of the parapet, -rather than standing upon it, warding off with his shield the darts that -fell upon him from every side, for he was assailed by missiles from all -the surrounding towers. Nor were the soldiers able to mount the wall -under the storm of arrows discharged against them from above.[293] Still -at last a sense of shame overcame their fear of the greatness of the -danger, for they saw that by their hesitation the king would fall into -the hands of his enemies. But their help was delayed by their hurry, for -while every one strove to get soonest to the top of the wall, they were -precipitated from the ladders which they overloaded till they broke, thus -balking the king of his only hope. He was in consequence left standing in -sight of his numerous army, like a man in a solitude, whom all the world -has forsaken. - - -_Chapter V.—Alexander is severely wounded by an arrow within the -stronghold of the Sudracae—The arrow is extracted by Critobulus_ - -By this time his left hand, with which he was shifting his buckler -about, became tired with parrying the blows directed against him from -all round, and his friends cried out to him that he should leap down, -and were standing ready to catch him when he fell. But instead of taking -this course, he did an act of daring past all belief and unheard of—an -act notable as adding far more to his reputation for rashness than to his -true glory. For with a headlong spring he flung himself into the city -filled with his enemies, even though he could scarcely expect to die -fighting, since before he could rise from the ground he was likely to be -overpowered and taken prisoner. But, as luck would have it, he had flung -his body with such nice poise that he alighted on his feet, which gave -him the advantage of an erect attitude when he began fighting. Fortune -had also so provided that he could not possibly be surrounded, for an -aged tree which grew not far from the wall, had thrown out branches -thickly covered with leaves, as if for the very purpose of sheltering -the king. Against the huge bole of this tree he so planted himself that -he could not be surrounded, and as he was thus protected in rear, he -received on his buckler the darts with which he was assailed in front; -for single-handed though he was, not one of the many who set upon him -ventured to come to close-quarters with him, and their missiles lodged -more frequently in the branches of the tree than in his buckler. - -What served him well at this juncture was the far-spread renown of his -name, and next to that despair, which above everything nerves men to die -gloriously. But as the numbers of the enemy were constantly increasing, -his buckler was by this time loaded with darts, and his helmet shattered -by stones, while his knees sank under him from the fatigue of his -protracted exertions. On seeing this, they who stood nearest incautiously -rushed upon him in contempt of the danger. Two of these he smote with his -sword, and laid them dead at his feet, and after that no one could muster -up courage enough to go near him. They only plied him with darts and -arrows from a distance off. - -But though thus exposed as a mark for every shot, he had no great -difficulty in protecting himself while crouching on his knees, until an -Indian let fly an arrow two cubits long (for the Indians, as remarked -already, use arrows of this length), and pierced him through his armour -a little above his right side. Struck down by this wound, from which the -blood spirted in great jets, he let his weapon drop as if he were dying -without strength enough left to let his right hand extract the arrow. The -archer, accordingly, who had wounded him, exulting in his success, ran -forward with eager haste to strip his body. But Alexander no sooner felt -him lay hands on his person, than he became so exasperated by the supreme -indignity, I imagine, of the outrage, that he recalled his swooning -spirit, and with an upward thrust of his sword pierced the exposed side -of his antagonist. Thus there lay dead around the king three of his -assailants, while the others stood off like men stupefied. - -Meanwhile he endeavoured to raise himself up with his buckler, that he -might die sword in hand, before his last breath left him, but finding he -had not strength enough for the effort, he grasped with his right hand -some of the defending boughs, and tried to rise with their help. His -strength was, however, inadequate even to support his body, and he fell -down again upon his knees, waving his hand as a challenge to the enemy -to meet him in close combat if any of them dared. At length Peucestas in -a different quarter of the town beat off the men who were defending the -wall, and following the king’s traces came to where he was. Alexander on -seeing him thought that he had come not to succour him in life, but to -comfort him in his death, and giving way through sheer exhaustion, fell -over on his shield. - -Then came up Timaeus, and a little afterwards Leonnatus followed by -Aristonus.[294] The Indians, on discovering that the king was within -their walls, abandoned all other places and ran in crowds to where he -was, and pressed hard upon those who defended him. Timaeus, one of -such, after receiving many wounds and making a gallant struggle, fell. -Peucestas again, though pierced with three javelin wounds, held up his -buckler not for his own, but the king’s protection. Leonnatus, while -endeavouring to drive back the barbarians who were eagerly pressing -forward, was severely wounded in the neck, and fell down in a swoon at -the king’s feet. Peucestas was also now quite exhausted with the loss of -blood from his wounds and could no longer hold up his buckler. Thus all -the hope now lay in Aristonus, but he also was desperately wounded, and -could no longer sustain the onset of so many assailants. In the meantime -the rumour that the king had fallen reached the Macedonians. - -What would have terrified others only served to stimulate their ardour, -for, heedless of every danger, they broke down the wall with their -pickaxes, and where they had made an entrance burst into the city and -massacred great numbers of the Indians, chiefly in the pursuit, no -resistance being offered except by a mere handful. They spared neither -old men, women, nor children, but held whomsoever they met to have been -the person by whom the king had been wounded, and in this way they at -length satiated their righteous indignation. - -Clitarchus and Timagenes state that Ptolemy, who afterwards became a -king, was present at this fighting, but Ptolemy himself, who would not -of course gainsay his own glory, has recorded in his memoirs that he was -away at the time, as the king had sent him on an expedition elsewhere. -This instance shows how great was the carelessness of the authors who -composed these old books of history, or, it may be, their credulity, -which is just as great a dereliction of their duty. The king was carried -into a tent, where the surgeons cut off the wooden shaft of the arrow -which had pierced him, taking care not to stir its point. When his armour -was taken off they discovered that the weapon was barbed, and that it -could not be extracted without danger except by making an incision to -open the wound. But here again they were afraid lest in operating they -should be unable to staunch the flow of blood, for the weapon was large -and had been driven home with such force that it had evidently pierced to -the inwards. - -Critobulus, who was famous for his surgical skill,[295] was nevertheless -swayed by fear in a case so precarious, and dreaded to put his hand to -the work lest his failure to effect a cure should recoil on his own head. -The king observing him to weep, and to be showing signs of fear, and -looking ghastly pale, said to him: “For what and how long are you waiting -that you do not set to work as quickly as possible? If die I must, free -me at least from the pain I suffer. Are you afraid lest you should -be held to account because I have received an incurable wound?” Then -Critobulus, at last overcoming, or perhaps dissembling his fear, begged -Alexander to suffer himself to be held while he was extracting the point, -since even a slight motion of his body would be of dangerous consequence. -To this the king replied that there was no need of men to hold him, and -then, agreeably to what had been enjoined him, he did not wince the least -during the operation.[296] - -When the wound had then been laid wide open and the point extracted, -there followed such a copious discharge of blood that the king began to -swoon, while a dark mist came over his eyes, and he lay extended as if -he were dying. Every remedy was applied to staunch the blood, but all to -no purpose, so that the king’s friends, believing him to be dead, broke -out into cries and lamentations. The bleeding did, however, at last stop, -and the patient gradually recovered consciousness and began to recognise -those who stood around him. All that day and the night which followed the -army lay under arms around the royal tent. All of them confessed that -their life depended on his single breath, and they could not be prevailed -on to withdraw until they had ascertained that he had fallen into a quiet -sleep. Thereupon they returned to the camp entertaining more assured -hopes of his recovery. - - -_Chapter VI.—Alexander recovers and shows himself to the army—His -officers remonstrate with him for his recklessness in exposing his life -to danger—His reply to their appeal_ - -The king, who had now been kept for the space of seven days under -treatment for his wound without its being as yet cicatrised, on hearing -that a report of his death had gained a wide currency among the -barbarians, caused two ships to be lashed together and his tent to be -set up in the centre where it would be conspicuous to every one, so that -he might therefrom show himself to those who believed him to be dead. -By thus exposing himself to the view of the inhabitants he crushed the -hope with which the false report had inspired his enemies. He then sailed -down the river,[297] starting a good while before the rest of the fleet, -lest the repose which his weak bodily condition still required should be -disturbed by the noise of rowing. On the fourth day after he had embarked -he reached a country deserted by its inhabitants, but fruitful in corn -and well stocked with cattle. Here along with his soldiers he enjoyed a -welcome season of rest. - -Now it was a custom among the Macedonians that the king’s especial -friends and those who had the guard of his person watched before his tent -during any occasional illness. This custom being now observed as usual, -they all entered his chamber in a body. Alexander fearing they might be -the bearers of some bad news, since they had all come together, enquired -whether they had come to inform him that the enemy had that moment -arrived. Then Craterus, who had been chosen by the others as their medium -to let the king know the entreaties of his friends, addressed him in -these terms: “Can you imagine,” he began, “that we could be more alarmed -by the enemy’s approach, even if they were already within our lines, than -we are concerned for your personal safety, by which, it seems, you set -but little store? Were the united powers of the whole world to conspire -against us, were they to cover the land all over with arms and men, to -cover the seas with fleets, and lead ferocious wild beasts against us, -we shall prove invincible to every foe when we have you to lead us. But -which of the gods can ensure that this the stay and star of Macedonia -will be long preserved to us when you are so forward to expose your -person to manifest dangers, forgetting that you draw into peril the lives -of so many of your countrymen? For which of us wishes to survive you, -or even has it within his power? Under your conduct and command we have -advanced so far that there is no one but yourself who can lead us back to -our hearths and homes. - -“No doubt while you were still contending with Darius for the sovereignty -of Persia, one could not even think it strange (though no one wished -it) that you were ever ready and eager to rush boldly into danger, for -where the risk and the reward are fairly balanced, the gain is not only -more ample in case of success, but the solace is greater in case of -defeat. But that your very life should be paid as the price of an obscure -village, which of your soldiers, nay, what inhabitant of any barbarous -country that has heard of your greatness can tolerate such an idea? My -soul is struck with horror when I think of the scene which was lately -presented to our eyes. - -“I cannot but tremble to relate that the hands of the greatest -dastards would have polluted the spoils stripped from the invincible -Alexander, had not fortune, looking with pity on us, interfered for your -deliverance. We are no better than traitors, no better than deserters, -all of us who were unable to keep up with you when you ran into danger; -and should you therefore brand us all with dishonour, none of us will -refuse to give satisfaction for that from the guilt of which he could -not secure himself. Show us, we beseech you then, in some other way, how -cheap you hold us. We are ready to go wherever you order. We solicit that -for us you reserve obscure dangers and inglorious battles, while you save -yourself for those occasions which give scope for your greatness. Glory -won in a contest with inferior opponents soon becomes stale, and nothing -can be more absurd than to let your valour be wasted where it cannot be -displayed to view.” - -Ptolemy and others who were present addressed him in the same or similar -terms, and all of them, as one man, besought him with tears that, sated -as he was with glory, he would at last set some limits to that passion -and have more regard for his own safety, on which that of the public -depended. The affection and loyalty of his friends were so gratifying -to the king that he embraced them one by one with more than his usual -warmth, and requested them all to be seated.[298] - -Then, in addressing them, he went far back in a review of his career and -said: “I return you, most faithful and most dutiful subjects and friends, -my most heartfelt thanks, not only because you at this time prefer my -safety to your own, but also because from the very outset of the war you -have lost no opportunity of showing by every pledge and token your kindly -feelings towards myself, so that I must confess my life has never been -so dear to me as it is at present, and chiefly so, that I may long enjoy -your companionship. At the same time, I must point out that those who are -willing to lay down their lives for me do not look at the matter from my -point of view, inasmuch as I judge myself to have deserved by my bravery -your favourable inclinations towards me, for you may possibly be coveting -to reap the fruit of my favour for a great length of time, perhaps even -in perpetuity, but I measure myself not by the span of age, but by that -of glory. - -“Had I been contented with my paternal heritage, I might have spent my -days within the bounds of Macedonia, in slothful ease, to an obscure and -inglorious old age; although even those who remain indolently at home are -not masters of their own destiny, for while they consider a long life to -be the supreme good, an untimely death often takes them by surprise. I, -however, who do not count my years but by my victories, have already had -a long career of life, if I reckon aright the gifts of fortune. Having -begun to reign in Macedonia, I now hold the supremacy of Greece. I have -subdued Thrace and the people of Illyria; I give laws to the Triballi and -the Maedi,[299] and am master of Asia from the shores of Hellespont as -far south as the shores of the Indian Ocean. And now I am not far from -the very ends of the earth, which when I have passed I purpose to open -up to myself a new realm of nature—a new world. In the turning-point of -a single hour I crossed over from Asia into the borders of Europe.[300] -Having conquered both these continents in the ninth year of my reign, -and in my twenty-eighth year, do you think I can pause in the task -of completing my glory, to which, and to which only, I have entirely -devoted myself? No, I shall not fail in my duty to her, and wheresoever -I shall be fighting I shall imagine myself on the world’s theatre, with -all mankind for spectators. I shall give celebrity to places before -unnoted. I shall open up for all nations a way to regions which nature -has hitherto kept far distant. - -“If fortune shall so direct that in the midst of these enterprises my -life be cut short, that would only add to my renown. I am sprung from -such a stock that I am bound to prefer living much to living long.[301] -Reflect, I pray you, that we have come to lands in the eyes of which the -name of a woman is the most famed for valour. What cities did Semiramis -build! What nations did she bring to subjection! What mighty works did -she plan! We have not yet equalled the glorious achievements of a woman, -and have we already had our fill of glory? No, I say. Let the gods, -however, but favour us, and things still greater remain for us yet to -do. But the countries we have not yet reached shall only become ours on -condition that we consider nothing little in which there is room for -great glory to be won. Do you but defend me against domestic treason -and the plots of my own household,[302] and I will fearlessly face the -dangers of battle and war. - -“Philip was safer in the field of fight than in the theatre. He often -escaped the hands of his enemies—he could not elude those of his -subjects.[303] And if you examine how other kings also came by their end, -you can count more that were slain by their own people than by their -enemies. But now lastly, since an opportunity has presented itself to me -of disclosing a matter which I have for a long time been turning over -and over in my mind, I give you to understand that to me the greatest -rewards of all my toils and achievements will be this, that my mother -Olympias shall be deified as soon as she departs this life. If I be -spared, I shall myself discharge that duty, but if death anticipate me, -bear in memory that I have entrusted this office to you.” With these -words he dismissed his friends; but for a good many days he remained in -the same encampment. - - -_Chapter VII.—The affair of Biton and Boxus at Baktra—Embassy from the -Sudracae and Malli proffering submission—Alexander entertains his army -and the embassy at a sumptuous banquet—Single combat between a Macedonian -and an Athenian champion_ - -While these things were doing in India, the Greek soldiers who had been -recently drafted by the king into settlements around Bactra disagreed -among themselves and revolted, for the stronger faction, having killed -some of their countrymen who remained loyal, had recourse to arms, and -making themselves masters of the citadel of Bactra, which happened to be -carelessly guarded, forced even the barbarians to join their party. Their -leader was Athenodorus, who had also assumed the title of king, not so -much from an ambition to reign as from a wish to return to his native -country along with those who acknowledged his authority. Against his life -one Biton, a citizen of the same Greek state as himself, but who hated -him from envy, laid a plot, and having invited him to a banquet, had him -assassinated during the festivities by the hands of a native of Margiana -called Boxus. The day following Biton, in a general meeting which had -been convoked, persuaded the majority that Athenodorus had without -any provocation formed a plot to take away his life. Others, however, -suspected there had been foul play on Biton’s part, and by degrees this -suspicion spread itself about among the rest. The Greek soldiers, -therefore, took up arms to put Biton to death should an opportunity -present itself. - -But the leading men appeased the anger of the multitude, and Biton -being thus freed from his imminent danger, contrary to what he had -anticipated, soon afterwards conspired against the very man to whom he -owed his safety. But when his treachery came to their knowledge they -seized both Biton himself and Boxus. The latter they ordered to be at -once put to death, but Biton not till after he had undergone torture. The -instruments for this purpose were already being applied to his limbs when -the soldiers, it is not known why, ran to their arms like so many madmen. -On hearing the uproar they made, the men who had orders to torture Biton -desisted from their office, thinking that the object of the rioters, whom -they had heard shouting, was to prevent them going on with their work. -Biton, stripped as he was, ran for protection to the Greeks, and the -sight of the wretched man sentenced to death caused such a revulsion of -their feelings that they ordered him to be set at liberty. Having twice -escaped punishment, he returned to his native country with the rest of -those who left the colonies which the king had assigned to them.[304] -These things were done about Bactra and the borders of Scythia. - -In the meantime a hundred ambassadors came to the king from the two -nations we have before mentioned.[305] They all rode in chariots and were -men of uncommon stature and of a very dignified bearing. Their robes were -of linen and embroidered with inwrought gold and purple. They informed -him that they surrendered into his hands themselves, their cities, and -their territories, and that he was the first to whose authority and -protection they had intrusted their liberty which for so many ages -they had preserved inviolate. The gods, they said, were the authors of -their submission and not fear, seeing that they had submitted to his -yoke while their strength was quite unbroken. The king at a meeting of -his council accepted their proffer of submission and allegiance, and -imposed on them the tribute which the two nations paid in instalments -to the Arachosians.[306] He further ordered them to furnish him with -2500 horsemen, all which commands were faithfully carried out by the -barbarians. After this he gave orders for the preparation of a splendid -banquet to which he invited the ambassadors and the petty kings of the -neighbouring tribes. Here a hundred couches of gold had been placed at a -small distance from each other, and these were hung round with tapestry -curtains which glittered with gold and purple. In a word he displayed -at this entertainment all that was corrupt in the ancient luxury of the -Persians as well as in the new-fangled fashions which had been adopted by -the Macedonians, thus intermixing the vices of both nations. - -At this banquet there was present Dioxippus the Athenian, a famous -boxer,[307] who on account of his surprising strength was already well -known to the king, and one even of his favourites. Some there were who -from envy and malice used to carp at him between jest and earnest, -remarking they had a full-fed good-for-nothing beast in their company, -who when others went forth to fight would rub himself with oil and take -exercise to get up his appetite. Now at the banquet a Macedonian called -Horratus, who was by this time “flown with wine,” began to taunt him in -the usual style, and challenged him, if he were a man, to fight him next -day with his sword, after which the king would judge of his temerity or -of the cowardice of Dioxippus. The terms of the challenge were accepted -by Dioxippus, who treated with contempt the bravado of the insolent -soldier. The king finding next day that the two men were more than ever -bent on fighting, and that he could not dissuade them, allowed them to do -as they pleased. The soldiers came in crowds to witness the affair, and -among others Greeks who backed up Dioxippus.[308] - -The Macedonian came with the proper arms, carrying in his left hand -a brazen shield and the long spear called the _sarissa_, and in his -right a javelin. He wore also a sword by his side as if he meant to -fight with several opponents at once. Dioxippus again entered the ring -shining with oil, wearing a garland about his brows, having a scarlet -cloak wrapped about his left arm, and carrying in his right hand a stout -knotty club. This singular mode of equipment kept all the spectators for -a time in suspense, because it seemed not temerity but downright madness -for a naked man to engage with one armed to the teeth. The Macedonian -accordingly, not doubting for a moment but that he could kill his -adversary from a distance, cast his javelin at him, but this Dioxippus -avoided by a slight bending of his body, and before the other could shift -the long pike to his right hand, sprang upon him and broke the weapon in -two by a stroke of his club. The Macedonian, having thus lost two of his -weapons, prepared to draw his sword, but Dioxippus closed with him before -he was ready to wield it, and suddenly tripping up his heels, knocked -him down as with a blow from a battering-ram. He then wrested his sword -from his grasp, planted his foot on his neck as he lay prostrate, and -brandishing his club would have brained him with it, had he not been -prevented by the king. - -The result of the match was mortifying not only to the Macedonians, but -even to Alexander himself, for he saw with vexation that the vaunted -bravery of the Macedonians had fallen into contempt with the barbarians -who attended the spectacle. This made the king lend his ear all too -readily to the accusations of those who owed Dioxippus a grudge. So at -a feast which he attended a few days afterwards a golden bowl was by a -private arrangement secretly taken off the table, and the attendants -went to the king to complain of the loss of the article which they -themselves had hidden. It often enough happens that one who blushes at -a false insinuation has less control of his countenance than one who is -really guilty. Dioxippus could not bear the glances which were turned -upon him as if he were the thief, and so when he had left the banquet he -wrote a letter which he addressed to the king, and then killed himself -with his sword. The king took his death much to heart, judging that the -man had killed himself from sheer indignation, and not from remorse of -conscience, especially since the intemperate joy of his enemies made it -clear that he had been falsely accused. - - -_Chapter VIII.—Alexander receives the submission of the Malli—Invades the -Musicani and the Praesti, whose king Porticanus is slain—He next attacks -King Sambus, many of whose cities surrendered—Musicanus having revolted -is captured and executed—Ptolemy is wounded by a poisoned arrow in the -kingdom of Sambus, but recovers—Alexander reaches Patala and sails down -the Indus_ - -The Indian ambassadors were dismissed to their several homes, but in a -few days they returned with presents for Alexander which consisted of 300 -horsemen, 1030 chariots each drawn by four horses, 1000 Indian bucklers, -a great quantity of linen-cloth, 100 talents of steel,[309] some tame -lions and tigers of extraordinary size, the skins also of very large -lizards, and a quantity of tortoise shells.[310] The king commanding -Craterus to move forward in advance with his troops and to keep always -near the river, down which he intended himself to sail, took ship along -with his usual retinue, and dropping down stream came to the territories -of the Malli.[311] Thence he marched towards the Sabarcae,[312] a -powerful Indian tribe where the form of government was democratic and not -regal. Their army consisted of 60,000 foot and 6000 cavalry attended by -500 chariots. - -They had elected three generals renowned for their valour and military -skill; but when those who lived near the river, the banks of which were -most thickly studded with their villages,[313] saw the whole river as -far as the eye could reach covered with ships, and saw besides the -many thousands of men and their gleaming arms, they took fright at the -strange spectacle and imagined that an army of the gods and a second -Father Bacchus, a name famous in that country, were coming into their -midst. The shouts of the soldiers and the noise of the oars, together -with the confused voices of the sailors encouraging each other, so -filled their alarmed ears that they all ran off to the army and cried -out to the soldiers that they would be mad to offer battle to the gods, -that the number of ships carrying these invincible warriors was past all -counting.[314] By these reports they created such a terror in the ranks -of their own army that they sent ambassadors commissioned to surrender -their whole nation to Alexander. - -Having received their submission, he came on the fourth day after to -other tribes which had as little inclination for fighting as their -neighbours. Here therefore he built a town, which by his orders was -called Alexandrea,[315] and then he entered the country of the people -known as the Musicani.[316] While he was here he held an enquiry into the -complaints advanced by the Parapamisadae against Terioltes,[317] whom -he had made their satrap, and, finding many charges of extortion and -tyranny proved against him, he sentenced him to death. On the other hand -Oxyartes, the governor of the Bactriani, was not only acquitted, but, as -he had claims upon Alexander’s affections, was rewarded with an extension -of the territory under his jurisdiction. Having thereafter reduced the -Musicani, Alexander put a garrison into their capital, and marched thence -into the country of the Praesti, another Indian tribe.[318] Their king -was Porticanus, and he with a great body of his countrymen had shut -himself up within a strongly-fortified city. Alexander, however, took -it after a three days’ siege. Porticanus, who had taken refuge within -the citadel after the capture of the city, sent deputies to the king to -arrange about terms of capitulation. Before they reached him, however, -two towers had fallen down with a dreadful crash, and the Macedonians -having made their way through the ruins into the citadel, captured it and -slew Porticanus, who with a few others had offered resistance. - -Having demolished the citadel and sold all the prisoners, he marched -into the territories of King Sambus, where he received the submission -of numerous towns.[319] The strongest, however, of all the cities which -belonged to this people, he took by making a passage into it underground. -To the barbarians, who had no previous knowledge of this device for -entering fortified places, it seemed as if a miracle had been wrought -when they saw armed men rise out of the ground in the middle of their -city almost without any trace of the mine by which they had entered being -visible.[320] Clitarchus says that 80,000 Indians were slain in that part -of the country, and that numerous prisoners were sold as slaves. The -Musicani again rebelled, and Pithon being sent to crush them, brought the -chief of the tribe, who was also the author of the insurrection, to the -king, who ordered him to be crucified, and then returned to the river, -where the fleet was waiting for him. - -The fourth day thereafter he sailed down the river to a town that lay at -the very extremity of the kingdom of Sambus. That prince had but lately -surrendered himself to Alexander, but the people of the city refused -to obey him, and had even closed their gates against him. The king, -however, despising the paucity of their numbers, ordered 500 Agrianians -to go close up to the walls and then to retire by little, in order to -entice the enemy from the town, who would in that case certainly pursue -under the belief that they were retreating. The Agrianians, after some -skirmishing, suddenly showed their backs to the enemy as they had been -ordered, and were hotly pursued by the barbarians, who fell in with -other troops led by the king in person. The fighting was therefore -renewed, with the result that out of the 3000 barbarians who were in -the action, 600 were killed, 1000 taken prisoners, and the rest driven -back into the city. But this victory did not end so happily as at first -sight it promised to do, for the barbarians had used poisoned swords, -and the wounded soon afterwards died; while the surgeons were at a loss -to discover why a slight wound should be incurable, and followed by so -violent a death. The barbarians had been in hopes that the king, who -was known to be rash and reckless of his safety, might be in this way -cut off, and in fact it was only by sheer good luck that he escaped -untouched, fighting as he did among the very foremost. - -Ptolemy was wounded in the left shoulder, slightly indeed, but yet -dangerously on account of the poison, and his case caused the king -especial anxiety. He was his own kinsman; some even believed that Philip -was his father, and it is at all events certain that he was the son of -one of that king’s mistresses. He was a member of the royal body-guard, -and the bravest of soldiers. At the same time, he was even greater and -more illustrious in civil pursuits than in war itself. He lived in a -plain style like men of common rank, was liberal in the extreme, easy -too of access, and a man who gave himself none of the high airs so often -assumed by courtiers. These qualities made it doubtful whether he was -more loved by the king or by his countrymen. At all events, now that his -life was in danger, he was for the first time made aware of the great -affection entertained for him by the Macedonians, who by this time seem -to have presaged the greatness to which he afterwards rose, for they -showed as much solicitude for him as they did for Alexander himself. -Alexander, again, though fatigued with fighting and anxiety, sat watching -over Ptolemy, and when he wished to take some rest, did not leave the -sick-room, but had his bed brought into it. - -He had no sooner laid himself down than he fell into a profound sleep, -from which, when he awoke, he told his attendants that in a vision he had -seen a creature in the form of a serpent carrying in its mouth a plant, -which it offered him as an antidote to the poison. He gave besides such -a description of the colour of the plant as he was sure would enable -any one falling in with it to recognise it. The plant was found soon -afterwards, as many had gone to search for it, and was laid upon the -wound by Alexander himself. The application at once removed the pain and -speedily cicatrised the wound.[321] The barbarians finding themselves -disappointed of their first hopes, surrendered themselves and their city. - -Alexander marched thence into the Patalian territory. Its king was -Moeres,[322] but he had abandoned the town and fled for safety to the -mountains. Alexander then took possession of the place, and ravaged the -surrounding country, from which he carried off a great booty of sheep and -cattle, besides a great quantity of corn. After this, taking some natives -acquainted with the river to pilot his way, he sailed down the stream to -an island which had sprung up almost in the middle of the channel.[323] - - -_Chapter IX.—Perils encountered on the voyage down the western arm of the -Indus to the sea—Alexander returns from the mouth of the river to Patala_ - -Here he was obliged to make a longer stay than he had anticipated, -because the pilots, finding they were not strictly guarded, had -absconded. He then sent out a party of his men to search for others. They -returned without finding any, but his unquenchable ambition to see the -ocean and reach the boundaries of the world, made him entrust his own -life and the safety of so many gallant men to an unknown river without -any guides possessed of the requisite local knowledge. They thus sailed -on ignorant of everything on the way they had to pass. It was entirely -left to haphazard and baseless conjecture how far off they were from the -sea, what tribes dwelt along the banks, whether the river was placid -at its mouth, and whether it was thereabouts of a depth sufficient for -their war-ships. The only comfort in this rash adventure was a confident -reliance on Alexander’s uniform good fortune. The expedition had in this -manner now proceeded a distance of 400 stadia, when the pilots brought to -his notice that they began to feel sea-air, and that they believed the -ocean was not now far off. - -The king, elated by the news, exhorted the sailors to bend to their oars. -The end of their labours, he said, for which they had always been hoping -and praying, was close at hand; nothing was now wanting to complete their -glory; nothing left to withstand their valour. They could now, without -the hazard of fighting, without any bloodshed, make the whole world -their own. Even nature herself could advance no farther, and within a -short time they would see what was known to none but the immortal gods. -He nevertheless sent a small party ashore in a boat in order to take -some of the natives straggling about, from whom he hoped some correct -information might be obtained. After all the huts near the shore had been -searched, some natives at last were found hidden away in them. These, -on being asked how far off the sea was, answered that they had never so -much as heard of such a thing as the sea, but that on the third day they -might come to water of a bitter taste which corrupted the fresh water. -From this it was understood they meant the sea, whose nature they did -not understand. The mariners therefore plied their oars with increased -alacrity, and still more strenuously on the following day as they drew -nearer to the fulfilment of their hopes. - -On the third day they observed that the sea, coming up with a tide as -yet gentle, began to mingle its brine with the fresh water of the river. -Then they rowed out to another island that lay in the middle of the -river, making, however, slower progress in rowing since the stream of the -river was now beaten back by the force of the tide. They put in to the -shore of the island, and such as landed ran hither and thither in quest -of provisions, never dreaming of the mishap which was to overtake them -from their ignorance of tides. It was now about the third hour of the day -when the ocean, undergoing its periodic change, rose in flood-tide, and -began to burst upon them and force back the current of the river, which -being at first retarded, and then more violently repelled, was driven -upward contrary to its natural direction with more than the impetuosity -of rivers in flood rushing down precipitous beds. The men in general were -ignorant of the nature of the sea, and so, when they saw it continually -swelling higher, and overflowing the beach which before was dry, they -looked upon this as something supernatural by which the gods signified -their wrath against their rash presumption. - -When the vessels were now fairly floated, and the whole squadron -scattered in different directions, the men who had gone on shore ran back -in consternation to the ships, confounded beyond measure by a calamity -of a nature so unexpected. But amid the tumult their haste served only -to mar their speed. Some were to be seen pushing the vessels with poles; -others had taken their seats to row, but in doing so had meanwhile -been preventing the proper adjustment of the oars. Others again, in -hastening to sail out into the clear channel, without waiting for the -requisite number of sailors and pilots, worked the vessels to little -effect, crippled as these were and otherwise difficult to handle. At -the same time several other vessels drifted away with the stream before -those who were pell-mell crowding into them could all get on board, and -in this case the crowding caused as much delay in hurrying off as did -the scarcity of hands in the other vessels. From one side were shouted -orders to stay, from another to put off, so that amid this confusion of -contradictory orders nothing that was of any service could be seen or -even heard. In such an emergency the pilots themselves were useless, -since their commands could neither be heard for the uproar, nor executed -by men so distracted with terror. - -The ships accordingly ran foul of each other, broke away each other’s -oars, and bumped each other’s sterns. A spectator could not have supposed -that what he saw was the fleet of one and the same army, but rather two -hostile fleets engaged in a sea-fight. Prows were dashed against poops, -and vessels that damaged other vessels in front of them were themselves -damaged in turn by vessels at their stern. The men, as was but natural, -lost their temper, and from high words fell to blows. By this time the -tide had overflowed all the level lands near the river’s edge, leaving -only sandheaps visible above the water like so many islands. To these -numbers of the men swam for safety, neglecting through fear the safety of -the vessels they quitted, some of which were riding in very deep water -where depressions existed in the ground, while others were stranded on -shoals where the waves had covered the more or less elevated parts of the -channel. But now they were suddenly surprised with a new danger, still -greater than the first, for the sea, which had begun to ebb, was rushing -back whence it came with a strong current, and was rendering back the -lands which just before had been deeply submerged. This pitched some of -the stranded vessels upon their sterns, and caused others to fall upon -their sides, and that too with such violence that the fields around them -were strewn with baggage, arms, broken oars, and wreckage. - -The soldiers, meanwhile, neither dared to trust themselves to the land -nor to leave their ships, as they dreaded that some calamity, worse than -before, might at any moment befall them. They could scarcely indeed -believe what they saw and experienced, these shipwrecks upon dry land, -and the presence of the sea in the river. Nor did their misfortunes end -here, for as they did not know that the tide would soon afterwards bring -back the sea and float their ships, they anticipated that they would be -reduced by famine to the most dismal extremities. To add to their terror -monstrous creatures of frightful aspect, which the sea had left behind -it, were seen wandering about. - -As night drew on the hopelessness of the situation oppressed even the -king himself with harassing anxieties. But no care could ever daunt his -indomitable spirit, and great as was his anxiety it did not prevent him -from remaining all night on the watch and giving out his orders. He even -sent some horsemen to the mouth of the river with instructions that when -they saw the tide returning they should go before it and announce its -approach. Meanwhile he caused the shattered vessels to be repaired, and -those that were overturned to be set upright, at the same time ordering -the men to be ready and on the alert when the land would be inundated -by the return of the tide. The whole of that night had been spent by -the king in watching and addressing words of encouragement to his men, -when the horsemen came back at full gallop, with the tide following at -their heels. It came at first with a gentle current which sufficed to -set the ships afloat, but it soon gathered strength enough to set the -whole fleet in motion. Then the soldiers and sailors, giving vent to -their irrepressible joy at their unexpected deliverance, made the shores -and banks resound with their exulting cheers. They asked each other -wonderingly wherefrom so vast a sea had suddenly returned, whereto it -had retired the day before, what was the nature of this strange element, -which at one time was out of harmony with the natural laws of space, but -at another was obedient to some fixed laws in respect of time?[324] The -king conjecturing from what had happened that the tide would return -after sunrise, took advantage of it, and starting at midnight sailed down -the river attended by a few ships, and having passed its mouth, advanced -into the sea a distance of 400 stadia, and thus at last accomplished the -object he had so much at heart. Having then sacrificed to the tutelary -gods of the sea and of the places adjacent, he took the way back to his -fleet. - - -_Chapter X.—Alexander goes homeward by land, leaving Nearchus to follow -by sea and conduct the fleet to the head of the Persian Gulf—Disastrous -march through Gedrosia—Alexander arrives in Carmania, where he holds -Bacchic revels to celebrate his conquests_ - -He sailed thence up the river, and next day reached a place of anchorage -not far from a salt lake,[325] the peculiar properties of which being -unknown to his men, deceived those who thoughtlessly bathed in its -waters. For scabs broke out over their bodies, and the disease being -contagious, infected even others who had not bathed. The application of -oil, however, cured the sores. Then as the country through which the army -was to pass was dry and waterless, Alexander sent on Leonnatus in advance -to dig wells, while he remained himself with the troops where he was, -waiting for the arrival of spring. In the meantime he built a good many -cities,[326] and ordered Nearchus and Onesicritus, who were experienced -navigators, to sail with the stoutest ships down to the ocean, and -proceeding as far as they could with safety to make themselves acquainted -with the nature of the sea. Having done this, they might return to join -him by sailing up either the same river or the Euphrates.[327] - -The winter being now wellnigh over, he burned the useless ships, and -marched homeward with his army by land. In the course of nine encampments -he reached the land of the Arabites, and in nine more the land of the -Cedrosii—a free people, who agreed to surrender after holding a council -to consider the subject. As they surrendered voluntarily, nothing was -exacted from them except a supply of provisions. On the fifth day -thereafter he came to a river, which the natives called the Arabus, and -beyond it he found the country barren and waterless. This he traversed, -and so entered the dominions of the Oritae. Here he gave Hephaestion -the great bulk of the army, and divided the rest of it, consisting of -light-armed troops, between Ptolemy, Leonnatus, and himself. These three -divisions plundered the Indians simultaneously, and carried off a large -booty. Ptolemy devastated the maritime country, while the king himself -and Leonnatus between them ravaged all the interior. Here too he built -a city, which he peopled with Arachosians.[328] Thence he came to those -Indians who inhabit the sea-coast, possessing a great extent of country, -and holding no manner of intercourse even with their next neighbours. - -This isolation from the rest of the world has brutalised their character, -which even by nature is far from humane. They have long claw-like nails -and long shaggy hair, for they cut the growth of neither. They live in -huts constructed of shells and other offscourings of the sea. Their -clothing consists of the skins of wild beasts, and they feed on fish -dried in the sun, and on the flesh of sea monsters cast on the shore -during stormy weather.[329] The Macedonians having by this time consumed -all their provisions, suffered first from scarcity and at last from -hunger, so that they were driven to search everywhere for the roots of -the palm, which is the only tree that country produces. When even this -kind of food failed them, they began to kill their beasts of burden, and -did not spare even their horses. They were thus deprived of the means of -carrying their baggage, and had to burn the rich spoils taken from their -enemies, for the sake of which they had marched to the utmost extremities -of the East. - -A pestilence succeeded the famine, for the new juices of the unwholesome -esculents on which they fed, superadded to the fatigue of marching and -the strain of their mental anxiety, had spread various distempers among -them, so that they were threatened with destruction whether they remained -where they were or resumed their march. If they stayed famine would -assail them, and if they advanced a still deadlier enemy, pestilence, -would have them in its grasp. The plains were in consequence bestrewn -with almost more bodies of the dying than of the dead. Even those who -suffered least from the distemper could not keep pace with the main army, -because every one believed that the faster he travelled he advanced the -more surely to health and safety. The men, therefore, whose strength -failed craved help from all and sundry, whether known to them or unknown. -But there were no beasts of burden now by which they could be taken on, -and the soldiers had enough to do to carry their arms, whilst at the same -time the dreadful figure of the calamity impending over themselves was -ever before their eyes. Being thus repeatedly appealed to, they could -not so much as bear to cast back a look at their comrades, their pity for -others being lost in their fears for themselves. - -Those, on the other hand, who were thus forsaken, implored the king, in -the name of the gods and by the rites of their common religion, to help -them in their sore need, and when they found that they vainly importuned -deaf ears, their despair turned to frantic rage, so that they fell to -imprecations, wishing for those who refused to help them a similar death -and similar friends. The king, feeling himself to be the cause of so -great a calamity, was oppressed with grief and shame, and sent orders -to Phrataphernes, the satrap of the Parthyaeans,[330] to forward him -upon camels provisions ready cooked, and he also notified his wants to -the governors of the adjacent provinces. In obedience to his orders the -supplies were at once forwarded, and the army being thus rescued, from -famine at least, reached eventually the frontiers of Cedrosia, a region -which alone of all these parts produces everything in great abundance. -Here, therefore, he halted for some time to refresh his harassed troops -by an interval of repose. - -Meanwhile he received a letter from Leonnatus reporting that he had -defeated the Oritae, who had brought against him a force of 8000 foot and -300 horse. Word came also from Craterus that he had crushed an incipient -rebellion, instigated by two Persian nobles, Ozines and Zariaspes, whom -he had seized and placed under custody. On leaving this place Alexander -appointed Sibyrtius to be governor of that province in succession to -Memnon, who had lately been cut off by some malady, and he then marched -into Carmania, which was governed by the satrap Aspastes, whom he -suspected of having designed to make himself independent while he was -a great distance off in India. Aspastes came to meet Alexander, who, -dissembling his resentment, received him graciously, and let him remain -in office till he could inquire into the charges preferred against him. -Then as the different governors, in compliance with his demands, had sent -him a large supply of horses and draught cattle from their respective -provinces, he accommodated all his men who wanted them with horses and -waggons. He restored also their arms to their former splendour, for -they were now not far from Persia, which was a rich country and in the -enjoyment of profound peace. - -So then Alexander, whose soul aspired to more than human greatness, -since he had rivalled, as we said before, the glory which Father Bacchus -had achieved by his conquest of India, resolved also to match his -reputation by imitating the Bacchanalian procession which that divinity -first invented, whether that was a triumph or merely some kind of frolic -with which his Bacchanals amused themselves. To this end he ordered -the streets through which he was to pass to be strewn with flowers and -chaplets, and beakers and other capacious vessels brimming with wine to -be placed at all the house doors. Then he ordered waggons to be made, -each capable of holding many soldiers, and these to be decorated like -tents, some with white canvas and others with costly tapestry. - -The king headed the procession with his friends and the members of his -select body-guard, wearing on their heads chaplets made of a variety -of flowers. The strains of music were to be heard in every part of the -procession, here the breathings of the flute, and there the warblings -of the lyre. All the army followed, feasting and carousing as they rode -in the waggons, which they had decorated as gaily as they possibly -could, and had hung round with their choicest and showiest weapons. The -king himself and the companions of his revelry rode in a chariot, which -groaned under the weight of goblets of gold and large drinking cups made -of the same precious metal. The army for seven days advanced in this -bacchanalian fashion, so that it might have fallen an easy prey to the -vanquished if they had but had a spark of spirit to attack it when in -this drunken condition. Why, a thousand men only, if with some mettle in -them and sober, could have captured the whole army in the midst of its -triumph, besotted as it was with its seven days’ drunken debauch. - -But fortune, which assigns to every thing its fame and value in the -world’s estimation, turned into glory this gross military scandal; and -the contemporaries of Alexander, as well as those who came after his -time, regarded it as a wonderful achievement, that his soldiers, though -drunk, passed in safety through nations hardly as yet sufficiently -subdued, the barbarians taking, what was in reality a piece of great -temerity, to be a display of well-grounded confidence.[331] All this -grand exhibition, however, had the executioner in its wake, for the -satrap Aspastes, of whom we before made mention, was ordered to be put to -death.[332] So true is it that cruelty is no obstacle to the indulgence -of luxury, nor luxury to the indulgence of cruelty. - - - - -DIODÔROS SICULUS - - - - -BIBLIOTHECA HISTORICA OF DIODÔROS SICULUS - - -SEVENTEENTH BOOK - - -_Chapter LXXXIV.—Alexander at Massaga—His treachery towards the Indian -mercenaries who had capitulated_ - -When the capitulation on those terms had been ratified by oaths, the -Queen [of Massaga], to show her admiration of Alexander’s magnanimity, -sent out to him most valuable presents, with an intimation that she would -fulfil all the stipulations. Then the mercenaries at once, in accordance -with the terms of the agreement, evacuated the city, and after retiring -to a distance of eighty stadia, pitched their camp unmolested without -thought of what was to happen. But Alexander, who was actuated by an -implacable enmity against the mercenaries, and had kept his troops under -arms ready for action, pursued the barbarians, and falling suddenly -upon them, made a great slaughter of their ranks. The barbarians at -first loudly protested that they were attacked in violation of sworn -obligations, and invoked the gods whom he had desecrated by taking false -oaths in their name. But Alexander with loud voice retorted that his -covenant merely bound him to let them depart from the city, and was by -no means a league of perpetual amity between them and the Macedonians. -The mercenaries, undismayed by the greatness of their danger, drew -their ranks together in form of a ring, within which they placed the -women and children to guard them on all sides against their assailants. -As they were now desperate, and by their audacity and feats of valour, -made the conflict in which they closed hot work for the enemy, while the -Macedonians held it a point of honour not to be outdone in courage by -a horde of barbarians, great was the astonishment and alarm which the -peril of the crisis created. For as the combatants were locked together -fighting hand to hand, death and wounds were dealt round in every variety -of form. Thus the Macedonians, when once their long spikes had shattered -the shields of the barbarians, pierced their vitals with the steel points -of these weapons, and on the other hand the mercenaries never hurled -their javelins without deadly effect against the near mark presented by -the dense ranks of the enemy. When many were thus wounded and not a few -killed, the women, taking the arms of the fallen, fought side by side -with the men, for the imminence of the danger and the great interests -at stake forced them to do violence to their nature, and to take an -active part in the defence. Accordingly some of them who had supplied -themselves with arms, did their best to cover their husbands with their -shields, while others who were without arms did much to impede the enemy -by flinging themselves upon them and catching hold of their shields. -The defenders, however, after fighting desperately along with their -wives, were at last overpowered by superior numbers, and met a glorious -death which they would have disdained to exchange for a life with -dishonour.[333] Alexander spared the unwarlike and unarmed multitude, as -well as the women that still survived, but took them away under charge of -the cavalry. - - -_Chapter LXXXV.—Alexander captures the rock Aornos_ - -He took many other cities, and put to death all who offered resistance -to his arms. He then advanced to the rock called Aornos, unto which such -of the inhabitants as survived had fled for refuge, because it was a -stronghold of incomparable security.[334] Heraklês, it is said, had in -the days of old assaulted this rock, but had abandoned the siege on the -occurrence of violent earthquakes and signs from heaven. Now, when this -story came to Alexander’s ears, it only whetted his eagerness to attack -the stronghold, and match himself against the god in a contest for glory. -The rock was 100 stadia in circuit, 16 stadia in height, and had a level -surface, forming a complete circle. On its southern side it was washed -by the Indus, the greatest of Indian rivers, but elsewhere it was all -environed with deep ravines and inaccessible cliffs. When Alexander, who -perceived the difficult nature of the ground, had given up all hope of -taking the place by assault, there came to him an old man accompanied by -his two sons. He was miserably poor, this man, and had lived a long time -in that neighbourhood, inhabiting a cave with three lairs cut into the -rock, which served as night-quarters for himself and his sons. He had -thus a familiar knowledge of all that locality. This old man then, coming -to the king, explained to him what his circumstances were, and undertook -to guide his army up the difficult ascent, and take him to a position -which commanded the barbarians in occupation of the rock. Alexander -promised the man an ample recompense for this service, and in following -his guidance seized in the first place the narrow pass which alone gave -access to the rock, and, as there was no exit from it elsewhere, he so -closely blocked up the enemy that no assistance could possibly reach them -from any quarter. In the next place he set all his men to work to fill -up with a mound the ravine which lay at the root of the rock. Having -thus got nearer the place, he pushed the siege with all possible vigour, -making assaults for seven days and as many nights without intermission, -the troops taking duty by turns. The advantage, however, lay at first -with the barbarians, who fought from a higher position, and killed many -who pressed the attack too recklessly. But when the mound had been -completed, and catapults which shot bolts to a great distance and other -engines of war had been brought to bear against them, and when it became -manifest besides that the king would by no means abandon the siege, the -Indians were struck with despair. Alexander, whose sagacity foresaw what -would occur, withdrew the guard which he had left at the pass, thus -giving the men on the rock, if they wished to retire, a free passage out. -So then the barbarians, dismayed alike by the valour of the Macedonians -and the king’s fixed ambition to be master of the place, evacuated the -rock by night. - - -_Chapter LXXXVI.—Alexander crosses the Indus, and is hospitably received -by Taxilês_ - -Alexander having thus outwitted the Indians by these feints, obtained -possession of the rock without risk being incurred. He then gave his -guide the stipulated reward, and moved off with his army at the very time -when Aphrikês, an Indian who had 20,000 soldiers and 15 elephants, was -hovering about in that locality.[335] This man certain of his followers -put to death, and, having brought his head to Alexander, procured for -this service their own safety. The king took them into his own ranks, and -got possession of the elephants, which were wandering at large about the -country. - -He then came to the river Indus, and, finding that the thirty-oared -galleys which he ordered had been prepared, and the passage bridged, he -gave his army a rest of thirty days to recruit their strength. Having -then offered to the gods sacrifices on a magnificent scale, he led his -army over to the other side, where he met with an incident which took -a strange and unexpected turn. For Taxilês being by this time dead, -his son Môphis[336] had succeeded to the government. Now Môphis had -before this not only sent word to Alexander, then in Sogdiana, that he -would fight on his side against any Indians who might appear in arms -against him, but at this juncture had also sent ambassadors to say that -he surrendered his kingdom into his hands. So when Alexander was at -a distance of forty stadia he set forth to meet him, attended by his -friends, and his army drawn up in battle order and his elephants ranged -in line. Alexander, seeing a great host advancing towards him drawn up -as if for action, thought that the Indian had treacherously offered to -surrender that he might thus fall upon the Macedonians before they could -prepare for battle. He therefore ordered the trumpeters to sound to -arms, and, having marshalled his troops, advanced to give the Indians -battle. But Môphis, on seeing the commotion in the Macedonian ranks, and -comprehending its cause, left his army, and riding forward with a few of -his friends, corrected the mistake into which the Macedonians had fallen, -and surrendered himself and his army to the king. Alexander, to mark his -approbation of this conduct, gave back his kingdom to Môphis, and ever -afterwards treated him as a friend and ally. He also changed his name to -Taxilês.[337] - - -_Chapter LXXXVII.—Alexander marches against Pôros—The appearance -presented by the Indian army with its elephants_ - -Such were the transactions of this year—that in which Chremês was archon -at Athens, and in which the Romans appointed Publius Cornelius and Aulus -Postumius consuls.[338] Thereafter Alexander, who had recruited his army -by an interval of rest in the country of Taxilês, took the field against -Pôros, the king of the neighbouring Indians, who had an army of more than -50,000 foot, about 3000 horse, above 1000 chariots, and 130 elephants. -This king had made an alliance with another prince called Embisaros,[339] -the ruler of an adjacent tribe, and who possessed an army which was but -little inferior to his own. Alexander, on learning that this king was 400 -stadia distant, resolved to attack Pôros before his ally could reach him. -Pôros, being warned of the near approach of the enemy, at once drew up -his troops in order of battle. His cavalry he distributed on the wings, -and his elephants he placed in his front line at equi-distances, and so -arranged as to strike the enemy with terror. In the intervals between -the animals he stationed the rest of his soldiers, instructing them to -succour the elephants and protect them from being assailed in flank by -the enemy’s missiles. The whole disposition of his army gave it very -much the appearance of a city—the elephants as they stood resembling its -towers, and the men-at-arms placed between them resembling the lines of -wall intervening between tower and tower. But Alexander, having observed -how the forces of the enemy had been disposed, regulated thereby the -formation of his own line. - - -_Chapter LXXXVIII.—The defeat of Pôros_ - -The Macedonian cavalry began the action, and destroyed nearly all the -chariots of the Indians. Upon this the elephants, applying to good use -their prodigious size and strength, killed some of the enemy by trampling -them under their feet, and crushing their armour and their bones, while -upon others they inflicted a terrible death, for they first lifted them -aloft with their trunks, which they had twined round their bodies, and -then dashed them down with great violence to the ground. Many others -they deprived in a moment of life by goring them through and through -with their tusks. But the Macedonians heroically bore the brunt of this -dreadful onslaught, and having killed with their long pikes the men -stationed between the elephants, made the poise of the battle equal. -They next assailed the animals themselves with a storm of javelins, thus -piercing them with numerous wounds, which so tortured them that the -Indians mounted on their backs lacked sufficient strength to control -their movements, for the animals on heading to their own ranks bore -against them with an impetuosity not to be repressed, and trampled their -own friends under their feet. Then ensued a great confusion, but Pôros, -who was mounted on the most powerful of all his elephants, on seeing what -had happened, gathered around him forty of the animals that were still -under control, and falling upon the enemy with all the weight of the -elephants, made a great slaughter with his own hand, for he far surpassed -in bodily strength any soldier of his army. In stature he measured five -cubits, while his girth was such that his breastplate was twice the -size required for a man of ordinary bulk. For this reason the javelins -he flung from his hand flew with all but the impetus of shots from a -catapult. The Macedonians who stood opposed to him being terror-struck at -his astonishing prowess, Alexander sent to their assistance the archers -and the divisional light troops, with orders that every man should make -Pôros the object of his aim. The soldiers lost no time in carrying out -these orders. Their bolts flew thick and fast, and as the Indian king at -whom they were all aimed presented a broad mark, none of them failed to -carry home. Pôros fought on with heroic courage, but being drained of -blood by the number of his wounds, he fainted away, and leaning on his -elephant for support, was borne to the ground. A report having spread -that their king was dead, the remnant of the Indian host fled from the -field, but many of them were slain in the flight. - - -_Chapter LXXXIX.—Losses sustained by each side in the battle of the -Hydaspês—Alexander orders a fleet to be built on the Hydaspês._ - -Alexander having gained this splendid victory, recalled his soldiers from -the field by sound of trumpet. In this engagement more than 12,000 of the -Indians fell, among whom were two of the sons of Pôros, and his generals, -and the most distinguished of his other officers. More than 9000 men were -taken prisoners, and eighty elephants were captured. Pôros himself, who -was still alive, was given into the hands of the Indians to be cured of -his wounds. Of the Macedonians, there fell 280 horsemen and more than -700 foot-soldiers. The king buried the dead, and in proportion to their -merits rewarded those who had signalised themselves by their bravery in -the action. He then sacrificed to the Sun, as the deity who had given -him the conquest of the eastern parts of the world. As the mountainous -country adjacent produced much well-grown fir, and not a little cedar -and pine, besides an unlimited quantity of other kinds of timber fit for -building ships, he prepared what ships he required. For he intended, -after he had reached the limits of India and subdued all its inhabitants, -to sail down stream to the ocean. He founded two cities, one beyond the -river at the place where he crossed, and the other on the field where -he had defeated Pôros.[340] The work of building the ships was quickly -finished, owing to the great number of hands employed on it; and he then -appointed Pôros, who had recovered from his wounds, in consideration of -the valour he had displayed, to be king of the country over which he had -formerly ruled. He then gave his army thirty days to recruit in this -region, which yielded an unstinted supply of all the necessaries of life. - - -_Chapter XC.—Some account of the serpents, apes, and trees seen by the -Macedonians in India_ - -In the mountainous country which adjoined the scene of action there were -found other peculiar products besides timber for shipbuilding, for it -abounded with snakes of an extraordinary size, being sixteen cubits in -length,[341] and with many kinds of apes, which also were remarkable for -their size. The apes of themselves suggested what stratagem should be -employed in hunting them, for they are prone to imitate whatever they see -men doing, but yet are not easily overpowered by mere force, since they -are possessed both of great strength of body and sharpness of wit. Some -members, therefore, of the hunting party smear their eyes with honey, -others in full view of their game put on their shoes, while others hang -mirrors around their necks. Then, having affixed nooses to their shoes, -they leave these behind them, and in place of the honey they substitute -gum, and at the same time attach hauling-ropes to the mirrors. So when -the apes try to do all that they had seen done by the men they find -themselves powerless to do so, for their eyelids are glued together, -their feet entangled in the nooses, and their bodies held fast by the -ropes. In these circumstances they fall an easy prey to the hunters. - -Alexander having struck terror into the king called Embisaros, who had -come too late to the assistance of Pôros, compelled him to do what he -commanded. Having then crossed the river with his army, he advanced -through a country of surpassing fertility, for it had various kinds of -trees which rose to a height of seventy cubits, and had such a girth that -it took fully four men to clasp them round, while their shadow projected -to a distance of 300 feet. This region also was much infested with -snakes. These were small in size, and marked with diverse colours, for -while some were like bronze-coloured wands, others had a thick hair-like -mane, and with their sting inflicted a death of acute pain, for the -sufferings of any one they bit were dreadful, and were accompanied with a -flux of sweat which looked like blood. On this account the Macedonians, -being terribly plagued by their stings, suspended their couches from -the trees, and kept awake the greater part of the night; but when they -had learned from the natives that a certain root was an antidote, its -application relieved them from their sufferings.[342] - - -_Chapter XCI.—Alexander pursues Pôros, nephew of the great Pôros—Subdues -the Adrestai and Kathaians and enters the kingdom of Sôpeithês—Peculiar -customs of the natives of these parts_ - -When he moved forward with his forces certain men came to inform him -that Pôros, the king of the country, who was the nephew of that Pôros -whom he had defeated, had quitted his kingdom and fled to the nation of -the Gandaridai. Alexander, irritated at the news, despatched Hêphaistiôn -into his country with a body of troops and ordered him to hand over the -kingdom to the other Pôros who was on his side. He then marched in person -against the Adrestai,[343] and having reduced some of their cities which -offered resistance, and persuaded others to surrender, he invaded the -country of the Kathaians, a people among whom the custom prevailed that -widows should be burned along with their husbands, the barbarians having -put in force a decree to this effect because an instance had occurred -of a wife procuring her husband’s death by poison.[344] The king laid -siege to their greatest and strongest city and burned it to the ground, -in revenge for the many dangers incurred in capturing it. While he was -besieging another considerable city the Indians in a suppliant manner -entreated his mercy and he spared them accordingly. - -He next warred against the cities that were subject to the sway of -Sôpeithês.[345] These were governed by laws in the highest degree -salutary, for while in other respects their political system was one -to admire, beauty was held among them in the highest estimation. For -this reason a discrimination between the children born to them is made -at the stage of infancy, when those that are perfect in their limbs -and features, and have constitutions which promise a combination -of strength and beauty, are allowed to be reared, while those that -have any bodily defect are condemned to be destroyed as not worth the -rearing.[346] They make their marriages also in accordance with this -principle, for in selecting a bride they care nothing whether she has a -dowry and a handsome fortune besides, but look only to her beauty and -other advantages of the outward person. It follows that the inhabitants -of these cities are generally held in higher estimation than the rest of -their countrymen. Their king Sôpeithês, who was admired by all for his -beauty and his stature, which exceeded four cubits, came forth from the -city where his palace was, and on surrendering himself and his kingdom -to Alexander was reinstated in his authority by the clemency of the -conqueror. Sôpeithês with the utmost cordiality feasted the whole army in -splendid style for several days. - -[Illustration: FIG. 12.—SÔPHYTÊS.] - - -_Chapter XCII.—Courage and ferocity of the dogs in the dominions of -Sôpeithês_ - -Among the many valuable presents which he bestowed on Alexander were 150 -dogs remarkable for their size and strength, and superior also in other -points, and said to have been bred from tigresses.[347] Being desirous -that Alexander should have proof of their mettle by seeing them at work, -he placed a full-grown lion within an enclosure, and selecting two of -the least valuable of the dogs included in the present, cast them to the -lion. When these were likely to be vanquished by the wild beast he let -loose other two dogs. Then when the four dogs together proved more than -a match for the lion, a man who was sent into the ring with a knife cut -away the right leg of one of the dogs. When the king loudly remonstrated, -and his body-guards rushed forward and arrested the hand of the Indian, -Sôpeithês announced that he would give three dogs instead of the one -which was mutilated. Then the huntsman, taking hold of the leg, cut it -away quietly bit by bit. The dog, without uttering so much as a yell or a -moan of pain, kept his fangs fixed in the bite, until all his blood being -drained he drew his last breath on the body of the lion. - - -_Chapter XCIII.—Submission of Phêgeus—Advance to the Hypanis—Description -given by Phêgeus of the country beyond the Hypanis—Of the Praisians and -their king Xandrames_ - -During these transactions Hêphaistiôn, who had made large conquests -of Indian territory with the expedition under his command, rejoined -Alexander, who, after having praised that general for his valour -and devotion to his service, then led his army into the dominions -of Phêgeus.[348] Here, as the natives welcomed the presence of the -Macedonians, and Phêgeus came out with many gifts to meet them, Alexander -consented to let him retain his kingdom. Then having for two days enjoyed -along with his army the noble hospitality of this prince, he advanced -toward the Hypanis,[349] a river with a width of seven stadia, a depth of -six fathoms, and a violent current which made its passage difficult. He -had obtained from Phêgeus a description of the country beyond the Indus: -First came a desert which it would take twelve days to traverse; beyond -this was the river called the Ganges which had a width of thirty-two -stadia, and a greater depth than any other Indian river; beyond this -again were situated the dominions of the nation of the Praisioi and the -Gandaridai,[350] whose king, Xandrames, had an army of 20,000 horse, -200,000 infantry, 2000 chariots, and 4000 elephants trained and equipped -for war. Alexander, distrusting these statements, sent for Pôros and -questioned him as to their accuracy. Pôros assured him of the correctness -of the information, but added that the king of the Gandaridai was a man -of quite worthless character, and held in no respect, as he was thought -to be the son of a barber.[351] This man—the king’s father—was of a -comely person, and of him the queen had become deeply enamoured. The -old king having been treacherously murdered by his wife, the succession -had devolved on him who now reigned. Alexander, though sensible of the -difficulties which would attend an expedition against the Gandaridai, had -nevertheless no thought of swerving from the path of his ambition, but -having in his favour the courage of the Macedonians and the responses of -the oracles, he was buoyed up with the hope that he would conquer the -barbarians, for had not the Pythian priestess pronounced him invincible, -and had not Ammôn promised him the dominion of the whole world?[352] - - -_Chapter XCIV.—Miserable condition of the Macedonian army—Its refusal to -advance beyond the Hypanis_ - -He saw, however, that his soldiers were dispirited by interminable -campaigns, and by their exposure for nearly eight years to toils and -dangers reduced to a condition of the utmost misery, and he therefore -conceived it was necessary for him to animate his troops for the -expedition against the Gandaridai[353] by plying them with suitable -arguments. For death had made severe ravages in his ranks, and all hope -was gone that his wars would ever come to an end. Then their horses’ -hoofs had been worn off by ceaseless marches, and their weapons worn out -by use. The Hellenic costumes again were by this time threadbare and -could not be replaced, and hence the men were obliged to use cloth woven -in barbaric looms wherewith to cut out such dresses for themselves as -were worn by Indians. It also so happened that violent storms of rain -burst from the clouds for the space of seventy days, accompanied with -continual outbreaks of thunder and lightning. Alexander, considering -this state of things an obstacle to his designs, placed all his hopes of -gaining his ends on winning by benefactions the hearty support of his -soldiers. Accordingly he allowed them to plunder the enemy’s country -where supplies of all sorts abounded, and on those days when the army -was busily engaged in foraging he called together the soldiers’ wives -and children, and then promised to give the women an allowance of food -month by month, and the children a donative according to the calculations -of what their fathers received as the pay of their military rank. When -the soldiers who had found a rich and ample booty returned to the camp, -he gathered them all together, and in a well-weighed speech addressed -the assembly on the subject of the expedition against the Gandaridai; -but when the Macedonians would by no means assent to his proposals he -renounced his contemplated enterprise. - - -_Chapter XCV.—Alexander erects altars and other memorials near the -Hypanis, and returns to the Akesinês_ - -He then resolved to set up marks to indicate the limits to which he had -advanced; so first of all he built altars to the twelve gods of 50 -cubits in height. Having next enclosed an encampment thrice the size -of the one he occupied, he dug round it a trench 50 feet broad and 40 -feet deep, and with the earth cast up from this trench he erected a -rampart of extraordinary dimensions. He further ordered quarters to be -constructed as for foot-soldiers, each containing two beds 5 cubits -in length for each man, and besides this accommodation, two stalls of -twice the ordinary size for each horseman. Whatever else was to be left -behind was directed to be likewise proportionately increased in size. His -object in all this was not merely to make a camp as for heroes, but at -the same time to leave among the people of the country tokens of mighty -men to show with what enormous bodily strength they were endowed. When -these works were finished he retraced his steps with all his army to the -river Akesinês.[354] On reaching it he found that the boats had been -built, and when he had rigged these out, he ordered an additional number -to be constructed. At this time there arrived from Greece allies and -mercenaries led by the generals in command of the allies, amounting to -more than 30,000 foot and not much less than 6000 cavalry. Splendid full -suits of armour besides were brought for the infantry to the number of -25,000,[355] and 100 talents of medicinal drugs, all which he distributed -among the soldiers. When the equipment of the fleet was finished, and 200 -boats without hatches and 800 tenders had been got ready, he proceeded -to give names to the cities which had been founded on the banks of the -river, calling one Nikaia in commemoration of his victory, and the other -Boukephala after his horse that perished in the battle with Pôros. - - -_Chapter XCVI.—Voyage to the Southern Ocean begun—Submission of the -Siboi—The Agalassians attacked and conquered_ - -Alexander now embarked with his friends, and started on the voyage to -the Southern Ocean. The bulk of the army simultaneously marched along -the banks of the river under the command of Krateros and Hêphaistiôn. -On coming to the place where the Akesinês and Hydaspês join each other -the king landed his troops, and led them against a people called the -Siboi. These, it is said, were descended from the soldiers who, under -Heraklês, attacked the rock Aornos, and after failing to capture it were -settled by him in this part of the country. Alexander encamped near their -capital, and thereupon the citizens who filled the highest offices came -forth to meet him, and reminded him how they were connected by the ties -of a common origin. They avowed themselves to be, in virtue of their -kinship, ready and willing to do whatever he might require, and presented -him also with magnificent gifts. Alexander was so gratified by their -professions of goodwill that he permitted their cities to remain in the -enjoyment of their freedom.[356] He then advanced his arms against their -next neighbours; and finding that the people called Agalassians[357] had -mustered an army of 40,000 foot and 3000 horse, he gave them battle, and -proving victorious put the greater number of them to the sword. The rest, -who had fled for safety to the adjacent towns, which were soon captured, -he condemned to slavery. The remainder of the inhabitants had been -collected into one place, and he seized 20,000 of them, who had taken -refuge in a large city, which he stormed. The Indians, however, having -barricaded the narrow streets, fought with great vigour from the houses, -so that Alexander in pressing the attack lost not a few Macedonians. This -enraged him, and he set fire to the city, burning with it most of its -defenders.[358] He gave quarter, however, to 3000 of the survivors, who -had fled for refuge to the citadel and sued for mercy. - - -_Chapter XCVII.—Disaster to the fleet at the confluence of the rivers_ - -He again embarked with his friends, and sailed down stream as far as the -confluence of the Indus with the two rivers already mentioned. These -mighty streams met with tumultuous roar, and formed at their junction -many formidable eddies, which destroyed whatever sailing craft were -sucked into their vortex. The current besides was so swift and strong -that it baffled all the skill of the pilots. Two ships of war foundered -in consequence, and of the other vessels not a few were stranded. A -furious surge broke over the admiral’s ship itself—a mishap which nearly -proved fatal to the king. Wherefore, as death itself stared him in the -face, he stripped off his clothes, and in his naked condition clung to -anything that offered a chance of safety. His friends were at the same -time swimming alongside the ship, every one eager to receive the king in -the event of its capsizing. The utmost confusion prevailed on board, the -men contending with the force of the current, and the river baffling all -human skill and endeavour, so that it was with the greatest difficulty -Alexander made the shore, on which he was cast along with the vessels. -For this unexpected deliverance he offered sacrifice to the gods for -his escape from extreme peril after contending, like Achilles, with a -river.[359] - - -_Chapter XCVIII.—Combination of the Syrakousai and Malloi—Alexander, -neglecting the warning of a soothsayer, attacks their stronghold, and -scales the walls of its citadel_ - -He undertook next an expedition against the Syrakousai[360] and the -people called the Malloi, two populous and warlike nations. The -inhabitants, he found, had mustered a force of 80,000 foot, 10,000 -horse, and 700 chariots. Before Alexander’s coming they had been at feud -with each other, but on his approach had settled their differences, and -cemented an alliance by intermarriage, each nation taking and giving -in exchange 10,000 of their young women for wives.[361] They did not, -however, combine their forces and take the field, for as a dispute had -arisen about the leadership, they had drawn off into the adjoining -towns. Alexander, while approaching the city that first came in his way, -was pondering how he could lay siege to it and capture it at the very -first assault, when one of the soothsayers, named Dêmophôn, came to him -and said that he had been forewarned by certain omens that the king in -besieging the place would be very dangerously wounded, and he therefore -advised Alexander to let that city alone for the present, and meanwhile -turn his attention to other enterprises. But the king sharply rebuked -him for hampering the valour of men in the heat of action. He then made -arrangements for the conduct of the siege, and he led himself the way to -the city, which he was ambitious to reduce at once by a vigorous assault. -The battering train was, however, late in coming up, and he was himself -the first to burst open a postern, and by this side entrance get into the -city. He then cut down many of the defenders, put the rest to flight, and -pursued them into the citadel. As the Macedonians were meanwhile detained -fighting at the wall, he seized a ladder, and applying it to the rampart -of the fortress, began to mount it, holding the while his shield above -his head. He climbed up with such activity that he quickly reached the -top, and surprised the barbarians who were stationed there on guard. -The Indians did not venture to close with him, but assailed him from a -distance off with darts and arrows, so that the king was sorely galled -with the pelting storm of missiles. By this time the Macedonians had -applied to the walls two scaling ladders, up which they were mounting, -when both of them from being overcrowded broke down, precipitating every -one to the ground. - - -_Chapter XCIX.—Alexander left alone leaps down from the walls into the -citadel, bravely defends himself, but is dangerously wounded—He is -rescued by his friends, who capture the stronghold—The Greek colonists in -Bactria revolt_ - -The king being thus isolated from all help, performed a feat of -marvellous audacity, which well deserves to be put on record. For, -thinking it would be unworthy of his characteristic good fortune if he -retired from the walls to his men leaving his purpose unaccomplished, he -leaped down, arms and all, alone as he was, into the citadel. The Indians -hastened up to assail him, but with undaunted courage he sustained the -brunt of their onslaught. Protecting himself on his right hand by the -shelter of a tree rooted by the wall, and on the left by the wall itself, -he thus kept the Indians at bay, firmly fixed in his purpose to bear -himself right gallantly like a king by whom such great things had been -achieved, and ambitious to make the close of his life the most glorious -of his whole career, for numerous were the blows which he received on -his helmet, nor few were those which he caught on his shield. At last, -however, being hit by an arrow under the pap, he sank on his knee, -overcome by the force of the blow. The Indian who had shot the arrow -immediately sprang forward, thinking lightly of the danger, but while -he was fetching down a blow, Alexander smote him with his sword under -the ribs, and, as the wound was mortal, the barbarian fell. Then the -king, grasping a branch within reach of his hand, and raising himself -up with it, challenged any of the Indians who so wished to come forward -and fight him. Just at this crisis Peukestas, one of the hypaspists, -who had mounted by a different ladder, was the first who succeeded in -covering the king with his shield. After him many others appeared on -the scene, who terrified the barbarians and saved Alexander. The city -was then stormed, and the Macedonians, in their rage for what the king -had suffered, slew all whom they could anywhere find, and filled the -city with dead bodies. While the king’s attention was for many days -absorbed with the curing of his wound, the Greek colonists of Bactria -and Sogdiana, who had long felt it a great grievance to be settled among -barbarians, when they heard at that time that the king had died of a -wound, revolted from the Macedonians, and, having mustered to the number -of 3000, set out on their return home. They had many sufferings to endure -on the way, and they were subsequently put to death by the Macedonians -after Alexander’s death. - - -_Chapter C.—Alexander recovers from his wound—Combat between Koragos and -Dioxippos—Dioxippos becomes victor_ - -Alexander, on being cured of his wound, gave thank-offerings to the gods -for his recovery, and entertained his friends with great banquets. -During the revels a noteworthy incident occurred. Among the invited -guests was a Macedonian called Koragos,[362] who was remarkable for his -great bodily strength and the number of his brave exploits in war. This -man, in an access of drunken bravado, challenged to single combat the -Athenian Dioxippos, a prize-fighter, who had been crowned at the public -games for victories of the highest distinction. The guests present at the -carousal naturally were interested in the match, and Dioxippos having -accepted the challenge, the king fixed the day on which the combat should -come off. At the time appointed for the match the people thronged in -tens of thousands to witness the spectacle. The Macedonians, who were -of the same race with Koragos, and the king himself joined in showing -their eagerness for the success of their compatriot, while the Greeks -were unanimous in backing up Dioxippos. The champions advanced into the -lists, the Macedonian arrayed in costly armour, the Athenian naked, -rubbed over with oil, and wearing a close-fitting skull-cap made of -felt. As both men excited the wonder and admiration of the spectators by -the massive strength of their limbs and their superlative prowess, the -contest, it was anticipated, would be of the nature of a fight between -two gods; for the Macedonian, with his stalwart form and the dazzling -splendour of his arms, which filled the beholders with amazement, was -taken to be like Mars, while Dioxippos, by his prodigious strength, his -practice in wrestling and carrying the characteristic club, showed like -Heraklês. When they advanced to the attack the Macedonian from the proper -distance discharged his javelin, but his antagonist, swerving a little -aside, eluded the coming blow. Then the former again advanced with his -long Macedonian pike levelled for the charge, but the other on seeing him -approach sufficiently near, struck the pike with his club and shattered -it to pieces. The Macedonian, after being thus twice baffled, came on to -the next round intending now to use his sword, but when he was just on -the point of drawing it, Dioxippos unexpectedly sprang forward, and with -his left hand seized the hand that was drawing the sword, while with his -right hand he pushed Koragos from where he stood, tripped up his legs, -and hurled him to the ground. Then Dioxippos, planting his foot on his -foeman’s neck and lifting up his club, directed his eyes towards the -spectators. - - -_Chapter CI.—The Macedonians plot against Dioxippos, who in consequence -takes away his own life—Alexander’s regret for his loss_ - -The multitude having loudly applauded the victor for the supreme -courage whereby, contrary to all expectation, he had won the day, the -king ordered him to let his antagonist go, and then, dismissing the -assembly, withdrew to his tent deeply mortified by the discomfiture -of the Macedonian. Then Dioxippos, letting the fallen man go, quitted -the field with a famous victory and wearing fillets with which his -countrymen had adorned his brows in gratitude for the honour which he -had conferred on all Greeks in common. Fortune, however, did not allow -the victor any long time to enjoy his triumph, for the king became -more and more alienated from him, and all Alexander’s friends and all -the Macedonians about the court were so envious of his worth and fame, -that they laid a plot against him, and persuaded the chief steward of -the royal household to hide away one of the golden wine-cups under his -pillow. So at their next banquet when the wine was served, they charged -Dioxippos with theft on the pretence that the cup had been found in his -possession, thus subjecting him to shame and disgrace. From this he saw -clearly that the Macedonians with one consent had set themselves against -him, and he then rose from the banquet, and soon afterwards, when within -his own chamber, wrote a letter to Alexander regarding the machinations -which had been formed against him. This letter he entrusted to his -own servants to deliver into the king’s own hands. He then put an end -to his life, and thus, by having inconsiderately accepted a challenge, -terminated his career by an act of still greater folly. Many of those -accordingly who blamed him for a want of sense, sarcastically remarked -it was a misfortune to have great strength of body and but a modicum -of brain. The king on perusal of the letter took the man’s end much to -heart, and in after times often regretted the loss of a man of his noble -qualities. As he made no use of him in his lifetime, but felt the want -of him when he was gone, and when regret was unavailing, he came to know -the nobility of the man’s nature from its contrast to the baseness of his -calumniators.[363] - - -_Chapter CII.—The Sambastai, Sodrai, and Massanoi submit to Alexander, -who founds near the banks of the river a city called Alexandreia—He -conquers the kingdoms of Mousikanos, Portikanos, and Sambos—The last -effects his escape_ - -Alexander having given orders to his army to march along the river in -a line parallel with the course of the navigation, proceeded on his -voyage down stream towards the ocean, and on reaching the dominions of -the Sambastai,[364] landed to invade their country. They were a people -inferior to none in India either for numbers or for bravery. They dwelt -in cities in which the democratic form of government prevailed, and on -hearing that the Macedonians were coming to attack them collected 60,000 -foot soldiers, 6000 horse, and 500 chariots. But when the fleet bore in -sight they were thrown into great alarm by the novelty of the appearance -it presented and the unexpectedness of its presence, and, as they were -at the same time disheartened by the reports which circulated about -the Macedonians, they adopted the advice of their elders not to fight, -and therefore sent on an embassy consisting of fifty of their foremost -citizens, under the belief that they would be treated with all proper -courtesy. The king having commended them for coming and expressed his -readiness to make peace with them, was presented by the inhabitants with -gifts of great magnificence, and was besides accorded heroic honours. He -then moved on towards the tribes called Sodrai[365] and Massanoi,[366] -who occupied the country on both sides of the river, and in these -parts he founded near the river the city of Alexandreia,[367] in which -he planted a colony of 10,000 men. He next reached the dominions of -King Mousikanos, seized that potentate, and, having put him to death, -subjugated his people.[368] He next invaded the territories under the -sway of Portikanos, and took two cities at the first assault, which he -permitted the soldiers to sack and then burned. Portikanos himself fled -into a part of the country which offered means of defence, but in a -battle he was defeated and slain. All the cities subject to his sceptre -Alexander captured and razed to the ground, and by these severe measures -spread consternation among the surrounding tribes.[369] He next plundered -the kingdom of Sambos, and having enslaved and destroyed most of his -cities, put upwards of 80,000 of the barbarians to the sword.[370] The -nation called the Brahmanoi were involved in like calamities, but, as the -rest sued for mercy, Alexander punished the most guilty and acquitted the -rest of the offences charged against them. King Sambos escaped the danger -with which he was menaced by taking flight with thirty elephants into the -country beyond the Indus. - - -_Chapter CIII.—Harmatelia holds out against Alexander—In a battle with -its inhabitants Ptolemy is wounded by a poisoned arrow, but is cured by -an antidote revealed to Alexander in a dream_ - -At the extremity of the country of the Brachmans there lay in the -midst of difficult ground the city called Harmatelia,[371] and as the -inhabitants presumed alike on their valour and the security of their -position, Alexander despatched against them a few light-armed troops, who -were directed to hang on the rear of the enemy, and to take to flight in -case they were attacked. These men proceeded to attack the ramparts, but -being only 500 strong were regarded with contempt. A body therefore of -3000 men under arms sallied out from the city against these troops, which -pretending to be panic-struck, took to a precipitate flight. But the king -with a few followers stood his ground against the barbarians who gave -pursuit, and after a severe conflict slew some and took others prisoners. -On the king’s side, however, not a few received wounds which all but -proved fatal, since the barbarians had anointed their steels with a -deadly tincture, and had taken the field to bring the war to an issue in -full reliance on its efficacy. This virulent tincture was prepared from -snakes of a certain kind which were hunted by the natives, who on killing -them exposed their carcases to the sun in order that the flesh might be -decomposed by the burning heat of his rays. As this process went on the -juices fell out in drops, and by this liquid the poison was secreted -from the carcases of the snakes. Accordingly, when any one was wounded, -his body at once became numb, and sharp pains soon succeeded, while the -whole frame was shaken with tremblings and convulsions. The skin became -cold and livid, and the stomach discharged bile. A foam, moreover, of -a black colour issued from the wound and putrefied. At this stage the -poison quickly spread to the vital parts of the body, and caused a death -of fearful agony. Those, therefore, who had been severely wounded and -those who had received nothing more than an accidental scratch suffered -equally. While the wounded were perishing by such a horrible death, the -king was not so much grieved for the others, but was in the deepest -distress of mind on account of Ptolemy, who afterwards became a king, -and for whom he had at that time a warm affection. Now at this crisis an -incident occurred of a strange and marvellous nature, which concerned -Ptolemy, and which some ascribed to the provident care of the gods for -his safety. For as he was loved by all the soldiers for his bravery and -his unbounded generosity, so in his hour of need he obtained the kindly -help he required. For the king in his sleep saw a vision in which he -appeared to see a serpent holding a plant in its mouth, and showing its -nature and its powers, and the place where it grew. Then Alexander, when -he awoke, had search made for the plant and discovered it. This he ground -into a powder, which he not only laid as a plaster on Ptolemy’s body, but -also administered to him as a potion, and by this means restored him to -health. When the valuable properties of the plant became known, the other -patients to whom the remedy was applied recovered in like manner.[372] He -then laid siege to the capital of the Harmatêlioi, a city both of great -size and strength. As the inhabitants, however, came to meet him with the -symbols of suppliants, and tendered their submission, he dismissed them -without enacting any retributive penalty. - - -_Chapter CIV.—Alexander sails down to the mouth of the Indus—Sails back -to Tauala (Patala?)—Starts on his march homewards, instructing Nearchos -to explore the way with his fleet to the head of the Persian Gulf—Ravages -the land of the Oritians and founds another Alexandreia_ - -He then sailed down the stream with his friends to the ocean, and when -he had there seen two islands he forthwith offered a sacrifice of great -splendour to the gods, casting at the same time many large drinking-cups -of gold, along with the libations they held, into the bosom of the deep. -Having next erected altars to Têthys and Okeanos, he assumed that he -had finished the expedition which he had undertaken. He then started -on the return voyage, and in sailing up the river came to Tauala,[373] -a city of great note, with a political constitution drawn on the same -lines as the Spartan; for in this community the command in war was -vested in two hereditary kings of two different houses, while a council -of elders ruled the whole state with paramount authority. Alexander now -burned all the vessels that were worn out, and gave the command of the -rest that were still serviceable to Nearchos and some others of his -friends, whom he instructed to coast along the shores of the ocean, -and after having carefully explored whatever lay on their route, to -rejoin him at the mouth of the river Euphrates. He himself with his army -traversed a great extent of country, overcoming those who opposed him, -and treating humanely those who offered their submission. He thus gained -over without any danger being incurred the people called the Arbitai and -the inhabitants of Kedrôsia. Then, after passing through an extensive -waterless tract, of which no inconsiderable part was desert, he reached -the borders of Oritis. Here he divided his army into three parts, giving -Ptolemy the command of the first division, and Leonnatos of the second, -Ptolemy being commissioned to ravage and plunder the seaboard, and -Leonnatos the interior, while the third division, under his own command, -devastated the plains towards the hills and the hill country itself. -While the fury of war was thus at one and the same time let loose over -the whole land, conflagration, pillage, and massacre ran riot in every -special locality. The soldiers accordingly soon appropriated a vast -amount of booty, while the number of the inhabitants cut off by the -sword amounted to many myriads. All the neighbours of these unfortunate -tribes, appalled by the destruction which had overtaken them, submitted -to the king. But Alexander, who was ambitious to found a city by the -seaside, discovered a harbour sheltered from the violence of the waves, -and which had a convenient site near it, and he built thereon the city of -Alexandreia.[374] - - -_Chapter CV.—How the Oritians bury their dead—The Ichthyophagoi -described—Sufferings and losses of the army in the Gedrôsian -desert—Relief sent by various satraps—Leonnatos is attacked by the -Oritians_ - -Alexander having stolen into the country of the Oritai by the passes, -quickly reduced the whole of it to submission. The Oritai, while in -other respects closely resembling the Indians, have one custom which is -different, and altogether staggers belief. It has reference to their -treatment of the dead. For when a man dies his relatives, naked and -holding spears, carry away his body to the oak-coppices which grow in -their country, and having there deposited it, and stripped it of the -apparel and ornaments with which it is arrayed, they leave it to be -devoured by wild beasts. When they have divided the garments which were -worn by the deceased, they sacrifice to the heroes now in the under -world, and give an entertainment to the members of his household. - -Alexander next advanced towards Kedrôsia, following the route along the -sea-coast. He encountered on the way an inhospitable and utterly savage -tribe, for there the natives let their nails grow without ever cutting -them from the day they are born to old age, allow their growth of hair -to become matted, have complexions scorched with the heat of the sun, -and are dressed with the skins of wild beasts. They subsist on the flesh -of whales stranded on their shores. Their habitations they prepare by -running up walls, and forming the roofs of the ribs of the whale, these -supplying beams of a length of 18 cubits. For covering over the roofs -they use instead of tiles the scales of fish.[375] Alexander, in passing -through the country of these savages, was much distressed by the scarcity -of provisions; but in the next country he entered he fared still worse, -for it was desert and bare of everything useful to support life. As many -perished from sheer want, the stout hearts of the Macedonians yielded -to despondency, and Alexander was overwhelmed with no ordinary grief -and anxiety; for it seemed a terrible thing that his men, who surpassed -all mankind in bravery and in arms, should perish ingloriously in a -desert land and in utter destitution. He therefore despatched messengers -post-haste into Parthyaia,[376] and Drangianê,[377] and Areia,[378] -and the other states bordering on the desert, enjoining them to send -quickly to the passes of Karmania dromedaries and other beasts of burden -laden with food and other necessaries. These messengers having rapidly -performed the journey to the satraps of these provinces, caused ample -supplies of provisions to be conveyed to the appointed place. Alexander -had, however, before their arrival lost many of his soldiers from his -inability to relieve their wants; and afterwards, when he was on the -march, some of the Oritai, having attacked the troops commanded by -Leonnatos and slain a good many men, escaped scatheless into their own -country.[379] - - -_Chapter CVI.—Revels of Alexander and the army after escaping from -the desert—Officials who had abused their authority called to -account—Nearchos visits Alexander at Salmous, and recounts the incidents -of his voyage_ - -When the desert had been crossed with all these painful experiences, he -came to an inhabited region which abounded with all things useful. He -here allowed his army to recruit its exhausted powers, and then marched -forward for seven days with his soldiers splendidly dressed as at a -public assembly, while he celebrated a festival to Dionysos, heading -himself the procession of the revellers, and, as he led the way, quaffing -intoxicating draughts of wine. At the end of all this having come to -learn that many high-placed officials had transgressed all bounds of law -by an arbitrary and outrageous exercise of their authority, he decided -that not a few of his satraps and generals stood in need of punishment. -As the odium in which these leading men were held on account of their -scandalous disregard of the law was a matter of public notoriety, many -of them who held high posts of command in the army, and whose conscience -accused them of outrages and other violations of their duty, became -seriously alarmed. Some whose troops consisted of mercenaries revolted -from the king, and others who had amassed riches took to flight. The king -on hearing this wrote to all the commanders and satraps throughout Asia -that immediately after they had read his letter they should dismiss all -the mercenaries. - -When the king was just at this time staying in a sea-coast town called -Salmous, and holding a dramatic exhibition, the officers of the -expedition which had been directed to navigate the ocean along its shores -put into harbour, and, proceeding straightway to the theatre, saluted -Alexander, and gave him an account of their adventures. The Macedonians, -delighted to see their old comrades once more among them, marked the -event with loud and prolonged cheering, and all the theatre was in a -transport of joy that could not be exceeded.[380] The voyagers described -how the ocean was subject to the strange vicissitude of the ebbing and -flowing of its waters, and that when it ebbed numerous islands were -unexpectedly revealed to view at the projections of land along the coast, -while at flood-tide all these lands just mentioned were again submerged, -a full gale blowing meanwhile towards shore, and whitening with foam all -the surface of the water. But the strangest part of their story was that -they had encountered a great many whales, and these of an incredible -size. They were in great dread of these monsters, and at first gave up -all hopes of life, thinking they might at any moment be consigned, boats -and all, to destruction; but when, on recovering from their panic, they -raised a simultaneous shout, which they increased by rattling their arms -and sounding the trumpets, the creatures took alarm at the strange noise, -and sank to the depths below. - - -_Chapter CVII.—Kalanos, the Indian philosopher, immolates -himself—Alexander marries the daughter of Darius_ - -When the king had heard their story to the end, he ordered the leaders -of the expedition to sail up to the mouth of the Euphrates. At the head -of his army he traversed himself a great stretch of country, and arrived -on the borders of Sousiana. About that time Kalanos, the Indian who had -made great progress in philosophy, and was held in honour and esteem by -Alexander, brought his life to an end in a most singular manner; for -when he was three years over three score and ten, and up till then had -never known what illness was, he resolved to depart this life as one -who had received the full measure of happiness alike from nature and -from fortune. He was now, however, afflicted with a malady which became -daily more and more burdensome, and he therefore requested the king to -prepare for him a great funeral pyre, and to order his servants to set -fire to it as soon as he should ascend it. Alexander at first tried to -divert him from his purpose, but when he found that all his remonstrances -were unavailing, he consented to do him the service asked. Orders were -accordingly given for doing the work, and when the pyre was ready -the whole army attended to witness the extraordinary spectacle. Then -Kalanos, following the rules prescribed by his philosophy, stepped with -unflinching courage on to the summit of the pyre, and perished in the -flames which consumed it. Some of the spectators condemned the man for -his madness, others for the vanity shown in his act of hardihood, while -some admired his high spirit and contempt of death. The king honoured him -with a sumptuous funeral, and then proceeded to Sousa, where he married -Stateira, the elder of the two daughters of Darius. - - - - -PLUTARCH - - - - -PLUTARCH’S LIFE OF ALEXANDER - - -_Chapter LVIII.—Alexander at Nysa_ - -... When the Macedonians were hesitating to attack the city called Nysa, -because the river which ran past it was deep, “Unlucky man that I am,” -Alexander exclaimed, “why did I not learn to swim?” and so saying he -prepared to ford the stream. After he had withdrawn from the assault, -envoys arrived from the besieged with an offer to surrender. They were at -first surprised to find him clad in his armour, and still stained with -the dust and blood of battle. A cushion was then brought to him, which -he requested the eldest of the envoys to take and be seated. This man -was called Akouphis, and he was so much struck with the splendour and -courtesy with which he was received that he asked what his countrymen -must do to make him their friend. Alexander replied: “They must make -you their governor, and send me a hundred of their best men.” At this -Akouphis laughed, and said: “Methinks, O King! I should rule better if, -instead of the best, you took the worst.” - - -_Chapter LIX.—Interchange of civilities between Alexander and -Taxilês—Alexander breaks his faith with Indian mercenaries, and hangs -some Indian philosophers_ - -Taxilês, it is said, ruled over a part of India which was as large as -Egypt, afforded good pasturage, and had a very fertile soil. He was a -shrewd man, and after he had embraced Alexander, said to him: “Why should -we two, Alexander, fight with one another if you have come to take away -from us neither our water nor our necessary food—the only things about -which sensible men ever care to quarrel and fight. As for anything else, -call it money or call it property, if I am richer than you, what I have -is at your service; but if I have less than you, I would not object to -stand debtor to your bounty.” Alexander was delighted with what he said, -and, giving him his right hand in token of his friendship, exclaimed: -“Perhaps you think from the friendly greetings we have exchanged our -intercourse will be continued without a contest. There you are mistaken, -for I will war to the knife with you in good offices, and will see to -it that you do not overcome me in generosity.” Alexander therefore, -after having received many presents from Taxilês, and given him more in -return, at last drank to his health, and accompanied the toast with the -present of a thousand talents of coined money. This act of his greatly -vexed his friends, but made him stand higher in favour with many of the -barbarians. As the Indian mercenary troops, consisting, as they did, of -the best soldiers to be found in the country, flocked to the cities which -he attacked, and defended them with the greatest vigour, he thus incurred -serious losses, and accordingly concluded a treaty of peace with them; -but afterwards, as they were going away, set upon them while they were on -the road, and killed them all. This rests as a foul blot on his martial -fame, for on all other occasions he observed the rules of civilised -warfare as became a king.[381] The philosophers gave him no less trouble -than the mercenaries, because they reviled the princes who declared for -him and encouraged the free states to revolt from his authority. On this -account he hanged many of them.[382] - - -_Chapter LX.—The account of the battle with Pôros, as given by Alexander -himself—Alexander’s noble treatment of Pôros_ - -How the war against Pôros was conducted he has described in his own -letters. He tells us that the river Hydaspês ran between the two camps, -and that Pôros with his elephants which he had posted with their heads -towards the stream, constantly guarded the passage. Alexander himself, -day after day, caused a great noise and disturbance to be made in his -camp, in order that the barbarians might be gradually led to view his -movements without alarm. At last, upon a dark and stormy night, he -took a part of the infantry and a choice body of cavalry, marched to -a considerable distance from the enemy, and crossed over to an island -of no great size. Here he was exposed with his army to the rage of a -violent thunderstorm, amid which rain fell down in torrents, and though -he saw some of his men struck dead with the lightning, he nevertheless -advanced from the island and reached the furthermost bank of the river. -The Hydaspês was now flooded by the rains, and its raging current had -chosen a new channel of great width, down which a great body of water -was carried. In fording this new bed, he could with difficulty keep his -footing, as the bottom was very slippery and uneven. It was here that -Alexander is said to have exclaimed, “O Athenians! can you believe what -dangers I undergo to earn your applause?” This particular rests on the -authority of Onesikritos, for Alexander himself merely says that he -and his men left their rafts, and under arms waded through the second -torrent with the water up to their breasts. After crossing, he himself -rode forward about twenty stadia in advance of the infantry, concluding -that if the enemy attacked him with their cavalry only, he could easily -rout them; but if they moved forward their entire force, he could bring -his infantry into the field before fighting began. He was right in both -conclusions, for he fell in with 1000 horse and 60 war-chariots of the -enemy, and these he routed, capturing every chariot, and slaying 400 of -the horsemen. Pôros thus perceived that Alexander himself had crossed the -river, and he therefore advanced against him with all his army, except -some troops which he left to guard his camp, in case the Macedonians -should cross from the opposite bank to attack it. Alexander, dreading -the elephants and the great numbers of the enemy, did not engage with -them in front, but attacked them himself on the left wing, ordering -Koinos to fall upon them on the right. Both wings were broken, and the -enemy, driven from their position, thronged always towards the centre -where the elephants were posted. The contest, which began early in the -morning, was so obstinately maintained that it was fully the eighth -hour of the day before the Indians renounced all attempts at further -resistance. This description of the battle is given by the chief actor -in it himself in his letters. Most historians are agreed that Pôros -stood four cubits and a span high, and that his gigantic form was not -less proportioned to the elephant which carried him, and which was his -biggest, than was a rider of an ordinary size to his horse. This elephant -showed wonderful sagacity and care for its royal master, for while it -was still vigorous it defended him against his assailants and repulsed -them, but when it perceived that he was ready to sink from the number -of his wounds and bruises, fearing that he might fall off its back, it -gently lowered itself to the ground, and as it knelt quietly extracted -the darts from his body with its trunk. When Pôros was taken prisoner, -Alexander asked him how he wished to be treated. “Like a king,” answered -Pôros. When Alexander further asked if he had anything else to request, -“Every thing,” rejoined Pôros, “is comprised in the words, like a king.” -Alexander then not only reinstated Pôros in his kingdom with the title -of satrap, but added a large province to it, subduing the inhabitants -whose form of government was the republican. This country, it is said, -contained 15 tribes, 5000 considerable cities, and villages without -number.[383] He subdued besides another district three times as large, -over which he appointed Philippos, one of his friends, to be satrap. - - -_Chapter LXI.—Death of Boukephalas, and Alexander’s regret at his loss_ - -After the battle with Pôros, Boukephalas died, not immediately, but some -time afterwards, from wounds which he received in the engagement. This -is the account which most historians give, but Onesikritos says that he -died of old age and overwork, for he had reached his thirtieth year.[384] -Alexander deeply regretted his loss, taking it as much to heart as if it -had been that of a faithful friend and companion. He founded a city in -his honour on the banks of the Hydaspês, and named it Boukephalia. It is -also recorded that when he lost a pet dog called Peritas, which he had -brought up, and of which he was very fond, he founded a city and called -it by the name of this dog. Sôtiôn tells us that he had heard this from -Potamôn of Lesbos. - - -_Chapter LXII.—The army refuses to advance to the Ganges—Alexander, -preparing to retreat, erects altars which were afterwards held in -veneration by the Praisian kings—The opinion of Androkottos_ - -The battle with Pôros depressed the spirits of the Macedonians, and made -them very unwilling to advance farther into India. For as it was with the -utmost difficulty they had beaten him when the army he led amounted only -to 20,000 infantry and 2000 cavalry, they now most resolutely opposed -Alexander when he insisted that they should cross the Ganges.[385] This -river, they heard, had a breadth of two-and-thirty stadia, and a depth -of 100 fathoms, while its farther banks were covered all over with armed -men, horses, and elephants. For the kings of the Gandaritai and the -Praisiai[386] were reported to be waiting for him with an army of 80,000 -horse, 200,000 foot, 8000 war chariots, and 6000 fighting elephants. Nor -was this any exaggeration, for not long afterwards Androkottos,[387] -who had by that time mounted the throne, presented Seleukos with 500 -elephants, and overran and subdued the whole of India with an army of -600,000 men. Alexander at first in vexation and rage withdrew to his -tent, and shutting himself up lay there feeling no gratitude towards -those who had thwarted his purpose of crossing the Ganges; but regarding -a retreat as tantamount to a confession of defeat. But being swayed by -the persuasions of his friends, and the entreaties of his soldiers who -stood weeping and lamenting at the door of his tent, he at last relented, -and prepared to retreat. He first, however, contrived many unfair -devices to exalt his fame among the natives, as, for instance, causing -arms for men and stalls and bridles for horses to be made much beyond the -usual size, and these he left scattered about. He also erected altars for -the gods which the kings of the Praisiai even to the present day hold -in veneration, crossing the river to offer sacrifices upon them in the -Hellenic fashion.[388] Androkottos himself, who was then but a youth, saw -Alexander himself, and afterwards used to declare that Alexander could -easily have taken possession of the whole country since the king was -hated and despised by his subjects for the wickedness of his disposition -and the meanness of his origin.[389] - - -_Chapter LXIII.—Alexander starts on a voyage down stream, reducing -tribes by the way—He is dangerously wounded in the capital of the -Malloi—Extraction of the arrow from his wound—His recovery_ - -After marching thence Alexander, who wished to see the outer ocean, -ordered many rafts and vessels managed with oars to be built, and he -then fell down the rivers in a leisurely manner. But the voyage was -neither an idle one nor unattended with warlike operations, for at -times he disembarked, and attacking the cities which adjoined the banks -succeeded in subduing them all. But he very nearly lost his life when -he was amongst the people called the Malloi, who were said to be the -most warlike of all the Indians. For in besieging their city, after -he had driven the defenders from the walls by volleys of missiles, he -was the first man to ascend a scaling ladder and reach the summit of -the wall.[390] Just then the ladder broke, so that he was left almost -alone, and as the barbarians who were standing at the foot of the -wall inside shot at him from below, he was repeatedly hit with their -missiles. He therefore poised himself and leaped down into the midst of -his enemies, alighting by good chance on his feet. The flashing of his -arms as he brandished them made the barbarians think that lightning or -some supernatural splendour played round his person, and they therefore -drew back and dispersed. But when they saw that he was attended by two -followers only, some of them attacked him at close-quarters with swords -and spears, while one man, who stood a little farther off, shot an arrow -from his bow at full bent, and with such force that it pierced through -his corselet and lodged itself in the bones of his breast.[391] As he -staggered under the blow and sank upon his knees, the barbarian ran up -with his drawn scimitar to despatch him. Peukestas and Limnaios[392] -placed themselves before Alexander to protect him; both of them were -wounded, one of them mortally; but Peukestas, who survived, continued to -make some resistance, while the king slew the Indian with his own hand. -Alexander was wounded in many places; and at last received a blow on his -neck from a club, which forced him to lean for support against the wall -with his face turned towards the enemy. The Macedonians, who by this time -had come up, crowded round him, and snatching him up, now insensible -to all around him, carried him off to his tent. A rumour immediately -ran through the camp that he was dead, and his attendants having with -great difficulty sawed through the arrow, which had a wooden shaft, were -thus able after much trouble to take off his corselet. They had next to -extract the barbed head of the arrow which was firmly fixed in one of his -ribs. This arrow-head is said to have measured three fingers’ breadths in -width and four in length. Accordingly, when it was pulled out, he swooned -away and was brought very near the gates of death, but he at length -revived. When he was out of danger, but still very weak, having for a -long time to follow the mode of life most conducive to the restoration of -his health, he heard a disturbance outside his tent, and learning that -the Macedonians were longing to see him he put on his cloak and went -out to them. After sacrificing to the gods, he again moved forward and -subdued a great extent of country and many considerable cities that lay -on his route. - - -_Chapter LXIV.—Alexander’s interview with the Indian gymnosophists_ - -He captured ten of the gymnosophists who had been principally concerned -in persuading Sabbas[393] to revolt, and had done much harm otherwise -to the Macedonians. These men are thought to be great adepts in the art -of returning brief and pithy answers, and Alexander proposed for their -solution some hard questions, declaring that he would put to death first -the one who did not answer correctly and then the others in order.[394] - -He demanded of the first “Which he took to be the more numerous, the -living or the dead?” He answered, “The living, for the dead are not.” - -The second was asked, “Which breeds the largest animals, the sea or the -land?” He answered, “The land, for the sea is only a part of it.” - -The third was asked, “Which is the cleverest of beasts?” He answered, -“That with which man is not yet acquainted.” - -The fourth was asked, “For what reason he induced Sabbas to revolt?” He -answered, “Because I wished him to live with honour or die with honour.” - -The fifth was asked, “Which he thought existed first, the day or the -night?” He answered, “The day was first by one day.” As the king appeared -surprised at this solution, he added, “Impossible questions require -impossible answers.” - -Alexander then turning to the sixth asked him “How a man could best make -himself beloved?” He answered, “If a man being possessed of great power -did not make himself to be feared.” - -Of the remaining three, one being asked “How a man could become a god?” -replied, “By doing that which is impossible for a man to do.” - -The next being asked, “Which of the two was stronger, life or death?” he -replied, “Life, because it bears so many evils.” - -The last being asked, “How long it was honourable for a man to live?” -answered, “As long as he does not think it better to die than to live.” - -Upon this Alexander, turning to the judge, requested him to give his -decision. He said they had answered each one worse than the other. “Since -such is your judgment,” Alexander then said, “you shall be yourself the -first to be put to death.” “Not so,” said he, “O king, unless you are -false to your word, for you said that he who gave the worst answer should -be the first to die.” - - -_Chapter LXV.—Onesikritos confers with the Indian gymnosophists Kalanos -and Dandamis—Kalanos visits Alexander and shows him a symbol of his -empire_ - -The king then gave them presents and dismissed them to their homes. He -also sent Onesikritos to the most renowned of these sages, who lived by -themselves in tranquil seclusion, to request that they would come to -him.[395] This Onesikritos was a philosopher who belonged to the school -of Diogenês the Cynic. He tells us that one of these men called Kalanos -ordered him with the most overbearing insolence and rudeness to take -off his clothes, and listen naked to his discourse—otherwise he would -not enter into conversation with him even if he came from Zeus himself. -Dandamis, however, was of a milder temper, and when he had been told -about Sôkrates, Pythagoras and Diogenês, he said they appeared to him to -have been men of genius, but from an excessive deference to the laws had -subjected their lives too much to their requirements. But other writers -tell us that he said nothing more than this, “For what purpose has -Alexander come all the way hither?” Taxilês, however, persuaded Kalanos -to visit Alexander. His real name was Sphinês, but as he saluted those -whom he met with “Kale,” which is the Indian equivalent of “Chairein” -(that is, “All hail”), he was called by the Greeks Kalanos. This -philosopher, we are told, showed Alexander a symbol of his empire. He -threw down on the ground a dry and shrivelled hide and planted his foot -on the edge of it. But when it was trodden down in one place, it started -up everywhere else. He then walked all round it and showed that the same -thing took place wherever he trod, until at length he stepped into the -middle, and by doing so made it all lie flat. This symbol was intended to -show Alexander that he should control his empire from its centre, and not -wander away to its distant extremities. - - -_Chapter LXVI.—Alexander visits the island Skilloustis, and sailing -thence explores the sea—Sufferings of his army on the march homeward, and -extent of its losses—Relief sent by the satraps_ - -[Illustration: FIG. 13.—GREEK WARSHIP.] - -Alexander’s voyage down the rivers to the sea occupied seven months. On -reaching the ocean he sailed to an island which he himself has called -Skilloustis, but which is generally known as Psiltoukis.[396] On landing -there he sacrificed to the gods, exploring afterwards the nature of the -sea and the coast as far as he could penetrate. This done, he turned -back, after praying to the gods that no man might ever overpass the -limits which his expedition had reached. He ordered his fleet to sail -along the coast, keeping India on the right hand; and he appointed -Nearchos to the chief command, with Onesikritos as the master pilot. He -himself, returning by land with the army, marched through the country of -the Oreitai, where he was reduced to the sorest straits from the scarcity -of provisions, and lost such numbers of men that he hardly brought back -from India the fourth part of his military force, though he entered -it with 120,000 foot and 15,000 horse. Many perished from malignant -distempers, wretched food, and scorching heat, but most from sheer -hunger, for their march lay through an uncultivated region, inhabited -only by some miserable savages, the owners of a small and inferior breed -of sheep, accustomed to feed on sea-fish, which gave to their flesh a -rank and disagreeable flavour.[397] With great difficulty, therefore, he -traversed this desert region in sixty days, and reached Gedrôsia, where -all the men were at once supplied with abundance of provisions, furnished -by the satraps and kings of the nearest provinces. - - -_Chapter LXVII.—Alexander and the army indulge in wild revelry on -emerging from the desert_ - -After he had given his forces some time to recruit, he led them in a -joyous revel for seven days through Karmania. He himself sat at table -with his companions mounted on a lofty oblong platform drawn by eight -horses, and in that conspicuous position feasted continually both by -day and by night. This carriage was followed by numberless others, some -with purple hangings and embroidered canopies, and others screened with -over-arching green boughs always fresh gathered, conveying the rest of -Alexander’s friends and officers crowned with garlands and drinking wine. -There was not a helmet, a shield, or a pike to be seen, but all along -the road the soldiers were dipping cups, horns, and earthen vessels into -great jars and flagons of wine, and drinking one another’s healths, -some as they went marching forward, and others as they sat by the way. -Wherever they passed might be heard the music of the pipe and the flute -and the voices of women singing and dancing and making merry. During this -disorderly and dissolute march the soldiers after their cups indulged in -ribald jests, as if the god Dionysos himself were present among them and -accompanying their joyous procession.[398] Alexander, on reaching the -capital of Gedrôsia, again halted to refresh his army, and entertained it -with feasting and revelry. - - - - -JUSTIN - - - - -HISTORIAE PHILIPPICAE OF JUSTINUS - - -TWELFTH BOOK - - -_Chapter VII.—Alexander visits Nysa and Mount Merus—Receives the -submission of Queen Cleophis and captures the Rock (Aornos)_ - -... After this he advanced towards India that he might make the ocean and -the remotest East the limits of his empire. In order that the decorations -of his army might be in keeping with this grandeur, he overlaid the -trappings of the horses and the arms of his soldiers with silver. He -then called the army his argyraspids, because the shields they carried -were inwrought with silver. When he had reached the city of Nysa, and -found that the inhabitants offered no resistance, he ordered their lives -to be spared, from a sentiment of reverence towards Father Bacchus, by -whom the city had been founded; at the same time congratulating himself -that he had not only undertaken a military expedition like that god, but -had even followed his very footsteps. He then led his army to view the -sacred mountain, which the genial climate had mantled over with vine and -ivy, just as if husbandmen had with industrious hands laboured to make -it the perfection of beauty. Now the army on reaching the mountain, in -a sudden access of devout emotion, began to howl in honour of the god, -and to the amazement of the king ran unmolested all about the place, -so that he perceived that by sparing the citizens he had not so much -served their interests as those of his own army. Thence he marched to the -Daedali mountains[399] and the dominions of Queen Cleophis,[400] who, -after surrendering her kingdom, purchased its restoration by permitting -the conqueror to share her bed, thus gaining by her fascinations what -she had not gained by her valour. The offspring of this intercourse was -a son, whom she called Alexander, the same who afterwards reigned as an -Indian king. Queen Cleophis, because she had prostituted her chastity, -was thereafter called by the Indians _the royal harlot_. When Alexander -after traversing India had come to a rock of a wonderful size and -ruggedness, unto which many of the people had fled for refuge,[401] he -came to know that Hercules had been prevented from capturing that very -rock by an earthquake. Being seized, therefore, with an ambitious desire -of surpassing the deeds of Hercules, he made himself master of the rock -with infinite toil and danger, and then received the submission of all -the tribes in that part of the country. - - -_Chapter VIII.—Alexander conquers Porus—Builds Nicaea and Boucephala, and -reduces the Adrestae, Gesteani, Praesidae, and Gangaridae—Advances to the -Cuphites (Beäs), beyond which the army refuses to follow him—He agrees to -return, and leaves memorials of his progress_ - -One of the Indian kings called Porus, a man remarkable alike for his -personal strength and noble courage, on hearing the report about -Alexander, began to prepare war against his coming. Accordingly, when -hostilities broke out, he ordered his army to attack the Macedonians, -from whom he demanded their king, as if he was his private enemy. -Alexander lost no time in joining battle, but his horse being wounded at -the first charge, he fell headlong to the ground, and was saved by his -attendants who hastened up to his assistance. Porus again, when fainting -from the number of his wounds, was taken prisoner. His defeat he took -so much to heart that when he had received quarter from the victor, he -neither wished to take food nor would allow his wounds to be attended to, -and indeed could scarcely be induced to wish for life. Alexander, out -of respect for his valour, restored him in safety to his sovereignty. -There he built two cities, one which he called Nicaea, and the other -Boucephala, after the name of his horse. Moving thence he conquered -the Adrestae, the Gesteani, the Praesidae, and the Gangaridae,[402] -after defeating their armies with great slaughter. When he reached the -Cuphites,[403] where the enemy awaited him with 200,000 cavalry, his -soldiers, worn out not less by the number of their victories than by -their incessant toils, all besought him with tears to bring at last -the war to a close—besought him to have some remembrance of his native -country and the duty of returning to it—to have some consideration for -the years of his soldiers, to whom scarcely so much of life now remained -as would suffice them for returning home. Some pointed to their hoary -hair, others to their wounds, others to their bodies withered with age -or seamed with scars. None, they said, except themselves had brooked a -continuous service under two kings, Philip and Alexander; and now at last -they entreated he would send them home where their bodies, wasted as they -were to skeletons, might be buried in the tombs of their fathers, seeing -it was from no want of will they failed to second his wishes, but from -the incapacity of age. If, however, he would not spare his soldiers, he -should at all events spare himself, and not wear out his good fortune -by subjecting it to too severe a strain. Alexander was moved by these -well-grounded entreaties, and, as if he had now reached the goal of -victory, ordered a camp to be made of an unusual size and splendour, -in order that the work, while calculated to terrify the enemy by its -vastness, might be left to render himself an object of admiration to -future ages. Never did the soldiers apply themselves with such alacrity -to any work as they did to this; and when it was finished they retraced -their way to the parts whence they had come as joyfully as if they were -returning from a field of victory. - - -_Chapter IX.—Alexander sailing down the Panjâb rivers to the ocean, -reduces the Hiacensanae, Silei, Ambri, and Sigambri—He is dangerously -wounded in attacking one of their strongholds_ - -From thence Alexander proceeded to the river Acesines[404] and sailed -down stream towards the ocean. On his way he received the submission -of the Hiacensanae[405] and the Silei[406] whom Hercules had founded. -Sailing onward, he came to the Ambri and the Sigambri,[407] who opposed -him with an army of 80,000 foot and 60,000 cavalry. Having defeated -them, he led his army to their capital. On his observing from the wall, -which he was himself the first to mount, that the city was left without -defenders, he leaped down without any attendant into the level space at -the foot of the wall. Then the enemy, noticing that he was alone, rushed -together with loud shouts from all quarters of the city to finish, if -possible, the wars that embroiled the world, by one man’s death, and -give the many nations he had attacked their revenge. Alexander made an -obstinate resistance, and single-handed fought against thousands. It -surpasses belief to tell how neither the multitude of his assailants, nor -the ceaseless storm of their missiles, nor their savage yells made him -quail, and how, alone as he was, he slew and put thousands to flight. -When at last he saw that he was being overpowered by numbers, he placed -his back against the stem of a tree which grew near the wall, and by this -means protected himself till, after he had for a long time stood at bay, -his danger became at length known to his friends, who forthwith leaped -down from the wall to his assistance. Of these many were slain in the act -of defending him, and the issue of the conflict remained doubtful till -the walls were thrown down and the whole army came to his rescue. In this -battle Alexander was pierced by an arrow under the pap, but even while he -was fainting from the loss of blood he sank on his knee, and continued -fighting till he slew the man by whom he had been wounded. The operation -required for curing his wound threw him into a deadlier swoon than the -wound itself had produced. - - -_Chapter X.—Alexander reaches the city of King Ambigerus -(Sambos?)—Ptolemy is there wounded by a poisoned arrow—An antidote to the -poison is revealed to Alexander in a dream—He sails down to the mouth of -the Indus—Founds Barce—Leaves India and returns to Babylon_ - -His safety was for a time despaired of, but having at last recovered -he sent Polyperchon with part of the army to Babylon. Having himself -embarked with a very select company of his friends, he made a voyage -along the shores of the ocean. On his reaching the city of King -Ambigerus[408] the inhabitants who had heard that he was invulnerable -by steel, armed their arrows with poison, which thus inflicted a double -wound. With this deadly weapon they killed great numbers of the enemy -and repulsed them from the walls. Among many others that were wounded -was Ptolemy, but he was rescued from danger just when he appeared to be -dying, as soon as he had swallowed a potion prepared from a particular -herb which had been revealed to the king in a vision as being an antidote -to the poison. The greater part of the army was saved by the same remedy. -Alexander having taken the city by storm poured out a libation to the -ocean, praying at the same time for a prosperous return to his own -country. He was then carried down with the tide in his favour to the -mouth of the river Indus. And then like a victor who had triumphantly -driven his chariot round the goal, he fixed the frontiers of his empire, -having advanced till the deserts at the world’s end barred his farther -progress by land, and till seas were no longer navigable. As a monument -of his achievements he founded in those parts the city of Barce.[409] -He erected altars also, and on departing left one of his friends to be -governor of the maritime Indians. As he intended to march homewards by -land, and had learned that his route would lie through arid wastes, he -ordered wells to be dug at convenient places. Since these were found to -yield a copious supply of water he effected his return to Babylon. - - -FIFTEENTH BOOK - - -_Chapter IV.—Seleucus Nicator subjugates the Bactrians and enters -India—The history of Sandrocottus who was then King of India—Seleucus -makes a treaty of peace with him and returns to the West_ - -[Illustration: FIG. 14.—SELEUCUS NICATOR.] - -... Seleucus Nicator waged many wars in the east after the partition of -Alexander’s empire among his generals. He first took Babylon, and then -with his forces augmented by victory subjugated the Bactrians. He then -passed over into India, which after Alexander’s death, as if the yoke -of servitude had been shaken off from its neck, had put his prefects -to death. Sandrocottus was the leader who achieved their freedom, but -after his victory he forfeited by his tyranny all title to the name -of liberator, for he oppressed with servitude the very people whom he -had emancipated from foreign thraldom. He was born in humble life, but -was prompted to aspire to royalty by an omen significant of an august -destiny. For when by his insolent behaviour he had offended Nandrus,[410] -and was ordered by that king to be put to death, he sought safety by a -speedy flight. When he lay down overcome with fatigue and had fallen -into a deep sleep, a lion of enormous size approaching the slumberer -licked with its tongue the sweat which oozed profusely from his body, -and when he awoke, quietly took its departure. It was this prodigy which -first inspired him with the hope of winning the throne, and so having -collected a band of robbers, he instigated the Indians to overthrow -the existing government. When he was thereafter preparing to attack -Alexander’s prefects, a wild elephant of monstrous size approached him, -and kneeling submissively like a tame elephant received him on to its -back and fought vigorously in front of the army. Sandrocottus having -thus won the throne was reigning over India when Seleucus was laying -the foundations of his future greatness. Seleucus having made a treaty -with him and otherwise settled his affairs in the east, returned home to -prosecute the war with Antigonus. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -NOTES A-L_l_ - - -NOTE A.—ALEXANDREIA UNDER KAUKASOS - -Alexander had founded this city at the foot of Paropanisos in the spring -of 329 B.C., before he crossed into Baktria. For distinction’s sake it -was called Alexandreia “under Kaukasos,” or “of the Paropamisadai.” Its -position has been a subject much discussed. Sir A. Burnes and Lassen -fixed it at Bamiân, but to this there is the objection that Bamiân is -situated in the midst of the mountains, and is reached from Kâbul after -the main ridge of the Hindu-Kush has been crossed. A position which -would suit better for the foundation of a permanent settlement is to -be found in the rich and beautiful valley of the Koh-Dâman, which, as -its name implies, extends up to the very foot of the great mountain -rampart. Towards the northern edge of this valley lies the village of -Charikar, whence the three roads that lead into Baktria diverge. In -the neighbourhood of this commanding position is a place called Opiân -or Houpiân, where vast ruins, first discovered by Masson, indicate the -former presence of an important town. A link to connect this place -with Alexandreia is supplied by Stephanos of Byzantium, who describes -Alexandreia as “a city in Opianê, near India.” From this we may infer -that Opiân or Houpiân was the capital of a country of the same name, -and that it formed the site of the city which Alexander founded under -Kaukasos. This view has been advocated by Dr. H. Wilson and V. de -Saint-Martin, and also by General Cunningham, who supports it by a -reference to the famous itinerary preserved in Pliny (_N. H._ VI. xvii. -21), from Diognêtos and Baitôn, who recorded the distances of Alexander’s -marches. Alexandreia, it is there stated, was 50 miles distant from -Ortospanum, and 237 from Peukolatis. As Ortospanum has been on sufficient -grounds identified with Kâbul, and Peukolatis with Hashtnagar on the -river Landaï, the question arises whether Houpiân is at the required -distance from each of these places, and General Cunningham shows that -such is the case, allowance being made for the rough methods employed in -calculating such distances in ancient times. Bunbury inclines to accept -this identification, but thinks that as Opianê is in Stephanos the name -of a country, the evidence of the modern appellation (Houpiân) is of -little weight in determining the position of the city. No mention of this -Alexandreia occurs either in Ptolemy or the _Periplûs of the Erythraian -Sea_, but it is mentioned in the _Mahâvanso_ under the form Alasaddâ, -or Alasandâ, as Hardy writes it. About the 7th century again of our -aera, the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen Thsiang speaks of Houpiân (Hou-pi-na in -Chinese transcription) as a large city in which the chief of the Vardaks -resided. Its ruin may be dated from the aera of the Mohammedan conquest, -for Baber in his Memoirs speaks of Houpiân as if it were merely the name -of the Pass which opens on the valley of the Ghorbund. According to -Hardy, Alasandâ was the birthplace of Menander (the Milinda of Sanskrit), -the Graeco-Baktrian king. See Wilson’s _Ar. Antiq._ pp. 179-182; V. de -Saint-Martin, _Étude_, 21-26; Cunningham’s _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. -19-26; Bunbury’s _Hist. of Anc. Geog._ i. 490-492; Weber’s _Die Griechen -in Indien_; and Hardy’s _Manual of Buddhism_, p. 516. - - -NOTE B.—NIKAIA - -This is a Greek word meaning _victorious_, and may possibly be a -translation of the indigenous name of the place. Wilson (_Ar. Antiq._ p. -183) takes this view, and fixes the site of Nikaia on the plain of Begrâm -at a spot with ruins about some eighteen miles distant from Houpiân. The -original name of the place may have been _Jayapura_, which means _the -city of victory_. According to others, Nikaia is a transliteration of -_Nichaia-gram_, a place said to be in Kafîristân—that is, in the upper -part of the valleys which slope away from the Hindu-Kush and carry their -waters to the Kâbul river on its left. A belief was at one time current -that the Kafîrs of Bajour were descended from the Macedonians whom -Alexander had left there when he passed through the country on his way -to India. They had, it was said, many points of character in common with -the Greeks. They were celebrated for their beauty and their European -complexions. They worshipped idols, drank wine in silver cups or vases, -used chairs and tables, and spoke a language unknown to their neighbours. -Elphinstone during his Kâbul mission (in 1808) caused inquiries to be -made as to the truth of these reports, which had greatly excited his -curiosity. It was found that though they were in the main correct, yet -the fact that the people had no certain traditions of their own as to -their origin, while the languages spoken by the different tribes were -all of them closely allied to Sanskrit, showed the theory of their Greek -origin to be untenable. In the list which was furnished to the envoy of -the names of their tribes and villages, Nisa is the only one in which any -similarity to Nikaia can be traced. In Lassen’s opinion, Nikaia was not -built on the site of any previously existing town, but was first founded -by Alexander, who named it the _victorious_ in anticipation of the -triumphs which awaited him in India. General Abbott identified it with -Nangnihar, a place about four or five miles west of Jalâlâbâd, which he -thought Curtius took to be the point where Alexander first entered Indian -territory. General Cunningham again, like Ritter and Droysen, thinks -that Nikaia must have been Kâbul, otherwise that important town, through -which Alexander must have marched, would be passed over by his historians -without mention. He cites in proof a passage from the _Dionysiakê_ of -Nonnus, in which Nikaia is described as a stone city situated near a -lake. The lake, he says, is a remarkable feature which is peculiar in -Northern India to Kâbul and Kâshmîr. The authority of Nonnus, however, on -such a point is of no worth whatever. Wilson’s view that Nikaia occupied -the site of Bagrâm seems preferable to any other. It is the view also -which Bunbury favours. (See his _History of Ancient Geography_, p. 439 -_n._) - - -NOTE C.—ASPASIOI ASSAKÊNOI - -The Aspasioi are the people called by Strabo, in his list of the -tribes which occupied the country between the Kôphês and the Indus, -the Hippasioi. They are easily to be recognised under either of these -names as the Aśvaka who are mentioned in the _Mahâbhârata_ along with -the Gândhâra as the barbarous inhabitants of far distant regions in the -north. The name of the _Aśvaka_, derived from _aśva_, “a horse,” means -cavaliers, and indicates that their country was renowned in primitive -times, as it is at the present day, for its superior breed of horses. -The fact that the Greeks translated their name into Hippasioi (from -ἵππος, a horse) shows that they must have been aware of its etymological -signification. V. de Saint-Martin inclines to think that the name of the -Hippasioi is partly preserved in that of the Pachaï, a considerable tribe -located in the upper regions of the Kôphês basin. It is more distinctly -preserved in _Asip_ or _Isap_, the Pukhto name of this tribe, called -by Mohammedans the _Yusufzai_. The name of the Assakênoi, like that -of the Aspasioi, represents the Sanskrit Aśvaka, which in the popular -dialect is changed into Assaka, and by the addition of the Persian -plural termination into Assakan, a form which Arrian has all but exactly -transcribed, and which appears without any change in the Assakanoi of -Strabo and the Assacani of Curtius. They are now represented by the -Aspîn of Chitral and the Yashkun of Gilgit. Some writers think, however, -that the name of the Assakans or Asvakans is still extant in that of -the Afghans, for the change of the sibilant into the rough aspirate is -quite normal, and also that of _k_ into _g_, a mute of its own order. Dr. -Bellew, however, in his _Inquiry into the Ethnography of Afghanistan_, -finds the source of the name in the Armenian Aghván, and says it seems -clear from what he has explained that the name Afghân merely means -“mountaineer,” and is neither an ethnic term of distinct race nationality -nor of earlier origin than the period of the Roman dominion in Asia -Minor. See the _Inquiry_, pp. 196-208. - - -NOTE D.—MAZAGA - -The name of this place, which in Sanskrit would appear as Mâśaka, has -various forms in the classics—_Massaga_ as in our author here, _Massaka_ -in his _Indika_, _Mazaga_ in Curtius, and _Masoga_ in Strabo, who -says it was the capital of King Assakanos. The exact position of this -important place has not yet been ascertained, but its name as that of an -ancient site still remains in the country. The Emperor Baber states in -his _Memoirs_ that at the distance of two rapid marches from the town -of Bajore (the capital of the province of the same name), lying to the -west of the river Pañjkoré, there was a town called Mashanagar on the -river of Sévad (Swât). Rennell identified this name with the Massaga of -Alexander’s historians, and no doubt correctly. M. Court, who has given -interesting information about the country of the Yuzafzaïs, which he -collected among the inhabitants of the plains, learned from them that at -twenty-four miles from Bajore there exists a ruined site known under the -double name of Maskhine and Massangar (Massanagar). In the grammar again -of Pânini, who was a native of Gândhâra, in which the Assakan territory -was comprised, the word Mâśakâvatî occurs, given as the name both of a -river and a district. It may then fairly be presumed that Massaga was the -capital of the Mâśakâvatî district, and that the impetuous stream which, -as we learn from Curtius, ran between steep banks and made access to -Massaga difficult on the east side, was the Mâśakâvatî of Pânini (_v._ -Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ II. pp. 136-138; V. de Saint-Martin, _Étude_, pp. 35, -36; and Abbott, _Gradus ad Aornon_). Curtius (viii. 37, 38) describes -with more minuteness than Arrian the nature of the engineering operations -designed to make the attack against the walls practicable. He states -that Assacanus, the king of the place, died before Alexander’s arrival, -and not after the siege had begun, as Arrian relates. He adds that -Assacanus was succeeded by his mother (wife?), whose name was Cleophis, -and who, according to Justin, bore a son whose paternity was ascribed to -Alexander. In reference to this statement Dr. Bellew remarks that at the -present day several of the chiefs and ruling families in the neighbouring -states of Chitral and Badakhshan boast a lineal descent from Alexander -the Great. - - -NOTE E.—BAZIRA - -Some writers have taken Bazira to be Bajore, which lies midway between -the river of Kunâr and the Landaï, but there is nothing beyond the -similarity of the two names to recommend this view. As the Bazirians fled -for refuge to the rock Aornos, which overhung the Indus, it is evident -they could not have inhabited a place so remote from the rock as Bajore. -Cunningham finds a more likely position for Bazira at Bâzâr, “a large -village situated on the _Kalpan_, or Kâli-pâni river, and quite close to -the town of _Rustam_, which is built on a very extensive old mound.... -According to tradition this was the site of the original town of Bâzâr. -The position is an important one, as it stands just midway between the -Swât and the Indus rivers, and has therefore been from time immemorial -the _entrepôt_ of trade between the rich valley of Swât and the large -towns on the Indus and Kâbul rivers.... This identification is much -strengthened by the proximity of Mount _Dantalok_, which is most probably -the same range of hills as the _Montes Daedali_ of the Greeks.” See his -_Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 65, 66. - - -NOTE F.—AORNOS - -The identification of this celebrated rock has been one of the most -perplexing problems of Indian archaeology. The descriptions given of -it by the classical writers are more or less discrepant, and their -indications as to its position very vague and obscure. It has thus been -identified with various positions, against each of which objections -of more or less weight may be urged, but the view of General Abbott, -who has identified it with Mount Mahâban, has the balance of argument -in its favour, and is now generally adopted. The rock, to judge from -Arrian’s description of it, must have been in reality a mountain of very -considerable height, with a summit of tableland crowned here and there -with steep precipices. Curtius, on the other hand, says that the rock, -which was on all sides steep and rugged, did not rise to its pinnacle -in slopes of ordinary height and of easy ascent, but that in shape it -resembled the conical pillar of the racecourse, called the _meta_, which -springs from a broad basis and gradually tapers till it terminates in a -sharp point. Here Arrian, who drew his facts from Ptolemy, a prominent -actor in capturing Aornos, is, as usual, a safer guide than Curtius, -who wrote for effect, and often dealt unscrupulously with the facts of -history. Arrian, again, is at variance with Diodôros in his estimate -both of the circuit and of the height of the rock, for while with him -it has a circuit of 200 stadia (about 23 miles) and a height of 11, -Diodôros reduces the circuit by one-half and increases the height to 16 -stadia. Curtius is silent on these points, but he mentions a circumstance -of great importance which Arrian has failed to note, namely, that the -roots of the rock were washed by the river Indus. That he is right here -cannot be questioned, for the statement is corroborated both by Diodôros -and by Strabo (xv. 687), while Arrian, who says nothing that can lead -us to think that his view was different, supplies us with a proof that -Aornos was close to the Indus, for he says of the city of Embolima, which -we now know to have been on the Indus, that it was situated close to -Aornos. The position thus indicated is about sixty miles above Attak, -where the Indus escapes into the plains from a long and narrow mountain -gorge which the ancients mistook for its source. Colonel Abbott in 1854 -explored this neighbourhood, and came to the conclusion that Mount -Mahâban, a hill which abuts precipitously on the western bank of the -Indus about eight miles west from the site of Embolima, was Aornos. His -arguments in support of this identification are given in his _Gradus ad -Aornon_. His description of Mount Mahâban agrees in the main with that -which Arrian has given of Aornos. “The rock Aornos,” he says, “was the -most remarkable feature of the country, as is the Mahâban. It was the -refuge of all the neighbouring tribes. It was covered with forests. -It had good soil sufficient for a thousand ploughs, and pure springs -of water everywhere abounded. It was 4125 feet above the plain, and -14 miles in circuit. It was precipitous on the side of Embolima, yet -not so steep but that 220 horse and the war-engines were taken to the -summit. The summit was a plain where cavalry could act. It would be -difficult to offer a more faithful description of the mount.” “Why the -historians,” he adds, “should all call it the _rock_ Aornos, it would -be difficult to say. The side on which Alexander scaled the main summit -had certainly the character of a rock, but the whole description of -Arrian indicates a table mountain.” Cunningham, in his _Ancient Geography -of India_, advances some arguments against this identification, but -they cannot be considered sufficiently cogent to warrant its rejection -unless a better could be substituted. That which he proposes, however, -is altogether untenable. What he suggests is that the hill-fortress of -Râni-gat, situated immediately above the small village of Nogram, about -sixteen miles north by west from Ohind, which he takes to be the site -of Embolima, corresponds in all essential particulars, except in its -elevation (under 1200 feet), with the description of Aornos as given by -Arrian, Strabo, and Diodôros. Now if the elevation stated, which is some -6000 feet under what Arrian assigns to Aornos, was really the height of -the rock, then the details of the operations by which it was captured are -rendered partly unintelligible. Thus, why should Ptolemy, after ascending -the rock to a certain distance, have kindled a fire to let Alexander, who -remained at the base, know where he was? Can we not easily see with the -naked eye from the foot to the top of a small hill only ten or eleven -hundred feet high? Moreover, we are informed that it took Alexander from -daybreak till noon to reach the position occupied by Ptolemy. Can it -be supposed that all that space of time was required for the ascent of -a hill not much higher than Arthur’s Seat, near Edinburgh? The highest -mountain in Great Britain could be climbed in half the time. Another -equally fatal objection to this theory is the distance of Râni-gat from -the Indus. The roots of the rock were indubitably washed by that river, -but Râni-gat is no less than sixteen miles distant from it. At the same -time, if Râni-gat were Aornos, then Ohind cannot be Embolima, for Arrian -says that Embolima was close to (ξύνεγγυς) Aornos. The identification of -the rock with Raja Hodi’s fort opposite Attak, first suggested by General -Court and afterwards supported by the learned missionary Loewenthal, -has in its favour the fact that the position is on the Indus, but it is -otherwise untenable. It is uncertain whether the name Aornos is purely -Greek or an attempt at the transliteration of the indigenous name. -If purely Greek, then Dionysios Perieg. (l. 1150) is right in saying -that men called the rock Aornis because even swift-winged birds had -difficulty in flying over it. If indigenous, the name may be referred to -_Aranai_, which, as Dr. Bellew states, is a common Hindi name for hill -ridges in these parts. He identifies the rock as _Shàh Dum_ or _Malka_, -on the heights of Mahâban, the stronghold of the Wahabi fanatics, at the -destruction of which he was present in 1864. See his _Inquiry_, p. 68. - - -NOTE G.—NYSA - -Arrian’s narrative indicates neither in what part of the Kôphên and Indus -Dôâb Nysa was situated, nor at what time Alexander made his expedition -to the place. But we learn from Curtius (viii. 10), Strabo (xv. 697), -and Justin (xii. 7) that he was there before he had as yet crossed the -Choaspes and taken Massaga, and Arrian says nothing from which it can be -inferred that his opinion was different. Nysa was therefore most probably -the city which Ptolemy calls Nagara or Dionysopolis, and which has been -identified with Nanghenhar (the Nagarahâra of Sanskrit), an ancient -capital, the ruins of which have been traced at a distance of four or -five miles west from Jalâlâbâd. This place was called also Udyânapura, -_i.e._ “the city of gardens,” which the Greeks from some resemblance in -the sound translated into Dionysopolis, a compound meaning “the city of -Dionysos.” At some distance eastward from this site, but on the opposite -bank of the river, there is a mountain called Mar-Koh (_i.e._ snake-hill) -which, if Nysa be Nagara, may be regarded as the Mount Meros which lay -near it, and was ascended by Alexander. It has, however, been assumed -that, in Arrian’s opinion, the expedition to Nysa was not an early -incident of the campaign in the Dôâb, but the last of any importance -after the capture of Aornos. The only ground for this assumption is that -his account of the expedition to Nysa follows that of all the other -transactions recorded to have occurred west of the Indus. But the reason -of this is not far to seek. Arrian, on examining the accounts given -by different writers of the visit to Nysa and Meros, concluded that -they were for the most part apocryphal, and as he did not wish to mix -up romance with history, reserved the subject for separate treatment. -Abbott, who took it for granted that Arrian wished it to be understood -that Alexander visited Nysa after the capture of the rock, looked for -the site of that city nearer the Indus than the plain of Jalâlâbâd; and -found one to suit the requirements in the neighbourhood of Mount Elum, -called otherwise Râm Takht or “the throne of Râm.” This remarkable -mountain, he says, rises like some mighty pagoda to the height of nine or -ten thousand feet, and answers in many points to the descriptions given -of Meros, being densely covered with forests, full of wild beasts and -of a height at which, in that part of India, ivy, box, etc., flourish. -At its roots are the following old towns with names all derivable from -Bacchos: Lusa (Nysa), Lyocah (Lyaeus), Elye, Awân, Bimeeter (Bimêtêr), -Bôkra (Bou-Kera), and Kerauna (Keraunos). Beneath the town of Lusa flows -the river Burindu, which is occasionally unfordable during the spring. -Abbott makes this remark about the river with reference to the statement -in Plutarch that when Alexander sat down before Nysa, the Macedonians -had some difficulty of advancing to the attack on account of the depth -of the river that washed its walls. V. de Saint-Martin and Dr. Bellew -identify Nysa with Nysatta, a village near the northern bank of the Kâbul -river about six miles below Hashtnagar, but except some correspondence -between the names, there seems little to recommend this view. Strabo has -one or two passages concerning Nysa. “In Sophoclês,” he says, “a person -is introduced speaking the praises of Nysa, as a mountain sacred to -Bacchos: ‘Whence I beheld the famed Nysa, the resort of the Bacchanalian -bands, which the horned Iacchos makes his most pleasant and beloved -retreat, where no bird’s clang is heard.’ From such stories they gave -the name Nysaians to some imaginary nation, and called their city Nysa, -founded by Bacchos; a mountain above the city they called Mêros, alleging -as a reason for imposing these names that the ivy and vine grow there, -although the latter does not perfect its fruit, for the bunches of grapes -drop off before maturity in consequence of excessive rains” (xv. 687). -In a subsequent passage (697) he says: “After the river Kôphês follows -the Indus. The country lying between these two rivers is occupied by the -Astakênoi, Masianoi, Nysaioi, and the Hippasioi. Next is the territory of -Assakanos, where is the city Masoga.” Pliny also has one or two notices -of Nysa. “Most writers,” he says (_H. N._ vi. 21), “assume that the city -Nysa and also the mountain Merus, consecrated to the god Bacchus, belong -to India. This is the mountain whence arose the fable that Bacchus issued -from the thigh (μηρός) of Jupiter. They also assign to India the country -of the Aspagani so plentiful in vines, laurel, and box, and all kinds of -fruitful trees that grow in Greece.” In Book viii. 141, he says “that on -Nysa, a mountain in India, there are lizards 24 feet in length, and in -colour yellow or purple or blue.” - -The legend that Dionysos was bred in the thigh of Zeus owes its origin -to a figurative mode of expression, common among the Phoenicians and -Hebrews, which was taken by the Greeks in a literal sense. See the -Epistle to the Hebrews, vii. 10. The Kafîrs who now occupy the country -through which Alexander first marched on his way from the Kaukasos to -the Indus, are said by Elphinstone to drink wine to great excess, men -and women alike. “They dance,” he adds, “with great vehemence, using -many gesticulations, and beating the ground with great force, to a -music which is generally quick, but varied and wild. Such usages would -certainly have struck the Macedonians as Bacchanalian.” So certainly -would such a spectacle as the following, described by Bishop Heber in -his _Indian Journal_: “The two brothers Rama and Luchman, in a splendid -palkee, were conducting the retreat of their army. The divine Hunimân, -as naked and almost as hairy as the animal he represented, was gamboling -before them, with a long tail tied round his waist, a mask to represent -the head of a baboon, and two great pointed clubs in his hands. His army -followed, a number of men with similar tails and masks, their bodies dyed -with indigo, and also armed with clubs. I was never so forcibly struck -with the identity of Rama and Bacchus. Here were before me Bacchus, his -brother Ampelus, the Satyrs, smeared with wine-lees, and the great Pan -commanding them.” I may, in conclusion, subjoin a notice of Bacchos in -India from Polyainos: “Dionysos marching against the Indians in order -that the Indians might receive him did not equip his troops with armour -that could be seen, but with soft raiment and fawn skins. The spears -were wrapped round with ivy, and the thyrsus had a sharp point. In -making signals he used cymbals and drums instead of the trumpet, and, -by warming the enemy with wine, he turned them (from war) to dancing. -These and all other Bacchic orgies were the stratagems of war by which -Bacchos subjugated the Indians and all the rest of Asia. Dionysos, when -in India, seeing that his army could not endure the burning heat, seized -the three-peaked mountain of India. Of its peaks one is called Korasibiê, -another Kondaskê, but the third he himself named Mêros in commemoration -of his birth. Upon it were many fountains of water sweet of taste, -abundance of game and fruit, and snows, which gave new vigour to the -frame. The troops quartered there would take the barbarians of the plains -by surprise, and put them to an easy rout by attacking them with missiles -from their commanding position on the heights above. Dionysos having -conquered the Indians, invaded Baktria, taking with him as auxiliaries -the Indians themselves and the Amazons.” - - -NOTE H.—GOLD-DIGGING ANTS - -Herodotos was the first writer who communicated to the Western nations -the story of these ants. He relates it thus (iii. 102): “There are other -Indians bordering on the city of Kaspatyros and the country of Paktyike -(Afghânistân) settled northward of the other Indians, who resemble the -Baktrians in the way they live. They are the most warlike of the Indians, -and are the men whom they send to procure the gold (paid in tribute to -the King of Persia), for their country adjoins the desert of sand. In -this desert then and in the sand there are ants, in size not quite so -big as dogs, but larger than foxes. Some that were captured were taken -thence, and are with the King of the Persians. These ants, forming their -dwelling underground, heap up the sand as the ants in Greece do, and in -the same manner; and are very like them in shape. The sand which they -cast up is mixed with gold. The Indians therefore go to the desert to get -this sand, each man having three camels ... (c. 105). When the Indians -arrive at the spot they fill their sacks with the sand, and return home -with all possible speed. For the ants, as the Persians say, having -readily discovered them by the smell, pursue them, and, as they are the -swiftest of all animals, not one of the Indians could escape except by -getting the start while the ants were assembling.” - -Nearchos (quoted by Strabo, xv. 705) says that he saw skins of the ants -which dig up gold as large as the skins of leopards. Megasthenes also -(as quoted in the same passage) says that among the Dardai, a populous -nation of the Indians living towards the east and among the mountains, -there was a mountain plain of about 3000 stadia in circumference, below -which were mines containing gold, which ants not less in size than foxes -dig up. In winter they dig holes and pile up the earth in heaps, like -moles, at the pit-mouths. Pliny (xi. 31) repeats the story in these -terms: “The horns of the Indian ant fixed up in the temple of Hercules -at Erythrae were objects of great wonderment. These ants excavate gold -from mines found in the country of those Northern Indians who are called -the Dardae. They are of the colour of cats and of the size of Egyptian -wolves. The Indians steal the gold which they dig up in winter during the -hot season when the ants keep within their burrows to escape the stifling -sultriness of the weather. The ants, however, aroused by the smell, -sally out and frequently overtake and mangle the robbers, though they -have the swiftest of camels to aid their flight.” It is now understood -that the gold-digging ants were neither, as the ancients supposed, an -extraordinary kind of real ants, nor, as many learned men have since -supposed, larger animals mistaken for ants, but Tibetan miners who, like -their descendants of the present day, preferred working their mines in -winter when the frozen soil stands well and is not likely to trouble them -by falling in. The Sanskrit word pîpilika denotes both an _ant_ and a -particular kind of _gold_. - -The Dards consist now of several wild and predatory tribes which are -settled on the north-west frontier of Kashmir and by the banks of the -Indus. The gryphons who guarded the gold were Tibetan mastiffs, a breed -of unmatched ferocity. Gold is still found in these regions. - - -NOTE I.—TAXILA - -Pliny, in his _Natural History_ (vi. 21), gives sixty miles as the -distance from Peukolatis (Hashtnagar) to Taxila. This would fix its -site somewhere on the Haro river to the west of Hasan Abdâl, or just -two days’ march from the Indus. But according to the itineraries of the -Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsiang, Taxila lay at three days’ -journey to the east of the Indus, and as they made that journey, their -authority on the point cannot be questioned. Taxila, it may be therefore -concluded, must have been situated in the immediate neighbourhood of -Kâla-ka-Sarâi. Now at the distance of just one mile from this place, near -the rock-seated village of Shah-Dheri, Cunningham discovered the ruins of -a fortified city scattered over a wide space, extending about three miles -from north to south, and two miles from east to west, and these ruins -he took to be those of Taxila. They lie about eight miles south-east of -Hasan Abdâl, thirty-four miles west from the famous tope of Manikyâla, -and twenty-four miles north-west from Rawal Pindi. The most ancient part -of these ruins, according to the belief of the natives, is a great mound -rising to a height of sixty-eight feet above the bed of the stream, -called the Tabrâ Nala, which flows past its east side. Cunningham’s -identification has now been accepted by all archaeologists, and a Greek -text hitherto neglected strikingly confirms its correctness. This text is -to be found in the Pseudo-Kallisthenes, and I here translate the remarks -made upon it by Sylvain Lévi in a paper which he submitted last year to -the Société Asiatique, and which will be found printed at pp. 236, 237 in -the 15th volume of the 8th series of the _Journal_ of that society: “The -Pseudo-Kallisthenes dwells complacently on the sojourn of Alexander at -Taxila and his conversations with the Brahmans. The Brahmans (III. xii. -9, 10) blame the conduct of Kalanos, who, in violation of the duties of -his caste, went to live with the Macedonians. ‘It has not pleased him,’ -say they, ‘to drink the water of wisdom at the river Tiberoboam.’ And -further on (III. xiii. 12) they ask, ‘How could Alexander be the master -of all the world when he has not yet gone beyond the river Tiberoboam?’ -The Latin of Julius Valerius gives, in the first case, Tiberunco -fluvio; in the second, Tyberoboam. The various readings of the Greek -manuscripts, indicated by C. Müller in his edition (Didot, 1846), give -Boroam, Baroam, Tiberio-potamos, and lastly (MS. A.) Tibernabon. The -site fixed by Cunningham for the city of Taxila is distinctly traversed -by a river called Tabrâ Nala, which divides into two the ancient city, -and washes the foot of the citadel. The ease of confounding the β -with λ in the manuscripts permits the correction of Tibernabon into -Tibernalon. The essential part of the name is, moreover, Tabrâ, _nala_ -being a designation common to small affluents. The resemblance of the -two words Tabrânala and Tibernalos is at once apparent; the persistence -of geographical names has nothing surprising in it, especially in India. -The city of Takshaśila ought then to be placed definitely on the banks of -the Tabrânala (a small affluent of the Haro, which bends its course to -the Indus, into which it falls twelve miles below Attock) in the position -proposed by General Cunningham.” - -Taxila, as Alexander found it, was very populous, and possessed of -almost incredible wealth. Pliny states that it was situated on a level -where the hills sink down into the plain, while Strabo praises the soil -as extremely fertile from the number of its springs and water-courses. -The Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Thsiang, by whom it was visited in 630 A.D., -and afterwards in 643, confirms what Strabo has reported. Taxila, -which in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ appears as _Taxiala_, represents either -the Sanskrit Takshaśilâ, _i.e._ “hewn stone,” or, more probably, -Takshakaśilâ, _i.e._ “Rock of Takshaka,” the great Nâga King. Others, -however, take it to represent the Pali Takkasila, _i.e._ the rock of the -Takkas, a powerful tribe which anciently occupied the regions between -the Indus and the Chenâb (v. _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, -vol. xx. p. 343). The famous Aśôka, the grandson of Chandragupta -(Sandrokottos), resided in Taxila during the lifetime of his father, -Vindusâra, as viceroy of the Panjâb. About the beginning of the second -century B.C. Taxila appears to have formed part of the dominions of -the Graeco-Baktrian king, Eukratides. In 126 B.C. it was wrested -from the Greeks by the Sus or Abars, with whom it remained for about -three-quarters of a century, when it was conquered by the Kushân tribe -under the great Kanishka. In the year 42 A.D. it is said to have been -visited by Apollonios of Tyana and his companion, the Assyrian Damis, -who wrote a narrative of the journey, which Philostratos professes to -have followed in his life of Apollonios. In 400 A.D. it was visited by -Fa-Hian, who calls it Chu-sha-shi-lo, _i.e._ “the severed head,” the -usual name by which Taxila was known to the Buddhists of India (_v._ -Cunningham’s _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 104-121). - -[Illustration: FIG. 15.—EUKRATIDES.] - - -NOTE J.—SITE OF ALEXANDER’S CAMP ON THE HYDASPÊS - -It is a point of great importance to determine where the camp was -situated which Alexander formed on reaching the Hydaspês, and which -he made his headquarters till he effected the passage of the river. -Without knowing this it cannot with certainty be decided at what point -he made the passage or where he defeated Pôros, or where he founded the -two cities, Nikaia and Boukephala, which he built after his victory. -Such high authorities as Sir A. Burnes, General Court, and General -Abbott have placed the camp at Jhîlam, but Lord Elphinstone and General -Cunningham prefer Jalâlpûr, a place some thirty miles lower down the -stream. These writers all drew their conclusions from personal knowledge -of the localities concerned. Cunningham, who wrote later than the -others, visited the Hydaspês in 1863, and in his _Geography of Ancient -India_ (pp. 157-179) gives an account of the scope and results of his -investigations. He points out that Alexander in advancing from Taxila -to the Hydaspês had two roads—one called the _upper_, which proceeded -through a rich and fertile country, past Rawal Pindi, Manikyâla, and -Rohtâs to Jhîlam, and another called the _lower_, which proceeded, with -an inclination to southward, to Dudhiâl, and thence by Asanot and Vang -to Jalâlpûr. He then shows from Strabo and Pliny that Alexander must -have advanced by the _lower_ road. According to Strabo (XV. i. 32), “the -direction of Alexander’s march, as far as the Hydaspês, was, for the -most part, towards the south; after that, to the Hypanis, it was more -towards the _east_.” Now, if Alexander had taken the route by Jhîlam -he would have advanced in one continuous straight line, which is in -direct opposition to the explicit statement of Strabo, which makes him -deviate towards the south. Pliny again (vi. 21), quoting from Diognêtos -and Baitôn, the _mensores_ of Alexander, gives the distance from Taxila -to the Hydaspês as 120 (Roman) miles. In comparing this distance with -that from Shah-Dheri to Jhîlam and Jalâlpûr respectively, we must reject -Jhîlam, which is no less than sixteen miles short of the recorded -distance, while Jalâlpûr differs from it by less than two miles. The same -author thinks that the camp probably extended for about six miles along -the bank of the river from Shah Kabir, two miles to the north-east of -Jalâlpûr, down to Syadpûr, four miles to the west-south-west. In this -position the left flank of the camp would have been only six miles from -the wooded promontory of Kotera, where he intended to steal his passage -across the river. The breadth of the Hydaspês at Jalâlpûr is about a mile -and a quarter. - - -NOTE K.—BATTLE WITH PÔROS - -To the accounts of this memorable battle given by Arrian and the four -other writers translated in this volume, I here add the account of it -given by Polyainos in his work _On the Stratagems of War_ (II. ix. 22): - -“Alexander, in his Indian expedition, advanced to the Hydaspês with -intention to cross it, when Porus appeared with his army on the other -side determined to dispute his passage. Alexander then marched towards -the head of the river, and attempted to cross it there. Thither also -Porus marched, and drew up his army on the opposite side. He then -made the same effort lower down; there, too, Porus opposed him. Those -frequent appearances of intention to cross it, without ever making one -real attempt to effect it, the Indians ridiculed, and, concluding that -he had no real design to pass the river, they became more negligent in -attending his motions, when Alexander, by a rapid march gaining the -banks, effected his purpose on barges, boats, and hides stuffed with -straw, before the enemy had time to come up with him, who, deceived by -so many feint attempts, yielded him at last an uninterrupted passage. -In the battle against Porus, Alexander posted part of his cavalry in the -right wing, and part he left as a body of reserve at a small distance -on the plain. His left wing consisted of the phalanx and his elephants. -Porus ordered his elephants to be formed against him, himself taking his -station on an elephant at the head of his left wing. The elephants were -drawn up within fifty yards of each other, and in those interstices was -posted his infantry, so that his front exhibited the appearance of a -great wall; the elephants looked like so many towers, and the infantry -like the parapet between them. Alexander directed his infantry to attack -the enemy in front, while himself at the head of the horse advanced -against the cavalry. Against those movements Porus ably guarded. But the -beasts could not be kept in their ranks, and, wherever they deserted -them, the Macedonians in a compact body pouring in closed with the enemy, -and attacked them both in front and flank. The body of reserve, in the -meantime wheeling round and attacking their rear, completed the defeat” -(_Shepherd’s Translation_). - -Grote, referring to this battle, remarks that “the day on which it was -fought was the greatest day of Alexander’s life, if we take together the -splendour and difficulty of the military achievement and the generous -treatment of his conquered opponent.” Military critics cannot point to a -single strategical error in the whole series of operations conducted by -Alexander himself, or his generals acting under his orders, from the time -he encamped on the bank of the Hydaspês till the overthrow and surrender -of Pôros. At the same time the courage and skill with which the Indian -king contended against the greatest soldier of antiquity, if not of -all time, are worthy of the highest admiration, and present a striking -contrast to the incompetent generalship and pusillanimity of Darius. “The -Greeks,” says General Chesney, “were loud in praises of the Indians; -never in all their eight years of constant warfare had they met with -such skilled and gallant soldiers, who, moreover, surpassed in stature -and bearing all the other races of Asia.... The Indian village community -flourished even at that distant period, and in the brave and manly race -which fought so stoutly under Porus twenty-two centuries ago we may -recognise all the fine qualities of the Punjabi agrarian people of the -present day, the gallant men who fought us in our turn so stubbornly, now -the most valuable component of the Indian empire, and the best soldiers -of its Queen-Empress.” - - -NOTE L.—THE KATHAIANS - -The Kathaioi, it would appear from the text, inhabited the regions lying -to the east of the Hydraôtês. Some writers, however, as Strabo informs -us (XV. i. 30), placed their country in the tract between the Hydaspês -and Akesinês, but this view is manifestly wrong. They are described by -ancient authors as one of the most powerful nations of India. Their -very name indicates their warlike propensities and predominance, for if -it is not identical with that of the military caste, _Kshatriya_, it -is at least a modified form of that word. Arrian subsequently (vi. 15) -mentions a tribe of independent Indians whose name is a still closer -transliteration of _Kshatriya_, the _Xathroi_, whose territories lay -between the Indus and the lower course of the Akesinês. Strabo (XV. i. -30) notices some of the peculiar manners and customs of the Kathaians, -such as infanticide, and Sati. Lassen has pointed out that their name is -connected with that of the Kattia, a nomadic race scattered at intervals -through the plains of the Panjâb, but supposed to be the aborigines of -the country and of Kolarian descent. Their name occurs in that of the -province of Kâthiawâr, which now comprises the province of Gujerat. - - -NOTE M.—SANGALA - -Sir E. H. Bunbury, referring to the uncertainty of the identifications of -the tribes and cities of the Panjâb mentioned by Alexander’s historians, -says: “While the general course of his march must have followed -approximately the same line of route that has been frequented in all ages -from the banks of the Indus to those of the Beas, his expeditions against -the various warlike tribes that refused submission to his arms led him -into frequent excursions to the right and left of his main direction. And -with regard to these localities we have a general clue to guide us. The -most important of these sites to determine would be that of Sangala, the -capital of the Cathaeans, which, according to the narrative of Arrian, -was situated between the Hydraotes and the Hyphasis. Hence it was placed -by Burnes at Lahore, and by others at Umritsir. But on the other hand -there are not wanting strong reasons for identifying Sangala with the -Sakala of Indian writers, and this was certainly situated to the west -of the Hydraotes, between that river and the Acesines” (_Hist. of Anc. -Geog._ pp. 444, 445). This was the view of General Cunningham, who, -taking _Śâkala_ or _Sâkala_ (the _Sagala_ of Ptolemy’s _Geography_) to -be the name in Sanskrit of the place which the Greeks called _Sangala_, -found a site for it at Sânglawâla-Tiba, a small rocky hill with ruins -upon it and with a large swamp at its base, and situated between the -Râvi (Hydraôtês) and the Chenâb (Akesinês) at a distance of about sixty -miles to the west of Lahore. This was no doubt the site of the Śâkala -of Sanskrit writers and of the She-kie-lo of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen -Thsiang, who visited the place in 630 A.D. But it cannot have been the -site of the Sangala of the Greeks, for, in the first place, according to -the testimony of all the historians, that city lay between the Hydraôtês -and the Hyphasis, and was attacked by Alexander after he had crossed the -former river. To meet this objection Cunningham assumes that Alexander -must have recrossed the Hydraôtês on hearing that the Kathaians had risen -in his rear. His thus turning aside from the direction of his march to -make his rear secure is quite consistent with his usual practice, but -the historians say nothing from which it can possibly be inferred that -on this occasion he made any retrograde movement. But again philology as -well as history is adverse to this identification, for, as has lately -been shown by M. Sylvain Lévi (_Journal Asiatique_, series viii. vol. xv. -pp. 237-239), _Sangala_, in accordance with the rules of transcription, -must be taken to represent not _Sâkala_, but _Sâmkala_. Now, just as in -Diodôros and Curtius we find Sangala mentioned in connection with a king -called Sôphytês, so in an Appendix to Pânini’s _Grammar_, called the -Gana-pâtha, _Sâmkala_ is mentioned in connection with _Saubhuta_, which, -in accordance with the rules of transcription and the Greek practice of -designating Indian rulers after their territories, is evidently the name -of the country over which Sôphytês ruled. This country, which was rich -and prosperous, as its very name implies, lay between the Hydraôtês and -the Hyphasis, probably in the district of Amritsar and towards the hills. -Arrian in his narrative of the campaign between these two rivers makes no -mention of Sôphytês, or, as he calls him, Sôpeithes, but he afterwards -refers to a king of this name whose dominions lay between the Hydaspês -and Akesinês. Strabo was aware of the discrepancy of the accounts as to -where the dominions of the Kathaians and King Sôphytês were situated. - - -NOTE N.—ALEXANDER’S ALTARS ON THE HYPHASIS - -These altars are mentioned by Pliny, who says (vi. 21): “The Hyphasis -was the limit of the marches of Alexander, who, however, crossed it, and -dedicated altars on the further bank.” Pliny stands alone in placing -these altars on the left bank of the river. The historians all place them -on the right bank. Philostratos states that Apollonios of Tyana on his -journey into India in the second century of our aera, found the altars -still subsisting and their inscriptions still legible. Plutarch affirms -that in his days they were held in much veneration by the Praisians, -whose kings, he says, were in the habit of crossing the Ganges every year -to offer sacrifices in the Grecian manner upon them. It would, however, -be unsafe to place much credit in either of these statements. The altars -have been sought for in recent times, but not the slightest vestige of -them has been discovered. Masson and some other modern writers place -them on the Gharra (the united stream of the Vipaśâ and the Śatadru (or -Satlej), but this view, while otherwise exposed to serious objections, -is upset by the fact alone that in ancient times the two rivers united -at a point forty miles below their present junction. As Pliny (vi. 21) -gives the distance from the Hyphasis to the Hesidrus (Satlej) along the -Royal Road at 169 miles, it is evident that the altars must have been -situated at a point high above the junction of these two rivers. V. de -Saint-Martin is inclined to think that the altars may have been situated -near a chain of heights met with in ascending the Beiâs, and known -locally under the name of the _Sekandar-giri_, that is, “Alexander’s -mountain.” These heights are at no great distance from Râjagiri, a small -and obscure place, but supposed to represent Râjagriha mentioned in the -_Râmâyana_ as the capital of a line of princes called the Aśvapati (or -_Assapati_ in Prakrit) who governed the Kekaya, or, as Arrian calls -them in his _Indika_, the Kêkeoi. Lassen, followed by Saint-Martin, -identified Sôpeithes as belonging to the line of princes indicated. -The identification has been superseded by a better, but Saint-Martin’s -argument, as far as it concerns the position of the altars, is not -thereby affected. Sir E. H. Bunbury considers that the point where -Alexander erected the twelve altars cannot be regarded as determined -within even approximate limits. It appears probable, he thinks, that they -were situated at some distance above the confluence of the two rivers, -and not very far from the point where the Beas emerges from the mountain -ranges. We learn indeed, he adds, that throughout his advance Alexander -kept as near as he could to the mountains; partly from the idea that he -would thus find the great rivers more easily passable, as being nearer -their sources; partly from an exaggerated impression of the sterile and -desert character of the plains farther south (_Hist. of Anc. Geog._ p. -444). - - -NOTE O.—VOYAGE DOWN THE HYDASPÊS AND AKESINÊS TO THE INDUS - -From the point of embarkation at Nikaia (Mong) to the confluence of the -united streams of the Panjâb with the Indus, the distance in a straight -line may be reckoned at about 300 miles. Alexander in descending to -this confluence had no sooner left the dominions of Pôros than he was -engaged in a constant succession of hostilities with the riparian tribes. -He had no intention of leaving India as a fugitive. He must depart as -a conqueror and master of all wherever he appeared. He had no wish, -therefore, even had it been possible, to drop quietly down stream to the -ocean. He must demand submission to his authority from all the tribes he -might encounter on his way, and, if this were refused, enforce it at the -sword’s point. These tribes were the bravest of the brave in India—the -very ancestors of the Rajputras, or Rajputs, whose splendid military -qualities have spread their fame throughout the world. Such of these -tribes as inhabited the fertile regions adjacent to the rivers seemed to -have settled in towns and villages and to have practised agriculture, -while those that tenanted the deserts which extended far eastward into -the interior led a half-wandering pastoral life, and subsisted as much on -the produce of rapine as on the produce of their flocks and herds. They -were all proudly jealous of their independence, and owned no authority -but that of their proper chiefs. Though they were separated into distinct -tribes, which were almost perpetually at feud, they were still able when -confronted with a common danger to combine into formidable confederacies. -In all times they have opposed to invasion a vigorous and sometimes a -desperate resistance (_v._ Saint-Martin, _Étude_, p. 113). - - -NOTE P.—THE MALLOI AND OXYDRAKAI - -The names of these two warlike tribes are very frequently conjoined in -the narratives of the historians. In Sanskrit works they appear as the -Mâlava and the Kshudraka, and a verse of the _Mahâbhârata_ combines -them in a single appellation, _Kshudrakamâlava_. They are mentioned -in combination by Pânini also as two Bahîka people of the north-west. -Arrian (_Indika_, c. iv.) places the Oxydrakai on the Hydaspês _above_ -its confluence with the Akesinês. It is doubtful, however, that this -was their real position. Bunbury inclines to think that they lay on the -east or left bank of the Satlej—the province of Bahawalpur—and that -they may very well have extended as far as the junction of the Satlej -with the Indus and the neighbourhood of Uchh. General Cunningham, he -adds, is alone in placing the Oxydracae to the north of the Malli. That -author has, however, the _Indika_ to support his view. Their name in the -classics appears in various forms, Strabo and Stephanos Byz. calling -them _Hydrakai_, Pliny _Sydracae_, and Diodôros _Syrakousai_. Strabo -says they were reported to be the descendants of Bacchos because the -vine grew in their country, and because their kings displayed great pomp -in setting out on their warlike expeditions after the Bacchic manner -(XV. i. 8). They are no doubt to be identified with the Śudras, whose -name in early times did not denote a caste, as it did afterwards, but a -tribe of aborigines, or, at all events, a tribe of non-Aryan origin. The -final _ka_ in the Greek form of their name is a common Sanskrit suffix -to ethnic names given or withheld at random. The single combat between -Dioxippos and a Macedonian bravo called Horratas took place after a great -banquet at which Alexander entertained the envoys of the Oxydrakai. - -The territory of the Malloi was of great extent, comprehending a part -of the Doâb formed by the Akesinês and the Hydraôtês, and extending, -according to Arrian (_Indika_, c. iv.), to the confluence of the Akesinês -and the Indus. In the _Mahâbhârata_ they figure as a great people, being -there distinguished into the Eastern, Southern, and Western Mâlavas -(_Mahâbh._ vi. 107). They are mentioned also in the inscription of -Samudragupta (of the first half of the third century A.D.) among other -peoples of the Panjâb who were subject to the King of Madhya-desha -(_v._ V. de Saint-Martin, _Étude_, pp. 116-120). “These two races,” -says Thirlwall (_History of Greece_, vii. 40), “were composed of widely -different elements; for the name of one appears to have been derived -from that of the Sudra caste; and it is certain that the Brahmins were -predominant in the other. We can easily understand why they did not -intermarry and were seldom at peace with each other.” The feud, however, -may have been one of race rather than of caste, though no doubt the -distinctions of caste originated in difference of race. - - -NOTE Q.—THE CAPITAL OF THE MALLOI - -Diodôros and Curtius assign this city to the Oxydrakai, but erroneously. -General Cunningham identifies it with Multân and takes it to be also the -capital of the Malloi “to which many men from other cities had fled for -safety.” Arrian seems, however, to indicate that the two places were -distinct. V. de Saint-Martin inclines to identify the Mallian capital -with Harrâpa (the Harapa which Cunningham takes to be the city captured -by Perdikkas). Multân is at present the capital of the province of the -same name, which comprises pretty nearly the same territories as those -occupied by the Malloi of the Greek historians. Multân is not situated on -the Râvi now, but on the Chenâb, and at a distance of more than thirty -miles _below_ the junction of that river with the Râvi. This circumstance -would be quite fatal to Cunningham’s view if the junction had not -shifted. But it has shifted, for in Alexander’s time the rivers met about -fifteen miles below Multân. “The old channel (Cunningham says) still -exists and is duly entered in the large maps of the Multân division. It -leaves the present bed at Sarai Siddhû and follows a winding course for -thirty miles to the south-south-west, when it suddenly turns to the west -for eighteen miles as far as Multân, and, after completely encircling -the fortress, continues its westerly course for five miles below Multân. -It then suddenly turns to the south-south-west for ten miles, and is -finally lost in the low-lying lands of the bed of the Chenâb. Even to -this day the Râvi clings to its ancient channel, and at all high floods -the waters of the river still find their way to Multân by the old bed, -as I myself have witnessed on two occasions. The date of the change -is unknown, but was certainly subsequent to A.D. 713.” From Arrian’s -narrative it would appear that Alexander occupied three days, one of -which was spent in rest, in advancing from the city of the Brachmans -to the city of the Malloi. The distance traversed would be thirty-four -miles, if Cunningham’s identification of the former city with Atâri -and of the latter with Multân be correct. The city where Alexander was -wounded appears from Arrian’s account to have been at some distance from -the Hydraôtês, and if so could not have been Multân. - - -NOTE R.—ALEXANDER IN SINDH - -Arrian and the other historians of Alexander have treated very briefly -and vaguely his campaign in the valley of the Indus. Hence it is -difficult to trace the course of his operations as he descended from -the great confluence at Uchh to Patala where the Indus bifurcates to -form the Delta. The distance between these two points, if measured by -the course of the river, may be estimated at nearly four hundred miles, -yet we find, as Saint-Martin observes, that in the descent not a single -distance is indicated, nor a single peculiar feature of the country -described which might serve as a sign-post for the direction and guidance -of our inquiries. It is at the same time difficult to reconcile the -discrepancies found to exist in the accounts transmitted to us, and -altogether the search for identities must here mainly concern itself with -the names of tribes. In determining how these tribes were collocated it -is necessary to take cognisance of the changes which have taken place -in the course of the Indus since Alexander’s time. Captain M’Murdo was -the first to call attention (in 1834) to these changes, which were not -confined to the terminal course of the river, but extended more than -two hundred miles above the Delta. He proved that up to the seventh -century of our aera the main stream of the Indus, instead of following -its present channel, pursued a more direct course to the sea some sixty -or seventy miles farther east than it now flows. The old channel, which -leaves the present stream at some distance above Bhakar, passes the -ruins of Alôr, and then proceeds directly towards the south nearly -as far as Brâhmanâbâd, above which it divides into two channels, one -rejoining the present course above Haidarâbâd, while the other pursues -a south-easterly course towards the Ran of Kachh. The voyage down the -lower part of the course took place during the season of the inundation -when the plains were laid far and wide under water, and the current was -rapid and violent. As the march followed mainly the line of the river -the country would appear to the Macedonians extremely rich, fertile, and -populous, while the sterility of the regions that lay beyond the reach -of the inundations would seldom be brought under their cognisance. In -descending the river they could not fail to notice the contrast presented -by the plains on its opposite banks, those on the east exhibiting a -uniform expanse without any visible boundary, while those on the west -were hemmed in by a great mountain rampart which in running southwards -gradually approached the Indus till the roots of the hills were laved by -its waters. The inhabitants would strike them as being more swarthy in -their complexion than the men of the Panjâb, from whom they differed also -in their political predilections, as they preferred kingly government to -republican independence, and allowed the Brahman to exercise a decisive -influence over public life. The descent of the Indus by Alexander, as -Bunbury remarks, may be considered as constituting a kind of aera in the -geographical knowledge of the Greeks. It does not appear, he adds, that -it was ever repeated; and while subsequent researches added materially -to the knowledge possessed by the Greeks of the valley of the Ganges and -the more easterly provinces of India, their information concerning the -great river Indus and the regions through which it flows continued to be -derived almost exclusively from the voyage of Alexander and the accounts -transmitted by the contemporary historians. - -After leaving the great confluence the first tribe Alexander reached were -the _Sogdoi_, who appear as the _Sodrai_ in Diodôros, who states that -Alexander founded among them on the banks of the river a city called -Alexandreia in which he placed 10,000 inhabitants. The Sogdoi have -been identified with the _Sohda_ Rajputs who now occupy the south-east -district of Sindh about Amarkot, but who in former times held large -possessions on the banks of the Indus to the northward of Alôr. This -place, though now only a scene of ruins, was formerly, before it was -deserted by the river, one of the largest and most flourishing cities -in all Sindh. Saint-Martin takes it to have been the Sogdian capital, -and thinks that the city which Alexander founded lay in its vicinity at -Rôri, since right opposite to this place there rose in the middle of the -river the rocky island of Bhakar, which presented every natural advantage -for the site of a great fortress. Cunningham, however, would place the -capital higher up stream, about midway between Alôr and Uchh, at a -village which appears in old maps under the name of Sirwahi, and which -may possibly represent the _Seori_ of Sindh history and the _Sodrai_ of -Diodôros. In this neighbourhood lies the most frequented ghât for the -crossing of the Indus towards the west _viâ_ Gandâva and the Bolan Pass; -and as the ghâts always determine the roads, it was probably at this -point of passage Krateros recrossed the Indus when he was despatched -with the main body of the army and the elephants to return home through -the countries in which that Pass lay. The name _Sodrai_, some think, -represents the Sanskrit _Śûdra_ which designates the servile or lowest of -the four castes. If this be so, the Sodrai may be regarded as a remnant -of the primitive stock which peopled the country before the advent of the -Aryans (_v._ Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ ii. p. 174; Saint-Martin, _Étude_, pp. -150-161; Cunningham, _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 249-256). - - -NOTE S.—SINDIMANA - -Sambus is called Sabus by Curtius, who, without giving the name of -his capital, informs us that Alexander captured it by mining and then -marched to rejoin his fleet on the Indus. The Greek name of this capital, -_Sindimana_, has led to its identification with Sehwân, a site of very -high antiquity. The great mound which was once its citadel has been -formed chiefly of ruined buildings accumulated in the course of ages on a -scarped rock at the end of the Lakki range of hills. Its water supply is -at present entirely derived from the Indus, which not only flows under -the eastern front of the town, but also along the northern by a channel -from the great Manchur Lake, which perhaps formerly extended up even -to the city walls. The objection to this identification, that Sehwân’s -position on the Indus conflicts with the statement that Alexander had -to march from Sindomana to reach that river, is removed by the fact -that the Indus has changed its course since Alexander’s time. Wilson -derives the Greek Sindomana from what he calls a very allowable Sanskrit -compound, _Sindu-mân_, “the possessor of Sindh.” Cunningham, however, -would refer the name to _Saindava-vanam_ or _Sainduwân_, “the abode -of the Saindavas.” _v._ his _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 263-266, and -also Saint-Martin’s _Étude_, p. 166, where it is stated that the name -of Sambus is probably connected with that of the tribe called Sammah, -whose chiefs have at different epochs played a distinguished part in the -valley of the Indus. In Hindu mythology _Samba_ is the son of Krishna. -According to Plutarch, it was somewhere in the dominions of Sabbas that -Alexander had his interview with the ten Indian gymnosophists. Sehwân is -the Sewistan of the Arabs. According to Burton (writing in 1857), it is a -hot, filthy, and most unwholesome place, with a rascally population (of -6000) which includes many beggars and devotees. _v._ his _Sindh_, p. 8. -The population has since increased to upwards of 160,000. - - -NOTE T.—CITY OF THE BRACHMANS—HARMATELIA - -This city of the Brachmans Cunningham takes to have been Brâhmana, -or Brâhmanâbâd, which was ninety miles distant by water from Marija -Dand, the point where he supposes Alexander rejoined his fleet after -the capture of Sindimana. Brâhmanâbâd was situated on the old channel -of the Indus forty-seven miles to the north-east of Haidarâbâd or -Nirankot, the Patala of ancient times. Shortly after the Mohammedan -conquest it was supplanted by Mansûra, which either occupied its site -or lay very near it, as, according to Ibn Haukal, the place was called -in the Sindh language Bâmiwân. It was destroyed by an earthquake -sometime before the beginning of the eleventh century. Its ruins were -discovered at Bambhra-ka-thûl by Mr. Bellasis, whose excavations have -shown conclusively the truth of the popular tradition which ascribed its -downfall to an earthquake. Cunningham further thinks that Brâhmanâbâd -was the _Harmatelia_ of Diodôros—the place where Ptolemy was wounded by -the poisoned arrow. Harmatelia (he says) is only a softer pronunciation -of _Brâhma-thala_ or Brahmana-sthala, just as Hermes, the phallic god -of the Greeks, is the same as Brahmâ, the original phallic god of the -Indians. He thinks that the king whom Justin (xii. 10) calls _Ambiger_ -was no other than Mousikanos, whose dominions extended as far south as -the Delta, _Ambiger_ being his family name and Mousikanos his dynastic -title (_Geog._ pp. 267-269). Saint-Martin, on the other hand, recognises -Harmatelia in a place variously designated by Arab writers _Armael_, -_Armaïl_, _Armâbil_, and _Armatel_, but of which the position is unknown -(_Étude_, pp. 167, 168). In his ancient map of India Colonel Yule, who -takes the same view as Saint-Martin, identifies Harmatelia with Bela. - - -NOTE U.—PATALA - -The situation of Patala has been a fertile theme of controversy. Arrian -seems, no doubt, to give here a clear indication of its position in -saying that it stood near where the Indus bifurcates; but as this point -has from time to time shifted, the controversy has turned mainly on the -question where this point is to be fixed. The river bifurcates at present -at Mottâri, which lies twelve miles above Haidarâbâd, and it has been -known to bifurcate a little above, and also a little below Thatha, at -Bauna also, and at Trikul. As a matter of fact, these bifurcations no -longer exist, except perhaps for a part of the year when the river is in -flood and recurs to some of its old channels. It is not then surprising -that various identifications have been proposed for Patala. It was placed -at Brâhmanâbâd by M’Murdo, Wilson, and Lassen; at Thatha by Rennell, -Vincent, Ritter, and the two brothers, James and Sir Alexander Burnes; -and at Haidarâbâd, the Nirankot of Arab writers, by Droysen, Benfey, -Burton, Saint-Martin, Cunningham, and Bunbury. The arguments in favour -of Haidarâbâd seem to be quite conclusive. They will be found stated -at length in Saint-Martin’s _Étude_ (pp. 168-191), and Cunningham’s -_Geography_ (pp. 279-287). One of the most cogent is that the dimensions -of the Delta, as given by the Greek writers, are only justified if -the apex of the Delta is taken to have been in Alexander’s time at or -near Haidarâbâd. If the apex had then been as high up as Brâhmanâbâd, -or as far down as Thatha, the size of the Delta would be as grossly -exaggerated in the one case as it would be underrated in the other. The -same conclusion is indicated in the information supplied to the late Dr. -Wilson of Bombay by the Brahmans of Sehwân, that, according to their -local legends, as recorded in their Sanskrit books, Thatha was _Déval_, -and Haidarâbâd _Néran_, and more anciently _Patolpuri_. _Patala_ was -thought at one time to have been a transcription of the Sanskrit Pâtâla, -_the nether world_, into which the sun descends at the end of his day’s -journey, and hence THE WEST; but a better etymology is the Sanskrit -_potala_, “a station for ships,” from _pôta_, “a vessel.” The name of -the Indian Delta was Patalênê. Haidarâbâd stands on a long flat-topped -hill, and Patala, if this was its site, must have occupied a commanding -position, the advantages of which, alike for strategy and commerce, -Alexander would perceive at a glance. The main stream of the Indus now -flows to the west of this position. In the second chapter of his _Indika_ -Arrian repeats the statement that the Indus enters the ocean by two -mouths. Aristoboulos estimated the interval between them at 1000 stadia, -but Nearchos at 1800. The interval from the west to the east arm measures -at present 125 British miles. The sea-front of the Egyptian Delta with -which the Greeks compared that of the Indus Delta is not less than 160 -miles. The Prince of Patala was called _Moeris_. - - -NOTE V.—ALEXANDER’S MARCH THROUGH GEDRÔSIA-PURA - -“No traveller,” says Bunbury, referring to the interior of Mekran, “has -as yet traversed its length from one end to the other in the direction -followed by Alexander. So far as we can judge, he appears to have kept -along a kind of plain or valley, which is found to run nearly parallel -to the coast between the interior range of the Mushti (or Washati) -hills and the lower ragged hills that bound the immediate neighbourhood -of the sea-coast. This line of route has been followed in very recent -times by Major Ross from Kedj to Bela, and seems to form a natural -line of communication, keeping throughout about the required distance -(60 or 70 miles) from the coast [the distance required for maintaining -communication with the fleet].... This line of march so far as is yet -known does not appear to traverse any such frightful deserts _of sand_ -as those described by the historians of Alexander. Nor can the site of -Pura ... be determined with accuracy. It has been generally identified -with Bunpoor (Banpûr), the most important place in Western Beloochistan, -or with Pahra, a village in the same neighbourhood; but the resemblance -of name is in this case of little value—_poor_ signifying merely a -town—while the remoteness of Bunpoor from the sea, and its position -to the north of the central chain of mountains, which Alexander must -therefore have traversed in order to reach it, present considerable -difficulties in the way of this view” (_Hist. of Anc. Geog._ pp. -519-520). Strabo, in his chapter on Ariana, narrates in graphic detail, -like Arrian, the sufferings experienced by the Macedonians in passing -through Gedrôsia. The summer, he says, was purposely chosen for leaving -India, since rains then fall in Gedrôsia, filling the rivers and wells -which fail in winter. Alexander kept at the utmost from the sea not more -than 500 stadia in order to secure the coast for his fleet. The army was -saved by eating dates and the marrow of the palm-tree, but many persons -were suffocated by eating unripe dates. - -To account for the surprising length of time (60 days) occupied on this -march, which could not have exceeded 400 English miles, we must suppose -that the troops were obliged to make frequent halts at places where water -was procurable. Strabo says that it was found necessary on account of -the watering-places to make marches of two, four, and even sometimes of -six hundred stadia generally during the night. The land distances, like -the sea distances of Nearchos, seem to have been grossly exaggerated. -The march of Semiramis through this desert and that of Cyrus seem to -be mythical. Alexander’s loss in men during the march must have been -exaggerated by the historians, as he brought the bulk of his army with -him to Pura. - - -NOTE W.—INDIAN SAGES - -According to Megasthenes the Indian sages were divided into two sects, -Brahmans and Sarmans. There was besides a third sect, described as -quarrelsome, fond of wrangling, foolish and boastful. The Brahmans, he -says, were held in higher esteem than the Sarmans because there was more -agreement in their doctrines. Among the Sarmans the Hylobioi (_living in -woods_) were held in most honour, and next to them the physicians, who -are mendicants and also ascetics, like the class above them and the class -below them, which consisted of sorcerers and fortune-tellers. Megasthenes -has related at some length the nature of the opinions and practices of -all these sects, and Duncker considers that in all essential points his -accounts agree with the native authorities, though the view taken may be -here and there too favourable, in some points too advanced, in others not -sufficiently discriminating. “It is true,” he says, “that the Brahmans -and the initiated of the Enlightened (Buddhists), the Śramanas, are -confounded in the order of the sages; this is shown by the statement that -any one could enter into this order.... In the description of the life of -the ascetics and wandering sages, the Brahmans and Bhikshus (mendicants) -are again confounded, and if the Greeks tell us that the severe sages -of the forest were too proud to go to the court at the request of the -king, the statement holds good according to the evidence of the Epos of -the Brahmanic saints, and the Sutras of the great teachers among the -Buddhists. In the examination of the doctrines of the Indian sages, -Megasthenes distinguished the Brahmans and the Buddhists, inasmuch as he -opposes the less-honoured sects to the first, and declares the Brahmans -to be the most important. From his whole account it is clear that at his -date, _i.e._ about the year 300 B.C., the Brahmans had distinctly the -upper hand. But, according to him, the Śramanas took the next place to -the Brahmans among the less-honoured sects. Among the Buddhists Śramana -is the ordinary name for their clergy” (_Hist. of Antiq._ pp. 422-424). - - -NOTE X.—THE INDIAN MONTH - -Curtius apparently means that the Indians mark time, not by taking a -month to be the period from full moon to next full moon, but from new -moon to full moon. “The year of the Indians (says Duncker) was divided -into 12 months of 30 days; the month was divided into two halves of 15 -days each, and the day into 30 hours (_muhurta_). In order to bring -this year of 360 days into harmony with the natural time, the Brahmans -established a quinquennial cycle of 1860 lunar days. Three years had -12 months of 30 lunar days; the third and fifth year of the cycle had -13 months of the same number of days. The Brahmans do not seem to have -perceived that by this arrangement the cycle contained almost four -days in excess of the astronomical time, and indeed they were not very -skilful astronomers” (_v._ his _History of Antiquity_, iv. 283, 284). -According to Weber this system of calculating time was borrowed from the -Babylonians, but Max Müller and learned Hindus hold it to be indigenous. -The Indian name for the half of a lunar month is _paksha_. The half from -new moon to full moon was called at first _pûrva_ (fore), and afterwards -_śukla_ (bright); the other half was called _apara_ (posterior), and -afterwards _krishna_ (dark). Le Clerc concludes his criticism of this -passage thus: “Matthaeus Raderus endeavours to explain Curtius as if -he designed to demonstrate that one month began and was understood to -commence a little after the change to the full moon, and the next, from -the time when she began to decrease to the next change. This, indeed, -ought to be his meaning; but it is strangely expressed, when he tells us -that the moon begins to show herself horned on the sixteenth day, when -’tis evident she does not appear so till about seven days after full -moon. But before Raderus, Thomas Lydiat had tried to solve the matter -otherways. However, Scaliger, in his _Prolegomena_ to his _Canones -Isagogicae_, p. 11, has plainly showed that Lydiat neither understood -Curtius nor Curtius the author which he copied from. The ancient Persians -counted 15 days to each of their months, and 24 of these months to the -solar year, before the introduction of Mohammedism, as John Chardin -evidently demonstrates in his _Itinerarium Persicum_, tome xi. p. 14, -quarto” (_v._ Rooke’s _Arrian_, p. 12). - - -NOTE Y.—BATTLE WITH PÔROS - -Mr. Heitland has the following note on this passage: “Arrian (v. 16, sec. -2) tells us that Alexander was making a flanking movement (παρήλαυνεν) -with the bulk of his cavalry to attack the enemy’s left wing. He then -goes on (sec. 3): _Against the right wing he sent Koinos at the head -of his own regiment of horse and that of Dêmêtrios, and ordered him, -when the barbarians on seeing what a dense mass of cavalry was opposed -to them, should be riding along to encounter it, to hang close upon -their rear_,[411] a hard passage, it is true, but one which need not be -unintelligible to any one who bears in mind that Alexander’s movement -was a flanking one, and reads with care the description of his attack in -c. 16, sec. 4, and c. 17, sec. 1, 2. The situation is this: Alexander -was not himself in position on the right wing, but put Coenus there -with some of the cavalry, while he himself with the main body made the -flanking movement. This he did with speed, so as to take the Indian horse -in flank, before they had time to change their front and meet him. They -tried to execute this movement, but had not time; and while they were in -the confusion thus brought about, Coenus fell upon what had been their -front, but was now their disordered flank. Whether the Indian horse from -their right wing was brought over to succour that on their left or not, -does not affect the probable position of Coenus. The one difficulty in -the way of this explanation is the presence, according to Arrian, 15, -sec. 7, of the war-chariots in front of the Indian horse. But it seems -easier to suppose that Coenus was able to elude these clumsy adversaries -than that Alexander expected him to see from the Macedonian left the -right moment for his own charge, and then wheel round the rear of the -whole Indian army and execute his orders opportunely. Diodorus, xvii. 88, -says: _The Macedonian cavalry began the action, and destroyed nearly all -the chariots of the Indians_.[412] If this refers, as I think it does, -to the beginning of the main battle, the chief objection is removed” -(_Alexander in India_, pp. 122, 123). This explanation is different from -that offered by Moberly, as the reader will see by referring to my note -on Arrian, p. 104, _n._ 2. - - -NOTE Z.—INDIAN SERPENTS - -Diodôros gives the length of the serpents at sixteen cubits, or about -twenty-four feet. Ailianos also gives this as their length. He says -(xvii. 2): “Kleitarchos states that about India a serpent sixteen cubits -long is produced, but mentions there is another kind which differs in -appearance from the rest. They are many sizes shorter, and display to the -eye a variety of colours, as if they were painted with pigments. Stripes -extend from the head to the tail, and are of various colours, some tinted -like bronze, some like silver, some like gold, while others are crimson. -The same writer notices that their bite proves very quickly fatal.” -Arrian in his _Indika_ (c. 15) states on the authority of Nearchos that -there are serpents in India spotted and nimble in their movements, and -that one was caught which measured about sixteen cubits, though the -Indians alleged that the largest snakes were much larger. Nearchos adds -that Alexander summoned to his camp all the Indians most expert in the -healing art, and that these succeeded in curing snake-bites, to find a -remedy for which quite baffled the skill of all the Greek physicians. -Strabo relates (XV. i. 28), that Abisaros, as the ambassadors he sent -to Alexander reported, kept two serpents, one of 80 cubits, and the -other, according to Onesikritos, of 140 cubits in length; but Strabo no -more believed in this land-serpent than we do in the sea-serpent, for -he adds that Onesikritos might as well be called the master-fabulist -as the master-pilot of Alexander. He afterwards says that Aristoboulos -saw a snake nine cubits and a span long, and that he himself while in -Egypt had seen another of the same length which had been brought from -India. Megasthenes wrote that serpents in India grow to such a size that -they swallow deer and oxen whole. He referred no doubt to the python. -The python of the Sunderbuns about the mouths of the Ganges are known -to swallow deer whole. The Elzevir editor of Curtius cites statements -about the size of Indian serpents which leave the extravagant estimate -of Onesikritos far behind. Thus Maximus Tyrius (_Dissert._ 38) says: -“Taxiles showed Alexander various wonders, and among these was a very -large animal sacred to Bacchus, to which the Indians every day immolated -victims. This animal was a serpent (_draco_), of such a size that it -equalled five acres of land.” - - -NOTE A_A_.—INDIAN PEACOCKS - -The peacock (_mayûra_) abounds in India especially in the forests at the -foot of the Himalayas. Ailianos has several notices of it in his work -on animals. In Book v. 21, after he has described its habits, and the -pride it takes in displaying its gorgeous plumage, he states that it was -brought into Greece from the barbarians. Being for a long time rare, it -was exhibited at the beginning of each month to the men and women of -Athens who were lovers of the beautiful. The charge for admission to -the spectacle was a considerable source of gain. The price of a pair -(cock and hen) was a thousand drachmas (or about £40 of our money). -Alexander the Macedonian, on seeing these birds in India, was so struck -with admiration of their beauty that he denounced the severest penalties -against any one who should kill them. In Book xvi. 2 he notes that the -Indian peacocks are the largest to be anywhere found. In xiii. 18 he -says: “In the palace where the greatest of all the Indian kings resides, -besides many things else which excite admiration, eclipsing the splendour -alike of Memnonian Sousa and all the boasted magnificence of Ekbatana, -there are reared in the Royal Park tame peacocks and tame pheasants.... -Within that park are shady groves, grassy meads planted with trees, and -bowers woven by the craft of skilful woodmen. So genial withal is the -climate, that the trees are ever green, and never show signs of age, -nor even shed their leaves. Some are native to the soil, while others -which are brought with great care from foreign parts, contribute to -enhance the beauty of the landscape. Not the olive, however, which is -neither indigenous to India, nor thrives if brought into it. The park is -therefore frequented by wild birds as well as by the tame. They seek its -groves from choice, and there build their nests and rear their young. -Parrots too are bred there, which, flitting to and fro, keep hovering -around the king. Notwithstanding they are so numerous, no Indian will -eat them, for they regard them as sacred, while the Brahmans esteem -them above all other birds, and with good reason, since the parrot -alone with a clear utterance repeats the words of human speech.” In xi. -33 he tells a story about a peacock of extraordinary size and beauty, -which had been sent from India as a present to the King of Egypt, who -thereupon dedicated the bird to Jupiter, the guardian god of his capital -city. His work has several other passages which refer to the peacock; -but as these have no bearing upon India we do not cite them. The bird -was introduced into Greece long before Alexander’s time, for Dêmos, the -friend of Perikles, reared peacocks at Athens, which many people came -from Lacedaemon and Thessaly to see, as we learn from Athenaios, ix. 12. -It is said that peacocks were first introduced into Greece from Samos. - - -NOTE B_B_.—INDIAN DOGS - -A breed of dogs, large, powerful, and of untamable ferocity, is still -found in the parts of India here mentioned.[413] Pliny, speaking of these -Indian dogs, ascribes their savage disposition to the cause mentioned by -Diodôros, the tiger blood that runs in their veins. The Indians, he says -(viii. 40), assert that these dogs are begotten from tigers, for which -purpose the bitches when in heat are tied up amid the woods. They think -that the whelps of the first and second brood are too ferocious, but they -rear those of the third. Ailianos (viii. 1) varies this statement by -saying that tigers are the offspring of the first and second connection, -but dogs of the third. He then proceeds thus: “Dogs that boast a tiger -paternity disdain to hunt deer or to enter into an encounter with a wild -boar, but delight to assail the lion as if to show their high pedigree. -So the Indians gave Alexander, the son of Philip, a proof of the strength -and mettle of these dogs in the manner following: They let go a deer, -but the dog never stirred; then a boar, but he still remained impassive. -Then they tried a bear, but even this failed to rouse him to action. At -last they let go a lion. Then the dog fired with rage, as if he now saw a -worthy antagonist, did not hesitate for a moment, but flew to encounter -him, gripped him fast, and tried to strangle him. Then the Indian who -provided this spectacle for the king, and who knew well the dog’s -capacity of endurance, ordered his tail to be cut off. It was accordingly -cut off, but the dog took not the least heed. The Indian ordered next -one of his legs to be cut off. This was done, but the dog held to his -grip as tenaciously as at first, just as if the dismembered limb were -not his own, but belonged to some one else. The remaining legs were then -cut off in succession, but even all this did not in the least make him -relax the vigour of his bite. Last of all, his head was severed from the -rest of his body, but even then his teeth were seen hanging on by the -part he had first gripped, while the head dangled aloft still clinging -to the lion, though the original biter no longer existed. Alexander was -very painfully impressed by what he saw, being lost in admiration of the -dog, since after giving proof of his mettle he perished in no cowardly -fashion, but preferring to die rather than to let his courage give way. -The Indian, seeing the king’s vexation, gave him four dogs like the -one that was killed. He was much gratified with the gift, and gave in -return a suitable equivalent. Joy at the possession of the four dogs soon -obliterated from the mind of Philip’s son his sorrow for the other.” The -same author writes nearly to the same effect in the nineteenth chapter of -his fourth book: “I reckon Indian dogs among wild beasts, for they are -of surpassing strength and ferocity, and are the largest of all dogs. -This dog despises other animals, but fights with the lion, withstands his -attacks, returns his roaring with baying, and gives him bite for bite. -In such an encounter the dog may be worsted, but not till he has often -severely galled and wounded the lion. The lion is, however, at times -worsted by the Indian dog and killed in the chase. If a dog once clutches -a lion, he retains his hold so pertinaciously that if one should even -cut off his leg with a knife he will not let go, however severe may be -the pain he suffers, till death supervening compels him.” Aristotle, in -his _History of Animals_ (viii. 28), refers to these Indian dogs and the -story of their tigrine descent. Even an earlier mention of them is to -be found in Xenophon (_Kyn._ c. 10). We may hence infer that their fame -had spread to Greece long before Alexander’s time. Marco Polo mentions a -province in China where the people had a large breed of dogs so fierce -and bold that two of them together would attack a lion—an animal with -which that province abounded (Yule’s ed. ii. pp. 108, 109). - - -NOTE C_C_.—THE GANGARIDAI - -This people occupied the country about the mouths of the Ganges, and may -best be described as the inhabitants of Lower Bengal. The likeness of -their name to that of the Gandaridai, the people of Gandhâra, whose seats -were in the neighbourhood of the Indus and the Kôphên or Kâbul river, -has been the source of much confusion and error. Fortunately the notice -of them in the _Indika_ of Megasthenes has been preserved both by Pliny -and Solinus, from whom we learn that they were a branch of the great race -of the Calingae, that their capital was Parthalis (Bardwan?), and that -their king had an army of 60,000 foot, 1000 horse, and 700 elephants, -which was always ready for action (Pliny, vi. 18; Solin. 52). They are -mentioned in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ as a people who dwelt about the mouth -of the Ganges and whose capital was Gangê. The name of the _Gangaridai_ -has nothing corresponding with it in Sanskrit, nor can it be, as Lassen -supposed, a designation first invented by the Greeks, for Phegelas used -it in describing to Alexander the races that occupied the regions beyond -the Hyphasis. According to Saint-Martin, their name is preserved in -that of the Gonghrîs of S. Bihâr, with whom were connected the Gangayîs -of North-Western and the Gangrâr of Eastern Bengal. These designations -he takes to be but variations of the name which was originally common -to them all. Wilford, in his article on the chronology of the Hindus -(_Asiat. Res._ v. p. 269), says that “the greatest part of Bengal was -known in Sanskrit under the name of Gancaradesa, or ‘country of Gancara,’ -from which the Greeks made Gangari-das.” But this view must be rejected -on the same ground as Lassen’s. The Gangaridai are mentioned by Virgil, -_Georg._ iii. l. 27. As their king, at the time when Megasthenes recorded -the strength of the army which he maintained, was subject to Magadha, we -may infer that Sandrokottos treated the various potentates who submitted -to his arms as Alexander treated Taxilês and Pôros, permitting them to -retain as his vassals the power and dignity which they had previously -enjoyed. - - -NOTE D_D_.—THE PRASIOI - -The Sanskrit word _Prâchyâs_ (plur. of _Prachya_, “eastern”) denoted -the inhabitants of the east country, that is, the country which lay to -the east of the river Sarasvatî, now the Sursooty, which flows in a -south-western direction from the mountains bounding the north-east part -of the province of Delhi till it loses itself in the sands of the great -desert. The Magadhas, it would seem, had, before Alexander’s advent -to India, extended their power as far as this river, and hence were -called Prâchyâs by the people who lived to the west of it. They are -called by Strabo, Arrian, and Pliny, _Prasioi_, _Prasii_; by Plutarch, -_Praisioi_; by Nikolaös Damask., _Praiisioi_; by Diodôros, _Brêsioi_; by -Curtius, _Pharrasii_; by Justin, _Praesides_. Ailianos in general writes -_Praisioi_ like Plutarch, but in one passage where he quotes Megasthenes, -he transcribes the name with perfect accuracy in the adjective form as -_Praxiakê_. General Cunningham does not agree in referring the name to -_Prâchya_, as all the other modern writers do, but takes _Prasii_ to be -only the Greek form of _Palâsiya_ or _Parâsiya_, a “man of _Palâsa_ or -_Parâsa_,” a name of _Magadha_ of which Palibothra was the capital. This -derivation, he says, is supported by the spelling of the name given by -Curtius, who calls the people _Pharrasii_, an almost exact transcript -of Parâsiya (see his _Ancient Geog. of India_, p. 454). His view, we -think, is hardly destined to supplant the other. Ptolemy describes in -his _Geography_ a small kingdom with seven cities which he locates in -the regions of the upper Ganges, and calls Prasiakê. Kanoge is one of -these cities, but Palibothra is not in the number, appearing elsewhere -as the capital of the Mandalai. One is at a loss to understand what -considerations could have led Ptolemy to push the Prasians so far from -their proper seats and transfer their capital to another people. - - -NOTE E_E_.—THE SIBI - -The Sanskrit word _Śivi_ denotes a country, the inhabitants of which, -_Sivayas_, may be the Sibi of Curtius and Diodôros. The Sibi inhabited a -district between the Hydaspês and the Indus, and their capital stood at -a distance of about thirty miles from the former river, and, as appears -from Diodôros, above its confluence with the Akesinês. As they were clad -with the skins of wild beasts and were armed with clubs, they reminded -the Greeks of Herakles, who was similarly dressed and armed, and thence -arose the legend that the Sibi were the descendants of the followers of -that wandering hero. The truth, however, is that the Sibi represent one -of the chief aboriginal tribes of the regions of the Indus. The Sanskrit -poems and the Pauranik traditions give this great tribe its real name -_Śibi_, and represent it as one of the important branches of the race -which originally peopled all the north-western region. According to -Moorcroft, the inhabitants of the district of Bimber are called Chibs, -while Baber in his _Memoirs_ had mentioned a people so named as belonging -to the same parts. Arrian does not expressly mention Alexander’s -expedition against the Sibi in his _History_, but in his _Indika_ (c. 5) -he thus refers to them: “So also when the Greeks came among the _Sibai_, -an Indian tribe, and observed that they wore skins, they declared that -the _Sibai_ were descended from those who belonged to the expedition of -Herakles, and had been left behind; for besides being dressed in skins, -the _Sibai_ carry a cudgel and brand on their oxen the representation -of a club.” In the ordinary texts of Curtius the _Sibi_ appears as -the _Sobii_, and in Justin as the _Silei_. They are mentioned in the -_History_ of Orosius (iii. 19), along with a people called Gessonae, who -are evidently the people called by Diodôros the _Agalassi_. - - -NOTE F_F_.—THE AGALASSIANS - -Curtius does not give the name of the people whom Alexander proceeded -to attack after he had received the submission of the Sibi, but it is -supplied by Diodôros, who calls them Agalasseis. Saint-Martin says -(_Étude_, p. 115) that they adjoined the eastern side of the Sibi and -occupied the country below the junction of the Hydaspês and Akesinês. -Though _Agalassi_ is the most commonly received reading of their name, -yet there are many variant readings of it, especially in the manuscripts -and editions of Justin, where we find _Agesinae_, _Hiacensanae_, -_Argesinae_, _Agini_, _Acensoni_, and _Gessonae_. The last form occurs -also in the _History_ of Orosius (iii. 19), where the people it -designates are mentioned along with the Sibi. The original name to which -these may be referred is probably _Arjunâyana_. This name occurs between -that of the Mâlava (Malloi) and that of the Yaudheyas on the Pillar at -Allahabad, whereon Samudragupta, who reigned towards the end of the 4th -century A.D., inscribed the names of the countries and peoples included -in his dominions. The Arjunâyana are mentioned also by the Scholiast of -Pânini, and in the geographical list which Wilford compiled from the -_Varâha Sanhita_. Arrian in his _Indika_ (c. 4) calls the people situated -at the junction of the Hydaspês and Akesinês the _Arispai_ (_Ibid._ p. -116, and footnotes). - - -NOTE G_G_.—TIDES IN INDIAN RIVERS - -Several Indian rivers present the tidal phenomenon called the _bore_, the -most celebrated being those of the Brahmaputra, the Ganges, the Nerbada, -and the Indus. The bore is sometimes many feet in height, and the noise -it makes in contending against the descending stream frightful. The bore -which rushes up the Hughli has a speed of about seventeen or eighteen -miles per hour. A vivid description of the tide or bore of the Nerbada -has been given by the author of the _Periplûs_. “India,” he says (c. 45), -“has everywhere an abundance of rivers, and her seas ebb and flow with -tides of extraordinary strength, which increase both at new and full -moon, and for three days after each, but fall off intermediately. About -Barygaza (Bharoch) they are more violent than elsewhere; so that all of a -sudden you see the depths laid bare and portions of the land turned into -sea, and the sea where ships were sailing but just before turned without -warning into dry land. The rivers, again, on the access of flood-tide -rushing into their channels with the whole body of the sea, are driven -upwards against their natural course for a great many miles with a force -that is irresistible.” In c. 46, after explaining how dangerous these -tides are to ships navigating the Nerbada, he thus proceeds: “But at new -moons, especially when they occur in conjunction with a night tide, the -flood sets in with such extraordinary violence that on its beginning to -advance, even though the sea be calm, its roar is heard by those living -near the river’s mouth, sounding like the tumult of battle heard in the -distance, and soon after the sea with its hissing waves bursts over the -bare shoals.” - - -NOTE H_H_.—INDIAN PHILOSOPHERS - -Arrian has given the account here promised of the Indian sages, whom he -calls _Sophists_, in the eleventh chapter of his _Indika_. They formed -the highest and most honoured of the seven castes into which, he says, -Indian society was divided. His account is, however, very meagre compared -with that which Strabo, quoting from the same authority, Megasthenes, has -given in the fifteenth book of his _Geography_. We may subjoin a notice -of the more important points. The philosophers were of two kinds, the -Brachmânes and the Garmanes (Śramanas, i. e. _Buddhist ascetics_). The -Brachmans were held in greater repute, as they agreed more exactly in -their opinions. They lived in a grove outside the city, lay upon pallets -of straw and on skins, abstained from animal food and sexual intercourse. -After living thirty-seven years in this manner each individual retired -to his own possessions, led a life of greater freedom, and married as -many wives as he pleased. They discoursed much upon death, which they -held to be for philosophers a birth into a real and happy life. They -maintained that nothing which happens to a man is bad or good, opinions -being merely dreams. On many points their notions coincided with those -of the Greeks. They said, for instance, that the world was created and -liable to destruction, that it was of a spheroidal figure, and that -its Creator governed it and was diffused through all its parts. They -invented fables also, after the manner of Plato, on the immortality of -the soul, punishments in Hades, and similar topics. Of the Śramanas the -most honourable were the Hylobioi. These, as their name imports, lived in -woods, where they subsisted on leaves and wild fruits. They were clothed -with garments made of the bark of trees, and abstained from commerce -with women and from wine. The kings held communication with them by -messengers, and through them worshipped the divinity. Next in honour to -the Hylobioi were the physicians, who cured diseases by diet rather than -by medicinal remedies, which were chiefly unguents and cataplasms. See -XV. i. 58-60. - -Arrian, in the opening chapters of the seventh book of his _Anabasis_, -gives an account of Alexander’s dealings with the Gymnosophists of Taxila -which agrees in substance with that given by Strabo (XV. i. 61-65) based -on the authority both of Aristoboulos and Onesikritos, the latter of whom -was sent by Alexander to converse with the gymnosophists. For the details -see Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Kalânos. - - -NOTE I_I_.—SUTTEE (Diod. Note 12). - -But Diodôros, in a subsequent part of his history (xix. 33), relates that -the law had been enacted because of the great prevalence of the practice -of wives poisoning their husbands. In c. 34 he states that the two widows -of Kêteus, an Indian general who fell in the great battle in Gabienê -between Eumenes and Antigonos, contended for the honour of being burned -on the funeral pile of their husband, and that the younger was selected -for the distinction, because the elder, being at the time with child, -was precluded by law from immolating herself. Strabo says (XV. i. 62) -that Aristoboulos and other writers make mention of Indian wives burning -themselves voluntarily with their husbands. - -From this it would appear that this cruel practice, known as _Suttee_ -(Sansk. _satî_, “a devoted wife”), which was suppressed by the humanity -of the Indian Government in the days of Lord Bentinck, was one of -high antiquity, but Mr. R. C. Dutt, in his able and learned work on -_Civilisation in Ancient India_, assigns a much later date to its origin. -He says (vol. iii. 199) that the barbarous rite was introduced centuries -after Manu, whose _Institutes_, he thinks, were compiled within a century -or two before or after the Christian aera. In a subsequent passage (p. -332) he states that Suttee was originally a Scythian custom, and was -probably introduced into India by the Scythian invaders who poured into -India in the Buddhist age (from 242 B.C. to 500 A.D.), and formed ruling -Hindu races later on. There can be no doubt that Suttee was a Scythian -practice. Their kings were entombed with sacrifices both of beasts and of -human beings of both sexes, as we see from what Herodôtos relates in the -seventy-first chapter of his fourth book. Still the statement of Diodôros -shows that several centuries before the Skythian invasions of India took -place Suttee was an established institution among a race of the purest -Aryan descent such as were the Kathaians—a people whose name shows -they were Kshatriyas. The Hindus themselves believe that the custom -was of the very highest antiquity, and that a text of the _Rig-veda_ -sanctioned its observance. It has been discovered, however, that the text -in question has been falsified and mistranslated, and that in point of -fact no mention is found of the custom in Sanskrit literature till the -Pauranik period, the beginning of which Mr. Dutt assigns to the sixth -century of our aera. - - -NOTE K_K_.—ANCIENT INDIAN COINS - -[Illustration: FIG. 16.—ANTIMACHOS.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 17.—AGATHOKLÈS.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 18.—HELIOKLÊS.] - -The following remarks on the ancient coinage of India are extracted from -two papers contributed by Mr. W. Theobald to the _Journal of the Asiatic -Society of Bengal_, Nos. III. and IV. of 1890, under the title _Notes on -some of the Symbols found on the Punch-marked Coins of Hindustan_:—“The -punch-marked coins,” he says, “though presenting neither kings’ names, -dates, nor inscriptions of any sort, are nevertheless very interesting -not only from their being the earliest money coined in India, and of a -purely indigenous character, but from their being stamped with a number -of symbols, some of which we can with the utmost confidence declare to -have originated in distant lands and in the remotest antiquity. The -punch used to produce these coins differed from the ordinary dies which -subsequently came into use in that they covered only one of the many -symbols usually seen on their pieces. Some of these coins were round and -others of a rectangular form. The great bulk of these coins is silver -(but some copper, and others gold). Some coins are formed of a copper -blank thickly covered with silver before receiving the impression of the -punches, and this contemporary sophistication of the currency is found to -occur subsequently in various Indian coinages, in the Graeco-Bactrian of -the Panjâb, the Hindu kings of Cabul, etc.” Mr. Theobald thinks we may -regard these pieces as a portion of those very coins (or identical in all -respects) which the Brahman Chânakya, the adviser of Chandragupta, with -the view of raising resources, converted, by recoining each _Kahapana_ -into eight, and amassed eighty kotis of _Kahapanas_ (or Kârshâpanas). -Mr. Theobald holds that the square coins, both silver and copper, struck -by the Greeks for their Indian possessions belong to no Greek national -type whatever, but are obviously a novelty adopted in imitation of an -indigenous currency already firmly established in the country. He adduces -by way of proof the testimony of Curtius, where he states that Taxiles -offered Alexander eighty talents of coined silver (_signati argenti_). -What other, he asks, except these punch-marked coins could these pieces -of coined silver have been? The name, he then adds, by which these coins -are spoken of in the Buddhist _Sutras_ about 200 B.C. was “purana” = -_old_, whence General Cunningham argues that the word _old_, as applied -to the indigenous _Karsha_, was used to distinguish it from the new and -more recent issues of the Greeks. Mr. Vincent A. Smith writes to the -same effect. He considers the artistic coins to be of Greek origin, but -holds that the idea of coining money, and the simple mechanical processes -for rude coins, were not borrowed from the Greeks. It is, he thinks, -impossible to prove that any given piece is older than Alexander, though -some primitive coins may be older. The oldest Indian coins to which a -date can be assigned are, in his opinion, those issued by Sôphytes, the -contemporary of Alexander. The general adoption of Greek, or Graeko-Roman -types of coinage, he assigns to the first century as a result of the -Indo-Skythian invasions. Roman coins, it is well known, are found in -all parts of India. In Indian writings the Roman _dênârius_ appears in -the form _dînâra_, and the Greek _drachmê_ (which was about equivalent -in value to the _denarius_) in the form _dramma_. The subject of the -Indo-Greek coinage is discussed in A. v. Sallet’s _Die Nachfolger -Alexanders_. - -[Illustration: FIG. 19.—APOLLODOTOS.] - - -NOTE L_L_.—AN AŚÔKA INSCRIPTION - - _Transliteration._— ...... yu Ichha shavabhu .... shayama - shamachaliyaṁ madava ti. Iyaṁ vu mu ... - - Devânaṁ Piyeshâ ye dhaṁmavijaye she cha punâ ladhe Devânaṁ Pi - ... cha - - shaveshu cha ateshu a shashu pi yojanashateshu ata Atiyoge nâma - Yona lâjâ palaṁ châ tenâ - - Aṁtiyogenâ chatâli 4 lajâne Tulamaye nâma Aṁtekine nâma Makâ nâ - ma Alikyashudale nâma, nichaṁ Choḍa-Paṁḍiyâ avam Taṁbapaṁniyâ - hevameva hevamevâ - - Hidâlâjâ. Viśa-Vaji-Yona-Kaṁbijeshu Nâbhake Nabhapaṁtishu - Boja-Pitinikyeshu - - Adha-Puladeshu shavatâ Devânaṁ Piyashâ dhaṁṁamânushathi - anuvataṁti. - - [Illustration: FIG. 20.—AŚÔKA INSCRIPTION.] - - _Translation._—The following is considered of the highest - importance by the God-beloved, namely Conquest by law; this - Conquest, however, is made by the God-beloved as well here (_in - his own kingdom_) as among all his neighbours, even as far as - six hundred yojanas (_leagues_), where the King of the Yonas - (_Greeks_), Antiyoka by name, dwells; and beyond this Antiyoka - where the four kings, Turamaya by name, Aṁtikina by name, - Maka by name, Alikasudara by name (dwell farther away) in the - south, where the Chodas and Paindas (_Pandyas_) (dwell), as - far as Tambapanini (_Ceylon_) (where) the Hida king (dwells). - Among the Viśas, the Vajris (_Vrijis_), the Yonas (_Greeks_), - the Kamboyas (_Kâbulîs_), in Nâbhaka of the Nâbhitis, among - the Bhojas, the Pitinikas, the Andhras and the Puladas - (_Pulindas_), the teaching of the law of the God-beloved is - universally followed. - -This remarkable edict is found inscribed at four different places: -Shahbâzgarhi in Yusufzai, Mânsahra in Hazâra of the Panjâb, Kâlsi above -Dehra Dûn, and Girnâr in Kathiawâr. In the first two places the character -employed is the Karoshtri, that is, the Baktrian Pali, and in the other -two the Indian Pali. It is the Kâlsi inscription which is copied in the -illustration. By the God-beloved (Piyeshâ or Piyadasi) is meant Aśôka -himself. The Grecian kings named in the inscription have already been -identified (p. 52), with the exception of Alikyashudale, who is taken -to be Alexander, King of Epeiros. _v._ Senart’s _Les Inscriptions de -Piyadasi_ and _Epigraphia Indica_, vol. ii. - - - - -BIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX - - -ABISARES is called by Arrian the King of the Indian Mountaineers, and -may perhaps be not improperly described as the King of Kâśmîr. His name -is derived from that of his kingdom, _Abhisâra_, which designated the -mountainous country to the east of the Indus now known as _Hazâra_, a -name in which some traces of the old seem to survive. After the fall -of Mazaga, he sent troops across the Indus to aid the inhabitants in -resisting Alexander. He sent embassies, however, to the conqueror both -before and after the defeat of Pôros, whom he inclined to succour. -Alexander allowed him to retain his kingdom, and when he died appointed -his son to succeed him, as we learn from Curtius X. i. - -AGGRAMMES.—_See_ Xandrames. - -ALKETAS was the brother of Perdikkas, who, after Alexander’s death, -assumed the regency of the empire. He was the son of Orontes, a -Macedonian of the province of Orestis. He is first mentioned by Arrian -as commander of one of the brigades which Alexander, towards the close -of his Baktrian campaigns, despatched under Krateros into the country of -the Paratakenians, who still held out against him. He is next mentioned -in connection with the siege of Mazaga and Ora. When Alexander crossed -the Hydaspês to encounter Pôros, Alketas remained behind in the camp -with Krateros. After Alexander’s death Alketas supported the cause of -his brother, and by his orders put to death Kynanê, the half-sister of -Alexander—a cruel act which his own troops resented. When Perdikkas was -murdered in Egypt (321 B.C.) Alketas was at the time with Eumenes engaged -against Krateros. He afterwards, however, joined his forces to those of -Attalos; but being defeated in Pisidia, he slew himself to avoid falling -into the hands of Antigonos. - -AMBIGER, supposed to be a corrupt reading for Ambi-regis.—_See_ under -Sambus. - -AMYNTAS, the son of Nikolaös, was appointed satrap of Baktria in -succession to Artabazos, who resigned the office on the ground of his -advanced age. When Alexander left Baktria to invade India he left Amyntas -in the province with a force of 10,000 foot and 3500 horse. - -ANDROKOTTOS.—_See_ Sandrokottos. - -ANDROSTHENES, a native of Thasos, sailed with Nearchos, and was -afterwards sent by Alexander to explore the Persian Gulf. He wrote an -account of this voyage, and a work describing a coasting voyage to India. - -ANTIGENES, an officer who served both under Philip and Alexander. In -340 B.C. he lost an eye at the siege of Perinthos. He was present in -the battle with Pôros, and the divisions of the phalanx which he led on -this occasion formed afterwards part of the large body of troops which -Krateros led through the country of the Arachotians and Zarangians into -Karmania. After the army reached Sousa he was for some time deprived of -his command for having advanced some fraudulent claim. After Alexander’s -death he obtained the satrapy of Sousiana. In the wars between the -generals he sided with Eumenes, whom he aided with the Argyraspids under -his command. When Eumenes was defeated in 316 B.C. Antigenes fell into -the hands of his enemy, Antigonos, who ordered him to be burned to death. - -ANTIGONOS, called the One-eyed, was a Macedonian of Elimiôtis, and one -of the generals of Alexander, but did not accompany him into India, as -he had been appointed satrap of Phrygia. In the partition of the empire -he received Phrygia, Lykia, and Pamphylia, and eventually made himself -master of the whole of Asia Minor. He was slain in the battle of Ipsos -301 B.C. He was the father of Dêmêtrios Poliorkêtês, who founded a line -of Macedonian kings. - -[Illustration: FIG. 21.—ANTIGONOS GONATAS.] - -ANTIGONOS GONATAS was one of the kings to whom Aśôka sent Buddhist -missionaries. He was the son of Dêmêtrios Poliorkêtês, whom he -succeeded as king of Macedonia in the year 283 B.C. His reign extended -to forty-four years. His brother Antigonos Dôsôn reigned afterwards -over Macedonia for nine years, from 229 to 220 B.C., in succession to -Dêmêtrios II. the son of Gonatas. - -[Illustration: FIG. 22.—ANTIGONOS DÔSÔN.] - -ANTIOCHOS II., surnamed Theos, succeeded to the throne of Syria on the -death of his father Antiochos I., who was the son of the famous Seleukos -Nikator. During many years of his reign he was engaged in intermittent -hostilities with Ptolemy Philadelphos the king of Egypt, who wrested -from him Phoenicia and Hollow Syria. His power was further weakened -by the revolt of Arsakês, who established the Parthian empire (in 250 -B.C.), and by the subsequent revolt of Theodotos, who made Baktria an -independent kingdom. He was one of the kings of the West to whom Buddhist -missionaries were sent by the Indian king Aśôka. His wife Laodikê caused -him to be murdered in B.C. 246. - -[Illustration: FIG. 23.—ANTIOCHOS II.] - -ANTIPATER.—This officer, who had great experience in war and civil -affairs under Philip, was left regent of Macedonia when Alexander set out -on his Asiatic expedition. Olympias, jealous of his power, was constantly -engaged in intrigues against him, while she annoyed her son by filling -her letters to him with complaints against his deputy. After the murder -of Perdikkas in Egypt, Antipater succeeded him in the regency of the -empire, and this he held till his death in 320 B.C. - -APHRIKES, called Eryx by Curtius, was the same whom Arrian designates the -_brother of Assakênos_, the king of Mazaga. He was put to death by his -own followers. - -APOLLONIOS, a native of Tyana in Kappadokia, was born in the year 4 -B.C. He adopted the Pythagorean system of philosophy, and submitted -himself to its ascetic discipline. He was credited with the possession of -supernatural powers, and parallels have been drawn between his character -and supposed miracles and those of Christ. He travelled in the East, -and is said to have visited Taxila, the capital of Phraortes, an Indian -prince, where he met Iarchas, the chief of the Brahmans, and disputed -with Indian gymnosophists. About a hundred years after his death an -account of his life was written by Philostratos, which, notwithstanding -that much of it is untrustworthy, is of great value for the investigation -of Indian antiquity. - -APOLLOPHANES was appointed satrap of the Oritians, but was deposed not -long afterwards by Alexander for misgovernment. - -ARIOBARZANES was the satrap of Persis. After the defeat of the Persians -near Arbêla, he fled to secure the pass called the Persian Gates, which -lay on the route to Persepolis. Alexander having gained the heights above -his camp, the Persians took to flight, and Ariobarzanes made his escape -with a few horsemen. - -ARISTOBOULOS was a native of Kassandreia, a town on the isthmus which -connects the peninsula of Pallênê with the mainland. He accompanied -Alexander in his Asiatic expedition, and wrote a history of his wars, -which was one of the principal sources used by Arrian in the composition -of his _Anabasis_, and by Plutarch in his _Life of Alexander_. Arrian, in -the preface to his great work, thus characterises the two authors whom -he mainly followed: “Different authors have differed in their accounts -of Alexander’s life.... But I consider the narratives of Ptolemy and -Aristoboulos to be more worthy of credit than the rest; Aristoboulos, -because he attended Alexander in his expedition; and Ptolemy, not -only for that reason, but also because he was afterwards himself a -king, and for one in his position to have falsified facts would have -been more disgraceful than for a man of humbler rank. Both of them, -moreover, compiled their histories after Alexander was dead, when they -were neither compelled, nor tempted by hope of reward, to misrepresent -facts, and on this account they are the more worthy of credit.” Lucian, -nevertheless, accuses Aristoboulos of having invented marvellous stories -of Alexander’s prowess in battle; but it is thought that in the anecdote -which he relates in this connection he has used by mistake the name of -Aristoboulos for that of Onesikritos. _See_ Lucian’s _How History should -be Written_, c. 12. It is said that Aristoboulos began the composition of -his history when he was 84 years old, and that he lived to be 90. - -ARISTONOUS was, like Alexander, a native of Pella, and was one of the -seven or eight chief officers who formed his body-guard, and had at all -times access to his presence. According to Curtius he was one of the men -who helped to save Alexander’s life when he was assailed and wounded by -the Mallians in their chief stronghold. On the death of Alexander he -advocated the claims of Perdikkas to the supremacy. After the fall of -Olympias, to whose cause he had attached himself, he was put to death by -order of her antagonist, Kassander, in the year 316 B.C. - -ARISTOTLE was born in 384 B.C. at Stageira, a seaport town near the -isthmus which connects the peninsula terminating in Mount Athos with the -mainland of Macedonia. When he was studying philosophy in Athens under -Plato he received a letter from King Philip announcing the birth of his -son Alexander. This letter has been preserved by Aulus Gellius in his -_Noctes Atticae_ (ix. 3):—“Philip to Aristotle greeting: know that a son -has been born to me. I thank the gods, not so much for his birth, as that -it has been his fortune to be born when you are in the prime of life; for -I hope that being instructed and educated by you, he will prove himself -worthy both of us and of the succession to so great a state.” Thirteen -years afterwards Philip summoned the great philosopher to his court, and -entrusted him with the education of his son, which was conducted in quiet -seclusion at Stageira, at a distance from Pella, the centre of political -activity and court intrigue. Here Alexander remained for four years, at -the end of which he was called to govern the kingdom during his father’s -temporary absence on an expedition against Byzantium. Along with him -were educated other noble youths, Kassander, son of Antipater; Marsyas -of Pella; Kallisthenes, who was related to Aristotle; Theophrastos, and -probably also Nearchos, Ptolemy, and Harpalos. The course of instruction -embraced poetry, eloquence, and philosophy, and, no doubt, also politics, -though one of the leading aims of Alexander in after life, that of -uniting all the nations under his sway into one kingdom without due -regard to their individual peculiarities, was opposed to the views of -his master. Alexander regarded Aristotle with sentiments of the deepest -respect and affection, and rewarded him for his instructions with a -munificence which has never been surpassed. Pliny mentions how liberally -he supported the philosopher in his researches into natural science, -especially in the department of zoology, ordering his vicegerents -everywhere to supply him with specimens of all kinds of animals. -Unhappily the cordiality between them was interrupted when Kallisthenes -began to express disapproval of the change in Alexander’s conduct and -policy. Aristotle died at the age of 63, about a year after the death of -his pupil. - -ARSAKÊS was the ruler of a small mountain kingdom which adjoined that of -his brother Abisares, King of Kâśmîr. - -ARTABAZOS was a Persian satrap, who for some years maintained a war of -rebellion against Artaxerxes III. In the reign of Darius he distinguished -himself by his fidelity to his sovereign. He took part in the battle of -Gaugamela, and afterwards accompanied Darius in his flight. Alexander, -who approved of his fidelity to his master, rewarded him with the satrapy -of Baktria. Ptolemy married one of his daughters and Eumenes another. He -resigned his satrapy on account of his great age, and was succeeded by -Kleitos. - -ARTEMIDOROS was a Greek geographer who lived about 100 B.C. His work on -geography was abridged by Markianos. Some fragments of the work, which -was of high value, and of the abridgment, have been preserved by Strabo -and other writers. - -ASKLÊPIOS (AESCULAPIUS) was the god of the medical art. His descendants -were called Asklepiadai, and had their principal seats at Kôs and Knidos. -The Asklepiads were not only a fraternity of physicians, but an order of -priests, who combined religion with the practice of their art. - -AŚÔKA was the son of Vindusâra and grandson of Chandragupta, called -Sandrokottos by the Greeks. He ascended the throne of Magadha in 270 -B.C. Having been converted to Buddhism, he established that faith as -the state religion of his vast empire, which comprised the greater part -of India. He was zealous in promoting the spread of his creed, and even -sent missionaries to expound its doctrines to the sovereigns of the -West, Antiochos of Syria, Ptolemy of Egypt, Antigonos of Macedonia, -Magas of Kyrênê and Alexander of Epiros. His religious zeal, piety, and -benevolence inspire all the many edicts he promulgated, which are still -to be read cut on rocks, caves, and pillars. The date of his death is -uncertain, but is referred to the year 222 B.C. His inscriptions are -invaluable for the aid they contribute towards the solution of some of -the most important and difficult problems with which the investigators -of Indian antiquity have to deal. They throw light on many points of -historical, chronological, and linguistic inquiry, as well as on others -having reference to the social, political, and religious condition of the -Indian people in the days when Buddhism first rose to the ascendant. An -account of these inscriptions will be found in Lassen’s _Alt. Ind._ ii. -pp. 215-223. - -ASSAGETES was, Lassen thinks, an Assakênian chief. His name probably -transliterates _Aśvajit_; according to the same authority the word would -mean “conquered by the horse.” - -ASSAKANOS, the King of Mazaga, the capital of the Assakênians. According -to Arrian he was slain during the siege of that stronghold by Alexander, -but Curtius leads us to believe that he had died before the conqueror’s -advent. - -ASTES, the chief of Peukelaôtis, submitted to Alexander when he entered -India, but afterwards revolted and was slain by the troops under -Hêphaistiôn. - -ATHÊNAIOS was the author of the _Deipnosophists_, _i.e._ the _Banquet -of the Learned_, or, perhaps, the _Contrivers of Feasts_. This work -is described by a writer in Smith’s _Classical Dictionary_ as a vast -collection of anecdotes, extracts from the writings of poets, historians, -dramatists, philosophers, orators, and physicians, of facts in natural -history, criticisms and discussions on almost every conceivable subject, -especially on gastronomy. It contains numerous references to Alexander -and the events of his time. Athênaios was a native of Naukratis, in Lower -Egypt. He wrote in the earlier part of the third century of our aera. - -ATHENODÔROS was the leader of the sedition of the Greek colonists settled -in Baktria who were anxious to return to their native country. - -ATTALOS.—Three persons of this name are mentioned in this work: - -1. _Attalos_, one of the generals of King Philip, and uncle of Kleopatra, -whom that king married in 337 B.C. At the nuptial festivities, Attalos -requested the guests to pray to the gods that a legitimate heir to the -throne might be the fruit of the marriage. This naturally gave great -offence to Alexander and his mother, Olympias, who both in consequence -withdrew from the kingdom. Attalos was in Asia at the time of Philip’s -death, and was instigated by Demosthenes to rebel against his successor. -Alexander then caused him to be assassinated. It will be seen from what -has been stated that the royal house of Macedonia practised polygamy. - -2. _Attalos_, who commanded the Agrianians in the battles of Issos and -Gaugamela. - -3. _Attalos_, the son of Andromenes of Stymphalia, a district in -Macedonia, or on its borders, was one of Alexander’s chief officers. He -was accused, along with his brothers, of complicity with Philôtas in his -alleged conspiracy, but was honourably acquitted. In 328 B.C. he was -left with other officers to hold Baktria in subjection, while Alexander -himself marched against the Sogdians. In the campaign of 327 B.C. against -the Assakênians and other tribes north of the Kabul River, Attalos served -in the division of the army which Alexander commanded in person. He -took part in the great battle in which the Assakênians were defeated, -and in the siege of Ora. He fought also in the battle against Pôros. -His division formed part of the troops which Krateros led by the route -of the Bolan Pass into Karmania. After Alexander’s death he supported -Perdikkas, whose sister he had married. After the murder of Perdikkas he -joined Alketas, his brother-in-law, but their united forces were defeated -by Antigonos in Pisidia. Alketas was seized and imprisoned. His ultimate -fate is unknown. - -BAITÔN, one of the scientific men in Alexander’s army, employed, like -Diognêtos, in measuring the distances traversed in its marches, whence -he was called Alexander’s _bêmatistês_. He left a professional work, -which, as we learn from Athênaios (x. p. 442) was entitled _Stages of -Alexander’s Marches_. - -BALAKROS.—There were three officers of this name in Alexander’s army. 1. -The son of Nikanor, who was a Somatophylax, and was appointed satrap of -Kilikia after the battle of Issos. He was slain in Pisidia in Alexander’s -lifetime. 2. The son of Amyntas was commander of the allies in succession -to Antigonos, and commander, along with Peukestas, of the army which -Alexander left in Egypt. 3. A commander of the javelin men who took part -in the great battle with the Aspasians. - -BARSINÊ, called also Stateira, was the elder daughter of Darius, and -became the wife of Alexander at Sousa, 324 B.C. Within a year of -Alexander’s death she was treacherously murdered by Roxana. - -BARZAËNTES, satrap of the Arachosians and Drangians, was one of the -murderers of Darius. To escape Alexander he fled to India, but was given -up by the inhabitants to Alexander, who ordered his death. - -BÊSSOS, the satrap of Baktria, commanded the left wing of the Persian -army at Arbêla, and was thus directly opposed to Alexander himself in -that battle. After the battle he conspired against his unfortunate -master, who was also his kinsman, and caused him to be assassinated -lest he should fall into Alexander’s hands—a result which would have -frustrated his design of mounting the vacant throne. He fled across the -Oxus, but was betrayed and delivered up to Alexander, who caused him to -be tried before a council at Zariaspa, and after suffering mutilation to -be executed. - -CHANDRAGUPTA.—_See_ Sandrokottos. - -CHARÊS, or Cares, a native of Mytilênê in Lesbos, was an officer with -Alexander who discharged the functions of court usher. He wrote a book -(now lost) of anecdotes about Alexander’s wars and private life, which is -frequently quoted by Athênaios. Some fragments have also been preserved -by Plutarch, Pliny, and Aulus Gellius. - -CLEOPHIS, Queen of Mazaga, surrendered that city to Alexander, by whom -she was kindly treated, and to whom she is said to have borne a son -who became an Indian king. In Racine’s tragedy, _Alexandre le Grand_, -Cleophis, who figures as one of the _dramatis personae_, is made the -sister of Taxilês. - -DÊIMACHOS or DAIMACHOS was ambassador at the court of Allitrochades, -the son and successor of Sandrokottos, and wrote a work on India in two -books. He is pilloried by Strabo as the most mendacious of all writers -about India. - -DÊMÊTRIOS was one of the officers who formed Alexander’s bodyguard. He -was accused by Philôtas as being one of his accomplices in the conspiracy -against the king’s life, and was in consequence deprived of his post, to -which Ptolemy was then preferred. - -DÊMÊTRIOS, son of Pythonax, was one of the select band of cavalry called -the _Companions_. He took part in the Indian campaigns. - -DÊMÊTRIOS POLIORKÊTÊS, the son of Antigonos, became king of Macedonia in -294 B.C. - -[Illustration: FIG. 24.—DÊMÊTRIOS POLIORKÊTÊS.] - -DIOSKORIDES, the famous writer on _Materia Medica_, was a native of -Kilikia, and flourished, so far as can be conjectured, about the -beginning of the second century of our aera. - -EMBISAROS.—_See_ Abisares. - -EPIKTÊTOS, the famous philosopher, was a native of Hieropolis in Phrygia, -and a freedman of Epaphroditus, the favourite of Nero. Arrian, who was -one of his disciples, composed a short manual of his philosophy as taken -down from his lectures, and known as the _Enchiridion_. - -ERATOSTHENES was appointed by Ptolemy Euergetes (grandson of Alexander’s -Ptolemy) president of the Alexandrian Library, an office which he held -for upwards of forty years. He may be considered as the founder of -scientific geography, and in some measure also of systematic chronology. -He was born at Kyrênê in 276 B.C., and educated in Athens, where he -devoted himself to the study of learning and philosophy. He died in -Alexandria in the year 196 B.C. His works, which were numerous and -treated of a great variety of subjects, scientific and literary, have -perished, with the exception of some fragments cited by other writers. - -ERIGYIOS was by birth a Mitylenaian, and was an officer in Alexander’s -army. He commanded the cavalry of the allies both in the battle of Arbêla -and when Alexander set out from Ekbatana in pursuit of Darius. He was -slain fighting with Baktrian fugitives. - -EUDÊMOS.—When Alexander heard in Karmania that Philip, who had been left -in India as satrap, had been treacherously murdered by the mercenaries, -he sent orders to Taxilês and Eudêmos to administer affairs till a new -satrap should be appointed. Sometime after Alexander’s death Eudêmos -decoyed Pôros into his power and cut him off. He then left India either -because Eumenes requiring his services in contending against Antigonos -recalled him, or because he was unable to hold out against the native -revolt headed by Sandrokottos. The troops and elephants which he took -with him from India were of great service to Eumenes. After the fall of -his chief Eudêmos was put to death by Antigonos. - -EUMENES was a native of Kardia, a Greek colony situated in the Thracian -Chersonese. He was private secretary to King Philip, and then to -Alexander, whom he attended throughout his Asiatic expedition. It was -one of his duties as royal secretary to keep a diary (_Ephêmerides_) in -which the transactions of each day had to be recorded, and this work -is quoted both by Arrian and Plutarch. He showed himself a man of -consummate ability in the arts both of war and of politics. His alien -origin, however, exposed him to the jealousy of the Macedonian officers. -Hêphaistiôn in particular, Alexander’s chief favourite, sought by every -means to compass his overthrow. Eumenes, however, by his prudence and -tact frustrated all attempts made to undermine his influence with the -king who had a just appreciation of his merits. Though his labours were -chiefly those of the closet, he was sometimes employed in the field, -more especially on occasions of unusual emergency. When Alexander, -on returning to Sousa, celebrated his own nuptials and those of his -companions with oriental brides, he gave, as Arrian tells us (vi. 4), to -Ptolemy, and Eumenes, the royal secretary, the daughters of Artabazos; -to the former Artikama, and to the latter Artonis. After the king’s -death Eumenes obtained Kappadokia, Paphlagonia, and Pontos, and after -some delay was established in the government of these provinces. After -the death of Perdikkas, to whom he owed this service, he was requested -by Olympias and Polysperchon to undertake the supreme command throughout -Asia on behalf of the king. He had in consequence to contend against -the faction opposed to the royal family which was headed by Antigonos, -and supported by Ptolemy, Peithôn, Seleukos, and Nearchos. After coping -successfully for a considerable time against this powerful confederacy, -he was delivered up by his own troops to Antigonos, who, notwithstanding -the remonstrances of Nearchos, ordered him to be put to death, 316 B.C. - -GORGIAS, a commander of a division of the phalanx. He marched with -Hêphaistiôn and Perdikkas by the Khaiber Pass to the Indus, and fought in -the battle against Pôros. - -HARPALOS was of princely birth, and nephew of King Philip. He was -educated along with Alexander, whom he accompanied into Asia in the -capacity of superintendent of his treasury. Having betrayed his trust -he fled to Greece, but was recalled by Alexander, who overlooked his -offence and reinstated him in his office. Alexander, on setting out from -Ekbatana to pursue Darius, left Harpalos in that stronghold in charge -of the vast treasures which had been transported thither from Sousa and -other plundered capitals. Harpalos removed thence to Babylon, where he -ruled as satrap while the king was in India. Here his licentiousness and -extravagance exceeded all bounds. On hearing that Alexander had returned -to Sousa, and was punishing with the utmost severity all officers who had -misgoverned in his absence, he set out for the coast, taking with him -the vast sum of 5000 talents and a large escort of troops. He crossed -over to Attica, but the Athenians would not permit him to land until -he had disbanded his followers. When he was admitted into the city he -employed his wealth in bribing the orators to gain over the people to his -cause in opposition to Alexander. He was, however, obliged to take to -flight, and having landed with his treasures in the island of Crete, was -there assassinated. - -HÊKATAIOS, one of the earliest and most distinguished Greek historians -and geographers, was a native of Milêtos, and lived about 520 B.C. He is -the first Greek writer who distinctly mentions India. Some fragments of -his works have been preserved. - -HÊPHAISTIÔN was a native of Pella, and in his childhood appears to have -been brought up with Alexander, who was of the same age as he, and not -only continued to be his friend through life, but lavished upon him when -removed by death the most extravagant honours. In the Egyptian expedition -he commanded the fleet, and he distinguished himself in the battle of -Arbêla, where he was wounded in the arm. When Philôtas was put to death -the command of the horse guards was divided between him and Kleitos. He -conducted important operations in Sogdiana and Baktria, and throughout -all the subsequent campaigns until the army returned to Sousa. He was not -possessed of any striking share of ability, and would certainly not have -risen to eminence through his own unaided exertions. At Sousa Alexander -gave him to wife Drypatis, one of the daughters of Darius, and the sister -of Stateira, whom he himself married. Hêphaistiôn was soon afterwards cut -off by fever at Ekbatana. - -HERAKON, one of Alexander’s officers, was appointed with two others to -command the army in Media on the death of Parmenion. During Alexander’s -absence in the far east he committed many excesses, for which he was put -to death on Alexander’s return from India. - -KALÂNOS was a gymnosophist of Taxila, who left India with Alexander, and -burned himself alive on a funeral pile at Sousa. His real name, Plutarch -says, was _Sphinês_; but the Greeks called him Kalânos, because, in -saluting those he met, he used the word _kale!_ equivalent to _hail!_ -The Sanskrit adjective _kalyâna_ means salutary, lucky, well, etc. If -we except Sandrokottos, Taxilês, and Pôros, there is no other Indian -with whose history, opinions, and personal characteristics the classical -writers have made us so well acquainted as with those of Kalânos. For -this reason, as well as because it falls properly within the scope of -my undertaking to do so, I shall here present translations of all the -passages I can find which relate to him, and to another gymnosophist who -was a man of a very different stamp called _Mandanes_, and sometimes, -but improperly, _Dandamis_. Arrian (VII. i. 5—iii.) thus writes:—i. 5. -I commend the Indian sages of whom it is related that certain of them -who had been caught by Alexander walking about according to their wont -in the open meadow, did nothing else in sight of himself and his army -but stamp upon the ground on which they were stepping. When he asked -them through interpreters what they meant by so doing, they replied -thus: O King Alexander, each man possesses as much of the earth as what -we have stepped on; but you, being a man like the rest of us, except -that you wickedly disturb the peace of the world, have come so far from -home to plague yourself and every one else, and yet ere long when you -die you will possess just so much of the earth as will suffice to make -a grave to cover your bones. ii. Alexander praised what they had said, -but nevertheless continued to act in opposition to their advice.... When -he arrived at Taxila and saw the Indian gymnosophists, he conceived a -great desire that one of their number should live with him, because he -admired their patience in enduring hardships. But the oldest of the -philosophers, Dandamis by name, with whom the others lived as disciples, -not only refused to go himself, but forbade the others to go. He is -said to have replied that he was also a son of Zeus, if Alexander was -such,[414] and that he wanted nothing that was Alexander’s; for he was -content with what he had, while he saw that the men with Alexander -wandered over sea and land for no advantage, and were never coming to -an end of their wanderings. He desired, therefore, nothing it was in -Alexander’s power to give: nor did he fear being excluded from anything -he possessed; for while he lived, India would suffice for him, yielding -him her fruits in due season, and when he died he would be delivered from -the body an unsuitable companion. Alexander accordingly did not attempt -to compel him to go with him, considering him free to please himself. -But Megasthenes has stated that Kalânos, one of the philosophers of this -place, was persuaded to go since he had no power of self-control, as -the philosophers themselves allowed, who upbraided him because he had -deserted the happiness among them, and went to serve another master than -the deity. iii. I have thus written, because in a _History of Alexander_ -it was necessary to speak of Kalânos; for when he was in the country of -Persis he fell into delicate health, though he had never before had an -illness. Accordingly, as he had no wish to lead the life of an invalid, -he informed Alexander that, broken as he was in health, he thought it -best to put an end to himself before he had experience of any malady -that would oblige him to change his former mode of life. Alexander long -and earnestly opposed his request; but when he saw that he was quite -inflexible, and that if one mode of death was denied him he would find -another, he ordered a funeral pyre to be piled up in accordance with the -man’s own directions, and ordered Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, one of the -bodyguards, to superintend all the arrangements. Some say that a solemn -procession of horses and men advanced before him, some of the men being -armed, while others carried all kinds of incense for the pyre. Others -again say that they carried gold and silver bowls and royal apparel; -also, that a horse was provided for him because he was unable to walk -from illness. He was, however, unable to mount the horse, and he was -therefore carried on a litter crowned with a garland, after the manner -of the Indians, and singing in the Indian tongue. The Indians say that -what he sang were hymns to the gods and the praises of his countrymen, -and that the horse which he was to have mounted—a Nêsaian steed of the -royal stud—he presented to Lysimachos who attended him for instruction -in philosophy. On others who attended him he bestowed the bowls and rugs -which Alexander, to honour him, had ordered to be cast into the pyre. -Then mounting the pile, he lay down upon it in a becoming manner in -full view of the whole army. Alexander deemed the spectacle one which -he could not with propriety witness, because the man to suffer was his -friend; but to those who were present Kalânos caused astonishment in that -he did not move any part of his body in the fire. As soon as the men -charged with the duty set fire to the pile, the trumpets, Nearchos says, -sounded by Alexander’s order, and the whole army raised the war-shout as -if advancing to battle. The elephants also swelled the noise with their -shrill and warlike cry to do honour to Kalânos. - -In a subsequent chapter (xviii.) Arrian records the following story -of Kalânos: When he was going to the funeral pyre to die, he embraced -all his other companions, but did not wish to draw near to Alexander -to give him a parting embrace, saying he would meet him at Babylon and -would there embrace him. This remark attracted no notice at the time; -but afterwards, when Alexander died in Babylon, it came back to the -memory of those who heard it, who then naturally took it to have been a -prophecy of his death. Plutarch, in his _Life of Alexander_, has another -notice of Kalânos besides that which the reader will find translated in -chapter 65. In chapter 69 he thus writes: “It was here (in Persepolis) -that Kalânos, on being for a short time afflicted with colic, desired -to have his funeral pile erected. He was conveyed to it on horseback, -and after he had prayed and sprinkled himself with a libation, and -cut off part of his hair to cast into the fire, he ascended the pile, -after taking leave of the Macedonians, and recommending them to devote -that day to pleasure and hard drinking with the king, whom, said he, -I shall shortly see in Babylon. Upon this he lay down on the pyre and -covered himself up with his robes. When the flames approached he did -not move, but remained in the same posture as when he lay down until -the sacrifice was auspiciously consummated, according to the custom of -the sages of his country. Many years afterwards another Indian in the -presence of Caesar (Augustus) at Athens did the same thing. His tomb is -shown till this day, and is called the _Indian’s tomb_.—Alexander, on -returning from the pyre, invited many of his friends and his generals to -supper, where he proposed a drinking-bout, with a crown for the prize. -Promachos, who drank most, reached four measures (14 quarts), and won -the crown, which was worth a talent, but survived only for three days. -The rest of the guests, Charês says, drank to such excess that forty-one -of them died, the weather having turned excessively cold immediately -after the debauch.” The Indian who burned himself at Athens was called -_Zarmanochegas_, as we learn from Strabo (XV. i. 73), who states, on the -authority of Nikolaös of Damascus, that he came to Syria in the train -of the ambassadors who were sent to Augustus Caesar by a great Indian -king called Pôros. “These ambassadors,” he says, “were accompanied by -the person who burnt himself to death at Athens. This is the practice -with persons in distress, who seek escape from existing calamities, -and with others in prosperous circumstances, as was the case with this -man. For as everything hitherto had succeeded with him, he thought it -necessary to depart, lest some unexpected calamity should happen to him -by continuing to live; with a smile, therefore, naked, anointed, and with -the girdle round his waist, he leaped upon the pyre. On his tomb was this -inscription: Zarmanochegas, an Indian, a native of Bargosa (_Barygaza_, -_Baroch_), having immortalised himself according to the custom of his -country, here lies.” Lassen takes the name Zarmanochegas to represent the -Sanskrit Śramanachârya, _teacher of the Śramanas_, from which it would -appear he was a Buddhist priest. Strabo writes at greater length than -our historians about the gymnosophists. In Book XV. i. 61 we have the -following notices: “Aristoboulos says that he saw at Taxila two sophists, -both Brachmans, of whom the elder had his head shaved, while the younger -wore his hair; disciples attended both. They spent their time generally -in the market-place. They are honoured as public counsellors, and are -free to take away without charge any article exposed for sale which they -may choose. He who accosts them pours over them oil of jessamine in such -quantities that it runs down from their eyes. They make cakes of honey -and sesamum, of which large quantities are always for sale, and their -food thus costs them nothing. At Alexander’s table they ate standing, -and, to give a sample of their endurance, withdrew to a spot not far -off, where the elder, lying down with his back to the ground, endured -the sun and the rains which had set in as spring had just begun. The -other stood on one leg, holding up with both his hands a bar of wood -3 cubits long; one leg being tired he rested his weight on the other, -and did this throughout the day. The younger seemed to have far more -self-command; for though he followed the king a short distance, he soon -returned to his home. The king sent after him, but the king, he said, -should come to him if he wanted anything from him. The other accompanied -the king to the end of his life. During his stay he changed his dress -and altered his mode of life, saying, when reproached for so doing, that -he had completed the forty years of discipline which he had vowed to -observe. Alexander gave presents to his children. (63) Onesikritos says -that he himself was sent to converse with these sages.... He found at the -distance of twenty stadia from the city fifteen men standing in different -attitudes, sitting or lying down naked, and continuing in these positions -till the evening, when they went back to the city. What was hardest to -bear was the heat of the sun, which was so powerful that no one else -could bear without pain to walk barefooted on the ground at mid-day. -(64) He conversed with Kalânos, one of these sages, who accompanied the -king to Persia, and burned himself after the custom of his country on a -pile of wood. Onesikritos found him lying upon stones, and drawing near -to address him, informed him that he had been sent by the king, who had -heard the fame of his wisdom. As the king would require an account of -the interview, he was prepared to listen to his discourse if he did not -object to converse with him. When Kalânos saw the cloak, head-dress, and -shoes of his visitor, he laughed and said: “Formerly there was abundance -of corn and barley in the world, as there is now of dust; fountains then -flowed with water, milk, honey, wine, and oil, but repletion and luxury -made men turn proud and insolent. Zeus, indignant at this, destroyed -all, and assigned to man a life of toil. When temperance and other -virtues in consequence again appeared, then good things again abounded. -But at present the condition of mankind tends to satiety and wantonness, -and there is cause to fear lest the existing state of things should -disappear.” When he had finished he proposed to Onesikritos, if he wished -to hear his discourse, to strip off his clothes, to lie down naked beside -him on the same stones, and in that manner to hear what he had to say. -While he was uncertain what to do, Mandanes, the oldest and wisest of the -sages, reproached Kalânos for his insolence—the very vice which he had -been condemning. Mandanes then called Onesikritos to him, and said, I -commend the king, because, although he governs so vast an empire, he is -yet desirous of acquiring wisdom, for he is the only philosopher in arms -that I ever saw.... (65) “The tendency of his discourse,” he said, “was -this, that the best philosophy was that which liberated the mind from -pleasure and grief; that grief differed from labour, in that the former -was pernicious, the latter friendly, to men; for that men exercised -their bodies with labour to strengthen the mental powers, whereby they -would be able to end dissensions, and give every one good advice, both -to the public and to private persons; that he should at present advise -Taxilês to receive Alexander as a friend; for by entertaining a person -better than himself he might be improved, while by entertaining a worse -he might influence that person to be good.” After this Mandanes inquired -whether such doctrines were taught among the Greeks. Onesikritos answered -that Pythagoras taught a like doctrine, and instructed his disciples -to abstain from whatever had life; that Sôkrates and Diogenês, whose -discourses he had heard, held the same views. Mandanes replied, that in -other respects he thought them to be wise; but that they were mistaken in -preferring custom to nature, else they would not be ashamed to go naked -as he did, and to live on frugal fare, for, said he, that is the best -house that requires least repairs. He states further that they employ -themselves much on natural subjects, as forecasting the future, rain, -drought, and diseases. On going into the city they disperse themselves -in the market-places.... Every wealthy house, even to the women’s -apartments, is open to them. When they enter they converse with the -inmates and share their meal. Disease of the body they regard as very -disgraceful, and he who fears that it will attack him, prepares a pyre -and lets the flames consume him. He anoints himself beforehand, and when -he has placed himself upon the pile orders it to be lighted, and remains -motionless while he is burning. (66) Nearchos gives the following -account of the sages: The Brachmans engage in public affairs, and attend -the kings as counsellors; the rest are occupied in the study of nature. -Kalânos belonged to the latter class. Women study philosophy with them, -and all lead an ascetic life. - -Athênaios in his _Gymnosophists_ (x. p. 437) quotes, like Plutarch, from -Charês, the account of the drinking bout which followed the burning of -Kalânos. He says that Alexander proposed the match on account of the -bibulous propensities (_philoinia_) of the Indians. Other references to -Kalânos are to be found in Ailianos, _V. H._ ii. 41 and v. 6; Lucian, _De -M. Pereg._ 25; Cicero, _Disp. Tusc._ ii. 22, and _De Divin._ i. 23, 30. -In the romance _History of Alexander_, by the Pseudo-Kallisthenes, six -long chapters of Book iii. (11-17) are full of Kalânos, Mandanes, and the -Brachmans. - -St. Ambrose wrote a work, _De Bragmanibus_, in which the two -gymnosophists are frequently mentioned. - -KALLISTHENES was a native of Olynthos. He was brought up and educated -by Aristotle, to whom he was related, and at whose recommendation he -was permitted to accompany Alexander on his Asiatic expedition. He was -deficient in tact and prudence, and exasperated the king by the freedom -with which he censured him for adopting oriental customs, and especially -for requiring Macedonians to perform the ceremony of adoration. When the -plot of the pages to assassinate Alexander was discovered, Kallisthenes -was charged with being an accessary. According to Charês he was -imprisoned for seven months, and died in India; while Ptolemy states that -he was tortured and crucified. Besides other works, he wrote an account -of Alexander’s expedition, to which Strabo and Plutarch make a few -references, but it was a work of little if any value. - -KANISHKA, a great Turanian conqueror, whose empire extended from Kabul to -Agra and Gujrut. He was an ardent Buddhist. The date of his coronation, -78 A.D., marks the beginning of the Śâkâbda aera. - -KLEANDER, one of Alexander’s officers. He was employed to kill Parmenion, -to whom he was next in command at Ekbatana. He was himself put to death -when he joined Alexander in Karmania, on account of his profligacy and -oppression while in Media. - -KLEITOS was a Macedonian, and brother to Alexander’s nurse. He saved -Alexander’s life at the Granîkos. When the companion cavalry was divided -into two bodies, the command of one was given to Kleitos and of the other -to Hêphaistiôn. In 328 B.C. he was appointed to succeed Artabazos in -the satrapy of Baktria, but on the eve of his departure to take up this -office he was killed by Alexander in a drunken brawl. - -KOINOS was the son of Polemokrates, and the son-in-law of Parmenion. -He was one of Alexander’s ablest generals, and greatly distinguished -himself on various occasions, and especially in the battle with Pôros. -When Alexander had reached the Hyphasis and wished to proceed farther and -reach the Ganges, Koinos had the courage to remonstrate, and the king was -obliged to act on his advice. He died soon after of an illness, and was -honoured with a splendid burial. - -KÔPHAIOS.—A chief whose dominions lay to the west of the Indus and along -the river Kôphên. - -KORAGOS.—A Macedonian bravo called also Horratas. - -KOSMAS INDIKOPLEUSTES.—An Egyptian monk who flourished towards the middle -of the sixth century of our aera. In early life he was a merchant, and -visited for traffic various countries, Aethiopia, Syria, Arabia, Persia, -India, and many other places of the East. After he had taken to monastic -life he wrote a work called _Christian Topography_, which is valuable -for the geographical and historical information it contains. It has some -notices concerning India, especially concerning its Christian communities. - -KRATEROS, a Macedonian of Orestis, was one of Alexander’s most -distinguished generals, and next to Hêphaistiôn his greatest favourite. -He was in command of infantry on the left wing at Issos, and of cavalry -on the same wing at Gaugamela. He rose afterwards to be commander of one -of the divisions of the phalanx. On the day of the battle with Pôros -he was left with a part of the army in the camp, and did not cross the -river till victory had declared for Alexander. He commanded the troops -which were sent back from India by way of the Bolan Pass to Karmania. -At Sousa he married Amastris, the niece of Darius, after which he led, -along with Polysperchon, the discharged veterans back to Europe. In the -division of the empire after Alexander’s death Greece and Macedonia and -other European provinces fell to the share of Antipater and Krateros, who -divorced Amastris and married Phila, Antipater’s daughter. In 321 B.C. -Krateros fell in battle against Eumenes, who honoured his old comrade in -the Indian wars with a magnificent funeral. - -KYRSILOS, a native of Pharsalos, who accompanied Alexander to Asia and -wrote an account of his exploits. He is mentioned by Strabo (XI. xiv. -12). - -LEONNATOS, a native of Pella, was one of Alexander’s most capable and -distinguished officers. At the time of Philip’s death he occupied one -of the highest positions at court, being one of the select bodyguard -called _sômatophylakes_, but under Alexander he was at first only an -officer of the companion cavalry. After the battle of Issos he was sent -to inform the wife of Darius of her husband’s safety, and when Arrhybas, -one of the bodyguards, died in Egypt, he was promoted to the vacant post. -After this his name continually occurs among the names of those who were -constantly about the king’s person and stood highest in his confidence. -On several occasions he showed the greatest courage, and at the siege of -the Mallian stronghold he saved, along with Peukestas, the king’s life. -When the army marched back from India he was left to overawe the Oreitai, -and to wait in their country till Nearchos should reach it with the -fleet. He inflicted a crushing defeat on that people, who had assembled -a large army after Alexander had left their borders. For this and other -services he was rewarded at Sousa with a golden crown. In the division of -the empire he received only the satrapy of the Lesser Phrygia, a share -which by no means satisfied his ambition. Kleopatra, Alexander’s sister, -then offered him her hand on condition that he should assist her against -Antipater, the regent of Macedonia. He consented, but when he passed -over into that country he was slain in battle against the Greeks, who -had revolted from Antipater, whose dominions he wished to appropriate in -their integrity. - -LYSIMACHOS was one of Alexander’s great generals and one of his select -bodyguards. He was born at Pella—the son of a Thessalian serf who by -his flatteries had won the good graces of King Philip. Great personal -strength and undaunted courage seem to have been the qualities by which -Lysimachos gained his splendid position, for he was seldom entrusted -by Alexander with any separate command of importance. He was present -in the battle with Pôros, and was wounded at the siege of Sangala. In -the division of the empire he obtained Thrace for his share, but his -dominions after the battle of Issos, in which along with Seleukos, -Ptolemy, and Kassander, he defeated Antigonos and his son Dêmêtrios, -embraced for a time all Alexander’s European possessions, in addition to -Asia Minor. His third wife was Arsinoë, the daughter of Ptolemy, King of -Egypt. In 281 B.C. he was defeated and slain by his old comrade in arms, -Seleukos. He was then eighty years of age. - -MEGASTHENÊS, the ambassador sent by Seleukos Nikator to the court of -Sandrokottos, and author of a work on India of the highest value. Though -this work is lost, numerous fragments have been preserved by Strabo, -Arrian, Pliny, and many other writers. - -MELA, POMPONIUS, the first Roman author known to have composed a formal -work on geography. It is supposed that he flourished under the Emperor -Claudius. - -MELEAGER was by birth a Macedonian, and served with distinction in -Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns, where he commanded one of the divisions of -the phalanx. He was present in the great battles of the Granîkos, Issos, -Gaugamela, and the Hydaspês. He was never entrusted, however, with any -special or important command. He was a man of an insolent and factious -disposition, and showed himself to be such in the discussions which arose -between the generals after Alexander’s death concerning the arrangements -which should be made for the government of the empire. He led for a time -the opposition against Perdikkas, but was afterwards for a short time -associated with him in the regency. Two such colleagues could not long -act in harmony. Perdikkas, who was an adept in the arts of dissimulation, -lulled Meleager into fancied security, devised a cunning scheme for his -overthrow, and having succeeded in this ordered him to be put to death. - -MEMNÔN, the Rhodian, was the brother of Mentor, who stood high in the -favour of Darius, and brother-in-law of Artabazos, the satrap of Lower -Phrygia. On the death of his brother, Memnôn, who possessed great -military skill and experience, succeeded to his authority, which extended -over the coast of Asia Minor. He was the most formidable opponent -Alexander encountered in Western Asia. Fortunately for him, Memnôn died -in 333 B.C., when preparing to sail for Greece, where the Spartans were -ready to join him and rise against the Macedonians. - -MÔPHIS.—_See_ TAXILÊS. - -MOUSIKANOS was the ruler of a rich and fertile kingdom which lay along -the banks of the Indus, in Upper Sindh. He submitted to Alexander without -resistance, and was allowed to retain his sovereignty. The Brahmans, -however, prevailed on him to revolt during Alexander’s absence. He was -captured by Peithôn and crucified by Alexander’s orders. - -MULLINUS is called by Curtius the king’s secretary. Eumenes is probably -meant. The name is not met with except in one passage in Curtius. - -NEARCHOS.—Among all the great men associated with Alexander no one -has left a reputation more noble and unsullied than that of Nearchos. -The long and difficult voyage in unknown seas which he successfully -accomplished ranks as one of the greatest achievements in the annals of -navigation. He was free from the mad ambition to rule which gave rise to -the deadly feuds between Alexander’s other great generals, and stained -the records of their lives with so many dark crimes. He was a native of -Crete, but settled at Amphipolis, a Macedonian city near the Thracian -border. He held a high position at the court of King Philip, where he -attached himself to the party of the young prince, and was banished -along with Ptolemy, Harpalos, and others, who had involved themselves in -his intrigues. Alexander, on mounting the throne, recalled his former -partisans, and did not neglect their interests. Nearchos accompanied him -into Asia, where he was appointed governor of Lykia and other provinces -south of the Tauros. This post he continued to hold for five years. He -rejoined Alexander before he left Baktria to invade India, and in India -he was appointed commander of the fleet which was built on the Hydaspês. -He conducted it down that river and the Akesinês and the Indus to Patala -(now Haidarâbâd), a naval station at the apex of the Indus Delta. He -arrived at that place about the time when the south-west monsoon usually -sets in. Alexander, on returning to Patala from the excursions he made -to the ocean, removed the fleet to Killouta, an island in the western -branch of the Indus, which possessed a commodious haven. He then set -out on his return to Persia, leaving the fleet with Nearchos, who had -relieved Alexander’s mind of a load of anxiety by voluntarily proffering -his services to conduct the expedition by sea to the head of the Persian -Gulf. When we consider, as Bunbury remarks, the total ignorance of -the Greeks at this time concerning the Indian seas, and the imperfect -character of their navigation, it is impossible not to admire the noble -confidence with which Nearchos ventured to promise that he would bring -the ships in safety to the shores of Persia, “if the sea were navigable -and the thing feasible for mortal man.” Nearchos wished to defer his -departure till the monsoon had quite subsided, but as he was in danger of -being attacked by the natives, who were no longer overawed by Alexander’s -presence, he set sail on the 21st of September, 325 B.C. He was forced, -however, by the violence of the weather, when he had reached the mouth of -the Indus, to take refuge in a sheltered bay at a station which he called -Alexander’s Haven, and which is now known as Karâchi, the great emporium -of the trade of the Indus. After a detention here for twenty-four days, -he resumed his voyage on the 23rd of October. Coasting the shore of the -Arabies for 80 miles, he reached the mouth of the river Arabis (now the -Purali), which divides the Arabies from the Oreitai. The coast of the -latter people, which was 100 miles in extent, was navigated in eighteen -days. At one of the landing-places the ships were supplied by Leonnatos -with stores of corn, which lasted ten days. The navigation of the Mekrân -coast which succeeded occupied twenty days, and the distance traversed -was 480 miles English, though Nearchos in his journal has set it down at -10,000 stadia or 1250 miles. The expedition in this part of the voyage -suffered great distress for want of provisions. The coast was barren, -and its savage inhabitants, the Ichthyophagi,[415] had little else to -subsist on than fish, which some of them ate raw.[416] The Karmanian -coast, which succeeded, was not so distressingly barren, but was even, in -certain favoured localities, extremely fertile and beautiful. Its length -was 296 miles, and the time taken in its navigation was nineteen days, -some of which, however, were spent at the mouth of the river Anamis (now -the Mînâb), whence Nearchos made a journey into the interior to apprise -Alexander of the safety of his fleet. The coasts of Persis and Sousis -were navigated in thirty-one days. Nearchos had intended to sail up the -Tigris, but having passed its mouth unawares, continued sailing westward -till he reached Diridôtis (Terêdon), an emporium in Babylonia on the -Pallocopas branch of the Euphrates. He thence retraced his course to the -Tigris, and ascended its stream till he reached a lake through which at -that time it flowed and which received the river Pasitigris, the Ulaï -of Scripture, and now the Karun. The fleet proceeded up this river till -it met the army near a bridge on the highway from Persis to Sousa. It -anchored at the bridge on the 24th of February, 324 B.C., so that the -whole voyage was performed in 146 days. Nearchos received appropriate -rewards for the splendid service he had so successfully performed. -Alexander was sending him away on another great maritime expedition -when the illness which carried off the great conqueror broke up the -enterprise. In the discussions which followed regarding the succession to -the throne, Nearchos unsuccessfully advocated the claims of Heraklês, the -son of Alexander by Barsinê, who was the daughter of Artabazos and the -widow of Memnôn the Rhodian. He acquiesced, however, in the arrangements -made by the other generals, and was content with receiving his former -government, even though he was to hold it subject to the authority of -Antigonos. He accompanied his superior when he marched against Eumenes, -and interceded for the life of the latter when he fell into the hands of -his enemies. Nothing is known of his history after the year 314 B.C., -when he was selected by Antigonos to assist his son Dêmêtrios with his -counsels when left for the first time in command of an army. - -NIKANOR, the son of Parmenion, was commander of the hypaspists or -footguards in the Asiatic expedition. He was present in the three great -battles against the troops of Darius, and died of disease before the -charge of conspiracy was preferred against his brother Philôtas. - -OLYMPIAS, the mother of Alexander, was a passionate, ambitious, and -intriguing woman. She was put to death by order of Kassander, the son of -the regent Antipater, in 316 B.C., thus surviving her son seven years. - -OMPHIS.—_See_ Taxilês. - -ONESIKRITOS was a Greek historical writer who accompanied Alexander on -his Asiatic expedition. He professed the philosophy of Diogenes the -Cynic, and on this account was sent by Alexander to converse with the -gymnosophists of Taxila. He was the pilot of Alexander’s ship and of the -fleet in sailing down the Indus, and afterwards during the voyage to -the head of the Persian Gulf. The history written by Onesikritos, which -embraced the whole life of Alexander, fell into discredit owing to the -manner in which he intermingled fact with fiction. His work was, however, -too much undervalued. He was the first author who mentions the island -of Taprobanê (Ceylon). In his later years he attached himself to the -fortunes of Lysimachos of Thrace. - -OROSIUS was a Spanish ecclesiastic of the fifth century, who wrote a -history of the world from the creation down to the year A.D. 417. - -OXYARTES, a Baktrian, the father of Alexander’s queen Roxana, was one of -the chiefs who accompanied Bessos on his retreat across the Oxus into -Sogdiana. Alexander, after marrying his daughter, appointed him satrap of -the land of the Paropamisidai, and his successors allowed him to retain -that government. It is not known how long he lived, but it is supposed -that he was dead when Seleukos undertook his Indian expedition, as his -dominions were among those which were surrendered to Sandrokottos. - -OXYKANOS, called Portikanos by Strabo and Diodôros, ruled a territory -which adjoined that of Mousikanos, but its exact position or boundaries -cannot be ascertained. - -PANINI, the celebrated Indian grammarian, was a native of Salâtura, in -Gandhâra. His date is generally referred to the fourth century B.C., but -this is still a matter of controversy. - -PARMÊNION was the most experienced and most trusted general who -accompanied Alexander into Asia. He commanded the left wing of the -Macedonian army in the three great battles against Darius. He was left in -command in Media, and so did not accompany the expedition into India. His -assassination has left an indelible stain on Alexander’s character. - -PATROKLÊS was a general who held under Seleukos and Antiochos an -important government over some eastern provinces of the Syrian empire. -He collected much valuable information regarding the little-known parts -which adjoined his province. His work, embodying this information, is -frequently quoted by Strabo. - -PAUSANIAS was the author of an _Itinerary of Greece_, full of valuable -topographical and antiquarian information. He wrote in the age of the -Antonines. - -PEITHÔN.—Three officers of this name accompanied Alexander into -Asia—first, Peithôn, the son of Sôsiklês, who was wounded and taken -prisoner by the Skythians under Spitamenes, and is not subsequently -mentioned; second, Peithôn, the son of Krateuas, who, like Ptolemy, was a -native of Eördaia, and a member of the select bodyguard; third, Peithôn, -the son of Agênôr, who, like the preceding, rendered distinguished -services in the Indian campaigns. The historians have recorded nothing -of their previous achievements, and when they come to mention those -performed in India, do not always make it clear to which of the two they -mean to ascribe them. - -PEITHÔN, the son of Krateuas, after Alexander’s death proposed that -Perdikkas and Leonnatos should be appointed joint regents of the empire, -and for this service was rewarded with the satrapy of Media. After -the assassination of Perdikkas he was himself, through the influence -of Ptolemy, raised to the regency in conjunction with Arrhidaios, but -was soon compelled to resign and retire to his Median government. -He assisted Antigonos to overthrow Eumenes; but Antigonos, having -subsequently suspected him of entertaining treasonable designs, brought -him to trial before a council, and ordered him to be put to death in 316 -B.C. - -PEITHÔN, the son of Agênôr, took an active part in the wars against -the Malloi and Mousikanos while holding the command of one of the -divisions of the footguards. He was appointed satrap of Sindh from the -great confluence downward to the sea-coast, and was left behind in his -province when Alexander took his departure from India. After the death -of Alexander he was confirmed in his government, but, it would appear, -was ousted from it by Pôros. After the fall of Eumenes he received from -Antigonos, whose side he had favoured, the satrapy of Babylon. While -serving with Dêmêtrios, the son of Antigonos, he was slain in the battle -of Gaza, in which the young prince rashly and against his advice engaged -Ptolemy. This battle was fought in 312 B.C. - -PERDIKKAS—one of Alexander’s greatest generals—was a native of the -Macedonian province of Orestis, and descended, according to Curtius, from -a royal house. Under Philip he held one of the highest offices at court, -being a sômatophylax, and under Alexander he held the same position -along with the command of a division of the phalanx, but afterwards of -a division of the companion cavalry. He distinguished himself at the -siege of Thebes, where he was severely wounded, and in the three great -battles against the armies of Darius. In the Persian, Sogdian, and Indian -campaigns he was frequently entrusted with separate commands of great -importance, and at Sousa was rewarded for his services with a crown of -gold and with the hand of the daughter of the Median satrap. He was -present with Alexander during his fatal illness; and it is said that -the king when expiring took off the royal signet-ring from his finger -and gave it to him, as if to indicate him as his successor. In the -deliberations which followed to settle the succession, Perdikkas took -a prominent part, and, with the consent of most of the other generals, -was appointed to act as regent of the empire on behalf of Roxana’s yet -unborn child, which, it was hoped, might prove to be a son. His selfish -ambition, however, and acts of cruelty soon created violent discontent, -and a combination was formed against him by Antigonos, whom he attempted -to bring to trial for misgovernment, but who effected his escape to -Macedonia, and persuaded Antipater, Krateros, and Ptolemy to take up -arms on his behalf. He was slain by his own troops in Egypt, whither he -had proceeded in the hope of being able to crush Ptolemy before taking -measures against the other confederates. Perdikkas was crafty, cruel, and -arrogant, without magnanimity, and, indeed, without any virtue except -personal courage and capacity as a general. - -PEUKESTAS, a native of Mieza in Macedonia, was one of Alexander’s -great officers, and had the honour of carrying before him in battle -the sacred shield taken down from the temple of Athêna at Ilion. He is -first mentioned as one of the officers appointed to command a trireme -on the Hydaspês. He had a chief share in saving Alexander’s life in -the citadel of the Mallian capital, and for this service was rewarded -by being appointed a _sômatophylax_ and afterwards satrap of Persia. -After being presented at Sousa with a golden crown, he proceeded to take -possession of his government, when he adopted the Persian dress and -Persian customs, thus pleasing his subjects as well as Alexander himself. -He was in attendance on the king during his last illness, but does not -appear to have taken any leading part in the discussions held after his -death regarding the succession. He was, however, permitted to retain -his government. He took an active part in the war conducted by Eumenes -against Antigonos. He was vain and fond of display, and his treachery -towards Eumenes, whom he helped to betray into the hands of his enemies, -has left a dark stain on his character. - -PHEGELAS, or, as he is called by Diodôros, Phêgeus, was chief of a -territory which lay between the Hydraôtes and the Hyphasis. With regard -to the name, M. Sylvain Lévi gives preference to the form _Phegelas_, -and states his reason thus: “The _e_ answers to the _a_ of Sanskrit, the -_g_ to the _g_ or to the _j_. _Phegeus_ does not border on a known form; -Phegelas, on the contrary, answers directly to the Sanskrit _Bhagala_—the -name of a royal race of Kshatriyas which the Gana-pâtha classes under -the rubric Bâhu, etc., with the name even of Taxilês, Âmbhi.” (_Journal -Asiatique_ for 1890, p. 239.) - -PHILIPPOS, the son of Machatas, was one of Alexander’s officers. In 327 -B.C. he was appointed satrap of India. After Alexander left India he was -assassinated in a conspiracy formed against him by the mercenaries under -his command. - -PHRATAPHERNES was, under Darius, governor of Parthia and Hyrkania. He -accompanied that sovereign in his flight from Arbêla, but after his death -submitted to Alexander, who reinstated him in his satrapy. He joined -Alexander in India after Pôros had been defeated, but seems to have -soon afterwards returned to his satrapy, whence he sent supplies to the -Macedonian army when pursuing its distressing march through Gedrôsia. The -successors of Alexander allowed him to retain his satrapy. - -POLYAINOS, a Macedonian, who flourished about the middle of the second -century of our aera, and was the author of a work on the stratagems of -war, which is still extant. - -POLYKLEITOS was a native of Larissa, who wrote a history of Alexander. -Most of the extracts preserved from this work refer to the geography of -the countries which Alexander conquered. - -POLYSPERCHON, or POLYPERCHON, was one of the oldest officers of a high -rank in Alexander’s service. After the battle of Issos he was promoted -to the command of a division of the phalanx in succession to Ptolemy, -the son of Seleukos, who fell in that battle. In Baktria he offended -Alexander by casting ridicule on the ceremony of prostration, and was -thus for a time in disgrace. He was present at the passage of the -Hydaspês, and also in the descent of the Indus, and was then sent with -Krateros to conduct the veterans from India to Karmania by way of the -Bolan Pass. He was not in Babylon at the time of Alexander’s death, and -hence was passed over in the allotment of the provinces made after that -event. When war, however, broke out between Antipater and Perdikkas, the -former committed to his hands the chief command in Macedonia and Greece -during his absence in Asia. The veteran general showed himself worthy -of the trust reposed in him, and received the reward of his services -at Antipater’s death, who appointed him, in preference to his own son, -Kassander, to be his successor in the regency. After many vicissitudes of -fortune, and disgracing his name by his treachery towards Phôkiôn, and -his causing Heraklês, the son of Alexander, whose cause he had espoused, -to be murdered, he disappears from history after the year 303 B.C. - -PÔROS was the most powerful king in the Panjâb at the time of Alexander’s -invasion. He was then at enmity with Omphis, the king of Taxila, but -in alliance with Abisarês, the king of Kâśmîr. After his defeat and -submission to the conqueror, he was confirmed in his kingdom, the limits -of which were afterwards considerably extended. All that is known of his -history will be found in the translations, if read along with the notice -below, of Sandrokottos, except that after Alexander’s death he made -himself master of Sindh, from which he ousted Peithôn. The name of Pôros, -which is formed from _Paura_ or _Paurava_, with the Greek termination -_os_ added, shows that he belonged to a family of the Lunar race. Bohlen, -however, takes the name to be a corruption of the Sanskrit _Paurusha_, -which means “heroic.” - -PORTIKANOS.—_See_ Oxykanos. - -PTOLEMY, called the son of Lagos, is supposed to have been in reality the -son of Philip, as his mother Arsinoê was the concubine of that king, -and was pregnant when married to Lagos. Of all Alexander’s generals -Ptolemy was the one who approached him nearest in a capacity both for -war and government, while he did not fall short of him in magnanimity of -disposition. He was banished from Macedonia by Philip, who discovered -that he was promoting with others a marriage between Alexander and -the daughter of Pixodaros, the king of Karia. He rendered important -services in the war against Darius; and when Dêmêtrios, a member of the -select bodyguard, was arrested on suspicion of being concerned in the -conspiracy of Philôtas, Ptolemy was promoted to fill his place. It was -he who obtained information of the plot of Hermolaos, and by revealing -it was probably the means of saving the king’s life. In the battle with -the Aspasians, Ptolemy slew their leader with his own hand, and in the -campaigns in India he was on several occasions entrusted with separate -commands of great importance. The story of Alexander’s dream, which led -to the discovery of a plant by which Ptolemy was cured of a dangerous -wound inflicted by a poisoned arrow, must be apocryphal, since Arrian, -who had Ptolemy’s own memoirs of the expedition constantly before him, -is silent on the subject. At Sousa he received in marriage a daughter -of Artabazos. After Alexander’s death he obtained Egypt as his share -of the empire, and raised that country to a high pitch of prosperity. -He reigned for no less than forty years. The dynasty which he founded, -after subsisting for nearly two hundred years, ended with the death of -Kleopatra. - -[Illustration: FIG. 25.—PTOLEMY III.] - -PTOLEMY III. ascended the throne of Egypt in 247 B.C. in succession -to his father Ptolemy Philadelphos. In the early part of his reign he -overran Syria, and having thence turned his arms eastward, advanced -as far as Babylon and Sousa, and received the submission of all the -upper provinces of Asia as far as the borders of Baktria and India. On -returning to his kingdom he carried back with him the statues of the -Egyptian deities which Kambyses had removed to the East, and restored -them to their proper temples, an act which won for him the gratitude of -the Egyptians and the title by which he is generally known, Euergetês, -_i.e._ Benefactor. Like his father he distinguished himself by his -munificent patronage of literature and science. He was one of the kings -to whom Buddhist missionaries were sent by the Indian king Aśôka. He died -in the year 222 B.C. - -PTOLEMY PHYSKON, king of Egypt, succeeded his brother Ptolemy VI., -surnamed Philomêter. - -RÔXANA, the daughter of the Baktrian chief Oxyartes, was considered -by the Macedonians the most beautiful woman in Asia, next to the wife -of Darius. Alexander, who found her charms irresistible, made her his -wife, and she bore him a posthumous son, called Alexander Aigos, who was -admitted to a share of the sovereignty under the regency of Perdikkas. -Before his birth she had enticed Alexander’s other widow, Barsinê or -Stateira, to Babylon, and caused her to be murdered. She subsequently -fell, with her son, into the power of Kassander, who placed them both in -Amphipolis, where in 311 B.C. they were both murdered by their keeper, -Glaukias. - -SAMBUS was the satrap of a mountainous country adjoining the kingdom of -Mousikanos, with whom he was at feud. His capital, called Sindimana, has -been identified with Sehwân, a city on the Indus, for which see Note -S. Sambus fled on Alexander’s approach, not to evade submission, but -because he learned that his enemy, Mousikanos, had been received into the -conqueror’s favour. - -SANDROKOTTOS (CHANDRAGUPTA).—Sandrokottos, with the exception perhaps -of his grandson, Aśôka, was the greatest ruler ancient India produced. -Though of humble origin, he overthrew the Macedonian power in the Panjâb, -conquered the kingdom of Magadha, and founded a wide empire such as -no Indian king had before possessed. He is also memorable on another -account. Those learned men who about a century ago took up the study of -Sanskrit, established his identity with the Chandragupta who is mentioned -in the Buddhist Chronicle of Ceylon as the founder of the Mauryan dynasty -of Magadha, and by fixing the date of his accession to the throne of -that kingdom, supplied the chronology of ancient India with its first -properly-ascertained aera, and thus brought it into line with the -chronology of general history. - -Besides the notices of this great sovereign in the writings we have -translated, the following occur elsewhere in the classics:—Appian -(_Syriakê_, c. 55), speaking of Seleukos, says: “And having crossed -the Indus, he warred with Androkottos, the king of the Indians, who -dwelt about that river, until he entered into an alliance and a marriage -affinity with him.” Strabo (II. i. 9) says: “Both of these men were -sent to Palimbothra, Megasthenes to Sandrokottos, and Dêimachos to -Allitrochades, his son,” and in XV. i. 36 repeats the statement as -concerns Megasthenes. In XV. i. 53 we read: “Megasthenes, who was in the -camp of Sandrokottos, which consisted of 400,000 men, did not witness -on any day thefts reported which exceeded the sum of 200 drachmai, and -this among a people who have no written laws, who are ignorant even -of writing, and regulate everything by memory.” Lastly, in XV. i. 57 -we read: “Similar to this is the account of the Enotokoitai, of the -wild men, and of other monsters. The wild men could not be brought to -Sandrokottos, for they died by abstaining from food.” Arrian in his -_Indika_ (c. 5) says: “But even Megasthenes, as far as appears, did not -travel over much of India, though no doubt he saw more of it than those -who came with Alexander, the son of Philip, for, as he says, he had -interviews with Sandrokottos, the greatest king of the Indians, and with -Pôros, who was still greater than he.”[417] Lastly, Athênaios mentions -him in his _Deipnosophists_ (c. 18 d): “Phylarchos says that among the -presents which Sandrokoptos, the king of the Indians, sent to Seleukos -were certain powerful aphrodisiacs.” It will be observed that Athênaios -transcribes the name of the Indian king more correctly than any of the -other authors. - -These detached notices, combined with those which appear in the -translations, we may now gather together into a connected and consistent -narrative. Sandrokottos was of obscure birth, and, from the remark of -Plutarch that in his early years he had seen Alexander, we may infer that -he was a native of the Panjâb. It was at one time thought that he had -in some way offended the conqueror, and that to escape the effects of -his displeasure, he had fled for protection to the court of Magadha. But -this belief must now be given up, as it was based on a corrupt passage -in Justin, which, by the restoration of the correct reading, shows that -it was not Alexander whom he had offended, but Nandrus or Xandrames, -the Magadha king. We do not know what induced Sandrokottos to leave -his home and take service under the latter monarch, but we incline to -attribute it to a sentiment of patriotism forbidding him to seek office -or advancement under a power which had crushed the liberties of his -country. What the nature of his offence against Nandrus was does not -appear, but he so dreaded his resentment that he quitted his dominions -and returned home to the Panjâb. He found it, although Alexander had -now been six years dead, still under Greek vassalage, and ruled as -formerly in civil matters by Omphis of Taxila and the great Pôros, while -the military administration had passed into the hands of Eudêmos. Soon -after his arrival, however, the order of things was violently disturbed. -Eudêmos having decoyed Pôros into his power, treacherously murdered -him,[418] but had no sooner done so than he was recalled to the west -to succour Eumenes in his war against Antigonos. As he took with him -3000 foot, 500 horse, and 125 elephants, he denuded the province of the -main strength of the force by which it was held in subjection, and his -departure was fatal to Greek power. The Indians, who longed for freedom, -and were no doubt greatly incensed by the murder of Pôros, rose in -revolt. Sandrokottos, who headed this movement, having collected a band -of insurgents, overthrew the existing government, expelled the remainder -of the Greek garrison, and finally installed himself in the sovereignty -of the Panjâb and of all the lower valley of the Indus. The insurgents, -whom he led to victory, are called by Justin _robbers_; but we must -not thence infer that he was a bandit leader, who, by taking advantage -of an opportune crisis, rose to power by the help of desperadoes whose -crimes had banished them from society. His adherents were, in point -of fact, chiefly the _Arattâ_ of the Panjâb, who were always called -_robbers_, and are denounced as such in the _Mahâbhârata_. The Kathaians, -who so stoutly resisted Alexander at Sangala, were included under this -designation, which means _Kingless_, and implies that they lived under -republican institutions. The stories told by the same author of the lion -which licked the sweat from Sandrokottos when asleep, and of the elephant -which volunteered to carry him into battle, and thus gave presages of his -future greatness, reflect the true spirit of oriental romance, and were -no doubt derived from native traditions which somehow found their way to -the west. They remind one of Joseph’s dreams, in which he saw the sheaves -and then the heavenly bodies falling down in obeisance before him. - -Sandrokottos while in Magadha had seen that the king was held in such -odium and contempt by his subjects that, as Plutarch tells us, he -used often afterwards to speak of the ease with which Alexander might -have possessed himself of the whole country. He accordingly had no -sooner settled the affairs of the Panjâb than he prepared to invade -the dominions of his former master. The success which he anticipated -followed his arms. He overthrew with ease the unpopular despot, and -having received the submission of Magadha, extended his conquests far -beyond its eastern limits. He was thus able to combine into one great -empire the regions both of the Indus and the Ganges. He established the -seat of government at Palibothra, the capital of Magadha, a great city -advantageously situated at the confluence of the Erannoboas or Sôn with -the Ganges, and on the site now occupied by Pâtnâ, beneath which, at a -depth of from 12 to 15 feet, its ruins lie entombed. - -While Sandrokottos was thus, with a genius like that of Akbar, welding -the states of India into unity, the successors of Alexander were too -much engrossed with their internecine wars to concern themselves with -his doings; but when they had for a time composed their differences, -Seleukos Nikator, the king of Syria, advanced eastward to recover the -Indian conquests of Alexander. The date of this expedition cannot be -fixed with precision, but it was probably made in the year 305 B.C., -or about ten years after Sandrokottos had ascended the throne of -Palibothra. The records of it are unfortunately lost. It seems that he -was allowed to cross the Indus without opposition, but it is not known -how far he advanced into the country. We do not even know whether the -hostile armies came into actual conflict, but we may conjecture that -the sight of the vast and formidable host brought into the field by his -antagonist, who was an experienced commander of the stamp of Pôros, -led him to think discretion would be the better part of valour, and to -prefer entering into negotiations rather than to risk the chance of -defeat. At all events he concluded a treaty by which he not only resigned -his claims to the Greek conquests beyond the Indus, but ceded to the -Indian king considerable districts extending westward from that river -to the southern slopes of the Hindu-Kush. The compact was cemented by a -matrimonial alliance, the Syrian king giving his daughter in marriage to -Sandrokottos. Friendly relations seem to have subsisted ever afterwards -between the two sovereigns. - -Seleukos sent as his ambassador to the Indian court his friend and -companion Megasthenes. This was a fortunate choice, for while there -Megasthenes, who was an acute observer and of an inquisitive turn of -mind, composed a work on India, in which he gave a faithful account -of what fell under his own observation, as well as of what facts he -could gather from trustworthy reports. That work, now lost, was the -source whence Strabo and other classical authors derived most of their -information regarding India. In such of the fragments thus preserved as -relate to Sandrokottos, we find an admirable picture of his system of -government, of his personal habits, and of the regulations of his court. -He did not live to old age, but died in 291 B.C., before he had reached -his fifty-fifth year. - -When we turn to the Buddhist accounts of Chandragupta we find them tally -so closely in all main points with the Greek accounts of Sandrokottos -that no doubt can be left that the two names which are so nearly similar -denote but one and the same person. As he was the founder of the dynasty -to which the pious Aśôka, the Constantine of the Buddhist faith, -belonged, the Buddhist writers assign to him an honourable pedigree which -connected him even with the royal house whence Buddha himself sprang. -His father, they tell us, reigned over a small kingdom situated in a -valley among the Himalayas, and called Maurya, from the great number of -its peacocks (_Mayûra_). He was killed in resisting an invasion of his -enemies, but his queen escaped to Pataliputra, where she gave birth to a -son whom she exposed in the neighbourhood of a cattle shed. The child, -like Oedipûs, was found by a shepherd, who called him _Chandragupta_ -(_Moon protected_), and charged himself with his maintenance. There -resided at that time in Pataliputra a Brahman who had come from the -great city of Taxila in the Panjâb, and whose name was Chânakya. To him -King Dhanananda had given an insult which could be expiated by nothing -short of his destruction. While the Brahman was casting about for means -whereby he could clear his score with the offender, Chandragupta, now a -boy, fell under his cognisance. Having discovered that he was of royal -descent, and foreseen from his conduct among his companions that in after -life he would be capable of great achievements, he bought him from the -shepherd and gave him a training adapted to make him a fit instrument for -the execution of his designs. When Chandragupta had grown up, his master -put under his command a body of troops kept secretly in his pay, and -attempted a rebellion, which proved abortive. Chandragupta fled to the -desert, but having ere long collected a fresh force he invaded Magadha -from the border, that is, from the side of the Panjâb. He captured city -after city till the capital itself fell into his hands. The king was -slain, and Chandragupta ascended the vacant throne. - -Another form of the native tradition assigns his paternity to Dhanananda -(the last of the eight Nanda kings, who ruled in succession over -Magadha), though not by his queen, but by a woman of low caste—a sudra -called Mura. The Brahmans made this base-born scion of the royal house -the instrument of their rebellious designs, and with the help of a -northern prince, to whom they offered an accession of territory, raised -him to the throne while he was yet a youth, and put Nanda and his eight -sons to death. They did not make good their promise to their ally, but -rid themselves of him by assassination. His son Malayaketu marched with -a large army, in which were Yavanas (Greeks), to revenge his death, but -returned without success to his country. It has been supposed that this -expedition may have been the same as that of Seleukos. - -The Nanda dynasty which was supplanted by the Mauryan in 315 B.C. had -succeeded to that of Sisunâga in 370 B.C. Its last member, whom the -Greeks call _Xandrames_ and Curtius _Agrammes_, is variously named in -native writings _Dhanananda_, _Nanda Mahâpadma_, and _Hiranyagupta_. -Xandramas (of which Agrammes seems to be a distorted form) transliterates -the Sanskrit _Chandramas_, which means _Moon-god_. A Hindu play—the Mudrâ -Râkshasa—produced early in the Mahommedan period refers to the revolution -by which Chânakya raised Chandragupta to power, but is of no historical -value. Chandragupta was succeeded by his son Vindusâra, who is called by -Strabo _Allitrochades_, and by Athênaios (xiv. 67),[419] _Amitrochates_, -a form which transliterates the Sanskrit _Amitraghâta_, a title by which -he was frequently designated, and which means _enemy-slayer_. He was -succeeded by his son Aśôka in 270 B.C. - -SELEUKOS NIKATOR, one of Alexander’s great generals who made himself -king of Syria, was the son of Antiochos, an officer of high rank in the -service of King Philip. Seleukos was distinguished for his great personal -strength and courage, and when he accompanied Alexander into Asia -held a command in the companion cavalry. He crossed the Hydaspês with -Alexander himself, and took an important part in the great battle which -followed. At Sousa he was rewarded for his eminent services with the -hand of Apama, an Asiatic princess, the daughter of Spitamenes. In the -dissensions which broke out after Alexander’s death among his generals, -Seleukos sided with Perdikkas and the cavalry against Meleager and the -infantry, and was in consequence made Chiliarch of the companions, one -of the highest offices, and one which Perdikkas himself had previously -held. He accompanied Perdikkas into Egypt, but he there put himself at -the head of the mutineers by whom his patron was assassinated. At the -second partition of the provinces made at Triparadeisos 321 B.C. he -obtained the Babylonian satrapy, and established himself in Babylon. He -assisted Antigonos in the war against Eumenes, but afterwards contended -against him in alliance with Ptolemy. During an interval when hostilities -were suspended between himself and his rivals, Seleukos undertook an -expedition into India to regain the conquests of Alexander over which -Sandrokottos had established his authority. We do not know how far he -advanced into India, but he probably again crossed the Hydaspês, which he -had crossed twenty years before along with the great conqueror himself. -The result of the expedition was a treaty by which Seleukos ceded to -Sandrokottos his Indian provinces and the regions west of the Indus as -far as the range of Paropanisos, in exchange for 500 elephants, and a -marriage alliance by which the daughter of Seleukos became the bride of -the Indian king. Immediately either before or after this expedition, -Seleukos in 306 B.C., following the examples of Antigonos and Ptolemy, -formally assumed the regal title and diadem. In the battle of Ipsos 301 -B.C., where Seleukos, in league with Ptolemy, Lysimachos, and Kassander, -fought against Antigonos, the cavalry and elephants which the Syrian king -brought into the field were mainly instrumental in securing the victory. -The empire of Seleukos then became the most extensive of those which had -been formed out of Alexander’s conquests, extending from Phoenicia to -Baktria and Sogdiana. After being engaged in other wars, Seleukos crossed -the Hellespont with an army with a view to seize the crown of Macedonia, -but was assassinated at Lysimachia by Ptolemy Keraunos in the beginning -of the year 280 B.C. in the thirty-second year of his reign. - -SISIKOTTOS was an Indian who had deserted his countrymen and taken -service under Bessos. After the conquest of Baktria he took service under -Alexander, who, no doubt, obtained from him much valuable information -regarding India and its affairs. After the capture of the rock Aornos, -Sisikottos was left in command of the garrison which Alexander -established there. He afterwards sent messengers to inform Alexander that -the Assakênians had revolted from him. - -SITALKES was a leader of Thracian light-armed troops in Alexander’s -service. He was left under Parmenion in Media, and on Alexander’s return -from India was put to death for misgovernment. - -SOLINUS was the author of a compendium of geography extracted mostly from -the _Natural History_ of Pliny. He lived about the middle of the third -century A.D. - -SÔPHEITES or SÔPEITHÊS was, according to Curtius and Diodôros, king of -a territory situated to the west of the Hyphasis. According to Arrian -his dominions (or those of a king of the same name) lay along the banks -of the Hydaspês, and, as we learn from Strabo, embraced the salt range -of mountains called _Oromenus_ by Pliny. With regard to the name, -Lassen took it to represent the Sanskrit _Aśvapati_, “lord of horses.” -M. Sylvain Lévi, however, thinks this a fanciful identification of the -two names, erring against Greek and against Sanskrit. He then says: “A -drachma of Indian silver coined towards the end of the fourth century -B.C. in imitation of Greek money bears the inscription ΣΩΦΥΤΟΥ. The -form Sophytes is, then, the only one to be considered. The laws of -transcription established by numerous examples give the equivalents: ω -= _ô_ or _aw_, φ = _bh_. Sophytes then leads back to Sobûtha or Saubh. -The Gana-pâtha knows precisely a country of the name of Saubhûta. Pânini -(IV. ii. 67 _sqq._) shows by examples how local names are formed.... The -name of Sâmkala, etc., is formed in this way. M. Bhandarkar has already -recognised in the city of Sâmkala the famous fortress of Sangala, ... but -the Indian _savant_ has not overcome the old prejudice which, regardless -of the laws of transcription, identifies Sangala with Śâkala, capital of -the Madras (Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ i. 801).... The identification firmly -fixed of Sophytes and Saubhûta dissipates henceforward all doubts. Among -the names classed in the Gana-pâtha under the rubric Sâmkala, etc., is -found _Subhûta_, which gives, in virtue of the rule stated, _Saubhûta_ as -the name of a locality. Everything concurs in proving the correctness of -our identification.” - -SPHINÊS.—_See_ Kalânos. - -SPITAKES is supposed to be the same as the Pittakos mentioned by -Polyainos. He was slain fighting on the side of Pôros in the battle of -the Hydaspês. His territories lay near that river. - -SPITAMENES, the most formidable and persistent of all the chiefs who -opposed Alexander in the regions of the Oxus and Jaxartes. - -STASANÔR, a distinguished officer in Alexander’s army, was a native of -Soloi in Cyprus. For services rendered during the Baktrian campaign he -was appointed satrap of Areia and afterwards of Drangiana. In the first -partition of the provinces after Alexander’s death he was confirmed in -his satrapy; but in the partition made at Triparadeisos he received the -more important government of Baktria and Sogdiana. He ruled his subjects -with justice and moderation. He is not heard of in history after 316 B.C. - -STATEIRA or BARSINÊ, the daughter of Darius and wife of Alexander, -was murdered after his death by Roxana with the consent of the regent -Perdikkas. - -STEPHANOS of Byzantium was the author of a geographical lexicon, in which -the names of some Indian towns occur. His date is uncertain, but may be -referred to the sixth or seventh century of our aera. - -STRABO, the great geographer, was a native of Amasea in Pontos. He lived -in the reign of Augustus, and during the first five years at least of -Tiberius. - -SIBYRTIOS was appointed by Alexander on returning from India satrap of -Karmania, and afterwards of Arachosia and Gedrosia in succession to -Thoas. He was confirmed in his government in accordance with the first -and the second partition of the provinces. He incurred the displeasure of -Eumenes, and thereby secured the patronage of Antigonos. Megasthenes was -his friend, and at one time resided with him. - -TAURÔN was an officer in Alexander’s army, who distinguished himself in -the battle with Pôros. - -TAXILÊS, whose personal name was Omphis, ruled a fertile territory -between the Indus and Hydaspês, which had for its capital the great and -flourishing city of Taxila. He was at feud with his neighbour, King -Pôros, and this probably determined him to send an embassy to Alexander -while he was yet in Baktria, in the hopes of forming an alliance with -him which would enable him to crush his powerful rival. He waited on -Alexander before he had crossed the Indus, and when he reached Taxila -entertained him and his army with the most liberal hospitality. After -the defeat and submission of Pôros, Alexander effected a reconciliation -between the two princes. Taxilês gave all the assistance in his power -to help forward the construction and equipment of the fleet by which -Alexander intended to convey a portion of his troops down the Hydaspês -and the Indus to the ocean. For this service he was rewarded with an -accession of territory. After the death of Alexander he was allowed -to retain his power, which had been increased after the murder of the -satrap Philip. Subsequently to the year 321 B.C. Eudêmos seems to have -exercised supreme authority in his province. We know nothing regarding -Taxilês after that date. M. Sylvain Lévi shows that the personal name of -Taxilês is incorrectly given by Diodôros as _Mophis_ instead of _Omphis_, -which is the form in Curtius. He gives the reason thus: “The study of -the words transcribed from the Indian languages into Greek proves that -the ο corresponds to an _â_ or to an _o_ in Sanskrit, while the φ is the -regular transcription of _bh_. Mophis gives therefore a Sanskrit _Mobhi_ -or _Mâbhi_; neither the one nor the other is met with in the texts; they -are both strangers to the language as well as to the history of India. -But _Âmbhi_ presents itself in the Gana-pâtha, a genuine appendix to the -_Grammar_ of Pânini.” He then shows that _Âmbhi_ has been obtained from -_Ambhas_ in accordance with an established rule, and thus proceeds: “A -double conclusion unfolds itself—1st, The dynasty which was reigning at -Takśaśilâ at the time of the Greek invasion was a family of Kshatriya -descended from Ambhas, and designated by the patronymic Âmbhi; 2nd, The -dynasty Âmbhi has disappeared with the Greek rule soon after the death of -Alexander. The revolt of India has swept away without doubt these allies -of the stranger. Before the end of the fourth century B.C., Chandragupta, -founder of the Mauryan dynasty and king of the Prasyas, joined to his -dominions the kingdoms of the basin of the Indus. Takśaśilâ became the -residence of a Mauryan governor. The part played by the Âmbhi does not -appear to have been considerable enough to preserve their memory long; -the mention of them in the _Gana-pâtha_ is the only known testimony to -their existence. The _Gana-pâtha_, and, at the same time, the _Grammar_ -of Pânini, which is inseparable from it, are then _very probably -contemporary with the Macedonian invasion_.” He adds as a footnote, “The -mention of the Yavanas (Greeks) and of the Yavanâni (Greek writing) -excludes the hypothesis of priority” (See _Journal Asiatique_ for 1890, -pp. 234-236). - -TERIOLTES, called also TYRIASPES, was appointed satrap of the -Paropamisadai, but was deposed, or, according to Curtius, put to death -for misgovernment. His satrapy Alexander then gave to his father-in-law -Oxyartes. - -TLEPOLEMOS was appointed satrap of Karmania by Alexander on his return -from India. - -TYRIASPES.—_See_ Terioltes. - -VINDUSÂRA, the son of Sandrokottos.—_See_ Sandrokottos. - -XANDRAMES, king of Magadha.—_See_ Sandrokottos. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] With the exception of Alexander, all the great conquerors who have -crossed the Indus to invade India have sprung from provinces towards -Tartary and Northern Persia. - -[2] According to Plutarch, seventy Asiatic cities at the least owed their -origin to Alexander. Of those, forty can still be traced. Grote thinks -the number is probably exaggerated, and disparages their importance. - -[3] In saying this, I do not forget that the Graeco-Baktrian kings -at one time extended their sway in India even far beyond the parts -conquered by Alexander; but this cannot be regarded as having resulted -from his invasion. It might have equally happened had his invasion -been as mythical as the Indian expeditions of Dionysos and Heraklês. -Nor do I by any means overlook the effects produced by Greek ideas on -the Indian mind—effects which can be traced in a variety of spheres, -such as religion, poetry, philosophy, science, architecture, and the -plastic arts. On this subject Professor A. Weber read a very learned -paper, entitled “Die Griechen in Indien,” before the Prussian Academy of -Sciences in July 1890. It is a paper which well deserves to be translated -into our language. Scholars now rather incline to believe that, whatever -may be the exact degree of the indebtedness of India to Greece, the -ancient civilization of India was much less original and self-contained -than it was at one time supposed to be. - -[4] Patroklês, who held an important command in the East under Seleukos -Nikatôr and his son Antiochos I., stated, in a work (now lost) which -included a description of India, that while the army of Alexander took -but a very hasty view of everything (in India), Alexander himself took -a more exact one, causing the whole country to be described by men well -acquainted with it. This description, Patroklês says, was put into his -hands by Xenoklês the Treasurer. On this subject Humboldt thus writes: -“The Macedonian campaign, which opened so large and beautiful a portion -of the earth to the influence of one sole highly-gifted race, may -therefore certainly be regarded in the strictest sense of the word as a -_scientific_ expedition, and, moreover, as the first in which a conqueror -had surrounded himself with men learned in all departments of science, as -naturalists, geometricians, historians, philosophers, and artists.” - -[5] The editors of _Alexander in India_, however, say that this -rhetorician must have flourished early under Claudius, who reigned from -A.D. 41 to 54. They add that the Latin of Curtius agrees well with this -view, which would place him between Velleius and Petronius. - -[6] The author of the _Periplous_ of the Erythraian Sea also conducts -Alexander to the Ganges. So too does Lucan—_Pharsalia_, x. 33. - -[7] Sainte-Croix and Professor Freeman both express strong doubts of the -authenticity of Alexander’s letters quoted by several writers. - -[8] In Persian, _Kshatrapa_. - -[9] The Macedonian line in this part of the field being broken, some -of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap and -fought their way to the enemy’s baggage, where a desperate conflict -ensued.—_Arrian_, iii. 14. - -[10] General Chesney, commenting lately on these numbers, remarks that -“numbers without discipline are, after a certain point, worse than -useless, the men only get in each others’ way. This was especially -the case in the battles of old times fought at close quarters.” “The -biographers of Sir Charles Napier,” he continues, “have made a great -point of the circumstance that at the battle of Meani the British force -of less than 3000 men was opposed by 40,000 of the enemy who fought -desperately for several hours. Now, the whole British loss in killed -and wounded was under 300, so that, assuming every wound to have been -inflicted by a separate sword or bullet, it follows that out of the -40,000 desperate fighters, 39,700 contributed nothing to the fighting.” -In another passage he points out that an ancient battle was in some -respects a much more formidable thing than a modern one. In the battle -of old days the absence of noise, except the words of command, the -tramp of men, and the clashing of armour, above all the closeness of -one’s adversary, must have been of a kind to try the nerves much more -than the rattle of musketry, the crashing of shells, and the thunder of -the artillery in a modern battle. What we shall never get back to is -hand-to-hand fighting at close quarters. It was this that made a battle -so decisive in olden days, and caused the tremendous slaughter that used -to be the fate of the beaten side. An ancient battle was really a very -short affair. After the marshalling of the troops and the preliminary -skirmishing of the cavalry and the archery practice of the light troops, -in which a good deal of time would be taken up, the business must have -been decided in a very few minutes when once the infantry actually -engaged. The fact is that when two bodies of men meet with sword or -spear, a prolonged contest is from the nature of the case impossible. In -modern warfare when a battle is lost, a large part of the defeated army -is already at a distance and gets off unharmed. But there was no escape -for the man in armour, and when he turned his back his shield was no -defence. - -[11] “Against Phoenicians, Egyptians, Babylonians, Alexander had no -mission of vengeance; he might rather call on them to help him against -the common foe.... If the gods of Attica had been wronged and insulted -(by the Persians) so had the gods of Memphis and Babylon”.—Prof. Freeman, -_Historical Essays_, ii. pp. 202, 203. - -[12] “From this unhappy time all the worst failings of Alexander become -more strongly developed.... Impetuosity and self-exaltation now grew upon -him till he could bear neither restraint nor opposition.”—Prof. Freeman, -_Historical Essays_, ii. p. 206. - -[13] The Mêdos is now the _Polvar_ and the Araxês the Bund-Amir. - -[14] Kinneir places the Ouxian passes to the north-west of _Bebehan_. - -[15] The narrow defile near _Kaleh Safed_ (the white fort), some fifty -miles to the north-west of Shiraz. - -[16] Curzon thinks that Pasargadai lay to the north-east of Persepolis at -a distance of some thirty miles. For a discussion regarding their ruins -and the tomb of Cyrus see his great work on Persia just published, vol. -ii. pp. 70-92. - -[17] The release of these enormous treasure-hoards produced such effects -as resulted in recent times from the discoveries of gold in California -and Australia. The prices of all commodities were greatly enhanced, and -prosperity advanced by leaps and bounds. - -[18] Perhaps Damaghan, but its position is very uncertain. According to -Apollodoros it was 1260 stadia beyond the Kaspian Gates, but according to -Pliny only 133 miles. See Curzon’s _Persia_, i. p. 287. - -[19] _Sari_, according to Droysen. - -[20] “Edicto vetuit ne quis se praeter Apellem Pingeret, aut alius -Lysippo duceret aera Fortis Alexandri vultum simulantia.”—_Horace._ - -[21] Pausanias, however, says that it was Philadelphos who brought the -body to Alexandreia. - -[22] See Note L_l_ in Appendix. - -[23] This name, transliterates the Sanskrit _Subhagasena_, which was not -a personal name but an official title. See Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ II. p. 273. - -[24] The Companion Cavalry, called sometimes simply the Companions, were -the Royal Horse Guards, a body which at the beginning of the campaign -consisted of 1500 men, all scions of the noblest families of Macedonia -and Thessaly. In the course of the war their numbers were augmented -perhaps to 5000, as Mützell conjectures. - -[25] The Parai-tak-ênai possessed part of the mountainous country between -the upper courses of the Oxus and the Jaxartes. They were perhaps one in -race with the Takkas of India, who had a great and flourishing capital, -Taxila (_i.e._ Takkasila, the Rock of the Takkas), situated between the -Indus and Upper Hydaspes. The first part of their name _Parai_ represents -perhaps the Sanskrit _parvata_, a hill, or _pahâr_ (a hill) of the common -dialect. A tribe of the same name occupied a mountainous part of Media -(Herod. i. 101), and another is located by Isidoros of Charax between -Drangiana and Arachosia. Another form of the name is Paraitakai (Arrian, -iii. 19; Strabo, xvi. 736; Stephanos Byz.) - -[26] The spring of 327 B.C. - -[27] Kaukasos here denotes the lofty mountain range, now called the -Central Hindu Kush, which forms the northern frontier of Kâbul. Its -native designation was Parapamisos, or, as Ptolemy more correctly -transliterates it, Paropanisos. Till Alexander’s time these mountains -were altogether unknown to the Greeks. The officers of his army who -wrote accounts of his Asiatic expedition sometimes considered them to -be a continuation of the Tauros, and sometimes of the Kaukasos. Arrian, -who regarded them as an extension of the former range, says that the -Macedonian soldiers called them Kaukasos to flatter Alexander, as if, -when he had crossed them to enter Baktria, he had carried his victorious -arms beyond Kaukasos. The Greeks of those days, it must be observed, -had no definite knowledge of the mountains to which that name was -properly applicable, but vaguely conceived them to be the loftiest and -the remotest to be found in the eastern parts of the world. The pass by -which Alexander recrossed the Paropanisos was most probably the Kushan or -Ghorbund Pass. - -[28] See Note A, Alexandreia under Kaukasos. - -[29] The tribes collectively designated Parapamisadai were, according to -Ptolemy (who calls them Paropanisadai), the five following:—The Bôlitai, -Aristophyloi, Parsioi, Parsyêtai, and Ambautai. They lived along the -spurs of the Hindu Kush, chiefly along its southern and eastern sides. -They thus occupied the whole of Kabulistân, and part of Afghânistân. -The Bôlitai were probably the people of Kâbul, a city which, no doubt, -represents that which Ptolemy calls Karoura (Kaboura?) or Ortospana. - -[30] The colonies which Alexander planted in the countries he overran -were of a military character, designed to secure the permanence, -cohesion, and ultimate unification of his conquests. The war-worn -soldiers whom he made colonists were condemned to perpetual exile, as may -be gathered from the fate which overtook the colonists who of their own -accord left Baktra and attempted to return to Greece. They were treated -as deserters, and were all put to death. - -[31] This is the Kâbul river, called otherwise by the classical writers -the _Kôphês_, except by Ptolemy, who calls it the _Kôa_. Its name in -Sanskrit is the _Kubhâ_. - -[32] See Note B. - -[33] Taxilês. His distinctive name, as we learn from Curtius (viii. -14), was Omphis. Diodôros (xvii. 86) less accurately calls him Môphis, -and says that Alexander changed his name to Taxiles. This is, however, -a mistake, for Taxiles was a territorial title which each sovereign of -Taxila assumed on his accession to power. Indian princes are generally -designated in the classics by their territorial or dynastic titles. -The father of Omphis died about the time Alexander was making his -preparations to invade India. - -[34] Kleitos had been killed before the army left Baktra, but his brigade -continued to bear his name even after his death. - -[35] Peukelaôtis designated both a district and its capital city. The -name is a transliteration of Pukkalaoti, which is the Pali form of the -Sanskrit Pushkalavati, the name by which the ancient capital of Gândhâra -was known. General Cunningham has fixed its position at the two large -towns of Parang and Chârsada, which form part of Hashtnagar, or _eight -cities_, that are seated close together on the eastern bank of the Landaï -or lower Swât river. The position thus indicated is nearly seventeen -miles to the north-west of Peshâwar. The city was in early times a great -emporium of commerce. Ptolemy, who with the author of the Periplûs of -the Erythraian sea, calls it Proklaïs, has correctly located it on the -eastern bank of the river of Souastênê, _i.e._ the river of Swât. Wilson, -however, and Abbott take Pekhely (or Pakholi) in the neighbourhood of -Peshâwar to be the modern representative of the old Gândhârian capital -(_v._ Cunningham’s _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 49-51). - -[36] The route assigned to this division lay along the course of the -Kâbul river and through the Khaiber Pass to Peukelaôtis, which was -situated where, or near where, Hasht-nagar on the river Landaï now stands. - -[37] This name is perhaps a transliteration of the Sanskrit _Sanjaya_, -which means _victor_. A Shinwâri tribe called _Sangu_ is found inhabiting -a part of the Nangrihar district west of the Khaiber Pass. - -[38] The hypaspists, so called because they carried the round shield -called _aspis_, while the hoplites carried the oblong shield called -_hoplon_, formed a body of about 3000 men at the outset of the war, but -were perhaps augmented to double that number during its progress. They -were not so heavily armed as the hoplites, and were therefore more rapid -in their movements. The foot companions were another distinguished corps -of guards. The Agrianians, who made excellent light-armed troops, were a -Paionian people whose country adjoined the sources of the river Strymôn. - -[39] Aspasioi and Assakênoi. See Note C. - -[40] Strabo (xv. 697) states the reasons which led Alexander to select -the northern route to the Indus in preference to the southern. “Alexander -was informed,” he says, “that the mountainous and northern parts were the -most habitable and fertile, but that the southern part was either without -water or liable to be overflowed by rivers at one time, or entirely -burnt up at another, more fit to be the haunts of wild beasts than the -dwellings of men. He resolved therefore to master first that part of -India which had been well spoken of, considering at the same time that -the rivers which it was necessary to pass, and which flowed transversely -through the country which he proposed to attack, would be crossed with -more facility towards their sources.” The districts through which he -passed are now called Kafiristan, Chittral, Swât, and the Yusufzai -country. It is more difficult to trace in this than in any other of his -campaigns the course of his movements, and to identify with certainty -the various strongholds which he attacked. The country through which -he passed is but little known even at the present day, and, as Bunbury -remarks, a glance at the labyrinth of mountains and valleys, which occupy -the whole space in question in the best modern maps, will sufficiently -show how utterly bewildering they must have been to the officers of -Alexander, who neither used maps nor the compass, and were incapable of -the simplest geographical observations. The time occupied by Alexander in -marching from the foot of Kaukasos to the Indus was about a year. Like -Napoleon, he kept the field even in winter, though in these parts the -cold at that season is intense. - -[41] Khôês. This is the first river Alexander would reach after he had -left his encampment near the junction of the Panjshîr with the Kôphên, -which appears to have been the place where he divided his army. It cannot -have been, as Lassen thought, the Kamah or Kunâr, but is rather the -stream formed by the junction of the Alishang and the Alinghar, which -joins the Kôphên on the left in the neighbourhood of Mandrour above -Jalâlâbâd. The Alinghar river, as we learn from Masson, is called also -the _Kow_. The Kôa of Ptolemy must not be confounded with the Khôês of -the text, for that author in describing the Kôa says that it receives -a tributary from the Paropanisadai, and that after being joined by -the Souastos (the river of Swât) it falls into the Indus. The Kôa is -therefore probably the Kôphên after its reception of the Kamah or Kunâr -river. - -[42] Euaspla R. This name, which, so far as I know, occurs only in -Arrian, has not been satisfactorily explained. It designated, no doubt, -the river which Aristotle, Strabo, and Curtius call the Choaspes, and -which the best authorities identify with the Kamah or Kunâr, a river -which rivals the Kôphên itself in the volume of its waters and the length -of its course. It rises at the foot of the plateau of Pamîr, not far from -the sources of the Oxus, and joins the Kôphên at some distance below -Jalâlâbâd. Strabo says that the Choaspes traverses Bandobênê (Badakshan) -and Gandarîtis after having passed near the towns of Plêgêrion and -Gorydalê. - -[43] The capital of this chief was probably Gorys on the Choaspes. - -[44] Arigaion. This place, which was situated to the east of the -Choaspes, is perhaps now represented by Naoghi, a village in the province -of Bajore. Ritter identified it with Bajore or Bagawar, the capital of -this province. The mountains to which the inhabitants fled for refuge -may perhaps, as V. de Saint-Martin suggests, be those which Justin (xii. -7) calls Daedali, whereto he says Alexander led his troops after the -Bacchanalian revelry with which they had been indulged at Nysa. There is -no mention elsewhere of Arigaion, unless it be the “Argacum urbem” of -the _Itiner. Alex._ 105. It is taken by Schneider to be the Acadira of -Curtius. - -[45] The Gouraios is the river Pañjkora, which unites with the river of -Swât to form the Landaï, a large affluent of the Kâbul river. It appears -under the name of the _Gauri_ in the sixth book of the _Mahâbhârata_, -where it is mentioned along with the Suvâstu (the Swât river) and the -Kampanâ. It owes its name to the _Ghori_, a great and wide-spread tribe, -branches of which are still to be found on the Pañjkora, and also on both -sides of the Kâbul River where it is joined by the Landaï. It formed the -boundary between the Gouraians and the Assakênians. - -[46] Mazaga. See Note D. - -[47] Alexander seems to have treated these mercenaries with less than his -usual generosity towards brave enemies. Plutarch reprobates his slaughter -of them as a foul blot on his military fame. The attack upon the city -after it had capitulated on terms admits of no justification. - -[48] See Note E. - -[49] Abisares. Arrian in a subsequent passage calls this chief King of -the Mountaineer Indians. His name shows that he ruled over Abhisâra, -that region of mountain-girt valleys, now called Hazâra, which lies -between the Indus and the upper Hydaspes. In _Hazâra_ the ancient name -of the country seems to be preserved. It has been supposed, but less -reasonably, that the district was so called from the great number of its -petty chiefs, _hazâra_ being the numeral for _a thousand_ (in Persian). -Abisares was a very powerful prince, and it is supposed with reason that -Kâshmîr was subject to his sway. - -[50] Aornos. See Note F. - -[51] “Heraklês,” says Herodotos (ii. 43, 44), “is one of the ancient gods -of the Egyptians, and, as they say themselves, it was 17,000 years before -the reign of Amasis, when the number of their gods was increased from -eight to twelve, of whom Heraklês was accounted one. And being desirous -of obtaining certain information from whatever source I could, I sailed -to Tyre in Phoenicia, where, as I had been informed, there was a temple -dedicated to Heraklês.” The name of the Egyptian Heraklês was Dsona or -Chôn, or, according to Pausanias, Makeris, and that of the Tyrian was -Melkart. These were more ancient than the Theban Heraklês, the son of -Zeus and Alkmênê. The Indian Heraklês, called Dorsanes, who, according -to Arrian, was the father of Pandaia, has been identified with Śiva, -but also with Balarâma, the eighth avatâr of Vishnu. Diodôros (ii. 39) -ascribes to him the building of the walls and of the palace of Palibothra -(now Pâtnâ). Arrian in the second book of this work (c. 16) distinguishes -the Tyrian Heraklês from the Egyptian and Argive or Theban. The latter, -he says, lived about the time of Oidipous, son of Laios. - -[52] The Olympic stadium, which was the chief Greek measure for itinerary -distances, was equal to 600 Greek feet, 625 Roman feet, and 606 feet 9 -inches English. The stadium of this length was the only one in use before -the third century of our aera. - -[53] The site of Orobatis must be sought for in the district west of -Peukelaôtis, through which Hêphaistiôn advanced on his way to the Indus. -The position and name of Arabutt, a village in this locality where ruins -exist, plainly show its identity with the Orobatis of the text. It is -situated on the left bank of the Landaï, and is near Naoshera. It is -probably the Oroppa of the Ravenna geographer. - -[54] Nikanor was succeeded in this office by Philippos, who was placed in -command of the garrison of Peukelaôtis. - -[55] Peukelaôtis, as has been stated, stood on the Landaï at a distance -of seventeen miles north-west from Peshâwar. Alexander after the fall of -Bazira moved westwards toward that river, judging it expedient before -attacking the Rock to reduce all the yet unconquered region west of the -Indus. He took Peukelaôtis, and then directed his march eastward till he -approached the embouchure of the Kôphên, whence turning northwards he -advanced up the right bank of the Indus till he reached Embolima, about -eight miles distant from Aornos, and as high up the river as an army -could go. - -[56] Kôphaios, to judge from his name and from what is here stated, -must have been the ruler of the valley of the lower Kôphên or Kâbul -river. Hence it is unlikely, as some have supposed, that the dominions -of Taxilês lay partly in the country west of the Indus. I find nothing -anywhere in the classical writers lending countenance to such a -supposition. The name of Assagetes is probably a transliteration into -Greek of the Sanskrit _Aśvajit_, “gaining horses by conquest.” - -[57] Ritter taking Embolima to be a word of Greek origin, equivalent -in meaning to ἐκβολή, “the mouth of a river,” thought that this place -lay opposite to Attak, in the angle of land where the Kôphên discharges -into the Indus, and was thus led to identify Aornos with the hill in -that locality on which the fort of Raja Hodi stands. Embolima appears, -however, to be rather a combination of two native names, Amb and Balimah. -Amb is the name of a fort, now in ruins, from which runs the ordinary -path up to the summit of Mahâban. It crowns a position of remarkable -strength, which faces Derbend, a small town on the opposite side of the -Indus. Not far westward from this fort, and on the same spur of the -Mahâban, there is another fort also in ruins, which preserves to this -day in the tradition of the inhabitants the name of Balimah. It is in -accordance with Indian custom thus to combine into one the names of two -neighbouring places. - -[58] See Note F, Aornos. - -[59] “All this account,” says Abbott, who takes Aornos to be Mount -Mahâban, “will answer well for the Mahâban, which is a mountain-table -about five miles in length at summit, scarped on the east by tremendous -precipices from which descends one large spur down upon the Indus between -Sitana and Amb. The mountain spur being comparatively easy of ascent -would not probably be contested by the natives, who would concentrate -their power to oppose the Macedonians as they climbed the precipitous -fall of the main summit. The great extent of the mountain, covered as it -is with pine forest, would enable Ptolemy, under the guidance of natives, -to gain any distant point of the summit without observation.” - -[60] His name seems a transliteration of _Śaśigupta_, “protected by the -moon.” - -[61] That is the eastern part of their country. He had already reduced -the western and the capital Massaga. - -[62] On descending the Mahâban by its northern or western spurs, -Alexander would have found himself in the valleys of Chumla and Buner. -The fugitives from the rock would no doubt flee for shelter to these -valleys or the mountains by which they were enclosed. Dyrta probably lay -to the north of Mahâban, near the point where the Indus issues from the -mountains. Court’s opinion that Dyrta was a place so far remote from -the rock as Dir, which lies beyond the Pañjkora river, seems altogether -improbable. Yet it is adopted by Lassen, though the regions in which Dir -is situated had already been subdued. - -[63] “This road,” says Abbott, “was probably the path leading amongst -precipices above and along the torrent of the Burindu, a river which, -after watering the valleys of Buner and Chumla, flows into the Indus -above Amb. The path even now is very difficult. This would have brought -Alexander back to Amb.” On this route probably lay the pass which the -chief called Eryx by Curtius and Aphrikes by Diodôros attempted, but -unsuccessfully, to defend against Alexander. The river Burindu above -mentioned may be identified with the _Parenos_ of the Greek writers. - -[64] In doing so they had of course to cross over to the left bank of the -Indus. - -[65] Arrian in his _Indika_ (c. 14) has described the mode of elephant -hunting practised by the Indians. It is still in vogue. - -[66] Abbott points out that at Amb large quantities of drift timber are -yearly arrested at an eddy near Derbend. It is probable, he thinks, that -the pine forest in those days descended lower down the river than it -does at present. At one time forests of fine sisoo, mulberry, and willow -timber grew along both banks of the Indus at that part of its course. - -[67] The bridge in all probability spanned the Indus near Attak, which -stands on a steep and lofty part of the left bank about two miles below -the junction of the Kâbul and Indus. The width of the latter river at -the fortress of Attak is, according to Lieutenant Wood who measured it, -286 yards. A little lower down where the channel is usually spanned by -a bridge of boats it varies, as stated by Vigne, from 80 to 120 yards. -According to Cunningham, the bridge was made higher up the river, at -Ohind. From Alexander’s campaign north of the Kâbul river, General -Chesney (in a lecture at Simla) hints that a _moral_ may be drawn:—“We -have been accustomed,” he says, “to consider the country north of the -Kâbul river as virtually impregnable. The march of Alexander’s army is a -practical proof to the contrary, and although he was not burdened with -artillery, and had apparently only mule transport, yet the Greek soldiers -all marched in heavy armour, which must have added greatly to the -difficulties of warfare among those mountains. There is an obvious moral -to be drawn by us from these incidents.” - -[68] See Note G, Nysa. - -[69] Mount Tmôlos, as we learn from Virgil, Ovid, and Pliny, was famous -for its vines. It was therefore considered to be a favourite haunt of the -wine-god. - -[70] As the Greek φ represents the _bh_ of Sanskrit, his name would be -_Akubhi_. - -[71] Ivy abounds, however, in Hazâra as well as in some other parts of -India. - -[72] His other names were Bacchos, Iacchos, Lyaios, Lênaios, Evios, -Bromios, and among the Romans Liber also. - -[73] Arrian writes to the same effect in his _Indika_, c. 5: “When -the Greeks noticed a cave in the dominions of the Paropamisadai, they -asserted that it was the cave of Promêtheus the Titan, in which he had -been suspended for stealing the fire.” At the distance of thirty-four -miles from Birikot, a place near the river Swât, is Daityapûr, now called -Daiti-Kalli, said to have been built by one of the Daityas, _i.e._ -_enemies of the gods_, such as were the Titans of the Greeks. In the hill -adjacent is a vast cavern which, as Abbott has suggested, the companions -of Alexander may have taken to be the cave frequented by the eagle which -preyed upon the vitals of Prometheus the Titan. At Bamiân, which lies -on one of the routes from Kâbul to Baktria, there are some very notable -caves, one of which, some think, must have been that which the Greeks -took to be the cave of Promêtheus. But Alexander does not appear to have -selected the Bamiân route either in crossing or recrossing the Kaukasos. -The mountains of the real Kaukasos were the loftiest known to the Greeks -before Alexander’s time, and hence to have crossed them was regarded as a -transcendent achievement. - -[74] Arrian, like other ancient writers, supposed that the Indus had -its sources in those mountains from which it emerges into the plains -some sixty miles above Attak. It is now known that it rises in Tibet -on a lofty Himalayan peak, Mount Kailâsa, famous in Hindu fable as the -residence of Śiva and the Paradise of Kuvera, and that before it issues -into the plains it has nearly run the half of its course of about 1800 -miles. The number of its mouths has varied from time to time. Ptolemy, -the geographer, gives it seven. - -[75] Pâtâla in Sanskrit mythology denotes _the underworld_—the abode of -snakes and demons—to which the sun at the close of day seems to descend. -It was, therefore, Ritter says, the name applied by the Brahmans to all -the provinces in India that lay towards sunset. Cunningham, however, -suggests that Pâtali, a Sanskrit word meaning _the trumpet-flower_ -(_bignonia suaveolens_) may have given its name to the Delta “in -allusion,” he says, “to the ‘trumpet’ shape of the province included -between the eastern and western branches of the mouth of the Indus, as -the two branches as they approach the sea curve outwards like the mouth -of a trumpet.” But could the idea of such a resemblance have occurred to -the minds of the Indians unless maps were in use among them? For a better -etymology see Note U. It has been conclusively proved that Haidarâbâd is -the modern representative of the ancient Pâtâla. - -[76] The Indus after receiving the united streams of the great Panjâb -rivers is increased in breadth from 600 to 2000 feet. Its breadth is -therefore grossly exaggerated here unless the extent to which its -inundations spread beyond its banks enters into the account. - -[77] See Note H. - -[78] The Afghans and Rajputs are still noted for their great stature. - -[79] The Greek geographers derived the name of the Aethiopians from αἴθω, -_I burn_, and ὦψ, _the visage_, and applied it to all the sun-burnt, -dark-complexioned races south of Egypt. As the Aethiopic language is, -however, purely Semitic, the name, if indigenous, must also be Semitic, -since, as Salt states, the Abyssinians to this day call themselves -Itiopjawan. Herodotus (vii. 70) speaks of Asiatic Aethiopians. These -served in the army which Darius led into Greece, and were marshalled with -the Indians, and did not at all differ from the others in appearance, but -only in their language and in their hair, which was straight, while that -of the Aethiopians of Libya (Africa) was woolly. - -[80] The Persians were originally the inhabitants of that poor and -insignificant province called Persis, which was included between the -Persian Gulf in the south and Mêdia in the north, and which stretched -eastward from Susiana (Elam) to the deserts of Karmania. The great empire -won by their arms, extended from the Mediterranean to the Jaxartes and -Indus. Xenophon says that the Persians in early times led a life of -penury and hard toil, as they inhabited a rugged country which they -cultivated with their own hands (_Kyrop._ vii. 5, 67). - -[81] Cyrus is said to have perished in this expedition against the -Skythians, who lived beyond the Jaxartes, and were led by Queen Tomyris. -The account of this expedition, given by Herodotos in the closing -chapters of his first book, is examined at length by Duncker in the sixth -volume of his _History of Antiquity_, pp. 112-124. Xenophon represents -Cyrus as dying in peace at an advanced age. - -[82] Called the _Indika_, written in the Ionic dialect, and based chiefly -on the works (now lost) of Megasthenes and Nearchos. - -[83] The Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf, in contrast to the interior sea -or Mediterranean. - -[84] By the Indian Ocean (called immediately afterwards the Great Sea) is -meant here the Bay of Bengal and the ocean beyond, then unknown, which -extended to the shores of China. By the Kaukasos, which extended to this -eastern ocean, is meant the vast Himâlayan range. - -[85] Regarding the Maiôtic Lake, now generally called the Sea of Azof, -the ancients entertained very hazy and inaccurate notions. They supposed -it to be situated in the remotest regions of the earth (Aisch. _Prom._ -427), and to be almost equal in size to the Euxine (Herod, iv. 86). -Arrian, who might have known better, seems here to have adopted the -crude notion current in Alexander’s time that the Jaxartes (which they -confounded with the Tanais or Don) entered by one arm the Hyrkanian or -Kaspian Sea, and by another the Maiôtic Lake. The Kaspian itself was -taken to be a gulf of the Great Eastern Ocean. Herodotos, however, is -guiltless of this geographical heresy. - -[86] This does not mean that Megasthenes was sent on frequent embassies -to Sandrakottos, but that during his embassy he had frequent interviews -with him. The former interpretation, however, finds its advocates. - -[87] See Herodotos, ii. 5. Diodôros applies to Lower Egypt the epithet -ποταμόχωστος, _i.e._ _deposited by the river_. - -[88] See _Odyssey_, iv. 477, 581. - -[89] Modern science confirms this theory. Thus Sir W. Hunter in his -_Brief History of the Indian People_, says: “In order to understand the -Indian plains we must have a clear idea of the part played by these great -rivers; for the rivers first create the land, then fertilize it, and -finally distribute its produce. The plains were in many parts upheaved by -volcanic action, or deposited in an aqueous aera long before man appeared -on the earth.” - -[90] Arrian has named these in his _Indika_, c. 4. - -[91] See Herod, vii. 33-36; iv. 83, 97, 133-141. - -[92] Diodôros says the passage was made by a bridge of boats. - -[93] There is a Rhenos in Italy—the Reno, a tributary of the Po, from -which the great Rhine is distinguished as the Keltic. The famous bridge -made by Caesar over the latter river is described in his _De Bello -Gallico_, iv. 17. - -[94] See Note I, Taxila. - -[95] We learn from Curtius that Alexander, before taking hostile action -against Pôros, demanded from him through an envoy called Cleochares -that he should pay tribute and come to meet him on the frontiers of his -dominions. To this Pôros replied that in compliance with the second -request he would meet Alexander at the place appointed, but would attend -in arms. Alexander was perhaps justified by the laws of war in exacting -submission from the tribes west of the Indus, since these had been -subject to Darius, whom he had overthrown, and to whose rights he had -succeeded, but the tribes of the Panjâb, those at least that lay to the -east of the Hydaspês, had never, so far as is known, been under Persian -domination, and hence his invasion, according to modern ideas, was -altogether indefensible. He could, however, justify himself on the ground -of the principles held by the Greeks of his day, who considered that -their superiority in wisdom and virtue to the rest of mankind gave them a -natural right to attack, plunder, and enslave all barbarians except such -only as were protected by a special treaty. Such a view, repugnant as it -seems to every principle of justice, was held nevertheless by Aristotle, -who no doubt impressed it on the mind of his illustrious pupil. Hence -Alexander, in attacking Pôros, was not conscious, like Caesar, when he -invaded Britain, of perpetrating an unwarrantable aggression for which -some kind of an excuse had to be trumped up. - -[96] The Hydaspês, now the Jhîlam, is called by the natives of Kâśmîr, -where it rises, the Bedasta, which is but a slightly altered form of -its Sanskrit name, the Vitastâ, which means “wide-spread.” In Ptolemy’s -geography it appears as the Bidaspês—a form nearer the original than -_Hydaspês_. It is mentioned in one of the hymns of the Rig-Veda, along -with other great Indian rivers: “Receive favourably this my hymn, O -Gangâ, Yamunâ, Sarasvatî, Śutudrî, Parashni; hear O Marudvridhâ, with -the Asiknî and _Vitastâ_, and thou Arjîkîyâ with the Sushômâ.” In -advancing from the Indus at Attak to the Hydaspês, Alexander followed the -Râjapatha, that is, the _king’s highway_, called by Megasthenes the ὁδὸς -βασιληίη. It is the route which has been taken by all foreign conquerors -who have penetrated into India by the valley of the Kôphês. Elphinstone, -who followed this route in returning from Kâbul, describes it thus: “The -whole of our journey across the track between the Indus and Hydaspês was -about 160 miles; for which space the country is among the strongest I -have ever seen. The difficulty of our passage across it was increased by -heavy rain. While in the hilly country our road sometimes lay through -the beds of torrents” (_Mission to Kâbul_, p. 78). In another passage -(p. 80) he says: “I was greatly struck with the difference between the -banks of this river; the left bank had all the characteristics of the -plains of India. The right bank, on the contrary, was formed by the end -of the range of the Salt Hills, and had an air of extreme ruggedness and -wildness that must inspire a fearful presentiment of the country he was -entering into the mind of a traveller from the East.” General Chesney, in -the lecture already cited, thus remarks on the advance of Alexander to -the Hydaspês: “What is remarkable about this part of the advance is that -it was not made direct on Jhelum, as would appear natural. True, that -line is over what would be a very difficult country, as any traveller by -the existing road knows. Still it would be the easiest line; nevertheless -it appears certain that Alexander took a more southerly line, and -threading his way through the intricate ravines of the upper part of the -Salt range, and leaving Tilla and Rhotas on his left, penetrated that -range by the gorge through which runs the Bhundar river, and struck the -river Jhelum at Jalâlpûr, about thirty miles below Jhelum.” - -[97] See Note I, Site of Alexander’s camp on the Hydaspês. - -[98] The Greeks, for the first time, saw elephants used in war at the -battle of Arbela. - -[99] Arrian, in the nineteenth chapter of this book, states that the -battle with Pôros was fought in the Archonship of Hêgemôn at Athens, in -the month of Mounychiôn, _i.e._ between the 18th of April and 18th of -May, 326 B.C. Here, however, according to the reading of all the MSS., -he makes the battle take place _after_ the solstice of June 21st, μετὰ -τροπάς. Editors remove the difficulty by substituting κατά for μετά, and -I have translated accordingly. As the rainy season, however, does not set -in till near the end of June, and it had set in, as Strabo informs us, -during the march to the Hydaspês, the later date has probability in its -favour. - -[100] Enyalios, an epithet of the war-god. - -[101] Curtius mentions that near the bluff there was a deep hollow or -ravine which sufficed to screen both the infantry and the cavalry, and -on this Cunningham remarks: “There is a ravine to the north of Jalâlpûr -which exactly suits the descriptions of the historians. This ravine is -the bed of the Kandar Nala, which has a course of six miles from its -source down to Jalâlpûr, where it is lost in a waste of sand. Up this -ravine there has always been a passable, but difficult road towards -Jhelum. From the head of the Kandar this road proceeds for three miles -in a northerly direction down another ravine called the Kasi, which then -turns suddenly to the east for six and a half miles, and then again one -and a half mile to the south, where it joins the river Jhelum immediately -below Dilâwar, the whole distance from Jalâlpûr being exactly seventeen -miles.” These seventeen miles are about the equivalent of the 150 stadia -given by Arrian as the distance from the great camp to the bluff. - -[102] “Arrian,” says Cunningham, “records that Alexander placed running -sentries along the bank of the river at such distances that they could -see each other and communicate his orders. Now, I believe that this -operation could not be carried out in the face of an observant enemy -along any part of the river bank, excepting only that one part which lies -between Jalâlpûr and Dilâwar. In all other parts the west bank is open -and exposed, but in this part alone the wooded and rocky hills slope down -to the river and offer sufficient cover for the concealment of single -sentries.”—_Geog. of Anc. India_, pp. 170, 171. - -[103] With Alexander’s passage of the Hydaspês may be compared Hannibal’s -passage of the Rhone made upwards of a century later. The Carthaginian -general, whose education included a knowledge of Greek, was no doubt -familiar with the history of Alexander’s wars, and from knowing how the -Hydaspês was crossed may have laid his plans for crossing the Rhone. _v._ -Livy, xxi. 26-28; Polyb. iii. 45, 46. - -[104] Here, or in the immediate neighbourhood, was fought, in 1849, the -battle of Chilianwála. On this occasion the inferiority of the British -commander as a strategist to Alexander was signally manifested. - -[105] The left wing of the Indian army was flanked by the river. - -[106] This passage, as interpreted by Droysen, Thirlwall, and indeed as -generally understood, intimates that Alexander ordered Koinos to station -himself opposite _the enemy’s_ right, and not on the _Macedonian_ extreme -right. Thus Moberly, who holds the general view, remarks (_Alexander in -the Punjaub_, p. 61):—“Coenus was ordered to station himself opposite -the enemy’s right; then, in case of Porus withdrawing all his cavalry -from the right, in order to meet Alexander’s attack on the left, Coenus -was to pass from one wing to the other, apparently in front of the -Macedonian line, and to attack the Indian cavalry in the rear as soon as, -in advancing to meet Alexander, they had got some little distance from -their supports.... Distance can be got over quickly by cavalry.” Köchly -and Rüstow, however, in their _History of the Greek Military System_, -advocate a different view. “Alexander,” they say, “must have sent Koinos -to the extreme right wing with the order, that if the cavalry broke from -the line against himself (Alexander) he was to fall upon their rear. Had -he been detached to oppose the right wing of Pôros he would have been too -far off to support Alexander’s front attack by an attack on the enemy’s -rear.” This seems the preferable view. - -[107] “To meet the double assault (of Alexander and Coenus) they resorted -to one of those changes of front in which Indian cavalry are often so -surprisingly rapid—facing partly to the front and partly to the rear. Yet -Alexander was beforehand with them; and his renewed charge threw them -into utter confusion before they could fully assume their new formation. -Flying along the front of their own infantry, they took refuge in the -spaces left between every two elephants, and (as it would seem in the -absence, from Arrian’s account, of the full details) passed as soon as -possible through the intervals of the foot regiments, so as to be for -the moment quite outside the battle. As soon as they were out of the -way the Indian elephants were sent on, supported by the infantry, but -were at once met face to face by the Macedonian phalanx.”—_v._ Moberly’s -_Alexander in the Punjaub_, Introd. p. 12. - -[108] Diodôros gives the number of Indians killed at upwards of 12,000, -and of the captured at more than 9000, besides 80 elephants. - -[109] The Spitakês here mentioned as one of the slain is probably the -same as Pittacus, who is recorded by Polyainos to have had an encounter -with Alexander during the march of the latter from Taxila to the -Hydaspês, as Droysen and Thirlwall agree in thinking. - -[110] The hiatus is supposed to have contained the number of officers -killed. - -[111] This death-roll evidently greatly under-estimates the loss on -Alexander’s side. Diodôros says that there fell of the Macedonians 280 -cavalry and more than 700 infantry. - -[112] Pôros was the first sovereign that Alexander had captured on the -field of battle. Curtius and Diodôros relate somewhat differently from -Arrian the story of his capture, representing him to have been protected -to the last by his faithful elephant. - -[113] See Note R, Battle with Pôros. - -[114] Diodôros says the battle occurred while Chremes was archon at -Athens. - -[115] Nikaia most probably occupied the site of the modern town of Mong, -near the left bank. Nothing is known of its history. With respect to -its sister city Boukephala, the ancient writers are not in agreement. -Plutarch places it on the left or eastern bank of the Hydaspês, for -he says that Boukephalas was killed in the battle, and that the city -was built where he fell and was buried. According, however, to Strabo, -Arrian, and Diodôros, it stood on the west bank; but while Strabo places -it at the point where the troops embarked, Arrian places it farther down -the stream on the site of the great camp at Jalâlpûr. It became a great -emporium of commerce, as we find from the _Periplûs of the Erythraian -Sea_, c. 47. In the Peutinger Tables it is called _Alexandria Bucefalos_. - -[116] “Schmieder says that Alexander could not have broken in the horse -before he was sixteen years old. But since at this time he was in his -twenty-ninth year he would have had him thirteen years. Consequently the -horse must have been at least seventeen years old when he acquired him. -Can any one believe this? Yet Plutarch also states that the horse was -thirty years old at his death.”—Chinnock’s _Anabasis of Alexander_, p. -296, note 4. - -[117] This incident is referred by Plutarch to Hyrkania, and by Curtius -to the land of the Mardians. The Ouxioi lived on the borders of Persis, -between that province and Sousiana. - -[118] Alexander, according to Diodôros, halted to recruit his army for -thirty days in the dominions of Pôros. He then advanced northwards with -a part of his army to the fertile and populous regions that lay in the -south of Kâśmîr (the Bhimber and Bajaur districts) between the upper -courses of the Hydaspês and the Akesinês and Chenâb. The name of the -inhabitants, _Glausai_ or _Glaukanîkoi_, has been identified by V. de -Saint-Martin with that of the Kalaka, a tribe mentioned in the _Varâha -Sanhita_, a work of the sixth century of our aera. In the _Mahâbhârata_ -the name is written _Kalaja_, and in the Rajput Chronicles _Kalacha_, a -form which justifies the Greek _Glausai_. The second part of the longer -name, _anîka_, means a troop or army in Sanskrit.—_v._ Saint-Martin’s -_Etude_, pp. 102, 103. - -[119] Conf. Strabo, XV. i. 3. “Other writers affirm that the Macedonians -conquered nine nations situated between the Hydaspês and the Hypanis -(Beas), and obtained possession of 500 cities, not one of which was less -than Kos Meropis, and that Alexander, after having conquered all this -country, delivered it up to Pôros.” - -[120] This was a second embassy. An earlier is mentioned in Chapter VIII. -of this book. - -[121] Strabo (XV. i. p. 699) says this Pôros was a nephew of the Pôros -whom Alexander had defeated, and that his country was called Gandaris. -The Gandarai were a widely extended people, occupying a district -stretching from the upper part of the Panjâb to the west of the Indus as -far as Qandahar. They are the Gandhâra of Sanskrit. - -[122] The Akesinês, now the Chenâb, is called in the Vedic Hymns -the _Asikni_, _i.e._ “dark-coloured.” It was called also, and more -commonly, Chandrabhâgâ, which, being transliterated into Greek, becomes -Sandrophagos. This word suggested to the soldiers of Alexander another of -bad omen, _Ale-xandrophagos_, which means _devourer of Alexander_, and -hence they adopted its other name, perhaps on account of the disaster -which befell the Macedonian fleet at the turbulent junction of this river -with the Hydaspês. In Ptolemy’s _Geography_ it is called Sandabala by an -obvious error for Sandabaga. The Akesinês, though joined by the other -great Panjâb rivers, retained its name until it fell into the Indus. - -[123] The Hydraôtês is called by Strabo (XV. i. 21) the Hyarôtis, and -in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ the Adris or Rhouadis. It is now the _Râvî_, -which is an abridged form of its Sanskrit name, the Airâvatî. It passes -the city of Lahore, and joins the Chenâb about 30 miles _above_ Multân. -In former times, however, the junction occurred 15 miles _below_ that -city. In Ptolemy’s _Geography_ the Rhouadis is erroneously made to join -the Hydaspês, or, as Ptolemy calls it, the Bidaspês. Arrian in his -_Indika_ (c. 4) describes the Hydraôtês as rising in the country of the -Kambistholoi, and after receiving the Hyphasis among the Astrybai, and -the Saranges from the Kêkeans (the Sekaya of Sanskrit), and the Neudros -from the Attakênoi, falling into the Akesinês. The Hyphasis does not, -however, join the Hydraôtês. - -[124] _v._ Note L, Kathaians. - -[125] The expression _independent_ shows that the Greeks were cognisant -of the Indian village system. Each of its rural units they took to be an -independent republic. - -[126] _v._ Note M, Sangala. - -[127] The Adraïstai appear to be the people called in the _Periplûs of -the Erythraean Sea_, the Aratrioi. Lassen identifies them with the Aratta -of the _Mahâbhârata_. Diodôros calls them the Adrêstai, and Orosius in -his _History_ (iii. 19) the Adrestae. Their capital, Pimprama, has not as -yet been identified with certainty, but V. de Saint-Martin suggests that -it may be represented by _Bhéranah_, a place eight leagues distant from -Lahore towards the south-east. The same author thinks that the _Adrastae_ -are very probably the _Aïrâvatâ_ or _Raïvâtaka_ of Sanskrit. - -[128] Chinnock notes that Caesar’s troops were assailed in a similar -manner by the Helvetians.—_v._ Caesar’s _De Bello Gallico_, i. 26. - -[129] Curtius gives the loss of the Kathaians at 8000 killed. Arrian’s -numbers here seem to be greatly exaggerated. - -[130] The Hyphasis, now the Beäs or Beias, is variously called by -the classical writers the Bibasis, the Hypasis, and the Hypanis. Its -Sanskrit name is the _Vipâsâ_, which means “uncorded,” and it is said -to have been so called because it _destroyed the cord_ with which one -of the Indian sages intended to hang himself. It joins the Satlej (not -the Hydraôtês, as Arrian says in his _Indika_) and the united stream is -called in Sanskrit the Śatadru, _i.e._ “flowing in a hundred channels.” -It marked the limit of Alexander’s advance eastward. In his time it -flowed in a different channel, one by which it reached the Chenâb about -40 miles above Uchh. Curtius and Diodôros inform us that Alexander -before reaching this river had entered the dominions of King Sôphites, -who submitted without resistance, and was therefore left in possession -of his sovereignty. Another chief (called Phêgeus by Diodôros, but more -correctly Phegelas by Curtius), whose dominions adjoined the Hyphasis, -entertained Alexander and his army for two days. By this time he had been -rejoined by Hêphaistiôn, who had been conducting operations elsewhere, -and he then proceeded to the bank of the river. The country beyond it -Arrian represents as exceedingly fertile, whereas in Curtius and Diodôros -we read how Alexander was informed that a desert lay beyond it which -would occupy a journey of eleven days. Arrian’s statement holds true of -the northern districts beyond the river, and the other statement of the -southern districts. Thirlwall, following the latter statement, takes it -that Alexander reached the Satlej after it had received the Hyphasis, but -this is a very questionable view. - -[131] The name of Ion, the eponymous ancestor of the Ionians, had -originally the digamma, and hence was written as Ivon. The Hebrew -transcription of this digammated form is _Javan_, the name by which -_Greece_ is designated in the Bible. The Sanskrit transcription is -_Yavana_, the name applied in Indian works to Ionians or Greeks and -foreigners generally. - -[132] The Tanais is properly the Don, but Alexander meant by it the -Jaxartes, which formed the eastern boundary of the Persian empire, and -which he had crossed to attack the nomadic Skythians, who had made -threatening demonstrations against him on the right or northern bank -(_v._ the 16th and 17th chapters of the fourth book). - -[133] It was a prevalent belief in antiquity that the Kaspian or -Hyrkanian Sea was a gulf of the great ocean which encircles the earth, -and not an inland sea. - -[134] Arrian (vii. 1) says: “When Alexander reached Pasargadai and -Persepolis he conceived an ardent desire to sail down the Euphrates and -Tigres to the Persian sea, and survey their mouths.... Some writers have -stated that he had in contemplation a voyage round the greater portion -of Arabia, the land of the Aethiopians, Lybia, and Numidia beyond Mount -Atlas to Gadeira (Cadiz) inward into the Mediterranean.” One of the -writers referred to is Plutarch, who says (_Alexander_, c. 68): “Nearchos -joined him (Alexander) here (at the capital of Gedrosia), and he was so -much delighted with the account of his voyage that he formed a design to -sail in person from the Euphrates with a great fleet, circle the coast -of Arabia and Africa, and enter the Mediterranean by the Pillars of -Hercules.” Herodotos (iv. 42) says that Nekô, king of the Egyptians, sent -certain Phoenicians in ships with orders to sail back through the Pillars -of Hercules into the Northern Sea (the Mediterranean that is), and so to -return to Egypt. The pillars designated the twin rocks which guard the -entrance to the Mediterranean at the eastern extremity of the Straits of -Gibraltar, the one on the European side being called _Kalpê_, and that -on the African side, where now stands the citadel of Ceuta, _Abila_ or -_Abyla_. _v._ Pliny (iii. prooem.): “Proximis autem faucibus utrimque -impositi montes coercent claustra, Abyla Africae, Europae Calpe, laborum -Herculis metae, quam ob causam indigenae columnas ejus dei vocant.” - -[135] Arrian (iii. 30) informs us that in the opinion of some the Nile -formed the boundary of Asia, but he writes here as if Lybia or Northern -Africa were part of Asia. - -[136] The Macedonian kings claimed to be descended from Heraklês, who -resided for some time at Tiryns, one of the most ancient cities in -Greece, situated near Argos, and, like Argos, famous for its Cyclopean -walls. - -[137] “Alexander,” says Arrian (iii. 19), “on reaching Ekbatana, sent -back to the sea the Thessalian cavalry and the other Grecian allies, -paying them the full amount of the stipulated hire, and giving them -besides a donative of 2000 talents.” Was Baktra a slip of memory on the -part of Koinos? - -[138] The drenching rains to which the Macedonian soldiers were -continually exposed during their march from Taxila to the Hyphasis -must have had a considerable effect in exhausting their strength and -depressing their spirits. - -[139] Karchêdon is Carthage. The name is said to be a corruption -of _Kereth-Hadeshoth_ or _Carth-hadtha_, _i.e._ “new city,” in -contra-distinction to Utica, which either signifies in Phoenician “old -city,” or is derived, as Olshausen thinks, from a root signifying “a -colony.” - -[140] See Note N, Alexander’s altars on the Hyphasis. - -[141] “This city,” says Lassen, “lay probably where Wazirâbâd now stands. -Here the great road to the Hydaspês parts into two, one leading to -Jalâlpûr, and the other to Jhelam. It is the sixth of the Alexandreias -mentioned in Stephanos Byz.” _v. Ind. Alt._ ii. 165, n. The Chenab here -has a width of about a mile and a half. - -[142] Arsakês, to judge from his name and what is here said of him, was -probably the king of Uraśa. This district, the Arsa of Ptolemy, the -W-la-shi of Hwen Thsiang, and now Rash in Dantâwar, included all the hill -country between the Indus and Kaśmîr as far south as Attak. - -[143] _v._ Strabo (XV. i. 29). Between the Hydaspês and Akesinês ... -is the forest in the neighbourhood of the Emodoi mountains, in which -Alexander cut down a large quantity of fir, pine, cedar, and a variety -of other trees fit for shipbuilding, and brought the timber down the -Hydaspês. With this he constructed a fleet on the Hydaspês near the -cities which he built on each side of the river where he had crossed it -and conquered Pôros. “The timber,” says Sir A. Burnes, “of which the -boats of the Panjâb are constructed is chiefly floated down _by the -Hydaspês_ from the Indian Caucasus, which most satisfactorily explains -the selection of its banks by Alexander in preference to the other -rivers.” Bunbury, citing this passage, adds: “The navigation of the Indus -itself for a considerable part of its course below Attock is so dangerous -on account of rapids as to render it wholly unsuitable for the descent of -a flotilla such as that of Alexander.” - -[144] This is the _nelumbum speciosum_, or Cyathus Smithii, the sacred -Egyptian or Pythagorean bean. The use of its fruit was forbidden to the -Egyptian priests (_v._ Herod. ii. 37). - -[145] “It is remarkable to see how in this respect the geographical -information of the Greeks seems to have retrograded since the time of -Herodotus. No allusion is found to the voyage of Scylax related by that -historian, while the just conclusions derived from it by Herodotus had -fallen into the same oblivion. But absurd as was this identification (of -the Indus with the Nile), the general resemblance between these rivers, -which are constantly brought into comparison by the Greek geographers -(Strabo, XV. p. 692, etc.), is certainly such as to justify their -observations. The resemblance of the lower valley of the Indus from the -time it has received the waters of the Panjab with Egypt is dwelt upon -by modern travellers. One description (says Mr. Elphinstone) might serve -for both. A smooth and fertile plain is bounded on one side by mountains, -and on the other by a desert. It is divided by a large river, which forms -a Delta as it approaches the sea, and annually inundates and enriches -the country near its banks. The climate of both is hot and dry, and rain -is of rare occurrence in either country.”—_v._ Bunbury’s _Hist. of Anc. -Geo._ p. 510. - -[146] Arrian in the 19th chapter of the _Indika_ states that the number -of men conveyed in the fleet was 8000, and that the whole strength of -his army was 120,000 soldiers, including those whom he brought from the -shores of the Mediterranean, as well as recruits drawn from various -barbarous tribes armed in their own fashion. In the preceding chapter -he gives a list of the great officers whom Alexander appointed to be in -temporary command of the triremes. Of these, thirty-three in number, -twenty-four were Macedonians, eight were Greeks, and one a Persian. -Seleukos is the only officer of note whose name does not appear in this -list. - -[147] Diodôros and Curtius, as has been pointed out (in Note M), place -the dominions of Sôpeithês between the upper Hydraôtês and the Hyphasis, -but here we find them transferred to a more western position. Strabo was -unable to decide where they lay. “Some writers (he says) place Kathaia -and the country of Sôpeithês, one of the monarchs, in the tract between -the rivers (Hydaspês and Akesinês); some on the other side of the -Akesinês and of the Hyarotis, on the confines of the territory of the -other Pôros, the nephew of Pôros who was taken prisoner by Alexander, -and call the country subject to him Gandaris.... It is said that in -the territory of Sôpeithês there is a mountain composed of fossil salt -sufficient for the whole of India. Valuable mines, also, both of gold -and silver, are situated, it is said, not far off among other mountains, -according to the testimony of Gorgos the miner.” Strabo then describes -(as do also Diodôros and Curtius) the fight between a lion and four dogs -which Sôpeithês exhibited to Alexander. To account for the discrepancy -in these statements one is almost tempted to believe that as there were -two princes of the name of Pôros, each ruling dominions of his own, so -there were also two chiefs of the name of Sôpeithês or (as Curtius more -correctly transcribes it) Sôphytês. General Cunningham would identify -_Gandaris_ with the present district of _Gundulbâr_ or _Gundurbâr_, and -fixes the capital of Sôphytês on the western bank of the Hydaspês at _Old -Bhira_, a place near Ahmedabad, with a very extensive mound of ruins, -and distant from Nikaia (now Mong) three days by water. His rule must -have extended westward to the Indus, since the mountain of rock-salt -which Strabo includes in his territory can only refer to the salt range -(the Mount Oromenus of Pliny, xxxi. 39) which extends from the Indus to -the Hydaspês. The transcription of the name _Sôphytês_ will be found -discussed elsewhere. - -[148] Arrian in his _Indika_, where he apparently follows Nearchos -instead of Ptolemy as here, gives the whole number of ships at only 800, -including both ships of war and transports. Schmieder and some other -editors would correct this to 1800, but it seems more probable, Bunbury -thinks, that the basis of the two calculations was different. Ptolemy, he -says, distinctly includes the ordinary river boats which would doubtless -have been collected in large numbers to assist in transporting so great -an army and its supplies; while the terms of Nearchos would seem to imply -only ships of war or regular transports. Krüger would correct the 2000 of -the text to 1000, which is the number of the vessels as given by Diodôros -and Curtius. The fleet began the downward voyage at the end of October -326 B.C. - -[149] Alexander deduced his pedigree from Ammôn, just as the legend -traced the pedigree of Heraklês and Perseus to Zeus. He accordingly made -an expedition to the oasis in the Libyan desert where Ammôn had his -oracle for the purpose of more certainly learning his origin. His mother, -Olympias, according to Plutarch, used to complain that Alexander was for -ever embroiling her with Juno. - -[150] “The Indians (says Arrian in his _Indika_, c. 7) worship the other -gods, and especially Dionysos, with cymbals and drums, which he had -taught them to use. He taught them also the Satyric dance, called by the -Greeks _Kordax_.” - -[151] See Note O, Voyage down the Hydaspês and Akesinês to the Indus. - -[152] This halting-place was at Bhira or Bheda, if Cunningham is right in -fixing the capital of Sôphytês in its neighbourhood. - -[153] Diodôros carelessly represents these rapids as occurring at the -confluence of the two rivers with the Indus. The dangers of their -navigation seem to have been exaggerated by the ancient writers, though -their accounts have some foundation in fact. Sir A. Burnes, the first -European known to have visited the spot, says there are no eddies and no -rocks, nor is the channel confined, while the ancient character is only -supported by the noise of the confluence, which is greater than that of -any of the other rivers. The boatmen of the locality, however, still -regard the passage as a perilous one during the season when the river -is swollen (v. _Travels_, i. p. 109). Thirlwall thinks the principal -obstructions have been worn away. According to Curtius, Alexander’s own -ship was here in imminent danger of being wrecked. - -[154] These barbarians were probably the Sibi (_v._ Diodôros, xvii. 96). - -[155] Hêphaistiôn by this arrangement would beset the banks of the -Hydraôtês, Ptolemy those of the Akesinês. The former probably marched -to the Hydraôtês by way of Shorkote, which Cunningham thinks may be the -Sôrianê of Stephanos Byz. - -[156] The Hydaspês loses its name as well as its waters to the Akesinês. -The junction of the latter with the Hydraôtês (Râvi) occurs at present at -a point more than thirty miles above Multân, but in Alexander’s time it -occurred some miles below that city. - -[157] See Note P, The Malloi and Oxydrakai. - -[158] General Cunningham has identified this place with Kot-Kamâlia, a -small but ancient town situated on an isolated mound on the right or -northern bank of the Râvi, marking the extreme limit of the river’s -fluctuations on that side. The small rivulet on which Alexander encamped -at the end of his first march he believes to be the lower course of -the Ayek river which rises in the outer range of hills and flows past -Syâlkot towards Sâkala, below which the bed is still traceable for some -distance. It appears again, he says, eighteen miles to the east of -Jhang, and is finally lost about two miles to the east of Shorkot. Now -somewhere between these two points Alexander must have crossed the Ayek, -as the desert country which he afterwards traversed lies immediately -beyond it. If he had marched to the south he would have arrived at -Shorkot, but he would not have encountered any desert, as his route -would have been over the Khâdar, or low-lying lands in the valley of -the Chenâb. A march of forty-six miles in a southerly direction would -have carried him also right up to the bank of the Hydraôtês or Râvi, -a point which Alexander only reached after another night’s march. As -this march lasted from the first watch until daylight, it cannot have -been less than eighteen or twenty miles, which agrees exactly with the -distance of the Râvi opposite Tulamba from Kot-Kamâlia. The direction of -Alexander’s march must therefore have been to the south-east; first to -the Ayek river, and thence across the hard, clayey, and waterless tract -called Sandar-bâr, that is the bâr, a desert of the Sandar or Chandra -river. Thus the position of the rivulet, the description of the desolate -country, and the distance of the city from the confluence of the rivers, -all agree in fixing the site of the fortress assaulted by Alexander with -Kot-Kamâlia.—_Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 208-210. - -[159] The city to which Perdikkas was sent in advance of Alexander, -Cunningham has identified with Harapa. “The mention of marshes (he says) -shows that it must have been near the Râvi, and, as Perdikkas was sent -in advance of Alexander, it must also have been _beyond_ Kot-Kamâlia, -that is to the east or south-east of it. Now this is exactly the position -of Harapa, which is situated sixteen miles to the east-south-east of -Kot-Kamâlia, and on the opposite high bank of the Râvi. There are also -several marshes in the low ground in its immediate vicinity.” Cunningham -then gives a description of Harapa as it now exists. He had encamped at -the place on three different occasions. It had been visited previously -and described both by Burnes and Masson. Its ruined mound forms an -irregular square of half a mile on each side, or two miles in circuit -(_Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 210, 211). It seems to me a serious objection -to this identification that Kot-Kamâlia and Harapa (Harup, in Ainsworth’s -large map) lie on _opposite_ sides of the Râvi, while Arrian’s narrative -leads us to suppose that they both lay to the west of that river. No -mention is made of Perdikkas crossing it, and had the fortress he -attacked lain beyond it, he could easily have intercepted the inhabitants -in their flight to the marshes of the river. - -[160] Cunningham identifies this well-fortified position with Tulamba. -“A whole night’s march (he says) of eight or nine hours could not have -been less than twenty-five miles, which is the exact distance of the Râvi -opposite Tulamba from Kot-Kamâlia.” It was defended by brick walls and -enormous mounds of earthen ramparts. Tulamba lies on the high road to -Multân, to which, as the capital of the Malloi, Alexander was marching. - -[161] The Brachmans, as is well known, formed a religious caste, and were -not a distinct race or tribe. Their city Cunningham has identified with -the old ruined town and fort of Atâri, which is situated twenty miles to -the west-south-west of Tulamba and on the high road to Multân, from which -it is thirty-four miles distant. The remains consist of a strong citadel -750 feet square and 35 feet high. On two of its sides are to be found the -remains of the old town. Of its history there is not even a tradition, -but the large size of its bricks shows that it must be a place of -considerable antiquity. The name of the old city is quite unknown, Atâri -being merely that of the adjacent village, which is of recent origin. -Curtius states that Alexander went completely round the citadel in a -boat, and Cunningham thinks this is probable enough, as its ditch could -be filled at pleasure with water from the Râvi. Curtius must, however, -be romancing when he says that the three greatest rivers in India except -the Ganges (Indus, Hydaspês, and Akesinês) joined their waters to form -a ditch round the castle (v. _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 228-230). The -mention of a special city of the Brachmans, Lassen observes, shows that -but few priests lived in this part of the country, and that they had -established themselves in particular cities to protect themselves against -those people by whom they were held in but small esteem. - -[162] See Note Q, The capital of the Malloi. - -[163] Arrian (i. 11) relates that Alexander, after crossing the -Hellespont, proceeded to Ilion, where, after sacrificing to the Trojan -Athênê, he placed his own armour in the temple of that goddess, and took -away in exchange some of the consecrated arms which had been preserved -from the time of the Trojan war. - -[164] Called in Greek a _dimoiritês_ in Latin a _duplicarius_. - -[165] Alexander’s dress and arms on the day of Arbêla are thus described -by Plutarch: “He wore a short tunic of the Sicilian fashion, girt close -round him, over a linen breastplate strongly quilted; his helmet, -surmounted by the white plume, was of polished steel, the work of -Theophilos; the gorget was of the same metal, and set with precious -stones; the sword, his favourite weapon in battle, was a present from a -Cyprian king, and not to be excelled for lightness or temper; but his -belt, deeply embossed with massive figures, was the most superb part of -his armour; it was a gift from the Rhodians, on which old Helikôn had -exerted all his skill. If we add to these the shield, lance, and light -greaves, we may form a fair idea of his appearance in battle.” - -[166] The descendants of Asklêpios (Aesculapius) were called by the -patronymic name _Asklêpiadai_. They were regarded by some as the real -descendants of Asklêpios, but by others as a caste of priests who -practised the art of medicine, combined with religion. Their principal -seats were Kôs and Knidos. - -[167] Plutarch writes to the same effect: “The great battle with -Darius was not fought at Arbêla, as most historians will have it, but -at Gaugamêla, which, in the Persian tongue, is said to signify _the -house of the camel_, so called because one of the ancient kings, having -escaped his enemies by the swiftness of his camel, placed her there, and -appointed the revenues of certain villages for her maintenance.”—_Life of -Alexander_, c. 31. - -[168] Kleitarchos, who accompanied Alexander to Asia, and wrote a history -of the expedition, and Timagenes, an historian in the reign of Augustus, -gave currency to this fiction, which Curtius is at one with Arrian -in rejecting. Ptolemy received his title of Sôtêr (saviour) from the -Rhodians, whom he had relieved from the attacks of Dêmêtrios Poliorkêtês -(_v._ Pausanias, I. viii. 6). - -[169] Thirlwall has noted that this line is found in Stobaeus. It is a -fragment from one of the lost tragedies of Aeschylus, δράσαντι γάρ τι καὶ -παθεῖν ὀφείλεται. - -[170] The Hyphasis is here probably the Satlej, though the application -of the name so far down as is here indicated is contrary to Sanskrit -usage. Several arms of the Hyphasis may have anciently existed which -went to join the Hydraôtês or perhaps the lower Akesinês. Megasthenês -was the first who made the existence of the Satlej known. Pliny calls it -the Hesydrus, and Ptolemy the Zaradros. The united stream which joins -the Indus, called the Panjnad, has before the confluence a width of 1076 -yards. The Indus after the confluence is augmented to 2000 yards from 600 -yards only above the confluence. From the present confluence to the sea -the distance is 490 miles. - -[171] The _Abastanoi_ are more correctly designated by Diodôros (xvii. -102) the _Sambastai_, under which form of the name the _Ambashtha_, -who are mentioned as a people of the Panjâb in the _Mahâbhârata_ and -elsewhere in Sanskrit literature, can be recognised. It is evident from -the text that they were settled on the lower Akesinês. They appear to be -the people called by Curtius the _Sabarcae_, and by Orosius _Sabagrae_. - -[172] The Xathroi are the Kshâtri of Sanskrit mentioned in the Laws of -Manu as an impure tribe, being of mixed origin. In Williams’s _Sanskrit -Dictionary_ a _Kshâtri_ is defined as “a man of the second (_i.e._ -military) caste (by a woman of another caste?).” - -[173] V. de Saint-Martin suggests that in the _Ossadioi_ we have the -Vasâti or Basâti of the _Mahâbhârata_, a people whom Hematchandra in his -_Geographical Dictionary_ places between the Hydaspês and the Indus, on -the plateau of which the Salt Mountains form the southern escarpment. If -the Vasâti were really so placed, it can scarcely be supposed that they -would have sent offers of submission to Alexander, who had already passed -through their part of the country, and was now marching homeward, leaving -them far in his rear. Cunningham prefers to identify them with the -_Yaudheya_ or _Ajudhiya_, now the _Johiyas_, who are settled as formerly -along the banks of the lower Satlej. _Assodioi_ or Ossadioi seems a -pretty close transcription of _Ajudhiya_. - -[174] The name of this city is not given by any of the historians, but in -all probability it bore the name of its founder. Its site has generally -been referred to the neighbourhood of Mithânkôt, a town situated on the -western bank of the Indus a little below the junction of that river -with the united streams of the Panjâb. V. de Saint-Martin identifies it -more precisely with Chuchpûr or Chuchur, an ancient fort standing on -the eastern bank of the Indus right opposite Mithânkôt. This fort bore -formerly the names of Askalanda, Askelend, and Sikander, which are but -variant forms of Alexandreia. The great confluence, however, did not -anciently take place at Mithânkôt, but at Uchh, an old city lying forty -miles to the north-east of the confluence at Mithânkôt. The place is -called by Rashed-ud-din _Askaland-usah_, which, as Cunningham points -out, would be an easy corruption of _Alexandria Uchha_ or _Ussa_, as -the Greeks must have written it. The word _uchha_ means “high” both in -Sanskrit and in Hindi, and Uchh seems to owe its name to the fact that -it stands on a mound. “Uchh is chiefly distinguished (says Masson) by -the ruins of the former towns, which are very extensive, and attest the -pristine prosperity of the locality.” _v._ V. de Saint-Martin, _Etude_, -pp. 124, 125; Cunningham’s _Anc. Geog. of India_, pp. 242-245. - -[175] _v._ Note R, Alexander in Sindh. - -[176] In Strabo (XV. i.) we find several references to the country of -Mousikanos. These were based on information supplied by Onesikritos, who -expatiates in praise of its fertility, on the virtues of its people, and -the goodness of the laws and government under which they lived. It seems -now generally agreed that Alôr, which was anciently and for many ages -the metropolis of the rich and powerful kingdom of Upper Sindh, was the -capital of Mousikanos. Its ruins were visited by M’Murdo and Lieutenant -Wood, and afterwards by General Cunningham, who thus describes their -site: “The ruins of Alôr are situated to the south of a gap in the low -range of sandstone hills which stretches from Bhakar towards the south -for about twenty miles until it is lost in a broad belt of sandhills -which bound the Nâra, or old bed of the Indus, on the west. Through this -gap a branch of the Indus once flowed, which protected the city on the -north-west. To the north-east it was covered by a second branch of the -river, which flowed nearly at right angles to the other at a distance -of three miles.... In A.D. 680 the latter was probably the main stream -of the Indus, which had gradually been working to the westward from its -original bed in the old Nâra.” With regard to the name of the king it -appears to be a territorial title, since Curtius designates the people -_Musicani_. Lassen (_Ind. Alt._ ii. 176) takes this to represent the -Sanskrit Mûshika (which means _a mouse_ or _a thief_), and points out -that a part of the Malabar coast was also called the Mûshika kingdom. -Saint-Martin thinks that the Mûshika still exist in the great tribe of -the Moghsis, which forms the most numerous part of the population of Kach -Gandâra, a region bordering on the territories of the ancient Mûsikani -(_Etude_, p. 162). - -[177] Curtius calls the subjects of Oxykanos the Praesti, a name which -would indicate that they inhabited a level country, since the Sanskrit -word of which their name is a transcript—_prastha_—denotes _a tableland_ -or _a level expanse_. The name, Saint-Martin thinks, is in Justin altered -to _Praesidae_; but Justin, it appears to me, means the Praisioi thereby. -Oxykanos is called both by Strabo and Diodôros _Portikanos_, representing -perhaps the Sanskrit _Pârtha_, “a prince.” It is not easy to determine -where his dominions lay. They were not on the Indus, for Alexander left -that river to attack them. Cunningham places them to the west of the -Indus in the level country around Larkhâna, which, though now close -to the Indus, was in Alexander’s time about forty miles distant from -it. Their capital he identifies with Mahorta, a place about ten miles -north-west from Larkhâna, where there are the remains of an ancient -fortress on a huge mound, whence perhaps its name _Mâhaurddha_, “very -high.” Lassen, on the other hand, followed by Saint-Martin, places the -country of Oxykanos to the east of the river, and therefore in the vast -Mesopotamia (the Prasiane of Pliny) comprised between the old or eastern -arm of the Indus and the present channel (_v._ Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ ii. -177; Saint-Martin, _Etude_, p. 165; Cunningham, _Anc. Geog. of India_, -pp. 259-262). - -[178] See note S, Sindimana. - -[179] See Note T, City of the Brachmans, Harmatelia; also Note H_h_, -Indian Philosophers. - -[180] In the 15th chapter of this book Arrian states that Alexander had -sent Krateros away by this route after he had left the Sogdian capital -(near Bhakar). From this we may infer that Krateros, soon after he set -out on his homeward march, had been temporarily recalled by Alexander, -who may have found the resistance to his arms more formidable than he had -anticipated. Strabo states in one place (XV. ii. 5) that Krateros set out -on his march from the Hydaspês and proceeded through the country of the -Arachotoi and the Drangai into Karmania, and in another (XV. ii. 11) that -he traversed Choarênê and entered Karmania simultaneously with Alexander. -Now the former of these routes would have been so needlessly circuitous -that it cannot be supposed it was that which Krateros selected. He no -doubt marched through Choarênê (the district of Ariana nearest India), -to which there was access from India through the Bolan Pass. Before -rejoining Alexander he must have encountered formidable difficulties in -traversing the great desert of Karman, which occupies the northern part -of Karmania, and extends from thence to the confines of Yezd, Khorasân, -and Seïstan. “This desert (says Bunbury) is a vast track of the most -unmitigated barrenness, and a considerable portion of this interposed -between the fertile districts of Murmansheer in Northern Carmania, and -the Lake Zarrah in Seïstan must of necessity have been traversed by -Craterus with his army. An Afghan army which invaded Persia in 1719 -suffered the most dreadful hardships in this waste” (_v._ his _Hist. of -Anc. Geog._ p. 522, also Droysen’s _Geschichte Alexanders_, p. 454, and -Lassen, _Ind. Alt._ ii. 180). - -[181] According to Aristoboulos, as cited by Strabo (XV. i. 17), the -voyage down stream from Nikaia on the Hydaspês to Patala occupied ten -months. “The Greeks (he says) remained at the Hydaspês while the ships -were constructing, and began their voyage not many days before the -setting of the Pleiades (late in the autumn of B.C. 326), and were -occupied during the whole autumn, winter, and the ensuing spring and -summer in sailing down the river, and arrived at Patalênê about the -rising of the dog-star (towards the end of summer B.C. 325). The passage -down the river lasted ten months.” According to Plutarch, Alexander spent -seven months in falling down the rivers to the ocean. Sir A. Burnes -ascended the Indus up to Lahore in sixty days, a distance of about 1000 -miles. He estimated that a boat could drop down from Lahore to the sea in -fifteen days, and from Multân in nine days. - -[182] In the 41st chapter of the _Periplûs of the Erythraian Sea_ it is -said that in the regions adjoining the Indus mouths “there are preserved -even to this very day memorials of the expedition of Alexander, old -temples, foundations of camps, and _large wells_.” - -[183] _v._ Note U, Patala. - -[184] This was the northern channel of the Ghâra, the waters of which, -some centuries after Alexander, found another channel more to the south, -in the southern Ghâra which joins the main stream below Lâri Bandar. - -[185] Caesar’s fleet, it is well known, suffered a similar disaster on -the shores of Britain. The tides in the Indus are not felt more than -sixty miles from the sea, whence Cunningham concludes that Alexander must -then have reached as far as Bambhra on the Ghâra, which is about fifty -miles by water from the sea. The breaking up of the monsoon, which occurs -in October, is attended with high winds, intervals of calm, and violent -hurricanes. - -[186] Plutarch says that Alexander called this island Skilloustis, but -others Psiltoukis. It was from this island Nearchos started on his -memorable voyage early in October, before the monsoon had subsided. On -his reaching the port now called Karachi, the great emporium of the trade -of the Indus, he remained there for twenty-four days, and renewed the -voyage as soon as the weather permitted. - -[187] The eastern branch of the Indus is that now called the Phuleli. -It separates from the main channel at Muttâri, twelve miles above -Haidarâbâd, and enters the sea by the Kori estuary, named by Ptolemy -the Lonibari mouth. Its bed is now almost dry except at the time of the -inundations, when it assumes the appearance of a great river. At the -lower part of its course it is known as the Guni. On its east side it -receives the branch of the Indus, which in ancient times passed Arôr, and -is now called the _Purana darya_ or _Old river_. - -[188] This exaggerated estimate Arrian has taken from the Journal of -Nearchos. Aristoboulos said that the distance was 1000 stadia. The truth -is here pretty accurately hit. - -[189] “This great lake (says Saint-Martin) might have been the western -extremity of the Ran of Kachh, a vast depression which abuts on the point -where the estuary begins, and which for some months of the year (from -July to October) is inundated by the waters of several rivers. By a -singular coincidence the terrible earthquake of 1819 has formed a large -hollow and created a spacious lake traversed by the Korî, and occupying -probably the same site as the lake mentioned by Arrian. Brahmanic -tradition, moreover, preserves the memory of a lake formerly existing -near the Korî, not far from its embouchure. In the _Bhagavata Purâna_ -translated by Bournouf, we read that ‘in the west at the confluence of -the Sindhu and the ocean is the vast tank of Nârâyana Saras, which is -frequented by the Recluses and the Siddhas.’... A local tradition picked -up by M’Murdo refers to the disappearance of this lake of old times, and -explains the event by a conflagration of the country” (_v._ _Etude_, pp. -178, 179). - -[190] In Italy the Pleiades set in the beginning of November. The -south-west monsoon prevails from April to October. It sets in on the -Sindh coast with strong west-south-westerly winds, which cause a heavy -swell on the sea. The north-east monsoon, which is favourable for -navigation, begins in the Arabian Sea about the middle of October. - -[191] The name of this river has various forms, Arabis, Arbis, Artabis, -and Artabius. It is now called the Purâli and is the river which, rising -in the mountain range called by Ptolemy the Baitian, flows through the -present district of Las into the Bay of Sonmiyâni. It gave its name to -the Arabioi, whose territory it divided from that of the Oritai, who -were farther west. Curtius states that Alexander reached the eastern -boundary of the Arabioi (which may be placed about Karâchi) in nine days -from Patala, and their western boundary formed by the Arabius in five -days more. The distance from Haidarâbâd to Karâchi is 114 miles, and -from Karâchi to Sonmiyâni fifty miles. The average of a day’s march was -therefore about twelve miles, the same as now in these parts. - -[192] The Arabitai are called in the _Indika_, _Arabies_; in Strabo, -_Arbies_; in Diodôros, _Ambritai_; in Marcian the geographer, _Arbitoi_; -and in Dion. Perieg. _Aribes_. Their territories extended from the -western mouth of the Indus to the river Purâli. This people and their -neighbours, the Orîtai, Cunningham would include within the geographical -limits of India, although they have always been beyond its political -boundaries during the historical period. They were tributary to Darius -Hystaspês, and were still subject to the Persians when the Chinese -pilgrim Hwen Thsiang visited their country in the seventh century of our -aera. - -[193] In the country of the Oreitai is a river called the Aghor, from -which, it has been supposed, the people take their name, as thus: -Aghoritai, Aoritai, Oritai, or Horatae, as they are called by Curtius. -They are the Neoritai of Diodôros. The length of their coast Arrian -gives in his _Indika_ at 1600 stadia, while Strabo extends it to 1800. -The actual length is 100 English miles, somewhere about half of Arrian’s -estimate taken from Nearchos. The western boundary of the Oritai was -marked by Cape Mâlân (the _Malana_ of Arrian), which is twenty miles -distant from the river Aghor. According to Strabo the Oritai were the -people by whose poisoned arrows Ptolemy was all but mortally wounded. - -[194] This name is probably a transcription of the Indian _Râmbâgh_, -which designated the place where pilgrims assemble before starting for -the Aghor Valley, in which the principal sacred places are connected -with the history of Râma, the great hero of the Râmâyana. Cunningham -accordingly identifies Râmbâgh with Arrian’s Rambakia, and remarks that -the occurrence of the name of Râmbâgh at so great a distance to the west -of the Indus, and at so early a period as the time of Alexander, shows -not only the wide extension of Hindu influence in ancient times, but also -the great antiquity of the story of Râma (_v._ his _Anc. Geog. of India_, -pp. 307-310). - -[195] D’Anville and Vincent have assumed that Ora is the _Haur_ mentioned -by Edrisi as lying on the route from Dîbal, near the mouth of the Indus, -to Firûzâbâd in Mekran. Its situation is uncertain, however, as its name -does not occur in any recently published account of the country. Ora -may perhaps have been in the neighbourhood of Kôkala, mentioned in the -_Indika_ as situated on the Oreitian coast, probably near Cape Katchari, -to the east of the Hingul river, where the fleet was supplied with a -fresh stock of provisions. Perhaps it may have here denoted the country -of the Oreitai. - -[196] Gadrôsia in Arrian denotes the _inland_ region which extends from -the Oreitai to Karmania. The _maritime_ region between the same limits -he calls the country of the Ichthyophagoi. The Gedrôsian desert since -the days of Alexander has protected Lower Sindh from any attack by the -maritime route. The Persian invader has preferred to encounter the -dangers and difficulties of the mountain passes of Afghânistân rather -than to expose himself to such horrible sufferings in the burning desert -as were experienced by the soldiers of Semiramis, Cyrus, and Alexander. -The length of the Makrân or Beluchistan coast between the Oreitai and -Karmania is given by Arrian at 10,000 stadia and by Strabo at 7000 only. -The actual length is 480 English miles, and the time taken by Nearchos in -its navigation was twenty days. - -[197] A description of this unguent is given by Pliny (_N. H._ xii. c. -26). He there mentions that a special kind of it was produced in the -Gangetic regions. In the 33d chapter of the same book will be found a -description of the myrrh-tree and its produce. - -[198] Chinnock notes that this was probably the _snow-flake_. - -[199] This, says Sintenis, can be nothing else than a kind of acacia. He -points out that Dioscorides (i. 33) applies to this thorn the expression -ἀκακία, which Willdenow identifies with the acacia catechu. It grows -abundantly in the Bombay and Bengal presidencies, producing a gum -employed both as a colouring matter and a medicinal astringent, and known -in commerce by the name of cutch. - -[200] These people were the Ichthyophagoi of whom Arrian makes frequent -mention in his _Indika_ when describing the voyage of Nearchos along -their coast. His description of their appearance and habits closely -agrees with that given by Strabo in his chapter on Ariana. - -[201] Kallatis or Kallatia was a large city of Thrace on the coast of the -Euxine, colonised from Milêtos. Pliny says its former name was Cerbatis. - -[202] _v._ Note V, Alexander’s march through Gedrôsia, Poura. - -[203] In Latin _triumphi_. - -[204] That is, to one who, like Alexander, approached it from Central -Asia. - -[205] Eratosthenes and other ancient writers describe India as of a -rhomboidal figure with the Indus on the west, the mountains on the north, -and the sea on the east and the south. Curtius follows them here in -reckoning its length from west to east. - -[206] These are the mountains of the peninsular part of India. - -[207] By the Red or Erythraean Sea is meant the Indian Ocean, which -included both the Red Sea proper and the Persian Gulf. Curtius here makes -the two great Indian rivers flow into the same sea. His conception of the -configuration of India perhaps resembled that of Ptolemy, in whose map -India is so misrepresented that it appears without its peninsula, but -with a point (a little below the latitude of Bombay) whence the coast -bends at once sharply to the east instead of pursuing its actual course -southward to Cape Comorin. - -[208] “Iomanes, a clever conjectural insertion due to Hedike. Foss had -suspected some such omission, as the old attempt to make the Acesines -run into the Ganges by finding some other modern name for it was -preposterous” (_Alexander in India_, by Heitland and Raven, p. 90). The -Iomanes appears in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ as the Diamouna—that is the -Yamunâ or Jamnâ, the great river which, after passing Delhi, Mathurâ, -Agrâ, and other places, joins the Ganges at Allâhâbâd. It rises from hot -springs not far westward from the sources of the Ganges. Arrian, who in -his _Indika_ calls it the Jobares, says that it flows through the country -of the Sourasenoi, who possess two great cities, Methora (Mathurâ) and -Kleisobara (Krishnapura?). Pliny (vi. 19) states that it passes through -the Palibothri to join the Ganges. At its junction with the Jamnâ, and -a third, but imaginary river, the Sarasvatî, the Ganges is called the -_Trivênî_, _i.e._ “triple plait,” from the intermingling of the three -streams. - -[209] This river is most probably that which is called the Doanas in -Ptolemy’s _Geography_, where it designates the Brahmaputra. The Doanas -was probably also the Oidanes of Artemidôros, who, according to Strabo -(XI. i. 72), described it as a river that bred crocodiles and dolphins, -and that flowed into the Ganges. If the first two letters in _Doanas_ be -transposed, we get almost letter for letter the _Oidanes_ of Artemidôros, -and we get it again, though not so closely, if we discard _r_ from the -Dyardanes of Curtius. That these two writers had the same river in view -is confirmed by their mentioning the very same animals as bred in its -waters. - -[210] No satisfactory identification of this river has as yet, so far -as I am aware, been proposed. The river called by Arrian (iv. 6) the -_Erymandros_, and by Polybios the _Erymanthus_, and now known as the -Helmund, has a name pretty similar, but it does not discharge into the -sea. It enters the inland lake called Zarah, in the province of Seistan -in Afghanistan. According to Arrian it disappears in the sands. - -[211] These statements about the north wind as it affects India have no -basis in fact, and those that immediately follow reach the very acme of -absurdity. The cold season occurs in India as in Europe during winter, -but snow never falls on the plains. During the hot season, however, -hailstorms occasionally occur and inflict more or less damage on the -crops. I have myself witnessed in Calcutta a thunderstorm accompanied -with a descent of hail, commingled with large pieces of ice, and this in -one of the hottest months of the year, June or July, I forget which. - -[212] Agatharchides, a writer of the second century B.C., begins his work -on the Erythraean Sea by inquiring into the origin of its name. On this -point four different opinions were held, and of these he adopted that -which fathered the name on King Erythrus. He then tells the story of -this king (who was a Persian) as he had learned it from a Persian called -Boxos who had settled in Athens. Strabo (xvi. 20) gives a brief summary -of this passage, and Pliny (_N. H._ vi. 28) a still briefer. Nearchos, as -we learn from Arrian’s _Indika_ (c. 37), in the course of his memorable -voyage put into an island called Oärakta (now Kishm), where the natives -showed him the tomb of the first king of the island. They said that his -name was Erythrês, and that the sea in those parts was called after him -the _Erythraean_. Opinions still differ as to the origin of the name. -According to some it was given from the red and purple colouring of the -rocks which in some parts border the sea, according to others from the -red colour sometimes given to the waters by the sea-weed called Sûph. -Fresnel, however, rejecting such views, interprets the name as meaning -the sea of the Homêritai, _i.e._ _Himyar_ or _Hhomayr_, or _red men_, -whose name and the Arabic word _ahhmar_ (red) have the same root. The -people here indicated occupied Yemen, and were called _red men_ in -contrast to the _black men_ of the opposite coast. Others again attribute -the name to _Edom_ (Idumea), which bordered the Gulf of Akaba, the -eastern arm of the Red Sea, at its northern extremity. _Edom_ signifies -_red_. Further references to this subject will be found in Mela (III. -viii. 1), Solinus (c. 36), Dio Cassius (lxviii. 28), and Stephanos Byz. -_s.v._ Ἐρυθρά. - -[213] As the dress of the natives was made in ancient times as at -present, chiefly from cotton, this perhaps may be the substance meant -here by flax. The valuable properties of the wool-like product of the -cotton plant (_Gossypium herbaceum_, the _Karpâsa_ of Sanskrit) were -early known, as in one of the hymns of the Rig-veda mention is made of -female weavers intertwining the extended thread. “The dress worn by the -Indians (says Arrian, citing Nearchos) is made of cotton, a material -produced from trees. They wear an under-garment of cotton which reaches -below the knee half-way down to the ankles, and also an upper garment -which they throw partly over their shoulders, and partly twist in folds -round their head” (_Indika_, c. 16). This costume is mentioned in old -Sanskrit literature, and is carefully represented in the frescoes on the -caves of Ajanta. We learn from the _Periplûs of the Erythraean Sea_ that -muslin (othonion) was imported into the marts of India from China, and -exported thence along with Indian muslin and coarser cotton fabrics to -Egypt. - -[214] Strabo (XV. i. 67) states on the authority of Nearchos that -the Indians wrote letters upon cloth, which was well pressed to make -it smooth, but adds that other writers affirmed that the Indians had -no knowledge of writing. They were, however, acquainted with writing -for some centuries before Alexander’s time, but whence they got their -alphabet is a question not yet quite settled, though the weight of -opinion inclines to assign it a Himyaritic origin. We learn from Pliny -(xiii. 21) that paper made from the papyrus plant did not come into -common use out of Egypt till the time of Alexander the Great. He then -goes on to say that for writing on, the leaves of palm-trees were first -used, and then the barks (_libri_) of certain trees. Some of the Egyptian -papyrus-rolls are as old as the sixth dynasty. - -[215] Nearchos, as we learn from Arrian’s _Indika_, c. 15, was taken -with surprise when he heard in India parrots talking like human beings. -Pliny says (x. 58) that India produces this bird, which is called the -_Septagen_, and that it salutes its masters, and pronounces the words it -hears. If it fails to do so it is beaten on the head, which is as hard -as its bill, with an iron rod, until it repeats the words properly. Ovid -(_Amores_, ii. 6) calls the parrot the imitative bird from the Indians of -the East. Another Indian bird, the Maina, which in size and appearance -somewhat resembles the thrush, can be taught to speak with great -distinctness. It is probably the bird which Aelian (_Hist. Anim._ xvi. 3) -describes under the name of the _Kerkiôn_. - -[216] Here Curtius makes a mistake, for not only is the rhinoceros bred -in India, but the Indian species is the largest known, and its flesh was, -by the Brahmans, allowed to be eaten, though most other kinds of animal -food were interdicted. Ktêsias describes it, but very incorrectly, under -the name of the one-horned ass. It is described also in Aelian’s _History -of Animals_ (xvi. 20) in a passage supposed to have been copied from -the lost _Indika_ of Megasthenes. It is there called the Kartazôn. The -fables about the unicorn had their source most probably in the fanciful -account Ktêsias has given of the Indian wild ass. Aristotle, referring -to it, says briefly: “We have never seen a solid-hoofed animal with two -horns, and there are only a few of them that have one horn, as the Indian -ass and the oryx.” Kosmas Indikopleustes, who, as his surname shows, had -visited India, gives in the eleventh book of his _Christian Topography_ a -description of the rhinoceros, illustrated with a picture of the animal -which represents it as somewhat like a horse, with its nose surmounted by -a pair of horns slightly curved. We know that the picture is meant to be -that of the rhinoceros from the name being attached. Kosmas says that he -had only seen the animal from a distance. He has also given a description -and picture of the unicorn, an animal which he had never seen, but had -delineated from four brazen statues of it which adorned a palace in -Aethiopia. A single straight horn of great length is represented as -springing up from the top of its head. - -[217] Pliny (_Nat. Hist_. viii. 11) notes, like Curtius here, that India -produced the largest elephants. He had, however, stated previously (vi. -22) that, according to Onesikritos, the elephants of Taprobane (Ceylon) -were larger and more warlike than those of India. Many references to -the Indian elephants occur in the classics. Arrian, in the thirteenth -and fourteenth chapters of his _Indika_, describes the mode in which -they were hunted, and other particulars regarding them. Polybios (v. 84) -says that the African elephants could neither endure the smell nor the -trumpeting of their Indian congeners. - -[218] Herodotos (iii. 106) says that gold was produced in great -abundance in India, some of it washed down by the streams, and some -dug out of the earth, but the greater part of it being the ant-gold -surreptitiously procured. The heavy tribute levied by Darius on the -Indian provinces (chiefly west of the Indus) was paid in gold-dust. We -learn, notwithstanding, from Arrian that the companions of Alexander -found that the Indian tribes they met with, which were numerous, were -destitute of gold. The ant-gold produced in Dardistan seems therefore to -have found its way rather to the provinces west of the Indus than to the -Panjâb. Strabo (XV. i. 57), quoting Megasthenes, says that the rivers in -India bring down gold-dust, a part of which is paid as a tax to the king. -By the king is here meant Chandragupta (Sandrokottos), at whose court -Megasthenes for some years resided. As the river Sôn, which in his time -entered the Ganges at Palibothra (now Patna), was called poetically the -_Hiranyavâha_—_i.e._ “bearing gold,”—we may assume that gold was found -in the sands of that river. The grandson of Chandragupta, Aśôka, as is -stated in the _Mahavansâ_, sent missionaries to preach Buddhism into the -_gold district_ of Suvarnabhûmi, a region which Turnour identified with -Burma, but which Lassen took to be a maritime district situated somewhere -in the west (_v._ his _Ind. Alt._ ii. pp. 236, 237; also i. 237, 238). -Strabo (XV. i. 30) says that in the country of Sopeithês there were -valuable mines both of gold and silver among the mountains. - -[219] Pliny, in the latter part of his 37th book, treats of the various -kinds of precious stones found in India, and of the uses to which they -are there applied. In some of the other books incidental notices of them -are also to be met with, while his 9th book is full of details about the -pearl. From Strabo (II. iii. 4) we learn that an adventurer, Eudoxos of -Kyzikos, who had been sent by Ptolemy Physkôn, king of Egypt, to India, -returned thence, bringing back with him precious stones, some of which -the Indians collect from among the pebbles of the river, and others of -which they dig out of the earth. In his 15th book he states that India -produces precious stones, as crystals, carbuncles of all kinds, and -pearls. In Ptolemy’s _Geography of India_, and in the _Periplûs of the -Erythraean Sea_ mention is made of the diamond, beryl, onyx, carnelian, -hyacinth, and sapphire as precious stones of India. They mention also -various pearl fisheries existing in and near India. Arrian states in his -_Indika_ (c. 8) that the pearl in India is worth thrice its weight in -refined gold, and that it was called in the Indian tongue _Margarita_. -This, which is also its classical name, may represent either the Sanskrit -_manjari_, or the Persian _marwarîd_. - -[220] Arrian, on the authority of Nearchos, states in his _Indika_ (c. -16) that the Indians wear shoes of white leather elaborately trimmed, and -having thick soles (or heels) to make them look taller. - -[221] Strabo notes from Kleitarchos similar statements regarding the -treatment of their hair by the Indians (XV. i. 71), and Arrian has noted -the Indian practice (which is still in vogue) of dying the beard of a -variety of colours. - -[222] “In the processions at Indian festivals (says Strabo, XV. i. 69) -are to be seen wild beasts, as buffaloes, panthers, tame lions, and a -multitude of birds of variegated plumage and of fine song.” Aelian, -in a passage copied most probably from Megasthenes, says that the -favourite bird of the king of the Indians (Chandragupta no doubt) was -the hoopoe. He carried it on his wrist, and amused himself with it, and -never tired gazing with admiration on its exquisite beauty, and the -splendour of its plumage. The luxurious mode of life in which the Indian -king (Chandragupta) indulged is described by Strabo (XV. i. 55) much in -the same terms as by Curtius here. The native writings called _sutras_ -describe in like manner how the kings at festivals march out on elephants -to the sound of all kinds of instruments, amid the scent of perfumes and -clouds of frankincense. - -[223] Strabo adds the significant statement that the king at night is -obliged from time to time to change his couch from dread of treachery. -The frequency of changes in the succession shows that such a precaution -was not unnecessary. If a woman put to death a king when he was drunk, -she was rewarded by becoming the wife of his successor. From Athênaios we -learn that among the Indians the king might not get drunk. The assertion -made by Curtius that the Indians all use much wine is contrary to the -testimony of Megasthenes, who said that they use it only on sacrificial -occasions. Wine was no doubt imported into the marts of the Malabar -coast, but the quantity must have been limited, and could only have been -purchased by the rich. The Brahmans of the Ganges, from whom Megasthenes -obtained much information, punished indulgence in intoxicating drinks -with great severity. The Aryans of the Panjâb were less abstemious, and -this led to dissensions, and a final rupture between them and their -brethren of Iran. The wine used at sacrifices was the fermented juice of -the plant called _soma_. When required for drinking it was mixed with -milk. - -[224] The diversity of views which prevailed in India regarding suicide -was noticed by Megasthenes. The book of the law, in case of incapacity, -regards it as meritorious, but the Buddhists altogether condemned it. -Pliny (vi. 19) says that the Indian sages _always_ ended their life by a -voluntary death on the funeral pile. - -[225] This is a very vague and meagre account of the opinions and -practices of the Indian philosophers and ascetics. Other writers are -more copious on the subject, as Strabo (XV.), Arrian (_Anab._ vii. 2, 3; -_Indika_, 11), Diodôros (ii. 40), Plutarch (_Life of Alexander_, 64, 65). -References are made to it by Mela, Suidas, Orosius, Philo, Ambrosius, -Aelian, Porphyrius, and others (_v._ Notes W and H_h_). - -[226] Certain trees are still held sacred in India. The pipal, for -instance, is thought to be frequented by bhûts, _i.e._ demons. - -[227] See Note X. - -[228] Arrian says, however, that most of the inhabitants of this city, -which belonged to the Aspasians, and was fortified by a double wall, -escaped to the mountains. - -[229] Philostratos (ii. 4) says that Alexander did not ascend the -mountain, but, though anxious to do so, contented himself with offering -prayers and sacrifices at its base. He was afraid that the Macedonians on -seeing the vines would be reminded of home, and have their love of wine -revived after being accustomed to do without it. - -[230] The Elzevir editor aptly quotes here Tacit. _H._ i. 55: _Insita -mortalibus natura, propere sequi, quae piget inchoare_. - -[231] Justin (xii. 7) speaks of mountains which he calls _Daedali_, and -these Cunningham (p. 52) takes to be Mount _Dantalok_, which is about -three miles distant from _Palo-dheri_ (or _Pelley_, as General Court -calls it), a place forty miles distant from Pashkalavati (Hasht-nagar). -In the spoken dialect, he adds, _Dantalok_ becomes _Dattalok_, which the -Greek _Daidalos_ may fairly be taken to represent. I think, however, -Alexander had not penetrated so far eastward as this identification -implies. It has been taken by Müller to be Arrian’s _Andaka_ or _Andêla_, -which he would therefore alter to _Daidala_. An Indian city called -_Daidala_ is mentioned by Stephanos Byz., and in Ptolemy’s _Geography_ -another city of the same name is mentioned as belonging to the -Kaspeiraioi (or Kashmirians), who in Ptolemy’s days had extended their -rule as far eastward as the regions of the Jamna. Abbot in his _Gradus -ad Aornon_ seems to identify Daedala with Doodial, and Acadira, which is -mentioned immediately after, with Kaldura. - -[232] Arrian calls this river the _Euaspla_. It is most probably the -Kâmah or Kunâr river. Its name, _Cho-asp-es_, has one of the elements of -the name of the people in its neighbourhood, the _Asp-asioi_. The prefix -_cho_ may, like _eu_ or _su_, mean _river_, and Aspa means _a horse_, in -Zend. - -[233] Beira, it has been supposed, is the _Bazira_ of Arrian; but as -this has been on adequate grounds identified with Bazâr of the present -day, the supposition is untenable. Bazâr lies too far east to suit the -requirements. - -[234] “How this arrangement was to prevent the upper part of the wall -from settling down is a mystery as the text stands; and we can only -suppose that (_a_) Curtius has not understood his authorities, or (_b_) -has left out some important steps in the description, or (_c_) that the -text is mutilated so as to conceal his real meaning.”—_Alex. in India_, -p. 107. - -[235] Seneca (_Epistle_ 59) puts almost the same words into his mouth: -“All swear that I am the son of Jupiter, but this wound proclaims me to -be a man.” This is perhaps the occasion to which Plutarch refers when he -states (_Alex._ 28) that Alexander when shot with an arrow turned in his -pain to his attendants, and said: “This blood, my friends, is not the -ichor which blest immortals shed”—a quotation from Homer. - -[236] Pratt (ii. 276, n.) notices from Athenaios that these movable -towers were invented by Dyades, pupil of Polyeîdes, who accompanied -Alexander. - -[237] According to Arrian, the besieged lost heart not from terror of the -engines, but on seeing their commander killed. We read in Caesar that -his engines produced a similar effect on the minds of the Gauls. They -said that they could not believe the Romans were warring without the help -of the gods since they were able to move forward engines of so great a -height and with such celerity (_De Bell. Gall._ ii. 31). - -[238] Curtius had no doubt here in his eye a passage from Livy, whose -picturesque style was his exemplar: “Ipse collis est in modum metae in -acutum cacumen a fundo satis lato fastigatus” (B. xxxvii. 27). In the -centre of the Roman circus ran lengthways down the course a low wall, at -each extremity of which were placed, upon a base, three wooden cylinders -of a conical shape which were called _metae_—the goals. - -[239] _Ex sua cohorte_—that is, from the retinue of pages in immediate -attendance on the king. From this body officers were selected to fill the -highest civil and military posts in the Macedonian state. - -[240] Perhaps passed by a council of war or a general assembly of the -troops. Philôtas, the son of Parmenion, was condemned to death by the -Macedonian army. - -[241] The readers of Virgil will be reminded by this episode of that -of Euryalus and Nisus. Curtius indeed seems to me to have borrowed his -account of the death-scene from that poet rather than from any historical -authority. - -[242] He is called Aphrikês by Diodôros. - -[243] Diodôros less accurately calls him Môphis. His name _Ambhi_ (in -Sanskrit) is found in the Gana-pâtha, a genuine appendix to Pânini’s -_Grammar_ (v. _Journal Asiatique_, Series VIII. tome xv. p. 235). For -remarks on the _coined money_ which he gave to Alexander, see Note K_k_. - -[244] It was Krateros, however, and not Ptolemy, who was left in charge -of the division of the army which faced the camp of Pôros. Curtius has -therefore here made a mistake. - -[245] That is, Pôros had been enticed down the bank so far that the -island which lay where the passage was really to be made was no -longer visible. Curtius says nothing of the other island on which the -Macedonians landed under the erroneous impression that they had gained -the bank of the river, and Diodôros is equally silent. - -[246] According to Arrian this force was commanded by the son of Pôros. - -[247] See Note Y, Battle with Pôros. - -[248] Boukephalos was no doubt the horse to which Curtius here refers, -but according to some accounts that famous steed was not in the battle. -Curtius here follows Chares, as the following passage quoted from this -writer by Aulus Gellius (_Noct. Attic._ v. 2) will show: “The horse -of King Alexander was both by his head and by his name _Bucephalas_ -(_i.e._ ox-head). Cares has stated that he was bought for thirteen -talents, and presented to King Philip.... Regarding this horse it seems -worth recording that when caparisoned and armed for battle he would not -suffer himself to be mounted by any one but the king. It is also told -of this horse that in the Indian war when Alexander, mounted upon him, -and performing noble deeds of bravery, had with too little heed for his -own safety entangled himself amid a battalion of the enemy, where he -was on all sides assailed with darts, his horse was stabbed with deep -wounds in the neck and sides. Ready to expire, and drained of nearly -all his blood, he nevertheless bore back the king from the midst of his -foes at a most rapid pace; and when he had conveyed him beyond reach -of spears, he straightway dropped down, and having no further fear for -his master’s safety, he breathed his last as if with the consolation of -human sensibility. Then King Alexander having gained the victory in this -war, built a town on this spot, and in honour of his horse called it -Bucephalon.” - -[249] Arrian says that the first messenger sent was Taxilês himself. - -[250] According to Arrian, Taxilês escaped by a hasty flight. - -[251] Diodôros states, on the contrary, that Alexander checked the -slaughter. - -[252] This is scarcely probable. The incident is mentioned by no other -writer. - -[253] Curtius has here marred with his rhetoric and moral reflections the -simple and dignified answer of Pôros, that he wished to be treated like -a king. Lucan similarly has dilated into some twenty lines of rhetoric -Caesar’s famous words to the boatmen in the storm: “Fear not, you carry -Caesar and his fortunes.” Plutarch, both in his _Life of Alexander_ and -in his _De Ira Cohibenda_ (c. 9), has stated the reply of Pôros in the -same terms as Arrian. - -[254] Cicero (_pro Marcello_) extols Alexander in the highest terms -for acting thus towards his vanquished enemy; and Seneca in his _De -Clementia_ follows in a similar strain. - -[255] Philostratos, in his life of Apollonios of Tyana, states that -Alexander dedicated likewise to the sun one of the elephants of Pôros, -the first of them that deserted to his side, and which he called _Ajax_, -and also the altars which he reared on the banks of the Hyphasis to mark -the limits of his advance. As the same author states that Apollonios saw -_Ajax_ still alive at Taxila some 370 years later, his veracity may be -suspected. - -[256] See Note Z, Indian Serpents. - -[257] The Sanskrit name of the rhinoceros is _Ganda_, also _Gandaka_ and -_Gandânga_. - -[258] This is the _ficus Indica_, commonly called the banyan-tree, -because of the frequent use made of its shelter by traders who dealt in -grain, called in India _Banyans_. Strabo (XV. i. 21) describes this tree -from Onesikritos, who saw it growing in the country of Mousikanos. Pliny -also (_N. H._ xii. 11) describes the tree and its fruit, adding that it -grows chiefly in the neighbourhood of the Acesines (_Chenâb_); see also -Theophrastos, _De Plantis_, iv. 5, and Arrian’s _Indika_, c. 11. Several -English poets have made it the subject of their verse—Ben Jonson, Milton, -Tickell, and Southey. Its stately stems rise in solemn grandeur like the -basaltic pillars of Fingal’s Cave, and with the over-arching boughs form -a vast and wondrous dome— - - “Where as to shame the temples decked - By skill of earthly architect, - Nature herself, it seems, would raise - A minster to her Maker’s praise.” - -[259] Ailianos (_H. A._ xii. 32) says that while the Indians knew the -proper antidote against the bites of each kind of serpent, none of the -Greek physicians had discovered any such antidote. See Note Z, Indian -Serpents. - -[260] See Note A_a_, Indian Peacocks. - -[261] This must be the town which Arrian calls _Pimprama_, distant a -day’s march from Sangala. The accounts of the two historians are at -variance, however, since Arrian says that the place surrendered without -resistance. - -[262] This place was Sangala, for which see Note M. - -[263] Caesar’s men were similarly alarmed on seeing for the first time -the war chariots of the Britons: _perturbatis nostris novitate pugnae_ -(_Bell. Gall._ iv. 34). See also Livy, x. 28. - -[264] Arrian mentions gaps between the waggons, but does not state that -they were fastened together. Vegetius (_De re Militari_, iii. 10), -however, observes: “All barbarians fasten their chariots together in -a ring in the fashion of a camp, and thus keep themselves safe from -surprise during the night.” - -[265] “It is impossible to compare the numbers given by Curtius and -Arrian, as neither gives the total of killed, and the details of the -numbers who fell in the separate operations of the siege are not so -stated as to admit of comparison” (_Alex. in India_, p. 130). - -[266] The better form of the name is _Sôphytes_, which properly -transliterates the Sanskrit original _Saubhutu_, but see Biographical -Appendix, _s.v._ Sôphytes. - -[267] According to Strabo the inspection was made when the child was two -months old. He notices that the practice of widow-burning was known here. - -[268] “The Indians,” says Solinus (c. 55), “rub down the beryl into -hexagonal forms in order to impart vigour to the dull tameness of the -colour by the reflection from the angles. Of the beryl the varieties -are manifold.” Pliny, from whom Solinus no doubt drew this information, -states (xxxvii. 5) that beryls were seldom found elsewhere than in India, -and that the Indians had discovered how to make counterfeit gems and -especially beryls by staining crystal. - -[269] See Note B_b_, Indian Dogs. - -[270] The ordinary and correct reading is not _Phegeus_, as in the text -from which I translate, but _Phegelas_, which transliterates the Sanskrit -_Bhagala_. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Phegelas. - -[271] A sandy desert stretches from the southern borders of the Panjâb -almost to the Gulf of Kachh. The breadth of this desert from east to -west is about 400 miles. In some places it is altogether uninhabited; in -others villages and patches of cultivation are found thinly scattered. On -the east it gradually gives way to the fertile parts of India. - -[272] For Gangaridae see Note C_c_, and for Prasii, Note D_d_. The common -reading of this name in the editions of Curtius is Pharasii. - -[273] The name as given here seems less correct than the form in Diod. -_Xandrames_, which can be referred to the Indian word _Chandramas_, -meaning _moon-god_. See Biog. Appendix, _s.vv._ Xandrames and -Sandrokottos. - -[274] On the contrary, elephants are easy to tame. Arrian in his _Indica_ -(c. 13, 14) has described the manner both of trapping and taming them. -The same methods are still employed, with only slight variations. See -also Pliny, viii. 8-10; Diodôros, iii. 26; Ailianos, viii. 10 and 15, and -x. 10; and Tzetzes, _Chiliad_, iv. 122. - -[275] There was no great disparity of numbers in the battle of the -Granîkos between the Greeks and Persians, 35,000 on Alexander’s side and -40,000 on the other. - -[276] So Caesar, when his soldiers, terrified by the accounts they had -heard of the Germans, refused to advance against them, said, that if -nobody else would go with him he would set out with the Tenth Legion -alone (_Bell. Gall._ i. 40). Thirlwall is of opinion that Alexander’s -threat to throw himself on his Baktrian and Skythian auxiliaries, and -make the expedition with them alone, most likely misrepresents the tone -which he assumed. - -[277] Cerealis addressed his men in similar terms: “Go, tell Vespasian, -or Civilis and Classicus who are nearer at hand, that you deserted your -leader on the field of battle” (Tacitus, _H._ iv. 77). - -[278] “This speech, put into the mouth of Coenus, has a peculiar literary -interest beyond the ordinary run of orations written for their leading -characters by the rhetorical historians of antiquity. In the remaining -works of the elder Seneca we have a _suasoria_ or hortatory oration (see -Mayor on Juvenal, i. 16) on this very subject, in which are arranged all -the telling sentences that some of the most famous Roman rhetoricians -could compose to suit the situation. The remarkable parallels found in -this collection to the present speech of Curtius illustrates in a very -striking way the artificial nature of these harangues, and show what -a vast amount of labour this spirited and polished specimen probably -took to produce. The corresponding speech in Arrian, v. 27, though less -pointed than that in Curtius, is more natural and easy, and certainly far -superior to that put into the mouth of Alexander” (_Alexander in India_, -p. 140, n. 5). - -[279] See Note N, Alexander’s Altars on the Hyphasis. - -[280] Curtius is here in error as to the place of his death, for he died -at the Hydaspês, as will be seen by a reference to Arrian, vi. 2. He is -further in error, like Diodôros, in making the fleet start on its voyage -from the Akesinês instead of from the Hydaspês. - -[281] “It is recorded,” said Colonel Chesney in his Simla lecture on -Alexander, “that he sent to Greece for 20,000 fresh suits of armour. A -suit of armour and arms probably weighed three-fourths of a maund (60 -lbs.), and we may assume that with the arms a good many other articles -were indented for at the same time. Altogether we may take it that the -requisition was for not less than from 20,000 to 30,000 mule loads—30,000 -laden mules to be despatched from Macedonia to the Satlej! A large order. -And this suggests another consideration. Alexander’s army on the Satlej -was 50,000 strong; how about his lines of communication? During the -late Afghan war over 50,000 men crossed the frontier, yet I believe the -general had never at any time more than 10,000 men in hand at the front; -the rest were swallowed up in holding obligatory posts and keeping up -the line of communication. Now if 40,000 men are needed for this purpose -to keep 10,000 effective in the front, when the distance to be covered -was only 200 miles, what would be the force required to secure the line -of communication between Macedonia and the army halted on the banks of -the Satlej? The answer is to be found in the system of war pursued by -Alexander’s Greek generals, and garrisons were left at certain points -on the road; and where complete submission was made, the enemy was left -in possession of his country and converted into an ally. But when the -resistance was obstinate Alexander left no enemies behind.” As Alexander -led into India 120,000 men, Colonel Chesney’s estimate that he had only -50,000 at the Hyphasis (which he calls the Satlej) must surely be far -below the mark. - -[282] Yet Pliny (vi. 17) says that though Alexander sailed on the Indus -never less than 600 stadia per day, he took more than five months to -complete the navigation of it! This would give the Indus a length of -12,000 miles! Aristoboulos said the navigation occupied ten months, but -we may strike off a month from this estimate. The voyage began near the -end of October 326 B.C. The distance from the starting-point to the sea -by the course of the river is between eight and nine hundred British -miles. - -[283] See Note E_e_, The Sibi. - -[284] See Note F_f_, The Agalassians. - -[285] Curtius has here confounded the junction of the Hydaspês and -Akesinês with that of the Indus and the combined stream of the Panjâb -rivers. The geography of the passage is inexplicable. Arrian has given -a vivid description of the confluence, but does not indicate that -Alexander’s life was in danger from its perilous navigation. - -[286] This rhetorical passage will remind the readers of Virgil of his -description of the zones (_Georg._ i. 231-251): “Five zones comprise the -heaven ... of which two, the frozen homes of green ice and black storms, -stretch far away.... One pole is thrust down beneath the feet of murky -Styx ... where eternal night, wrapped in her pall of gloom, sits brooding -in unending silence.” The passage was probably, however, suggested by the -lines of the sixth book of the _Aeneid_, 794-796: “He (Augustus Caesar) -will stretch his sway beyond Garamantian and Indian. See, the land is -lying outside the stars, outside the sun’s yearly path.” - -[287] Racine (_Alex._ v. i.), imitating the present passage, says: “_des -déserts que le ciel refuse d’éclairer, où la nature semble elle-même -expirer_” (_Alex. in Ind._ p. 148). - -[288] From which they were yet some 600 miles distant! - -[289] Called the Oxydrakai by Arrian. See Note P. Curtius here differs -from Diodôros, who says that the Syrakousai (Oxydrakai) and Malloi could -not agree as to the choice of a leader, and ceased in consequence to keep -the field together. Both these historians are silent as to the operations -conducted by Alexander during his march from the junction of the Hydaspês -and the Akesinês to the capital of the Malloi situated above the old -junction of the united stream of these two rivers with the Hydraôtês. - -[290] But according to Arrian, Strabo, and Plutarch, the city where -Alexander was nearly wounded to death belonged to the Malloi. - -[291] Thirlwall, with good reason, regards this incident as a mere -embellishment of the story. “It is certain,” he says, “that even if -Alexander believed in such things less than he appears to have done, -he was too prudent to disclose his incredulity, and so throw away an -instrument which a Greek general might so often find useful” (_Hist. of -Greece_, vii. c. 54). The story is found in Diodôros also. If a fiction, -it may have been suggested by the fact that Alexander on approaching -Babylon, where he died, was warned by Chaldaean soothsayers not to enter -that city. If true, Alexander had doubtless in his mind the words of -Hector (_Iliad_, xii. 237-243), where he expresses his contempt for omens -drawn from the flight of birds. Hannibal had a similar contempt, as -appears from Cicero, _de Div._ ii. - -[292] Curtius, like Plutarch, represents Alexander to have been wounded -after he had scaled the _city_ wall, and thence leaped down into the -_city_. But this is a mistake. It was the wall of the _citadel_ he -scaled, and it was within the _citadel_ he was wounded, as we learn both -from Arrian and Diodôros. - -[293] “Probably a piece of gratuitous padding put in by Curtius to -heighten the effect of his picture. Nothing of the kind is found in -Arrian or Diodôros” (_Alex. in India_, p. 151). - -[294] Timaeus and Aristonus are mentioned only by Curtius as among those -who came first to Alexander’s rescue. It is supposed that the Timaeus of -Curtius is the same person as the Limnaios of Plutarch. - -[295] Pliny (vii. 37) mentions a Critobulus who acquired great celebrity -by extracting an arrow from the eye of Philip, Alexander’s father. -Arrian again says that some authors assigned the credit of the operation -in Alexander’s case to Kritodêmos, a physician of Kôs, but others to -Perdikkas. - -[296] So Marius in like circumstances forbade himself to be bound -(Cicero, _Tusc. Disput._ ii. 22). - -[297] The Hydraôtês or Râvi, which in those days joined the Akesinês -below Multân. - -[298] Arrian, on the contrary, states, on the authority of Nearchos, that -Alexander was annoyed by the remonstrances of his friends. - -[299] A Thracian tribe whose country is mentioned in Ptolemy’s -_Geography_ as a _stratêgia_—that is, a province governed by a general of -the army. - -[300] That is when he crossed the Tanaïs (Jaxartês) to attack the -Skythians. “Unus Pellaeo juveni non sufficit orbis.” - -[301] Referring to his descent from Achilleus, whose career was short but -glorious. - -[302] Alexander here refers to the plot of Hermoläos and the pages -against his life. - -[303] Philip was assassinated by Pausanias while entering the door of -a theatre. The Elzevir editor aptly quotes an epigram on Henry IV. of -France, to whom a saying was attributed _Duo protegit unus_: - - “Gallorum Rex regna, inquis, duo protegit unus; - Protexêre tuum nec duo regna caput.” - -[304] The incident is mentioned briefly by Diodôros (xvii. 99). The 3000 -Greeks who left their colonies to return home suffered great hardships on -the way, and were slain by the Macedonians after Alexander’s death. - -[305] The Sudracae and the Malli. They arrived while Alexander was still -in camp near the confluence of the Hydraôtês with the Akesinês, where he -had joined Hêphaistiôn and Nearchos. - -[306] A statement, as Thirlwall observes, hardly consistent either -with the boasts of independence made by the two nations, or with their -recorded actions. - -[307] Athenaios (vi. 13) relates, on the authority of Aristoboulos, -that this Dioxippos, the Athenian, whom he calls a _pankratiast_, when -Alexander on a certain occasion was wounded, and the blood flowing, -exclaimed: “This is ichor such as flows in the veins of the blessed -gods.” Ailianos in his _Hist. Var._ (x. 22) describes his combat with the -Macedonian. Pliny (xxxv. 11) informs us that Dioxippos was painted as a -victor in the Olympic _pancratium_ by Aleimachus. - -[308] It is uncertain whether the Macedonians were of the same blood -as the Greeks. Their kings undoubtedly were, but Grote, influenced by -his antipathy to Alexander, who had crushed the liberties of Greece, -considered him little better than a barbarian, “who had at most put -on some superficial varnish of Hellenic culture.” See on this point -Freeman’s _Historical Essays_, vol. ii. pp. 192-201, 3rd ed. - -[309] “The sword blades of India had a great fame over the East, and -Indian steel, according to esteemed authorities, continued to be imported -into Persia till days quite recent. Its fame goes back to very old times. -Ktesias mentions two wonderful swords of such material that he got from -the King of Persia and his mother. It is perhaps the _ferrum candidum_ -of which the Malli and Oxydracae sent 100 talents’ weight as a present -to Alexander. Indian iron and steel are mentioned in the _Periplus_ as -imports into the Abyssinian ports.” See Yule’s _Marco Polo_, i. p. 94. - -[310] We learn from the _Periplus of the Erythraean Sea_ that tortoise -and other shells formed an important element in the ancient commerce of -the East with the West. For an account of Indian shells see _British -India_ of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, III. c. v. pp. 136-144. - -[311] Alexander had, however, by this time taken their capital. We -learn from Arrian (_Indika_, c. 4) that their dominions extended to the -junction of the Akesinês with the Indus. - -[312] Lassen identifies this people with the _Sambastai_ of Diodôros. -Orosius calls them the _Sabagrae_. In Arrian the _Sambastai_ appear -as the _Abastanoi_, a name which transliterates the Sanskrit word -_avasthâna_, which means, however, “a dwelling-place,” and does not -denote a people. See note on Arrian, p. 155. - -[313] Two other tribes are mentioned by Arrian as having sent deputies -to Alexander while in camp near the confluence, the _Xathroi_ and the -_Ossadioi_, concerning whom see notes on Arrian, p. 156. - -[314] Their alarm would no doubt be increased by the sight of the many -coloured flags of the vessels, as we may infer from the words of Pliny -(xix. 1): “The first attempt at dyeing canvas with the costliest hues for -dyeing wearing apparel was made in the fleets of Alexander the Great when -he was navigating the river Indus, for then his generals and prefects -had distinguished by differences of colour the ensigns of their vessels, -and the natives along the shore were lost in amazement at the variety of -their colours. It was with a purple sail Cleopatra came with Antony to -Actium, and fled therefrom. This was the colour of the admiral’s ensign.” - -[315] Chachar opposite Mithânkôt, a little below the great confluence. -See Note on Arrian. - -[316] See Note on Arrian, p. 156. - -[317] Called Tyriaspês by Arrian. Oxyartes was Alexander’s father-in-law. - -[318] For the Praesti and Porticanus see Note to Arrian, p. 158. - -[319] See Note S. - -[320] Aurengzêb captured Surat by a similar device, and to the great -astonishment of the inhabitants. - -[321] According to Diodôros this happened in the neighbourhood of -Harmatelia, for conjectures as to the position of which see Note T. -Strabo says it happened in the country of the Oreitai. - -[322] It has been thought this name may be constructed from _Maharâjah_, -“great king.” For identification of Patala see Note U. - -[323] This island is called by Arrian Killouta, and by Plutarch -Skilloustis. See Note on Arrian, p. 164. - -[324] See Note G_g_, Tides in Indian Rivers. - -[325] This lake, however, was discovered neither on this voyage nor on -this arm of the Indus, but during a subsequent voyage which Alexander -made down the eastern arm. - -[326] “No magnificent idea,” says Vincent, “is requisite to conceive the -building of cities in the East. A fort or citadel with a mud wall to mark -the circumference of the pettah or town is all that falls to the share of -the founder. The habitations are raised in a few days or hours.... The -Soldan of Egypt insults Timour by telling him: ‘The cities of the East -are built of mud, and ephemeral; ours in Syria and Egypt are of stone, -and eternal.’” - -[327] Nearchos with the fleet rejoined the army at a point on the river, -Pasitigris or Karun, near the modern village of Ahwaz, where was a bridge -by which Alexander led his army from Persis to Sousa, where he arrived -February 324 B.C. - -[328] The Alexandreia of Diodôros, and probably also the Alexandreia -which, as we learn from Pliny (vi. 25), was built by Leonnatos by -Alexander’s orders on the confines of the Arian nation. It may also be -the fifteenth of the Alexandreias of Stephanos Byz., which he places in -the country of the Arachosians next to India. It was perhaps, however, -the _Portus Alexandri_, now Karâchi, where Nearchos was detained by the -prevalence of the monsoon for twenty-four days. - -[329] Hence their name _Ichthyophagoi_. They inhabited the maritime parts -of the Oreitai and Gedrosians. In sailing along their coast Nearchos -and his men suffered great hardships from scarcity of provisions. See -Arrian’s _Indika_, 24-31. Much may also be read of this people in Strabo, -Pliny, Ailianos, and Agatharchides. - -[330] Arrian (vi. 27) says, however, that Phrataphernes brought the -provisions spontaneously. Diodôros is at one with Curtius on the point. - -[331] This description is much overdrawn. Thirlwall thus remarks upon -it: “We cannot wonder that, in the enjoyment of pleasures, from which -they had been so long debarred, they abandoned themselves to some -excesses, perhaps only following the example of their chiefs and of -Alexander himself;” and this was probably the main ground of fact for the -exaggeration of later writers. - -[332] Arrian alludes to his execution in his _Indika_, c. 36. - -[333] This happened at Mazaga, the capital of Assakênos. Plutarch, it -will be seen, justly condemns Alexander for this gross violation of the -compact into which he had entered with the Indian mercenaries. - -[334] For its identification see Note F, Aornos. - -[335] Aphrikês is called Eryx by Curtius. - -[336] More correctly _Omphis_ as given by Curtius. See Biog. Appendix, -_s.v._ Omphis. - -[337] The father of Omphis had quite recently died, and Omphis did not -assume the sovereignty at once on his decease, but waited till Alexander -sanctioned his doing so. He then, as a matter of course, along with the -sovereignty assumed also the dynastic title _Taxilês_. - -[338] Alexander’s campaign, in which he conquered the country extending -from the Hindu Kush to the Indus, took place in the year 327 B.C. In -the year following he marched eastward through the Panjâb as far as the -Hyphasis, conquering on his way Pôros and the Kathaians, and from the -Hyphasis he retraced his way to the Hydaspês. He then sailed down that -river, and then down the Akesinês into which it falls, until about the -end of the year he reached the Indus. It will be seen from Arrian, v. 19, -that the battle with Pôros was fought in the archonship of Hêgemôn at -Athens, whose year of office, it is otherwise known, extended from the -28th of June 327 to the 17th of July 326 B.C. Hêgemôn was succeeded by -Chremês, so that Diodôros antedates his archonship. He was archon after -the defeat of Pôros and not before. With regard to the two consuls named, -it does not appear that they ever held the consulship simultaneously. -Publius Cornelius (Scipio Barbatus) was consul in 328 B.C. along with -C. Plautius Decianus. In the following year _Spurius_ Postumius Albinus -was master of the horse to the Dictator Claudius Marcellus, but I can -find nowhere in the lists the name of _Aulus_ Postumius as holding any -office about that time. In Smith’s _Classical Dictionary_ the year 327 -B.C. appears as the _annus mirabilis_ of Alexander’s life, for early in -the spring he completes the conquest of Sogdiana and marries Roxana. -Thereafter he returns to Baktra, then marches to invade India, and -crossing the Hydaspês defeats Pôros. He then marches to the Hyphasis, and -thence returns to the Hydaspês. In the autumn he sails down the Hydaspês -to the Indus! See vol. iii. p. 1346 and vol. i. _s.v._ Alexander III. The -events of two years are thus compressed into the space of a single year. -Clinton’s chronology, which is very confused for the period from 327 to -323, seems to have been followed. - -[339] His name appears in Arrian more correctly as Abisares. He may be -described as the King of Kashmir. - -[340] Boukephala and Nikaia, for which see Note on Arrian, p. 110. - -[341] See Note Z, Indian Serpents. - -[342] This is the whip-snake which is thus described in _British India_ -of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, vol. iii. pp. 121, 122: “The whip snake -is common to the Concan, where it conceals itself among the foliage of -trees, and darts at the cattle grazing below, generally aiming at the -eye. A bull, which was thus wounded at Dazagon, tore up the ground with -extreme fury, and died in half an hour, foaming at the mouth. The habit -of the reptile is truly singular, for it seems to proceed neither from -resentment nor from fear, nor yet from the impulse of appetite; but -seems, ‘more than any other known fact in natural history, to partake of -that frightful and mysterious principle of evil, which tempts our species -so often to tyrannize for mere wantonness of power.’” - -[343] The Adraïstai of Arrian. See Note on that author, p. 116. - -[344] See Note I_i_, Suttee. - -[345] More correctly Sôphytês. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ - -[346] This was also a Spartan institution. - -[347] See Note B_b_. - -[348] More correctly _Phegelas_ as given by Arrian. See Biog. Appendix, -_s.v._ - -[349] Usually called the Hyphasis. It is now the Beäs which joins the -Satlej. The name of the Hyphasis was sometimes, however, applied to the -united stream, but this is contrary to Sanskrit usage. - -[350] See Notes C_c_ and D_d_. - -[351] The Indian barber (_nâpit_) belonged to the Sudra or servile caste. -Besides the duties proper to his calling, he has other avocations, his -services being often required for the performance of certain domestic -ceremonies such as those connected with marriage, etc. - -[352] “Kallisthenes adds (after the exaggerating style of tragedy) that -when Apollo had deserted the oracle among the Branchidai, on the temple -being plundered by the Branchidai (who espoused the party of the Persians -in the time of Xerxes), and the spring had failed, it then reappeared _on -the arrival of Alexander_; that the ambassadors also of the Milesians -carried back to Memphis numerous answers of the oracle respecting the -descent of Alexander from Jupiter, and the future victory which he should -obtain at Arbela, the death of Darius, and the political changes at -Lacedaemon” (Strabo, XVII. i. 43). See also Introd. p. 28. - -[353] Properly the _Gangaridai_. - -[354] Diodôros should have said the _Hydaspês_. - -[355] See Note on Curtius, p. 231. - -[356] See Note E_e_, The Sibi. - -[357] See Note F_f_, The Agalassians. - -[358] See Curtius, ix. 4. - -[359] This happened at the junction of the Akesinês with the _Hydaspês_ -and not with the _Indus_, as here represented. For the contest of -Achilles with the Simoeis and Skamander, see the twenty-first book of the -_Iliad_. - -[360] The Oxydrakai. - -[361] “The two races (_Oxydrakai_ and _Malloi_) were composed of widely -different elements, for the name of one appears to have been derived -from that of the Sudra caste; and it is certain that the Brahmins were -predominant in the other. We can easily understand why they did not -intermarry, and were seldom at peace with each other, and that their -mutual hostility was only suspended by the common danger which now -threatened their independence.”—Thirlwall’s _Hist. of Greece_, vii. c. 54. - -[362] Called Horratas by Curtius. - -[363] For a notice of Dioxippos, see Note on Curtius, p. 249. - -[364] For their identification, see Note on Curtius, p. 252. - -[365] See Note R for their identification. - -[366] Cunningham inclines to believe that the _Massanoi_ of Diodôros -are the _Musarnoi_ of Ptolemy, whose name, he says, still exists in the -district of _Muzarka_ to the west of the Indus below Mithankot. See his -_Anc. Geog. of Ind._ p. 254. - -[367] For its identification see Note R and Note on Arrian, p. 156. - -[368] See Note on Arrian, p. 157, regarding the position of this country. - -[369] Porticanos is called Oxykanos by Arrian. See Note on that author, -p. 158. - -[370] For the kingdom of Sambos see Note S. - -[371] See Note T. - -[372] See Note on Curtius, p. 256. - -[373] Evidently an error for _Patala_, for the identification of which -see Note U. - -[374] See Note on Curtius, p. 262. - -[375] All these particulars are recorded at length in the _Indika_ of -Arrian, from c. 24 to c. 31. - -[376] Generally called Parthia, then a small state. - -[377] Drangianê, now the province of Seistan. The inhabitants Drangoi, -and also Zarangoi. Drangianê was separated from Gedrôsia by the Baitian -mountains, now called the Washati. - -[378] Areia was a small province included in Ariana which embraced nearly -the whole of ancient Persia. The name is connected with the Indian word -_ârya_, “noble” or “excellent.” It occupied the tract from Meshed to -Herat. - -[379] Arrian, however, relates in his _Indika_ (c. 23), that Leonnatos -defeated the Oreitai and their allies in a great battle in which all the -leaders and 6000 men were slain, while his own loss was very trifling. - -[380] Arrian gives in his _Indika_ (c. 33-35) full details of the -journey of Nearchos from the coast to Alexander’s camp, which lay a five -days’ march inland, and of the affecting interview between the king and -his admiral, whom he had given up for lost. Arrian’s narrative may be -implicitly trusted, as it was based on the _Journal_ of Nearchos, whose -veracity is unimpeachable. The admiral did not appear in the theatre -until his interview with Alexander had been concluded. Diodôros is -clearly in error in placing Salmous on the coast. - -[381] This incident occurred at Mazaga, the capital of Assakênos. - -[382] The Brahmans of Sindh are here referred to. - -[383] “When the Greek writers tell us that the district between the -Hydaspes and the Hyphasis alone contained 5000 cities (!), none of which -was less than that of Cos (Strabo, xv. p. 686), and that the dominions of -Pôros, which were confined between the Hydaspes and the Acesines—a tract -not more than 40 miles in width—contained 300 cities (_id._ p. 698), -it is evident that the Greeks were misled by the exaggerated reports -so common with all Orientals, and which were greedily swallowed by the -historians of Alexander with a view of magnifying the exploits of the -great conqueror.”—Bunbury, _Hist. of Anc. Geog._ I. p. 453. - -[384] See Note to Arrian, p. 112, and to Curtius, p. 212. - -[385] This seems an almost inexcusable mistake on Plutarch’s part—his -conducting Alexander as far as the Ganges! The author of the _Periplûs_ -made the same egregious blunder. It is possible, however, to put a -different construction on the expressions used by Plutarch, and to -suppose that he wrote so carelessly that he did not mean what his words -seem to imply. - -[386] See Notes C_c_ and D_d_ for these people. - -[387] More correctly Sandrakyptos, or Chandragupta. See Biog. Appendix, -_s.v._ Sandrokottos. - -[388] See Note N, Altars at the Hyphasis. - -[389] See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Sandrokottos. - -[390] This was the wall of the citadel, not of the city, as Plutarch -represents. - -[391] This fact, attested by all the historians, confirms the truth of -the reports as to the great skill of the Indians in archery. - -[392] Called Timaeus by Curtius, p. 240. - -[393] He is called Sambos by Arrian, and was the ruler of the mountainous -region west of the Indus, having Sindimana for his capital, the city now -called Sehwan. See Biog. Appendix, _s.v._ Sambos. - -[394] “He (Alexander) caused ten Indian philosophers, whom the Greeks -called _gymnosophists_, and who were naked as apes, to be seized. He -proposes to them questions worthy of the gallant Mercury of Visé, -promising them with all seriousness that the one who answered worst would -be hanged the first, after which the others would follow in their order. -This is like Nabuchodonosor, who absolutely wished to slay the Magians -if they did not divine one of his dreams which he had forgotten, or the -Calif of _The Thousand and One Nights_ who was to strangle his wife when -she came to the end of her stories. But it is Plutarch who tells this -silly story; we must respect it; he was a Greek” (Voltaire, _Dict. Phil._ -s.v. _Alexandre_). See also Note H_h_, Indian Gymnosophists. - -[395] The interviews of Onesikritos with the Indian philosophers took -place earlier than is here stated—when Alexander was at Taxila. - -[396] Called Killouta by Arrian. The native name has not otherwise been -preserved. The city which Pliny calls Xylenopolis was probably situated -in Killouta, and was the naval station whence Nearchos started on his -voyage. The name means “city of wood.” - -[397] Arrian relates in his _Indika_ (c. 26) that Nearchos in the course -of his voyage, having landed at a place on the Gedrôsian coast called -Kalama, received from the natives a present of sheep and fish. The -admiral recorded that the mutton had a fishy taste like the flesh of -sea-birds, because for want of grass the sheep were fed on fish. - -[398] See Note on Curtius, p. 266. - -[399] See Note on Curtius, p. 194. - -[400] The Queen of Mazaga, capital of the Assakenians. See Note D. - -[401] The rock Aornos, identified with Mount Mahaban. See Note F. - -[402] The Adrestae are the Adraïstai of Arrian. See Note on that author, -p. 116. The Gesteani seem to be the Kathaians. The Praesidae must be the -Prasians (though Saint-Martin would identify them with the Praesti of -Curtius), and the Gangaridae the people of Lower Bengal. - -[403] The river reached was the Hyphasis. How Justin came to call it -the Cuphites it is difficult to understand. Can he have had in his -recollection the Kâbul river, called sometimes by the classical writers -the _Kuphes_, with _Kuphet_ as the stem for the oblique cases, and -mistaken it for the river which arrested Alexander’s progress? Like -Plutarch, he erroneously supposes that the Macedonian army was confronted -with a great host encamped on the opposite bank of the river. - -[404] _Hydaspes_ he should have said. - -[405] For the identification of this people, see Note F_f_. - -[406] The _Silei_ are probably the _Sibi_. See Note E_e_. - -[407] By the _Ambri_ must be meant the _Malli_, and by the _Sigambri_ the -_Oxydrakai_. The text must be corrupt. - -[408] This is supposed to be a corrupt reading for Ambiregis, in which -case _Ambi_ is a mistake for _Sambi_. We know that the incident referred -to happened in the dominions of this king. In Orosius (iii. 19) the name -is transcribed as _Ambiraren_. - -[409] Nothing is known of this city, unless it be, as Cunningham thinks, -the _Barbari_ of Ptolemy, and the _Barbarike Emporium_ of the author of -the _Periplûs_. See his _Anc. Geog._ p. 295. - -[410] _Nandrum_ has been here substituted for the common reading -_Alexandrum_, which Gutschmid (_Rhein. Mus._ 12, 261) has shown to be an -error. - -[411] Quoted by Heitland in the original. - -[412] _Ibid._ - -[413] The _Râmâyana_ (ii. 70. 21) mentions among the Kaikeyas, “the dogs -bred in the palace, gifted with the strength of the tiger and of huge -body” (Dunck. iv. p. 403). - -[414] Referring to the terms in which he was summoned to go to Alexander. -He was to go to “the son of Zeus.” - -[415] According to Dr. Bellew this name is the Greek equivalent of the -Persian _Mâhîkhorân_, “fish-eaters,” still surviving in the modern -_Makrân_. [Since the above note was written the cause of Eastern -learning and research has suffered a grievous loss by the death of this -distinguished Orientalist, whose work on the Ethnology of Afghanistan -will prove a lasting monument to his fame. The work discusses _inter -alia_ the ethnic affinities of the various races with which Alexander -came into contact during his Asiatic expedition.] - -[416] Major E. Mockler, the political agent of Makrân, contributed some -years ago to the _Journal_ of the Royal Asiatic Society a valuable paper -on the identification of places on this coast mentioned by Arrian, -Ptolemy, and Marcian, in which he corrected some errors into which the -commentators on these authors had fallen. - -[417] A slight emendation of the reading (suggested by Schwanbeck) -restores the passage to sense, making Arrian say that Sandrokottos was -greater even than Pôros. - -[418] It seems that Pôros, after Alexander’s death, had possessed himself -of the satrapy of the Lower Indus, held till then by Peithôn son of -Agênôr. - -[419] The passage states that Amitrochates, the king of the Indians, -wrote to Antiochos asking that king to buy and send him sweet wine, dried -figs, and a sophist; and that Antiochos replied: We shall send you the -figs and the wine, but in Greece the laws forbid a sophist to be sold. -Athênaios quotes Hêgêsander as his authority. - - - - -INDICES - - - - -I. GENERAL INDEX - - -_N.B._—When a person or place is designated by two or more names more -or less different, these names are generally given together. The modern -names of ancient cities, rivers, etc., are bracketed in italics. Proper -names which appear in one part of the text spelled after the Greek form, -and in another after the Latin, will be found indexed under the Greek -form; hence names which commonly begin with C should be looked for under -K. - - Abars or Sous, 344 - - Abastanoi, 155, 252, 292-3 - - Abisara (_Hazâra_), 375 - - Abisarês, 69, 76, 92, 112, 115, 129, 202, 203, 216, 274, 278, 380, 402 - - Abreas, 146-8, 150 - - Abyla, 123 - - Acacia, 171 - - Acadira, 64 - - Achaimenids, 31, 34 - - Achilles, Achilleus, 15, 246, 286 - - Adraïstai, Adrestae, 116, 279, 323 - - Adrapsa, 39 - - Agalasseis, 232, 285, 324, 366-7 - - Agathoklês, 371 - - Agêma, the Royal Escort, 20 - - Aghor, river, 168 - - Agrammes, Xandrames, 221-2, 281-2, 407, 409, 413 - - Agrianians, 20 _passim_ - - Ahmedâbâd, 134 - - Ahwaz, 262 - - Aigina, Aegina, island of, 150 - - Aigyptos, river. _See_ Nile - - Airâvatî, river. _See_ Hydraôtes - - Aithiopians, 85, 132 - - Ajanta, Caves of, 186 - - Ajax, the elephant of Pôros, 215 - - Akbar, 407 - - Akesinês, Asiknî, Chandrabhâga Sandabala, river (_Chenâb_). Its - source, and direction of its course, 87, 88; - its Vedic name, 93; - described by Ptolemy Sôtêr, 112-3; - crossed by Alexander, 113, - and recrossed, 129-30, 284, 324; - its turbulent confluence with the Hydaspês, 137-9; - its confluence with the Indus, 155; - the voyage down its stream, 350 - - Aleimachos, 249 - - Alexander Aigos, 50, 404 - a young Macedonian hero, 198-9 - King of Epeiros, 380 - the Great, his birth, education, and accession to the throne, 15, - 16; - crosses into Asia, defeats the Persians in three great battles, - and takes Babylon, Sousa, and Persepolis, 17-34; - pursues and overtakes Darius, 34, 35; - invades Hyrkania, quells revolt of the Areians, crosses the - Indian Kaukasos, reduces Baktria and Sogdiana and defeats the - Skythians, 35-44; - recrosses the Kaukasos, subdues the tribes of Northern - Afghanistân, crosses the Indus, defeats Pôros, subdues the - Panjâb and valley of the Indus, and returns by way of Gedrosia, - Karmania, Persis and Sousis to Babylon, 57-328; - his death and character, 47, 48; - his personal appearance and habits, 48, 49; - his dress and arms, 147; - wars of his successors, 49-53; - general results of his eastern expedition, 3-5; - list of his historians and estimate of their credibility, 6-15 - - Alexandreia in Egypt, 27, 49, 80 - now Herat, 37 - Eschatê, 41 - under Kaukasos, 39, 44, 58, 80, 331-2 - near Mithânkôt, 253 - - Alikasudara, Alexander, King of Epeiros, 374 - - Alingar, river (_Kow_), 61 - - Alishang, river, 61 - - Alketas, 50, 57, 68, 69, 97, 374, 382 - - Allahâbâd, 184 - - Allitrochadês, Vindusâra, 383, 405, 409 - - Alôr, 157, 165, 353-4 - - Altars of Alexander on the Hyphasis, 129, 215, 230, 234, 284, 311, - 348-50 - - Amastris, 393 - - Amazons, 42, 340 - - Amb, 77 - - Ambashtha, Sambastai, Abastanoi, 155 - - Ambiger, 356, 375 - - Ambri, probably the Malloi, 324-5 - - Amisea, birthplace of Strabo, 412 - - Ammôn, an Egyptian deity identified by the Greeks with Zeus, 27, 49, - 135, 164, 282 - - Amphipolis, 396, 404 - - Amritsar, supposed by some to occupy the site of Sangala; its name - means “Pool of immortality,” 348 - - Amtikina, Antigonos Gonatas, 374 - - Amyntas, 8, 58, 375-6 - - Anabasis of Xenophôn, 10 - - Anamis, river (_Minâb_), 397 - - Anaximenês, 8 - - Andaka, Andêla, 62, 194 - - Androsthenes, 8, 376 - - Ankyra (_Angora_), 24 - - Antigenês, 50, 104, 160, 209, 376 - - Antigonos, 50, 51, 369, 375-6, 382-4, 385, 394, 398, 399, 400-1, 406, - 410, 412 - Gonatas, King of Macedonia, 52, 376, 380 - Dôsôn, 377 - - Antiochos, a commander of the Hypaspists, 76 - father of Seleukos Nikator, 409 - I. surnamed Sôtêr King of Syria, 6, 377 - II. King of Syria, 52, 377, 380 - III. King of Syria, 52, 53 - - Antipater, Regent of Macedonia, 19, 50, 377-8, 393, 394, 400, 402 - - Antiyoka, Antiochos II., 52, 374 - - Antoninus Pius, 9 - - Antony, Mark, 253 - - Ants, gold-digging, 85, 341-2 - - Aornis. _See_ Aornos, Rock of - - Aornos, a city of Baktria, 39 - - Aornos, Rock of, 70-3, 76, 124, 197, 271, 285, 322, 336-9, 410 - - Apama, wife of Seleukos Nikator and mother of Antiochos Sôter, 409 - - Apellês, 49 - - Apes, Indian, 277-8 - - Aphrikês. _See_ Eryx - - Apollodotos, 372 - - Apollonios, 344, 349, 378 - - Apollophanês, 169, 177, 378 - - Arabios, Arabis, river (_Purali_), 167, 168, 262, 397 - - Arabitai, Arabites, 167, 262, 296 - - Arachosia, 38, 88 _passim_ - - Arachôsians, 249, 262 - - Aral, Sea of, 17, 41 - - Aratrioi, 116 - - Aratta, 406 - - Araxes, river (_Bund-Amîr_, the _Bendameer_ of Moore), 33 - - Arbêla. _See_ under Battle - - Areia, 36, 38, 298, 411 - - Archelaos, a geographer in Alexander’s Expedition, 8 - - Argos, 124 - - Argyraspides, the silver-shielded, 20, 321, 376 - - Ariaspians, Euergetai, _i.e._ Benefactors, 38 - - Aribes. _See_ Arabitai - - Arigaion, 64 - - Ariobarzanês, 33, 378 - - Arispai, 367 - - Aristoboulos, 7, 44, 378 - - Aristonous, 180, 240, 379 - - Aristophylai, 58 - - Aristotle, 15, 44, 379-80, 392 - - Arjunâyana, Agalassians, 367 - - Armaël, Armabil. _See_ Harmatelia - - Armour, 20,000 suits of, received by Alexander, 231 - - Arrhidaios, Alexander’s half-brother, 50 - - Arrhybas, 394 - - Arrian, life of, 9-10 - - Arrow, Indian, described as long and heavy, 210; - Alexander wounded by one at Massaga, 195; - and in the Mallian stronghold, 148, 239, 289, 312, 325; - Ptolemy wounded by one tipped with poison, 255-6, 294-5, 326; - the kind used by Indian king in hunting, 189 - - Arsakês, 129, 377, 380 - - Arsinoê, mother of Ptolemy Sôtêr, 402-3 - - Artabazos, 36, 39, 376, 380, 385, 393, 395, 398, 403 - - Artabios, river. _See_ Arabios - - Artakoana, 36 - - Artaxerxes III., 380 - - Artemidôros, 380 - - Artemision, 150 - - Asiknî, river. _See_ Akesinês - - Asklêpiadai, 149 - - Asklêpios, Aesculapius, 380 - - Aśôka, king of Magadha, grandson of Chandragupta, 52, 187, 343, 374, - 376, 377, 380, 381, 404, 407, 409 - Inscription of, 372-3 - - Aspasioi, war with the, 60-5, 333-4, 339 - - Ass, wild, 186-7 - - Assacanus, 194 - - Assakênoi, Assacani, defeat of the, 65-6, 333-4 - - Astês, 381 - - Atâri, 143, 352 - - Athêna, Minerva, 146, 200, 400 - - Athênaios, 381 - - Athênodôros, 247, 381 - - Athens, 362, 363, 379, 384, 386, 389 - - Athôs, Mount, 379 - - Atlas, Mount, 123 - - Attak, Attock, 72, 78, 84, 131, 343 - - Attakênoi, 114 - - Attalos, uncle of Kleopatra the wife of King Philip, Alexander’s - father, 16, 17, 381 - - Attalos, Commander of the Agrianians, 381 - - Attalos, one of Alexander’s great officers, 51, 57, 62, 64, 69, 98, - 160, 206, 375, 382 - - Augustus, 11, 13, 15, 389, 412 - - Aurengzêb, 254 - - Austanês, 57 - - Ayek, river, 141 - - - Babylon, 29, 31, 32, 47, 122, 325, 327, 385, 388-9, 400, 402, 410 - - Bacchus. _See_ Dionysos - - Bahâwalpûr, 350 - - Bahîka, 350 - - Baitian Mountains (_Washati_), 167, 298 - - Baitôn, one of Alexander’s _Mensores_, 8, 331, 345, 382 - - Baktra (_Balkh_), 39, 41, 44, 58, 247 - - Baktria, 34, 37; - conquered by Alexander, 41-4; - included in the dominions of Seleukos Nikator, 410; - made an independent kingdom by Theodotos, 377; - coins of Graeco-Baktrian Kings, 370-1 - - Balakros, 64, 200, 382 - - Balarâma, Indian Heraklês, 70 - - Balistai, engines for hurling missiles, 21 - - Bambhra, 164 - - Banpûr, Bunpoor, 357 - - Banyan-tree, Ficus Indica, 217 - - Barber, Indian, 282 - - Barcê, 326 - - Bargosa, Barygaza (_Baroch_), 389 - - Battle of Arbêla, 29, 150, 380, 393, 395 - with the Aspasians, 65 - of Chaironeia, Chaeronea, 16 - of Chilianwâla, 103 - of Gaugamêla. _See_ Arbêla - of the Granîkos, 21-3, 150, 225, 392, 395 - of the Hydaspês, 4, 100-10, 203-14, 307-8, 345-6, 360-1, 393, 395 - of Ipsos, 51, 376, 410 - of Issos, 25, 29, 30, 394, 395, 402 - with the Kathaians, 116-9, 217-8, 279, 323 - of Kounaxa, Cunaxa, 19 - of Kynoskephalai, 21 - with the Malloi, 145, 236 - of Meani, 30-1 - - Barsinê, Stateira, daughter of Darius, and wife of Alexander, 46, - 382, 398, 404 - - Barzaentes, 37, 203, 382 - - Bazâr, 194, 335 - - Bazaria (_Bokhara?_), 43 - - Bazira, 67, 70-1, 335 - - Beas, river. _See_ Hyphasis - - Bean, the Egyptian, 131 - - Begrâm, plain of, 332 - - Beira, 194 - - Bela, 356-7 - - Beluchistan, 170 - - Bêlus, temple of, 31 - - Beryls, Indian, 220 - - Bêssos, Satrap of Baktria, 34, 35, 36, 39-40, 41, 76, 150, 382-3, - 398, 410 - - Bhakar, 160, 353, 354 - - Bhêranah, 116 - - Bhimber, 366 - - Bhira, Bheda, 136 - - Bibasis, river. _See_ Hyphasis - - Bidaspes, river. _See_ Hydaspês - - Birds, Indian, which talk, 186 - - Bitôn, 247-8 - - Bokhara, 41 - - Bolan Pass, 160, 354, 382, 393, 403 - - Bôlitai (_Kabulîs_), 158 - - Bosporos, 90 - - Boukephala, a city founded in honour of Alexander’s favourite horse, - 110, 130, 231, 277, 284, 309, 323 - - Boukephalos, Boukephalas, Alexander’s favourite horse, 101, 110, 111, - 309, 323, 212 - - Boumodos, river, 150 - - Boxos, 185, 247-8 - - Brahmanâbâd, 353, 355, 356 - - Brachmans, Brahmans, 143, 159, 160, 293, 306, 343, 358-9, 362, 368, - 378, 392, 395 - - Brahmaputra, river, 184, 367 - - Branchidai, 282 - - Bridge made over the Indus, 72, 78, 83, 90, 272 - - Bridging of rivers, 90-1 - - Buddha, 408 - - Buddhism, 381 - - Buddhists, 359 - - Bulls, Indian, 202 - - Burindu, Parenos, river, 77, 339 - - Burma, 187 - - Byzantium (_Constantinople_), 379 - - - Caesar, 12, 13, 14, 214 - - Calingae, 364 - - Camp, Alexander’s, on the Hydaspês, 344-5 - - Cedrôsia. _See_ Gedrôsia - - Cerealis, a Roman General, 227 - - Ceylon, 374 - - Chachar. _See_ Chuchpûr - - Chaironeia. _See_ under Battle - - Chânakya, 370, 408, 409 - - Chandrabhâga, river. _See_ Akesinês - - Chandragupta, King of Palibothra. _See_ Sandrokottos - - Chares, Cares, 7, 44, 383 - - Charikar, 38, 331 - - Chariots, war, 207 - - Charus, a brave Macedonian youth, 198, 199 - - Chenâb, river. _See_ Akesinês - - Chittral, 61 - - Choarênê, 160 - - Choaspes, river, 61, 62, 64, 194, 338 - - Chremês, an Athenian Archon, 110, 273-4 - - Chuchpûr, Chachar, 156, 293, 253 - - Cicero, 11 - - Claudius, 11, 395 - - Cleochares, 92, 203 - - Cleophis, Queen of Massaga, 194, 196-7, 269, 322, 335, 383 - - Clitarchos. _See_ Kleitarchos - - Coins, Roman, 372; - Indian, 201 - - Colonies founded by Alexander, 58 - - Colonists, Baktrian, 289 - - Comorin, Cape, 184 - - Companion, Cavalry, 57 _passim_ - - Confluence of the Hydaspês and Akesinês, 137-9, 233-4, 286 - of the Akesinês and Hydraôtês, 155, 242, 352 - of the united stream of the Panjâb rivers (called the Akesinês, - now the _Panjnad_) with the Indus, 155 - of the Hyphasis with the Satlej, 120-1, 349 - of the Hyphasis (Satlej?) with the Akesinês, 155 - - Constantine the Great, 408 - - Corinth, Isthmus of, 150 - - Cornelius, P., 274 - - Cotton, 186, 188 - - Crete, 386 - - Crocodiles, 139 - - Cuphetes, river, 323 - - Curtius, Q. Rufus, life of, 10-12 - - Cutch, a colouring matter, 171 - - Cyprus, 27 - - Cyropolis, 40 - - Cyrus the Great, 17, 34, 38, 40, 46, 86, 170, 173, 358 - - Cyrus the Younger, 19 - - - Daedala, Daidala, 64, 194, 322, 335 - - Daedali Mountains (_Mt. Dantalok?_), 64, 335 - - Dahae, Dahans, 208, 225 - - Daityas, 83 - - Damascus, 26 - - Damis, 344 - - Dandamis. _See_ Mandanês - - Dardai, 341 - - Dardistan, 187 - - Darius Hystaspes, divides his empire into satrapies, 18; - copy of his seal, 29; - was paid tribute by the Arabitai and Oreitai, 167 - Kodomannos, state of the Persian empire at his accession to the - throne, 18, 19; - defeat of his army at the Granîkos, 21, 22; - at Issos, 24-6; - his treasures and family seized at Damascus, his offers to - Alexander rejected, 28; - his defeat at Gaugamêla, and flight to Arbêla, 29-31; - his flight from Ekbatana and assassination, 34, 35; - Arrian’s estimate of his character, 35; - his contrast to Pôros, 108, 346 - - Dataphernês, 39 - - Dêimachos, 8, 383, 405 - - Delta of the Indus, Patalênê, 84, 160, 352-3, 356 - of the Nile, 357 - - Dêmêtrios, one of the Sômatophylakes, 38, 383, 403 - Son of Pythônax, 69, 98, 104, 114, 144, 360, 383 - Poliorkêtês, son of Antigonos, and King of Macedonia, 51, 151, 376, - 383, 400 - - Dêmophôn, 236, 287 - - Dêmosthenês, 16, 381 - - Derbend, 77 - - Desert east of the Indus, 221 - - Dhanananda, 408 - - Diamouna, river. _See_ Iomanês (_Jamnâ_) - - Dêbal, 169 - - Dilâwar, 97 - - Dimachai, 21 - - Dimoirites, Duplicarius, 146, 147 - - Diodôros Sic., life of, 13-14 - - Diodotos of Erythrai, 8 - - Diogenês, 315, 391, 398 - - Diognêtos, 8, 331, 345 - - Dionysopolis. _See_ Nysa - - Dionysos, Bacchus, 5, 79, 80, 82, 124, 136, 154, 179, 191, 192, 226, - 252, 265, 299, 317, 321, 340, 351 - - Dioskorides, 384 - - Dioxippos, a famous Athenian athlete, 249, 250-1, 290-2, 351 - - Dir, 76 - - Diridotis (_Teredon_), 397 - - Doanas, river. _See_ Dyardanês - - Dog and lion fight, 220-1, 280, 363-4 - - Dogs, Indian, 363-4 - - Dorsanes, Indian Heraklês, 70 - - Doxarês, 92 - - Drachma, Greek silver coin, 372 - - Drangiana (_Seistân_), 37, 298, 411 - - Dudhiâl, 345 - - Drypatis, daughter of Darius and wife of Hêphaistiôn, 386 - - Dyades, 196 - - Dyardanes, river (_Brahmaputra?_) 184 - - Dyrta, 76 - - - Edom, 186 - - Ekbatana, capital of Mêdia (_Hamadan_), 30, 34, 47, 126, 362, 384, - 385, 386, 392 - - Elam, Mount, Râm Takht, 338-9 - - Elburz Mountains, 35 - - Elephants, presented to Alexander by Taxilês, 58; - by Abisarês, 112; - objects of terror to horses, 96; - part played by them in the battle of the Hydaspês, 103-6, 208-13, - 274-5, 308; - Sandrokottos gives five hundred to Seleukos Nikatôr in exchange for - the Panjâb and territories west of the Indus, 410 - - Embolima, 72, 200, 336-7 - - Emodoi Mountains (_Himâlayas_), 131 - - Enotokoitai, a fabulous race, 405 - - Eordaia, 399 - - Ephêmerides (_Daily Gazette_), 7, 384 - - Epiktêtos, 9, 384 - - Erannoboas, river (_Sôn_), 187, 407 - - Eratosthenês, 384 - - Erix, Eryx, Aphrikes, 77, 200, 272, 378 - - Erythrae, 341 - - Erythraian Sea, 13, 183, 185 - - Erythrus, 185 - - Etymander, river (_Helmund_), 38, 184 - - Euaspla, Choaspes, river, 62 - - Eudêmos, 45, 177, 384, 406, 412 - - Eudoxos, 188 - - Euergetai. _See_ Ariaspians - - Eukratides, 343, 344 - - Eumenês, Alexander’s secretary, 7, 8, 50, 51, 119, 218, 369, 375, - 376, 380-5, 393, 398-401, 406, 410, 412 - - Euphrates, river, 24, 29, 47, 88, 91, 123, 262, 296, 301 - - Euryalus, 198 - - Euthydêmos, 53 - - - Ficus Indica. _See_ Banyan-tree - - Firûzâbâd, 169 - - - Gadeira (_Cadiz_), 123 - - Gadrôsoi. _See_ Gêdrosioi - - Gândhâra, 59, 62, 333, 364, 399 - - Gandaridai, 279, 323 - - Gandaris, 112, 133, 134 - - Gangaridae (_Gonghrîs_), 221, 281, 283, 310, 364-5 - - Gangê, 365 - - Ganges, river, 12, 13, 84, 123, 183, 184, 221, 234-5, 310, 349, 353, - 367, 393, 407 - - Gates, Amanian, 25 - Kaspian, 34, 122 - Kilikian, 223 - Persian (_Kaleh Safed_), 33, 378 - Syrian, 24 - - Gaugamêla. _See_ under Battle - - Gaza, 27, 400 - - Gedrosioi, 169, 171-2, 175, 179, 180, 262-4, 296, 298, 317, 401, 412 - - Gesteani. _See_ Kathaians - - Ghâra, river, 162 - - Ghôri, tribes of, 66 - - Girnâr, 374 - - Glaukias, murderer of Rôxana, 404 - - Glausai, Glaukanikoi, 111 - - Gods, Indian, 191 - - Gold, 187, 341-2 - - Gordian knot, 24 - - Gordion, Gordium, 24 - - Gorgias, 59, 98, 385 - - Gorys or Gorydalê, 61, 62 - - Gouraios, river (_Panjkora_), 60, 66 - - Granîkos, river. _See_ under Battle - - Griffins, Gryphons, 85 - - Gundulbâr, 134 - - Gymnosophists. _See_ Philosophers - - - Hadrian, 9 - - Hagês, 207 - - Haidarâbâd, Patala, 84, 165, 167, 353, 355-7, 396 - - Halikarnassos, 23 - - Hannibal, 23, 100, 237 - - Harapa, 141 - - Harmatelia, 256, 294-5, 355 - - Harpalos, cousin of Alexander, 230, 379, 385-6, 396 - - Hasan Abdâl, 342 - - Hashtnagar, 59, 339, 342 - - Haur. _See_ Ora - - Hêgelochos, admiral of Alexander’s fleet in the Aegean Sea, 28 - - Hêgemôn, an Athenian Archon, 95, 110, 214 - - Hêkataios, 386 - - Hekatompylos (_Damaghan?_), 35, 36 - - Helikôn, a Rhodian artificer, 147 - - Hêlioklês, 371 - - Hellespont, 90, 122, 410 - - Helmund, river. _See_ Etymander - - Henry IV. of France, 246 - - Hêphaistiôn, 38, 45, 47, 59, 60, 71, 78, 83, 98, 114, 121, 129, 133, - 136, 137, 139, 161, 162, 167-9, 180, 191, 201, 202, 209, 262, - 279, 281, 285, 381, 385, 386, 392-3 - - Hêraklês, Hercules, 5, 15, 28, 70, 71, 82, 124, 135, 191, 197, 208, - 226, 232, 271, 285, 290, 322, 341, 366 - - Hêraklês, son of Alexander by Barsinê, 398, 402 - - Hêrakôn, 178, 386 - - Herat, 37, 298 - - Hermês, 356 - - Hermolaos, 44, 246, 403 - - Hermos, river, 89 - - Hêrodotos, 18, 70 - - Hesidrus, river. _See_ Satlej - - Hiacensanae. _See_ Agalassi - - Hieronymos, 7 - - Hieropolis, 384 - - Hindu-Kush Mountains, 407 - - Himyar, 185 - - Hingul, river, 169 - - Hippasioi. _See_ Aspasioi - - Hiranyagupta, 409 - - Hoplites, 60 - - Horratas, Horatus, Koragos, 249-51, 290-2, 390-3, 351 - - Houpiân, Opianê, 332 - - Hydaspês, river, Vitastâ, Bedasta (_Jhîlam_, _Jhelum_), 84, 88, 92-5, - 129-39, 202, 204, 229, 230, 345-6, 350, 396, 400, 409, 412 - - Hydraôtês, river (_Râvî_), 84, 88, 114, 115, 120, 129, 141, 144, 154, - 155, 217, 232, 347, 352, 401 - - Hylobioi, Indian ascetics of the woods, 358, 368 - - Hypanis, river. _See_ Hyphasis - - Hypaspists, 20, 60 _passim_ - - Hyphasis, river, Hypanis Vipasâ (_Beas Beias_), 88, 112, 114, 120, - 121, 126, 129, 155, 221, 281, 345, 347-8, 401, 411 - - Hyrkania, 35, 124, 401 - - Hyrkanian Sea (_the Kaspian_), 87, 122-3 - - Hwen Thsiang, a Chinese pilgrim, 168 - - - Iarchas, 378 - - Ichthyophagoi, 169, 171, 172, 180, 262-3, 298, 316, 397 - - Ida, Mount, 21 - - Ilion, Troy, 23, 146, 148, 401 - - Illyrians, 20, 124, 245 - - India, general description of, 85-6, 183-191 - - _Indika_, Arrian’s, 10, 86 - of Megasthenês, 10, 407-8 - - Indus, river, sources of, 84; - its breadth, 85, 155; - its length, 161, 231; - its bifurcation, 162; - changes of its course, 157, 158-9, 353; - its mouths, 164-6, 191, 257-61; - its tides, 163, 258-61, 367; - its resemblance to the Nile, 132 - - Infanticide, practised in the Panjâb, 219, 280, 347 - - Interment of the dead, curious mode of, among the Oreitai, 297 - - Iomanês, river, Yamunâ (_Jamnâ_), 93, 184 - - Ionia, 23, 122 - - Istros, river (_Danube_), 90 - - Ivy, 80, 82, 193 - - - Jalâlâbâd, 61, 62, 333, 338 - - Jalâlpûr, 94, 97, 110, 129, 344, 345, 349 - - Jaxartes, river, 40, 41, 86, 88, 122, 245, 411 - - Jhîlam, Jhelum, a town, 94, 97, 129, 344, 345 - river. _See_ Hydaspês - - Johiyas. _See_ Ossadioi - - Juno, 135 - - - Kabul, river, 3, 323 - - Kach Gandâva, 157, 354 - - Kachh, Gulf of, 221 - Ran of, 165, 353 - - Kafîristân, 61, 332-3 - - Kafîrs, 340 - - Kaikeyas, 349, 363 - - Kaîkos, river, 89 - - Kailasa, Mount, 84 - - Kalaka Serai, 342 - - Kalama, 316 - - Kalânos, 46, 301, 315, 343, 386-92 - - Kallisthenês, 8, 44, 58, 379, 380, 392 - - Kalpê (_Rock of Gibraltar_), 123 - - Kâlsi, 374 - - Kambistholi, 114 - - Kambysês, 403 - - Kandahar, 38, 112 - - Kanishka, 344, 392 - - Kanoje, Kanyakubja, 366 - - Kappadokia, 9, 24, 122 - - Karâchi, 164, 167, 262, 297, 396 - - Karchêdôn (_Carthage_), 127 - - Kardia, 7 - - Karians, 132 - - Karmania, 45, 160, 169, 179, 180, 397, 412, 413 - - Kartazôn, Unicorn, 186-7 - - Karun, river, 262, 397 - - Kashmîr, 69, 111, 112 - - Kaspatyros, 341 - - Kassander, 51, 379, 394, 398, 402, 404, 410 - - Kassandreia, 378 - - Katanês, 57 - - Katapeltai (_Catapults_), 21 - - Kathaia, 133, 347, 369 - - Kathaians, 115, 279, 323, 406 - - Kâthiawâr, 347 - - Kaukasos, Mount, 58, 83, 84, 87, 88, 95, 122, 131, 183 - - Kaÿstros, river, 89 - - Kedj, 357 - - Kekaya, Kêkeoi. _See_ Kaikeyas - - Kelainai, Caelaenae, 23 - - Kerkiôn (_Maina?_), 186 - - Kêteus, 369 - - Khaiber Pass, 59, 60, 385 - - Khoês, river (_Kow_), 61 - - Khojent, 40 - - Khorasmians, King of the, 42 - - Khoriênês, 44, 59 - - Kijil, 39 - - Kilikia, Cilicia, 24-6, 223, 384 - - Killouta. _See_ Skilloustis - - Kleander, 178, 392 - - Kleisobara, 184 - - Kleitarchos, Clitarchus, 8, 11 - - Kleitos, 22, 38, 43, 59, 98, 116, 140, 203, 380, 386, 392-3 - - Kleopatra, Alexander’s half-sister, 394 - Queen of Egypt, 253, 403 - - Knîdos, 149, 380 - - Kôa, river (_Kabul R._), 61 - - Koinos, Coenus, 98, 104, 105, 113, 114, 125, 127, 128, 133, 194, 200, - 209, 227, 229, 230, 360, 393 - - Kôphês, Kôphên, river (_Kabul_), 43, 59, 61, 62, 66, 69, 70, 72, 73, - 78, 79, 93, 323, 334, 338, 339, 364 - - Koragos. _See_ Horratas - - Korî, river, 165 - - Kôs, island of, 149, 241, 380 - - Kôs Meropis, 112 - - Kot Kamalia, 141 - - Krateros, 35, 36, 42, 44, 45, 47, 50, 57, 62, 64, 66, 97, 98, 102, - 107, 111, 114, 133, 136, 137, 139, 157, 158, 160, 177, 191, - 192, 205, 243, 252, 285, 354, 375-6, 382, 393, 400, 402 - - Krêtheus, 172 - - Krishna, 355 - - Kritoboulos, 241 - - Kritodêmos, 149, 241 - - Kshatri. _See_ Xathroi - - Kshatriya caste, 347, 401 - - Kunâr, river. _See_ Choaspes - - Kydnos, Cydnus, river, 24 - - Kynanê, Alexander’s half-sister, 375 - - Kyrênê, 28, 384 - - Kyrsilos, 8, 393 - - Kyzikos, Cyzicus, 21 - - - Lagos, reputed father of Ptolemy Sôtêr, 403 _passim_ - - Lahore, 114, 161, 348 - - Lampsakos, 8 - - Landai, river, 59, 66, 72 - - Laodikê, 377 - - Larissa, 8 - - Larkhâna, 158 - - Leonidas, one of Alexander’s tutors, 15 - - Leonnatos, 51, 61, 64, 65, 146, 147, 148, 150, 162, 166, 169, 179, - 209, 240, 261-2, 264, 297, 299, 394, 397, 399 - - Libya, 122, 123 - - Limnaios, 312 - - Livy, 12 - - Lizards, 339 - - Lydia, 122 - - Lykia, 23, 122 - - Lysimachia, 410 - - Lysimachos, one of Alexander’s tutors, afterwards King of Thrace, 15, - 50, 51, 98, 119, 180, 388, 394, 410 - - Lysippos, 49 - - - Maedi, 245 - - Magadha (_Bihâr_), 365-6, 380, 404-8 - - Magas, 52, 374, 380 - - Mahâban, Mount. _See_ Aornos - - Mahorta, 158 - - Maiandros, Maeander, river, 23, 89 - - Maiôtic, Lake (_Sea of Azof_), 87 - - Mâlân, Cape, 168 - - Malayaketu, 409 - - Malloi (_People of Multân_), 4, 115, 137, 139, 140, 144, 149, 154, - 179, 234, 236-40, 311, 350, 400 - - Manchur, Lake, 355 - - Mandanes, Dandamis, head of the Gymnosophists, 315, 386, 391 - - Manikyâla, 344 - - Mansura, 355 - - Marakanda (_Samarcand_), 40, 41, 43 - - Marcus Aurelius, 9 - - Mardians of Persis, 34 - of Hyrkania, 36 - - Mardonios, 16 - - Mareôtis, Lake, 27 - - Marginia (_Marginan_), 42 - - Marius, Roman Consul, 241 - - Markianos, Marcian, 380 - - Mar-Koh. _See_ Mêros - - Mars, God of War, 290 - - Marsyas, river, 23 - - Marsyas, a Pellaian educated with Alexander, 379 - - Masianoi (People of Massaga?), 339 - - Massaga, Massaka, Masoka, Mazaga, 66, 67, 71, 194, 269, 306, 334, - 338-9, 375 - - Maurya, 408 - - Mêdos, river (_Polvar_), 33 - - Megasthenês, 394-5, 405, 407 - - Mekrân, 170, 357, 397 - - Mela, Pomponius, 395 - - Meleager, 51, 58, 59, 98, 160, 203, 395, 410 - - Memnôn the Rhodian, 21, 23, 28, 230, 264, 395, 398 - - Memphis, 27, 28, 31, 49, 282 - - Menander, a Graeko-Baktrian king, 332 - - Menelaos, 89 - - Mentôr, brother of Memnôn the Rhodian, 395 - - Mercenaries, Indian, 269-70, 306 - - Meroês, 108, 109 - - Mêros, Mount, 80, 81, 193, 338-9, 340 - - Meshed, capital of Khorasân, 36, 298 - - Meta, 197 - - Methora (_Muttra_), 184 - - Midas, 24 - - Mieza, 400 - - Milêtos, 23, 89, 172, 386 - - Minerva. _See_ Athêna - - Mithânkôt, 156, 253, 293 - - Mitylênê, 7, 384 - - Moeres, Moeris, 256, 357 - - Moghsis, 157 - - Mong. _See_ Nikaia - - Monsoon, 164, 166, 167, 396 - - Mounychion, an Athenian month, 95, 110 - - Mousikanos, 157, 158, 160, 217, 253, 293, 356, 395, 399, 400, 404 - - Mudrâ Râkshasa, a Hindu drama, 409 - - Müller, Professor Max, 359 - - Mullinus, Eumenês (?), 197, 248-9, 395 - - Multân, 114, 139, 143, 161, 353, 352 - - Mura, 409 - - Mushti Mountains (_Washati_), 357 - - Muttâri, 165 - - Mykalê, Mount, 87 - - Myrrh-trees, 170 - - - Nanda, 409 - - Nandrus, 327, 405-6 - - Nangnihâr, Nanghenhar, 333, 338 - - Napoleon, 24, 32 - - Narâyanasaras, a lake at the mouth of the Indus, 166, 261 - - Nard, 170 - - Naukratis, 381 - - Nautaka (_Kurshee or Kesh_), 43 - - Nearchos, 7, 10, 45, 46, 50, 76, 86, 87, 123, 134, 139, 164, 165, - 185, 186, 261-3, 296, 300, 316, 376, 379, 385, 394-8 - - Nekô, 123 - - Neoritae, 168 - - Nerbada, river, 367 - - Nero, 384 - - Neudros, river, 114 - - Nikaia (_Mong_), 110, 130, 134, 161, 231, 284, 323, 332, 344, 350, 398 - - Nikanôr, 58, 72 - - Nikomêdeia (_Ismiknid_), birthplace of Arrian, 9 - - Nile, river, 27, 89, 131, 123 - - Nora, 197 - - Numidia, 123 - - Nysa, 79, 81, 124, 133, 192, 194, 305, 321, 338-40 - - Nysatta, 339 - - - Oarakta, Island of (_Kishm_), 185 - - Oasis, Libyan, 135 - - Ochos, a Persian King, 46 - - Ochos, river (_Aksou_), 42 - - Oidipous, Oedipus, 408 - - Ohind, 78, 337 - - Olympias, mother of Alexander, 15, 51, 132, 135, 247, 377-9, 381, - 385, 398 - - Olynthos, 8, 392 - - Omphis, Môphis. _See_ Taxilês - - Onêsikritos, 315-6, 134, 261, 379, 398 - - Opianê (_Houpiân_), 331 - - Ora (_Haur?_), 69, 71, 169, 173, 180, 375 - - Ordanês, 178 - - Oreitai, 167-9, 256, 262, 264, 296-7, 316, 394, 397 - - Orestis, 180, 393, 400 - - Orobatis (_Arabutti_), 72 - - Oromenus, Mount, the Salt range, 93, 94, 134, 156, 411 - - Orosius, 398 - - Ortospanum (_Kabul_), 58, 331, 338 - - Orxinês, 45, 46 - - Oryx, 187 - - Ossadioi, Yaudheya, Johiyas, 156, 252 - - Ouxians, Uxians, 110, 111 - - Ouxian Pass (near Bebehan), 33 - - Oxus, river (_Amû darya_), 39, 41, 411 - - Oxyartes, father of Rôxana, one of Alexander’s wives, 42, 44, 156, - 157, 253, 398, 404, 412 - - Oxydrakai, 137, 149, 154, 234, 236, 248-9, 287, 324-5 - - Oxykanos, Porticanus, 158, 253-4, 293 - - Ozinês, 264 - - - Pages, Royal, 198 - conspiracy of the, 44, 58, 392 - - Paionians, Paeonians, 20 - - Paktyikê, 341 - - Palestine, 27 - - Palibothra, Palimbothra, Pataliputra (_Pâtnâ_), 8, 71, 187, 366, 405, - 407, 408 - - Pallakopas, river, 397 - - Pamphylia, 122 - - Pandaia, daughter of Indian Heraklês, 70 - - Pânini, the great Indian grammarian, 399 - - Panjnad, river, 155 - - Panjshîr, river, 39, 61, 70 - - Paper, 186 - - Paphlagonia, 24, 122 - - Papyrus, 186 - - Paraitakai, 43, 44, 57, 375 - - Paraitonion, Paraetonium, 28 - - Parmeniôn, 24-6, 29, 30, 34, 37, 178, 393, 399, 410 - - Paropamisadai, 58, 59, 82, 83, 253, 399, 413 - - Paropamisos, Paropanisos, Mountains of, 38, 58, 82, 87, 410 - - Parrots, 186 - - Parsioi, 58 - - Parthalis, 364 - - Parthyaia, Parthia, 298, 401 - - Parysatis, said to have been wife of Alexander, 46 - - Pasargadai, 34, 45, 123 - - Pasitigris, Karun, river, 397 - - Patala (_Haidarâbâd_), 84, 161, 162, 165-7, 256, 261, 356-7, 396 - - Patalênê, Indus Delta, 161, 357 - - Pataliputra. _See_ Palibothra - - Pâtnâ. _See_ Palibothra - - Patroklês, 8, 399 - - Paurava, 402 - - Pausanias, 399 - - Peacocks, Indian, 217, 362-3, 407 - - Pearls, 188 - - Peithôn, son of Agênôr, 157, 159, 160, 161, 165, 385, 399, 400, 402 - - Peithôn, son of Krateuas, 50, 140, 143, 144, 180, 399 - - Pella, birthplace of Alexander, 15, 379, 394 - - Pellaians, 180 - - Peloponnêsos, 124 - - Pelusium, 27 - - Perdikkas, 50, 57, 59, 71, 78, 98, 99, 116, 140, 141, 145-6, 149, - 352, 375-9, 382-5, 395, 399, 400-402, 404, 409, 410, 412 - - Periklês, 363 - - Petronius, 11 - - Peukelaôtis (_Hashtnagar_), 59, 60, 72, 331, 342, 381 - - Peukestas, 46, 50, 51, 146-8, 150, 179, 180, 239, 312, 382, 394, 400 - - Perinthos, 375 - - Persepolis, 33, 45, 123, 378, 388 - - Perseus, 28, 135 - - Persian Gulf, 87, 123 - - Persians, defeat of, by the Skythians, 86 - - Persis, 122, 179, 386, 397 - - Peshâwar, 59, 72 - - Phalanx, how organised and equipped, 19-20 - - Pharasii. _See_ Prasioi - - Pharnabazos, 28 - - Pharsalos, 8, 393 - - Phegelas, Phegeus, 121, 221, 281, 365, 401 - - Philip, King of Macedonia and father of Alexander, 15, 212, 241, 246, - 323, 379, 394, 396, 400, 402-3, 409 - - Philippos, Philip, one of Alexander’s great generals, 45, 65, 72, 92, - 112, 133, 136, 139, 154, 155, 177, 309, 384, 401, 412 - - Philosophers, Indian, 190, 306, 313-4, 358-9, 368-9 - - Philostratos, 378 - - Philôtas, 37, 65, 198, 382, 383, 386, 398, 403 - - Phôkiôn, Phocion, 402 - - Phraortes, 378 - - Phrataphernes, 112, 178, 264, 401 - - Phrygia, 23 - - Phuleli, river, 165 - - Phylarchos, 405 - - Pillars of Hercules, 123 - - Pimprama, 116, 217 - - Pinaros, river, 25 - - Pipal tree, 191 - - Pîpilika, 341 - - Pisidia, 23 - - Pittakos, 411 - - Plato, 368, 379 - - Pliny, 411 - - Plutarch, life of, 12-3 - - Polyainos, 402 - - Polykleitos, 8, 402 - - Polysperchôn, Polyperchon, 50, 57, 97, 139, 325, 197, 385, 393, 402 - - Polytimêtos, river (_Kohik_), 40, 41 - - Pontos, 83 - - Pôros, Porus, 4, 13, 92, 110, 112-5, 120, 129, 133, 202-13, 216, 222, - 231, 274-6, 282, 322, 365, 386, 393, 400, 401, 405, 406, 412 - nephew of, 112, 114, 133, 279 - son of, 101, 102, 107 - an Indian king who sent an embassy to Augustus Caesar, 389 - - Portikanos. _See_ Oxykanos - - Pôseidôn, 164 - - Postumius, A., 274 - - Potidaia, Kassandreia, 7 - - Poura, 123, 172, 177, 357-8 - - Praesti, 158, 253 - - Prasioi, Praisioi, 13, 221, 281, 310, 323, 365, 349 - - Prasianê, 159 - - Precious stones, Indian, 188 - - Presidae. _See_ Prasioi - - Promachos, 389 - - Promêtheus, 82, 83 - - Prophthasia (_Furrah_), 37, 38 - - Propontis (_Sea of Marmora_), 21 - - Psiltoukis. _See_ Skilloustis - - Ptolemy, son of Lagos, surnamed Sôtêr, King of Egypt, 7, 11, 38, 40, - 46, 50, 51, 61, 63-5, 73, 99, 112, 117, 139, 151, 168, 180, - 194, 205-6, 209, 244, 255, 262, 295, 296-7, 355, 378-9, 380-5, - 388, 394, 396, 399, 400, 402-3, 410 - II. Philadelphos, 49, 377, 403 - III. Euergetes, 52, 380, 384, 403 - VI. Philomêtôr, 404 - VII. Physkôn, 188, 404 - Keraunos, son of Ptolemy Sôtêr, and King of Macedonia, 410 - - Purali, river, 167 - - Pyramids of Egypt, 27 - - Pythagoras, 315, 391 - - Pythia, 282 - - - Râja Hodi, fort of, 337 - - Râjapatha, Royal road, 93, 349 - - Rajputs, 350, 354 - - Râma, 168, 340 - - Râmâyana, 168 - - Râmbakia, 168 - - Rânigat, 337 - - Râvi, river. _See_ Hydraôtês - - Rawal Pindi, 344 - - Red Sea, 183, 185-6 - - Rhagai, 34 - - Rhenos, river (_Reno_), 90 - - Rhine, river, 90 - - Rhinoceros, 186, 187 - - Rhodians, 147 - - Rhone, river, 100 - - Rhotas, 94, 344 - - Rôxana, wife of Alexander, 42, 50, 156, 382, 398, 400, 404, 412 - - - Sabagrae. _See_ Sabarcae - - Sabarcae, 155, 252 - - Sabbos. _See_ Sambus - - Sainte-Croix, 10, 13 - - Sâkâbda, 392 - - Sakala, 411, 347 - - Salamis, 150 - - Sâlatura, 399 - - Salt Hills. _See_ Oromenus - - Salmous, 300 - - Samaxus, 203 - - Sambastai. _See_ Abastanoi - - Sâmkala (Sangala), 348, 411 - - Samudragupta, 351, 367 - - Sandabala (Sandabaga?), river. _See_ Akesinês - - Sandrokottos, Androkottos, Sandrokoptos, Chandragupta, 4, 8, 15, 53, - 88, 187, 310, 327-8, 365, 380, 384, 386, 395, 399, 404-9, 410 - - Sangala, 4, 115-20, 217-8, 347-8, 394, 406 - - Sanggaios, 60 - - Sanglawâla-Tiba, 348 - - Saranges, river, 114 - - Sarasvatî, river (_Sursooty_), 184, 365 - - Sardis, 23 - - Sarissa, the long pike of the Macedonians, 19, 250 - - Sarmans, Śramanas, 358-9, 368, 389 - - Satibarzanes, 36, 38 - - Satlej, river, Śatadru, Zaradros, Hesydrus, 4, 120, 121, 155, 231, 349 - - Satrap, Kshatrapa, 18 - - Saubhuta, Realm of Sôphytês, 348 - - Sehwan. _See_ Sindimana - - Seistan, 160 - - Seleukos Nikator, King of Syria, 6, 8, 50-2, 99, 100, 104, 133, 310, - 327, 377, 385, 394, 399, 404, 405, 407, 409-10 - - Semiramis, a mythical Queen of Assyria, 170, 173, 246, 358 - - Septagen, 186 - - Septimius Severus, 10 - - Serpents, Indian, 217, 361-2 - - Shiraz, 33 - - Shoes, what kind of, worn by Indians, 188 - - Shorekôt, 139, 141 - - Siboi, Sibi, 139, 232, 285, 286, 324, 366 - - Sibyrtios, Tibyrtios, 88, 177, 264, 412 - - Sigambri. _See_ Oxydrakai - - Silei. _See_ Sibi - - Silphium, 39 - - Silver, 187, 371 - - Simoeis, river, 286 - - Sindh, 352-4, 402 - - Sindimana (Sehwân), 254-5, 354-5, 404 - - Sisikottos, Sisocostus, 76, 102, 200, 410 - - Sisunâga, 409 - - Sitalkês, 178, 410-11 - - Śiva, 70 - - Skamander, river, 286 - - Skilloustis, Killouta, 164, 316 - - Skylax, 132 - - Skythians, 122-4, 208, 226-7 - - Smyrna, 89 - - Sogdiana, 39 - - Sogdians, 225 - - Sogdoi, Sodrai, Seorai, 157, 293, 354 - - Sôkrates, 9, 315, 391 - - Solinus, 4, 11 - - Soloi, 411 - - Sôma, 190 - - Somatophylakes, Alexander’s select body-guard, names of the, 179, 180 - - Sôn, river. _See_ Erannoboas - - Sonmiyâni, Bay of, 167 - - Sopeithes, Sopithes, Sôphytes, 133, 134, 187, 219, 220-1, 279, 280-1, - 348, 349, 411 - - Sophagasenos, 53 - - Souastos, river, 59, 61, 334, 335 - - Sourasenoi, 184 - - Sousa, 32, 45, 178, 301, 385, 386, 393, 394, 400, 401, 403, 409 - - Sousia (_Sous_), 36 - - Sousis, Sousiana, 397 - - Sparta, 16, 296 - - Sphines. _See_ Kalânos - - Spitakês, Pittacus, 107, 411 - - Spitamenes, 39, 40-3, 379, 409, 411 - - Śramanas. _See_ Sarmans - - Stadium, length of, 71 - - Stageira, 379 - - Stateira, daughter of Darius, and wife of Alexander, 301, 386, 412 - - Stathmos, 8 - - Stephanos of Byzantium, 412 - - Strabo, 412 - - Stymphalia, 382 - - Sudracae. _See_ Oxydrakai - - Sudras, 351, 354, 409 - - Suicide, practice of, in India, 190, 306 - - Sunium, 150 - - Surât, 254 - - Suttee, Satî, custom of, 219, 279, 347, 369 - - Swât, river. _See_ Souastos - - Sword-blades of Indian steel, 252 - - Syrakousai. _See_ Oxydrakai - - Syria, 26 and _passim_ - - Syria, Hollow, 122 - - - Tabrânâlâ. _See_ Tiberoboam - - Tapeirians, people of _Taburistân_, 35 - - Taprobanê, Ceylon, 187, 372-4, 398 - - Tauala, Patala, 296 - - Taurôn, 100, 104, 209, 412 - - Tauros, Mount, 23, 24, 58, 87, 88, 398 - - Taxila, 44, 83, 92, 107, 126, 215, 285, 342-4 - - Taxilês, Omphis, Môphis, 45, 58, 59, 72, 83, 92, 93, 108, 112, 177, - 201-3, 212, 231, 273, 305-6, 361, 365, 371, 378, 383, 384, 386, - 390, 398, 401, 402, 406, 412 - - Telephos, 172 - - Terioltes. _See_ Tyriaspês - - Têthys, ocean goddess, 216 - - Thapsakos, 29 - - Thasos, 8 - - Thatha, Dêval, 356-7 - - Thebes, in Boiôtia, 17, 124, 400 - - Theodotos, Diodotos, 52, 377 - - Theophilos, 147 - - Theophrastos, 379 - - Thessalians, 20, 126 - - Thôas, 171, 177, 412 - - Thracians, 20, 124, 156, 245 - - Thriamboi, Triumphi, 179 - - Tiberius, 412 - - Tiberoboam, river, 342-3 - - Tibyrtios. _See_ Sibyrtios - - Tides, Indian rivers, how affected by, 163, 256-61 - - Tigris, river, 29, 45, 88, 91, 123, 180, 367-8, 397 - - Tilla, 94 - - Timaeus, 240 - - Timagenes, 11 - - Timour, 40, 43, 261 - - Tiryns, 124 - - Tlepolemos, 177, 413 - - Tmôlos, Mount, 79 - - Tomyris, Queen of the Skythians, 86 - - Towers, movable, 196 - - Trajan, 13 - - Triballians, 124 - - Triparadeisos, 50, 412 - - Trogus, 15 - - Tulamba, 141 - - Tyre, 26-9, 68 - - Tyriaspês, 58, 112, 157, 252 - - - Uchh, 121, 156, 351, 352 - - Umritsar. _See_ Amritsar - - Unicorn, 186, 187 - - Uraśa, 129 - - Utica, 127 - - - Vasati. _See_ Ossadioi - - Vaugelas, 12 - - Velleius, 11 - - Vespasian, 10 - - Vindusâra, Allitrochadês, 343, 349, 380, 409, 413 - - Vipaśâ. _See_ Hyphasis - - Vishnu, 70 - - Vitastâ. _See_ Hydaspês - - - Wazîrâbâd, 129 - - Weber, Professor, 129 - - Wells, dug by Alexander’s orders, 261 - - Whales, 298, 300 - - Whip-snakes, 278 - - Wine, 190 - - Wives, how selected, in the kingdom of Sophytês, 280 - - Writing, material used for, 186; - art of, known in India before Alexander’s time, _ibid._ - - - Xandrames. _See_ Agrammes - - Xathroi, Kshatriya, 147, 156, 252 - - Xenippa, 43 - - Xenophôn, 9, 12 - - Xerxes, 16, 33, 90, 282 - - Xylenopolis, 316 - - - Yamuna, river. _See_ Iomanês - - Yaudheyas. _See_ Ossadioi - - Yavana, Greeks, 122, 374, 409, 413 - - Yemen, 185 - - Yusufzai, 61, 334 - - - Zadrakarta (_Sari?_), 26 - - Zagros, Mount, 33 - - Zaradros, river. _See_ Satlej - - Zariaspa, Baktra (?), 40, 41, 42, 264, 383 - - Zarmanochegas, Sarmanachârya, 389 - - Zarrah, Lake, 160, 184 - - - - - -II. INDEX OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED OR REFERRED TO - - - Abbott, General, 59, 77, 83, 194, 333, 335, 336, 338, 344 - - Agatharchidês, 185, 263 - - Ailianos, Aelian, 7, 186, 190, 217, 224, 249, 263, 361, 362, 363, 365 - - Aischylos, 87, 153 - - Appian, 404 - - Aristoboulos, 101, 111, 150, 161, 165, 179, 231, 357, 361, 390 - - Aristotle, 93, 187, 364 - - Arrian, 57-180 _passim_ - - Artemidôros, 184 - - Athênaios, 7, 190, 196, 249, 363, 382-3, 392, 405, 409 - - - Baber, 332, 334, 366 - - Bellasis, 355 - - Bellew, Dr., 334, 335, 337, 339, 397 - - Benfey, 356 - - Bhandarkar, 411 - - Bournouf, 166 - - Bunbury, Sir E. H., 131, 132, 134, 160, 332, 333, 347, 349, 350, 353, - 396 - - Burnes, Sir A., 131, 137-8, 142, 161, 344, 347, 356 - - - Caesar, 91, 93, 117, 163, 196, 218, 227 - - Chardin, 360 - - Charês, 212, 389, 392 - - Chesney, General, 30, 78, 94, 231, 346 - - Chinnock, Dr., 110, 117, 170 - - Chronicle of Ceylon. _See_ Mahavanso - - Cicero, 214, 237, 241, 392 - - Clinton, 274 - - Court, General, 76, 194, 337, 344 - - Cunningham, General Sir A., 78, 97, 134, 136, 139, 140, 142, 143, - 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 167, 168, 194, 293, 326, 331, 333, - 335, 337, 342, 347-8, 351, 352, 354, 356, 365, 371 - - Curtius, 183-266 _passim_ - - - D’Anville, 169 - - Dio Cassius, 186 - - Diodôros Sic., 269-301 _passim_ - - Dionysios Periêgêtês, 167, 337 - - Dioskoridês, 171 - - Droysen, 48, 104, 107, 160, 333, 356 - - Dryden, 33 - - Duncker, 86, 358-9, 363 - - Dutt, R. C., 369-70 - - - Edinburgh Cabinet Library, 252, 278 - - Edrisi, 169 - - Elphinstone, Lord, 93, 132, 332, 340, 344 - - Elzivir Curtius, 246, 361 - - Epigraphia Indika, 347 - - Eratosthenês, 82-3, 88, 193 - - - Freeman, Professor, 2, 13, 32, 250 - - Fresnel, 185 - - Foss, 184 - - - Gellius, Aulus, 212, 383 - - Grote, 5, 48, 250, 346 - - Gutschmid, 327 - - - Hardy, 332 - - Heber, Bishop, 340 - - Hedike, 184 - - Heitland, 360-1 - - Hêkataios, 89 - - Hematchandra, 156 - - Hêrodotos, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 123, 132, 187, 341, 370 - - Homer, 89, 132, 237, 284 - - Humboldt, 6 - - Hunter, Sir W., 89 - - Hwen Thsiang, 332, 342, 343, 348 - - - Ibn Haukal, 355 - - - Jerome, Saint, 15 - - Journal Asiatique, 201, 342, 348 - - Justin, 321-328 - - Juvenal, 245 - - - Kallisthenês, 282, 392 - - Kleitarchos, Clitarchus, 151, 188, 240 - - Köchly and Rustow, 104 - - Kosmas Indikopleustês, 187 - - Krüger, 134 - - Ktêsias, 3, 84, 186, 252 - - - Lassen, 53, 76, 129, 143, 158, 160, 187, 252, 333, 335, 347, 349, - 354, 356, 381 - - Le Clerc, 359 - - Lêvi, Sylvain, 342, 348, 401, 411, 413 - - Livy, 100, 197, 218 - - Loewenthal, 337 - - Lucan, 13, 214 - - Lucian, 378-9, 392 - - - M’Murdo, Captain, 157, 166, 353, 356 - - Mahâbhârata, 111, 116, 155, 156, 333, 350, 351 - - Mahâvanso, Chronicle of Ceylon, 187, 332, 404 - - Mann, 156, 190 - - Marco Polo, 364 - - Markianos, Marcian, 167, 397 - - Masson, 61, 142, 156, 331, 349 - - Maximus Tyrius, 361 - - Megasthenês, 3, 7, 8, 14, 86, 88, 93, 155, 187, 190, 341, 358, 361, - 364, 386, 412 - - Mela, Pomponius, 186, 190 - - Mitford, 48 - - Moberly, 104, 105 - - Mockler, Major, 397 - - Moorcroft, 366 - - Müller, C., 194, 343 - - - Nearchos, 165, 186, 188, 244, 341, 361, 391-2 - - Nikolaos of Damascus, 365, 389 - - Nonnus, 333 - - - Olshausen, 127 - - Onêsikritos, 7, 157, 187, 217, 307, 309, 361, 390-1 - - Orosius, 7, 116, 155, 190 - - Ovid, 186 - - - Panini, 201, 334, 348, 350, 367, 411, 413 - - Patroklês, 6, 8 - - Pausanias, 49, 72, 151, 246 - - Periplous of the Erythraian sea, 59, 110, 116, 161, 186, 188, 252, - 310, 367 - - Peutinger Tables, Geographer of Ravenna, 110 - - Philo, 190 - - Philostratos, 193, 215, 344, 349 - - Pliny, 7, 123, 134, 155, 159, 170, 172, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, - 217, 220, 231, 241, 253, 262, 263, 331, 339, 341, 343, 345, - 348, 351, 364, 365, 380 - - Plutarch, 305-317 _passim_ - - Polyainos, 107, 340, 345, 411 - - Polybios, 21, 100, 184, 187 - - Porphyrios, 190 - - Pratt, 196 - - Pseudo-Kallisthenês, 342, 392 - - Ptolemy Sôtêr, 101, 102, 128, 134, 148, 150, 179, 392 - the Geographer, 58, 59, 61, 114, 129, 155, 165, 167, 183, 184, 188, - 194, 245, 293, 326, 338, 343, 347, 365-6 - - - Racine, 235, 383 - - Rajput Chronicle, 111 - - Râmâyana, 349, 363 - - Rashîd-ud-Dîn, 363 - - Raven, 218, 230, 237 - - Rennell, 334, 356 - - Rig-veda, 93, 186, 370 - - Ritter, 64, 72, 333, 356 - - Rooke, 360 - - Ross, Major, 357 - - Royal Asiatic Society, Journal of, 343 - - - Saint Ambrose, 392 - - Sainte-Croix, 48 - - Saint-Martin, V. de, 64, 111, 116, 156, 157, 158, 159, 323, 333, 339, - 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 355, 356, 365, 367 - - Sallat, 372 - - Salt, 85 - - Scaliger, 360 - - Schmieder, 110, 134 - - Senart, 374 - - Seneca, 195, 229 - - Sintenis, 171 - - Smith, V. A., 371-2 - - Solinus, 186, 220, 364 - - Sophoklês, 339 - - Sôtiôn, 309 - - Stephanos of Byzantium, 57, 129, 139, 186, 194, 262, 331, 351 - - Stobaeus, 153 - - Strabo, 6, 7, 39, 57, 95, 110, 112, 114, 131-2, 133, 134, 157, 160, - 161, 168, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 217, 219, 282, 339, 341, - 347, 351, 358, 361, 365, 369, 383, 389, 393, 399 - - Suidas, 190 - - - Tacitus, 193, 227 - - Theobald, W., 370-2 - - Theophrastos, 217 - - Thirlwall, Bishop, 19-20, 41, 48, 104, 107, 121, 138, 227, 237, 249, - 266, 287, 351 - - Timagenês, 151, 240 - - Turnour, 187 - - Tzetzes, 224 - - - Varâha Sanhita, 111, 367 - - Vegetius, 218 - - Vigne, 78 - - Vincent, 169, 261, 356 - - Virgil, 199, 234, 365 - - Voltaire, 313 - - - Weber, Professor A., 332, 359 - - Wilford, 365, 367 - - Willdenow, 171 - - Williams, Archdeacon, 48 - Sir Monier, 156 - - Wilson, Dr. John, 356 - Dr. H. H., 59, 331-2, 335, 336 - - Wood, Lieut., 78, 157 - - - Xenophôn, 86, 364 - - - Yule, Colonel Sir H., 252, 356 - - - Zumpt, 10, 11 - - -THE END - -_Printed by R. & R. CLARK, Edinburgh._ - - - - -[Illustration: MAP OF THE ROUTE TAKEN BY ALEXANDER IN HIS ASIATIC -EXPEDITION - -John Bartholomew & Co. - -_NOTE:—Lines of Route shewn thus_ ——] - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INVASION OF INDIA BY -ALEXANDER THE GREAT AS DESCRIBED BY ARRIAN, Q. CURTIUS, DIODOROS, -PLUTARCH AND JUSTIN *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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