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diff --git a/old/66359-0.txt b/old/66359-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 3c5d8c8..0000000 --- a/old/66359-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4207 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth; -Mourt's Relation, by Dwight B. Heath - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth; Mourt's Relation - A Relation or Journal of the English Plantation settled at - Plymouth in New England, by Certain English adventurers both - merchants and others - -Editor: Dwight B. Heath - -Release Date: September 21, 2021 [eBook #66359] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Steve Mattern, Stephen Hutcheson, and the Online - Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This - file was produced from images generously made available by - The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A JOURNAL OF THE PILGRIMS AT -PLYMOUTH; MOURT'S RELATION *** - - - - - - A Journal of the - Pilgrims at Plymouth - - - MOURT’S RELATION - A RELATION OR JOURNAL -of the English Plantation settled at Plymouth in New England, by certain - English adventurers both merchants and others. - - Edited from the original printing of 1622, - with introduction and notes, by - Dwight B. Heath - - [Illustration: The American Experience Series] - - CONSULTING EDITOR: HENRY BAMFORD PARKES - - CORINTH BOOKS - NEW YORK - - -DWIGHT B. HEATH has done extensive ethnographic field work among various -Indian tribes in Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico, and the United States, in -the course of earning his A.B. at Harvard College and Ph.D. at Yale. As -Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Brown University, one of his -subsidiary interests is ethnohistory, analyzing historical sources from -anthropological perspectives. - - Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 62-17660 - Copyright © 1963 Dwight B. Heath - -The cover illustration, “Pilgrims Going to Church” by George H. Boughton -(1867), is from the Robert L. Stuart Collection of the New York -Historical Society and reproduced with their kind permission. - - - THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE SERIES - Published by Corinth Books, Inc. - 32 West Eighth Street, New York 11, N. Y. - Distributed by The Citadel Press - 222 Park Avenue South, New York 3, N. Y. - - _Printed in U.S.A. by_ - NOBLE OFFSET PRINTERS, INC. - NEW YORK 3, N. Y. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - Editor’s introduction vii - - - _MOURT’S RELATION_ - To His Much Respected Friend, Mr. I. P. 3 - To the Reader. 6 - Certain Useful Advertisements sent in a Letter written by a - Discreet Friend unto the Planters in New England, at their - first setting sail from Southampton, who earnestly - desireth the prosperity of that, their new plantation. 9 - A Relation or Journal of the Proceedings of the Plantation settled - at Plymouth in New England. 15 - A Journey to Pokanoket, the habitation of the great King - Massasoit; as also our message, the answer and - entertainment we had of him. 60 - A Voyage Made by Ten of Our Men to the Kingdom of Nauset, to seek - a boy that had lost himself in the woods; with such - accidents as befell us in that voyage. 69 - A Journey to the Kingdom of Nemasket in defense of the great King - Massasoit against the Narragansets, and to revenge the - supposed death of our interpreter, Squanto. 73 - A Relation of Our Voyage to the Massachusets, and what happened - there. 77 - A Letter sent from New England to a Friend in these parts, setting - forth a brief and true declaration of the worth of that - plantation; as also certain useful directions for such as - intend a voyage into those parts. 81 - Reasons and Considerations touching the Lawfulness of Removing out - of England into the parts of America. 88 - - - - - ILLUSTRATIONS - - - Photographs from Plimoth Plantation - 1. The _Mayflower_. - 2. The shallop. - 3. Indian wigwam. - 4. Constructing a house at Plymouth. - 5. Pilgrim house in winter. - 6. A Pilgrim family. - 7. The first Thanksgiving. - 8. Pilgrims going to church. - Samuel de Champlain’s Map of Plymouth Harbor xix - Captain John Smith’s Map of New England xxiii - Facsimile of original title page xxvii - - - - - EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION - - - _Background_ - -The coming of the Pilgrims and their establishment of the Plymouth -Plantation is one of the great adventures in the American experience. -This book is the earliest published account of that adventure, a -day-by-day journal written in a simple forceful manner by men who took -part in it. The story is familiar[1]—deceptively familiar, in that -portions of it have undergone a complex process of transformation and -emerge as modern myths in our national folklore. Still it is a story -full of glory, and of tragedy, which deserves a wider public. - -The glory, as usual, exists mostly in retrospect. The Separatists had -already shown the courage of their convictions in defying both Church -and State by worshiping in their own way in England. They had finally -been driven to take refuge in Holland, the only European nation where -they could then enjoy complete religious tolerance. After twelve years -of poverty and social isolation in Amsterdam and Leyden, the self-styled -“Saints”[2] sought the New World largely as a land of economic -opportunity where they hoped to start afresh. Similar motives -undoubtedly moved the “Strangers,”[3] the motley group of fellow -travelers who joined the party at Plymouth, England, and doubled their -numbers. The “Strangers” were loyal to the Church of England, as were -the few indentured servants and hired men, who soon comprised a -dissident faction. They cared no more for freedom of conscience than did -the “merchant adventurers,” a joint stock company of about seventy -London businessmen who sponsored the plantation only as a commercial -venture likely to yield high profits. - -Some have read the “Mayflower Compact” as the glorious cornerstone of -American democracy, but it seems hardly revolutionary in context here -where it first appeared in print. The fact that the Pilgrims enjoyed -warm relations with some Indians is also much to their credit, but it -may reflect the charity of the Indians at least as much as their own -benevolence. Still one cannot belittle the achievement of these simple -people. They consistently showed resourcefulness in coping with new -problems, and courage in the face of danger. The greatest glory of the -Pilgrims may well have been the ardent faith and dogged persistence -which saw them through great tragedy. - -Although there is little talk of tragedy in this volume, we know that -more than half of the original party died during the first year at -Plymouth. Considering their primitive living conditions, it is a wonder -that so many did survive the “general sickness” while wading to and from -the shallop, and working hard to develop new skills in the harsh and -alien environment of a strenuous New England winter. Another tragedy is -only presaged here, in the white man’s facile rationalization of his -usurpation of lands which had long been used by Indians. Within the span -of a single lifetime, the indigenous peoples were dispossessed, and -their way of life did not long survive after the mutually debilitating -“King Philip’s War.” The tragedy and the glory of Pilgrims and Indians -alike emerge in a careful reading of this journal. - - - _About the Book_ - -Any good book must mean many things to many readers, and this journal -offers more than just reflections of past glories and intimations of -great tragedy. It is a primary source for American history in that -critical period when a beach-head of Anglo culture was established in -the New World. In this volume are the earliest accounts of the -“Mayflower Compact,” the establishment of a community which has become -focal in our national heritage, the signing of this country’s first -mutual security pact, and the famous first Thanksgiving. There is no -question of the book’s essential authenticity, and most of it has the -flavor of having been written on the spot at the time. - -This sense of immediacy also enhances the value of the journal as a well -written story of true adventure. The protagonists quietly suppressed an -impending mutiny, even before they landed. While exploring the unknown -wastes of Cape Cod, they conducted archeological excavations before they -had a roof over their heads. They were attacked by Indians, and yet -persisted, built their homes in a foreign land, and soon traveled freely -among the natives. This is high adventure indeed! - -Political implications are of some importance too. The passengers on the -_Mayflower_ are famous for their founding of “a civil body politic ... -to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, -acts, [and] offices from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and -convenient for the general good of the colony.” Within less than a week -of their first conversation with an Indian, the Pilgrims signed an -enduring peace treaty with Massasoit, a leader of the neighboring -Wampanoags. A year later, they enjoyed trading relations and military -alliance with many other Indian groups. - -The journal may also be viewed as a valuable ethnographic document. -Although previous sporadic contacts by explorers and traders had yielded -some impressionistic descriptions, the Pilgrims were the first Europeans -to be in close and sustained contact with the Indians of southern New -England. At first they expected only hostility from the “savages,” but -it was not long before they found valuable helpers in Squanto and -Samoset, both of whom had learned already some English when they were -kidnapped and sold as slaves by English traders. The Pilgrims were -obliged to work out a modus vivendi with these “tall and proper men” -whose dress seemed outlandish, whose foods were strange, and whose -customs were curious enough to deserve description. We are indebted to -the authors of this journal for a wealth of information about such -patterns during the brief period before they disappeared forever. There -are many aspects of the native ways of life of which the Pilgrims were -unaware, and others which they treated with only tantalizing brevity, -but a wealth of irreplaceable ethnographic data in this volume serves to -illuminate our fragmentary understanding of coastal Algonquian cultures. - -Just as we can learn much about the Indians from this book, we can also -gain rich insights into the character of the Pilgrims themselves. -Mention of the threat of mutiny explodes the hoary myth of dedicated -unity of purpose among all members of the party. The bravery of the -Pilgrims emerges in bold relief, as does their readiness to rob the -graves of Indians. In light of this text, their industriousness cannot -be doubted. Flashes of humor occur, and their strong sense of being a -“chosen people” is clearly manifest in recurrent references to a -felicitous “divine providence.” - -“Human interest” is not lacking either. We can imagine the chagrin of -William Bradford unwittingly caught up in a deer snare, just as we can -sympathize with the consternation created when a prankish boy fired his -father’s musket in a ship’s cabin where open kegs of gunpowder lay -about. It is easy to feel for the “old [Indian] woman whom we judged to -be no less than a hundred years old” who wept because “she was deprived -of the comfort of her children in her old age” when Capt. Hunt kidnapped -her three sons. And how his playmates must have envied the boy who was -lost on Cape Cod, and was returned by the Nauset Indians, “behung with -beads”! - -Within this brief but diverse book there is also a pervasive mystery, -for no one knows who wrote it. The book has become known as _Mourt’s -Relation_, but it is not the unitary effort of a single man. Five of the -ten “chapters” have bylines, and Mourt’s contribution is almost the -briefest of the ten. The mystery deepens when we confess not knowing -much about the man named Mourt. Perhaps the most fruitful way to -approach the problem is through a discussion of the several components -of the book. - -It opens with a dedicatory letter of transmittal “To his much respected -friend....” This is a form of profuse and discursive acknowledgment -typical of the time. It seems to have been appended by an associate of -the settlers, whose concern was “... but the recommendation of the -relation itself,” to a distinguished member of the “merchant -adventurers” who had sponsored the _Mayflower_ voyage. The dedication is -signed _R.G._, which I assume to be a misprint for the initials of -Robert Cushman. The only member of the party at Plymouth with initials -R.G. was Richard Gardiner, an undistinguished “Stranger” who stayed only -briefly and took little part in the venture. The fact that misprints are -frequent throughout the rest of the book suggests the possibility of -reference to Cushman, who is a person most likely to have drafted such a -letter. As a deacon of the Leyden congregation who also served as their -business agent, he was instrumental in securing English permission for -removal to the New World, and, after having had to turn back on the -unseaworthy _Speedwell_, he continued negotiations with the “merchant -adventurers” while the _Mayflower_ sailed on to Plymouth. Visiting the -plantation on the second ship, _Fortune_, he delivered the patent which -confirmed their legal right to settle there, together with a stringent -contract from the sponsors, which he finally induced the Pilgrims to -sign, after preaching a pointed sermon on “The Dangers of Self-Love.” -The manuscript of the relations must have been carried back to England -with him on the _Fortune_ in December of 1621. - -Appended at the end of the volume is another chapter which I attribute -to Cushman. A long exposition of “Reasons and considerations touching -the lawfulness of removing out of England into the parts of America,” -signed _R.C._, is a thinly veiled promotional tract organized like a -sermon, which cites Scripture to justify the plantation and to persuade -others to follow. - -Among the prefatory letters is one containing “Certain useful -advertisements ...” and signed _I.R._. We are told that this letter of -advice concerning man’s proper relation with God and with his fellow men -was “... written by a discreet friend unto the planters in New England, -at their first setting sail from Southampton.”[4] This “unfeigned -well-willer” is most likely John Robinson, pastor of the expatriate -Separatist congregation in Leyden, and hence understandably solicitous -for the welfare of the Pilgrims, and also in a position to proffer such -counsel. The letter may have been appended to this book especially to -serve as a model of morality for those “Strangers” who might hopefully -be induced to emigrate and join the party at Plymouth. - -Five “relations” constitute the major portion of the book, and none of -these is signed. The first and longest, on “The proceedings of the -plantation ...,” begins with the departure from Plymouth, England, and -recounts events of the next six months, including the voyage, the -signing of the “compact,” the several “discoveries,” the choice of a -site and the building there, as well as early contacts with the Indians, -culminating in the signing of a peace treaty with Massasoit. A second -deals with “A journey to Pokanoket ...” and describes further friendly -dealings with the Wampanoag Indians. The next treats “A voyage ... to -the Kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that had lost himself in the -woods....” An account of “A journey to Nemasket ...” shows how the -Pilgrims sought to defend their Indian allies against the hostile -Narragansets, and “A relation of our voyage to the Massachusets ...” -describes the expansion of trade relations to the north. - -According to the dedicatory letter, these vivid reports were “... writ -by the several actors themselves, after their plain and rude manner.” It -is almost certain that the principal author was Edward Winslow, although -it is generally believed that William Bradford also had a hand in the -effort. Both of these men were among the few who were prominent in the -affairs of the plantation, and they two are the only ones of the first -party who obviously enjoyed writing. Winslow’s _Good News from New -England_ (London, 1624), continued the narrative of the plantation from -the time when this volume left off, and is markedly similar in style. In -his _Good News_ ..., Winslow mentions descriptions of aspects of Indian -culture which were prepared by “... myself and others, in former -letters, (which came to the press against my will and knowledge) ...”; I -know of no publication other than _Mourt’s Relation_ to which this could -refer. Bradford’s manuscript history _Of Plymouth Plantation_ (first -published in Boston, 1856) has become the principal source on the -Pilgrim experience, although he could hardly be said to claim priority -when he “... first began these scribbled writings (which was about the -year 1630 and so pieced up at times of leisure afterward).” His -treatment of the first year at Plymouth is a curious combination, -consisting largely of passages identical with those in _Mourt’s -Relation_, together with discursive classical allusions and philosophic -ruminations. Bradford’s style generally tends to be more analytic than -descriptive, and the specificity of detail which makes this text such a -rich source material for the historian and ethnographer rarely occurs -elsewhere in Bradford’s work. It is entirely within the realm of -possibility that he may have incorporated in his manuscript the work of -others as it had appeared in _Mourt’s Relation_; he freely adopted -material from other sources. - -The ensuing “Letter sent from New England ... setting forth ... the -worth of that plantation ...,” follows the five narrative relations -closely in style, and is signed by _E.W._. It is almost certainly -Winslow who here sounds vaguely like a twentieth-century Florida real -estate agent when he describes the first Thanksgiving as indicating the -richness of the land: “I never in my life remember a more seasonable -year than we have here enjoyed and if we have once but kine, horses, and -sheep, I make no question but men might live as contented here as in any -part of the world.” He also includes some very specific suggestions -concerning the practical needs of those who might choose to come. - -And what was Mourt’s contribution to the book which has been linked with -his name by historians, librarians, and bibliographers since Prince[5] -first invented the convenient title, _Mourt’s Relation_, as a substitute -for the cumbersome original? A brief foreword, or introduction, “To the -reader,” is all that we must credit to the signer, one _G. Mourt_. It -may have been he who was responsible for bringing to press this -collection of papers, “... hoping of a cheerful proceeding, both of -adventurers and planters.” He explicitly denied authorship of the -narratives: “These relations coming to my hand from my both known and -faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I thought it not -amiss to make them more general....” But scholars still do not know who -he was! - -It is suggested that he had at some time been associated with the -authors of the relations, whom he called “my both known and faithful -friends.” It is also suggested that he had long hoped to emigrate to the -New World, “... as myself then much desired, and shortly hope to effect, -if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoulder in this hopeful -business.” These criteria clearly apply to Robert Cushman, who, as we -have seen, was a person who might appropriately have introduced such a -book. - -The specifications also apply to another member of the Leyden -congregation who was active in negotiating with the “merchant -adventurers” until he did sail to Plymouth, on the first ship bound for -the plantation after the book was printed. If no more than the initials -had been given in the signature to the introduction—as was the case in -every other portion of the volume—there would be little hesitation to -identify the author as George Morton. - -As it is, however, one must attempt to account for the discrepancy in -name if he suggests that it may have been Morton who wrote it. It is -easy to suggest that the use of “Mourt” for “Morton” could have been -merely another of the many misprints in the book. At least as plausible, -however, is the suggestion that it may have been a pseudonym. It is not -difficult to imagine why there might have been some attempt to conceal -the fact _if_ Morton had been intimately involved in the preparation and -promulgation of the book. A printer might have been reluctant to -“publish” a document written by Separatists unless it carried an -introduction by an apparently disinterested party. In a period of strict -royal control of the press in England, William Brewster of the Leyden -congregation had already incurred the wrath of King James by printing an -outspoken opposition tract, _Perth Assembly_ (Leyden, 1619), so that any -writings by his friends and associates might logically also be suspect. -Furthermore, the fact that _Mourt’s Relation_ is essentially a -promotional effort is clearly implied in the phrasing of the original -title, describing the “safe arrival” of the “English planters,” and -“their joyful building of, and comfortable planting themselves in the -now well defended town of New Plymouth.” In such an effort to excite -more prospective settlers, it would have been sound public relations to -minimize the degree of identification between the plantation and the -“Saints,” who were popularly scorned as heretics and criminals. - -Another possibility must be mentioned. I am only half-joking when I -suggest that at least this portion of _Mourt’s Relation_ may actually -have been written by someone named G. Mourt, of whom we know nothing -else. One of the delights of historical research is the fact that one -always raises more questions than he can answer. The mystery remains. - -_Mourt’s Relation_ is clearly a book which offers different meanings to -every reader. I hope that this edition may reach a broad audience and -increase popular understanding of a neglected portion of the American -experience. - - - _A Note on This Edition_ - -My intention is to provide the contemporary reader with an appreciation -of this exciting book as it was received by an eager and curious public -when it was first published almost three and a half centuries ago. In -keeping with this aim, the entire text is included here, in the order of -the original.[6] So that the authors may speak forcefully and directly -to the reader of today, I have introduced only uniform spelling, -punctuation, and paragraphing, structural niceties which were of no -concern to authors or printers until late in the eighteenth century. The -eloquent English language of the period is familiar to us all, through -the King James version of the Bible or the works of Shakespeare, and I -have scrupulously left each word intact. The text, then, is reproduced -verbatim, including marginalia, chapter headings, and running heads, -altered only by the use of modern orthography for the sake of clarity. - -I have deliberately avoided distracting the reader from the original -text, by introducing a minimum of footnotes. Some annotation seems -indispensable for understanding the work of another age, but this -edition does not bear the tender burden of scholarly disquisition. -Modern equivalents are given for archaic words and place-names, and I -have offered brief explanations of a few outdated allusions. Dates are -retained as in the original, so that ten days must be added to any date -given in the text in order to fit it into the modern Gregorian calendar, -which was not adopted by England and her colonies until 1752. - -In the exacting task of collating this text with the original, I was -helped by my friend and colleague, Anna Mae Cooper. We worked in the -John Carter Brown Library where Thomas R. Adams kindly put excellent -facilities at our disposal, including the library’s copy of the first -edition of the book, as well as the Smith and Champlain maps. Lucille -Hanna first introduced me to the excitement of history, and J. L. -Giddings pointed out the ethnographic value of _Mourt’s Relation_. Miss -Rose T. Briggs, Director of Pilgrim Hall, shared her enthusiasm and -broad knowledge of the Pilgrims. E. Lawrence Couter, David Freeman, -Arthur G. Pyle, Muriel Stefani, and the entire staff of Plimoth -Plantation were helpful in many ways, and the corporation generously -provided the photographs. The title page, ornamental letters and -top-page designs are reproduced from a copy of the original, now in -possession of the Rhode Island Historical Society. Mrs. N. Mac Donald -typed from a difficult manuscript. - -An adventure such as this rightfully belongs to all who would chase -rainbows! - - DWIGHT B. HEATH - _Brown University - Providence, R. I._ - - - SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN’S MAP OF PLYMOUTH HARBOR - -Although the Pilgrims were the first Europeans to establish a permanent -colony in northeastern North America, they did not come to an unknown -land. As early as 1605, Samuel de Champlain had mapped Plymouth Harbor, -in the course of a three-year expedition during which he explored the -coast from Nova Scotia to Martha’s Vineyard. The quality of his detailed -and accurate observations on the land and people appears in this map, -and in his notes on the visit: “There came to us two or three canoes, -which had just been fishing for cod and other fish which are found there -in large numbers. These they catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, -to which they attach a bone in the shape of a spear and fasten it very -securely. The whole has a fang-shape, and the line attached to it is -made out of the bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I -took out of curiosity. In it the bone was fastened on by hemp, like that -in France, as it seemed to me, and they told me that they gathered this -plant without being obliged to cultivate it, and indicated that it grew -to the height of four or five feet. This canoe went back on shore to -give notice to their fellow inhabitants, who caused columns of smoke to -arise on our account. We saw eighteen or twenty savages, who came to the -shore and began to dance. Our canoe landed in order to give them some -bagatelles, at which they were greatly pleased. Some of them came to us -and begged us to go to their river. We weighed anchor to do so, but were -unable to enter on account of the small amount of water, it being low -tide, and were accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went -ashore, where I saw many others, who received us very cordially. I made -also an examination of the river, but saw only an arm of water extending -a short distance inland, where the land is only in part cleared. Running -into this is merely a brook not deep enough for boats except at full -tide. The circuit of the bay is about a league. On one side of the -entrance to this bay there is a point which is almost an island, covered -with wood, principally pines, and adjoins sandbanks, which are very -extensive. On the other side, the land is high. There are two islets in -this bay, which are not seen until one has entered, and around which it -is almost entirely dry at low tide. This place is very conspicuous from -the sea, for the coast is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance -to the bay. We named it the Port du Cap. St. Louis...”. - - [Illustration: map] - -Reproduced is a copy from a first edition of _Les Voyages du Sieur de -Champlain_ (Paris, 1613), now in possession of the John Carter Brown -Library. - - - CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH’S MAP OF NEW ENGLAND - -The Pilgrims were familiar with Capt. John Smith’s account of a voyage -in which he had surveyed the coast from Cape Cod to Penobscot Bay in -1614. He had even offered his services as guide and military captain, -but Myles Standish got the job. Undoubtedly they did bring with them his -_Description of New England_ (London, 1616), in which the following map -was published. - -Capt. Smith, who had already gained some fame and fortune in Virginia, -dedicated to Prince Charles this effort in which the term “New England” -first appeared: “... it being my chance to range some other parts of -America, whereof I here present your highness the description in a map, -my humble suit [in original, “sure”] is you would please to change their -barbarous names for such English, as posterity may say Prince Charles -was their godfather.” Several English place-names were incorporated in -the map, but posterity disregarded most of them, a noteworthy exception -being “Plimouth.” Smith notes that the Indians called the site “... -Accomack, an excellent good harbor, good land, and no want of any thing -but industrious people,” recalling that “After much kindness, upon a -small occasion we fought also with 40 or 50 of those [Indians]; though -some were hurt and some slain, yet within an hour after, they became -friends.” - -The map was subsequently reissued in several other works by Smith, -additions being made on the engraved copper plate from time to time, to -indicate more recent discoveries and settlements. The copy reproduced -here is from a first edition, now in possession of the John Carter Brown -Library; obviously the representations of European-style buildings were -as inappropriate as were the illustrations of monsters, introduced by -imaginatively artistic cartographers. (The note concerning Smith’s death -was written in ink by a previous owner of this copy.) - - [Illustration: map] - - [Illustration: facsimile of title page] - - - - - A - RELATION OR - Journal of the beginning and proceedings - of the English Plantation settled at _Plymouth_ in New England, by - certain English adventurers both merchants and others. -With their difficult passage, their safe arrival, their joyful building -of, and comfortable planting themselves in the now well defended town of - New Plymouth - - - AS ALSO A RELATION OF FOUR - several discoveries since made by some of the same English Planters - there resident. - -I. _In a journey to _Pokanoket_, the habitation of the Indians’ greatest -King _Massasoit_: as also their message, the answer and entertainment -they had of him._ - -II. _In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdom of _Nauset_, to seek -a boy that had lost himself in the wood: with such accidents as befell -them in that voyage._ - -III. _In their journey to the Kingdom of _Nemasket_, in defense of their -greatest King _Massasoit_, against the _Narragansets_, and to revenge -the supposed death of their Interpreter _Squanto_._ - -IIII. _Their voyage to the _Massachusets_, and their entertainment -there._ - - With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against the - lawfulness of English plantations in those parts. - - LONDON, - Printed for _John Bellamie_, and are to be sold at his shop at the Two - Greyhounds in Cornhill near the Royal Exchange. 1622. - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - TO HIS MUCH - respected friend, Mr. I. P.[7] - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -Good Friend: - -As we cannot but account it an extraordinary blessing of God in -directing our course for these parts, after we came out of our native -country, for that we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts -we receive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most healthful, -and most fruitful parts of the world; so must we acknowledge the same -blessing to be multiplied upon our whole company, for that we obtained -the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our free possession -and enjoying thereof, under the authority of those thrice honored -persons, the President and Council for the Affairs of New England, by -whose bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to dedicate -our best service unto them,[8] as those under his Majesty, that we owe -it unto, whose noble endeavors in these their actions the God of heaven -and earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal comforts. - -As for this poor relation, I pray you to accept it, as being writ by the -several actors themselves, after their plain and rude manner; therefore -doubt nothing of the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it -is their ignorance, that are better acquainted with planting than -writing. If it satisfy those that are well affected to the business, it -is all I care for. Sure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that are -apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not desire more than enough. -Neither is there want of aught among us but company to enjoy the -blessings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. -While I was a-writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but the -recommendation of the relation itself to your further consideration, and -therefore I will end without saying more, save that I shall always rest - - Yours in the way of friendship, - - R. G.[9] - -From Plymouth, in New England. - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - To the Reader - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -_Courteous Reader, be entreated to make a favorable construction of my -forwardness in publishing these ensuing discourses. The desire of -carrying the Gospel of Christ into those foreign parts, amongst those -people that as yet have had no knowledge nor taste of God, as also to -procure unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable habitation, -were, amongst other things, the inducements (unto these undertakings of -the then hopeful, and now experimentally known good enterprise for -plantation in New England) to set afoot and prosecute the same. And -though it fared with them, as it is common to the most actions of this -nature, that the first attempts prove difficult, as the sequel more at -large expresseth, yet it hath pleased God, even beyond our expectation -in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of them see (though -some he hath taken out of this vale of tears)[10] some grounds of hope -of the accomplishment of both those ends by them at first propounded._ - -_And as myself then much desired, and shortly hope to effect, if the -Lord will, the putting to of my shoulder in this hopeful business, and -in the meantime, these relations coming to my hand from my both known -and faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I thought it not -amiss to make them more general, hoping of a cheerful proceeding, both -of adventurers and planters, entreating that the example of the -honorable Virginia and Bermudas Companies, encountering with so many -disasters, and that for divers years together, with an unwearied -resolution, the good effects whereof are now eminent, may prevail as a -spur of preparation also touching this no less hopeful country, though -yet an infant, the extent and commodities whereof are as yet not fully -known, after time will unfold more. Such as desire to take knowledge of -things, may inform themselves by this ensuing treatise, and, if they -please, also by such as have been there a first and second time.[11] My -hearty prayer to God is_ _that the event of this and all other honorable -and honest undertakings, may be for the furtherance of the kingdom of -Christ, the enlarging of the bounds of our sovereign lord King James, -and the good and profit of those who, either by purse or person or both, -are agents in the same, so I take leave, and rest_ - - _Thy friend_, - - _G. Mourt_.[12] - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - CERTAIN USEFUL - ADVERTISEMENTS SENT - in a Letter written by a discreet friend unto the Planters in New - England, at their first setting sail from Southampton, who earnestly - desireth the prosperity of that their new Plantation. - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -Loving and Christian friends. I do heartily and in the Lord salute you -all, as being they with whom I am present in my best affection, and most -earnest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be -bodily absent from you; I say constrained, God knowing how willingly and -much rather than otherwise I would have borne my part with you in this -first brunt, were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. -Make account of me in the meanwhile, as of a man divided in myself with -great pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) having my better part with -you. - -And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdoms you both foresee and -resolve upon that which concerneth your present state and condition, -both severally and jointly, yet have I thought but my duty to add some -further spur of provocation unto them who run already, if not because -you need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty. - -And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our God, special -for our sins known, and general for our unknown trespasses, so doth the -Lord call us in a singular manner upon occasions of such difficulty and -danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and careful -reformation of our ways in his sight, lest he, calling to remembrance -our sins forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advantage against us, -and in judgment leave us for the same to be swallowed up in one danger -or other; whereas on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest -repentance and pardon thereof from the Lord, sealed up unto a man’s -conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his security and peace in all -dangers, sweet his comforts in all distresses, with happy deliverance -from all evil, whether in life or in death. - -Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, we -are carefully to provide for peace with all men what in us lieth, -especially with our associates, and for that end watchfulness must be -had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor easily take -offense being given by others. Woe be unto the world for offenses, for -though it be necessary (considering the malice of Satan and man’s -corruption) that offenses come, yet woe unto the man or woman either by -whom the offense cometh, saith Christ, Matt. 18:7. And if offenses in -the unseasonable use of things in themselves indifferent, be more to be -feared than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. 9:15, how much -more in things simply evil, in which neither honor of God, nor love of -man is thought worthy to be regarded. - -Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by the grace of God -from giving offense, except withal we be armed against the taking of -them when they are given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the -work of grace in that person, who wants charity to cover a multitude of -offenses, as the Scriptures speak. Neither are you to be exhorted to -this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that -persons ready to take offense, either want charity to cover offenses, or -wisdom duly to weigh human fraility; or lastly are gross, though close -hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Matt. 7:1,2,3, as indeed in -mine own experience, few or none have been found which sooner give -offense, than such as easily take it; neither have they ever proved -sound and profitable members in societies, which have nourished in -themselves that touchy humor. - -But besides these, there are divers special motives provoking you above -others to great care and conscience this way: as first, you are many of -you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, -and so stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest when such -things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you be -inordinately affected with them, which doth require at your hands much -wisdom and charity for the covering and preventing of incident offenses -that way. And lastly your intended course of civil community will -minister continual occasion of offense, and will be as fuel for that -fire, except you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if -taking offense causelessly or easily at men’s doings be so carefully to -be avoided, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not offense -at God himself, which yet we certainly do so oft as we do murmur at his -providence in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as -wherewith he pleaseth to visit us. Store we up therefore patience -against the evil day, without which we take offense at the Lord himself -in his holy and just works. - -A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with -your common employments you join common affections truly bent upon the -general good, avoiding as a deadly plague of your both common and -special comfort all retiredness of mind for proper advantage, and all -singularly affected any manner of way; let every man repress in himself -and the whole body in each person, as so many rebels against the common -good, all private respects of men’s selves, not sorting with the general -conveniency. And as men are careful not to have a new house shaken with -any violence before it be well settled and the parts firmly knit, so be -you, I beseech you brethren, much more careful, that the house of God -which you are and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novelties or -other oppositions at the first settling thereof. - -Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, using amongst -yourselves civil government, and are not furnished with any persons of -special eminency above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of -government, let your wisdom and godliness appear not only in choosing -such persons as do entirely love, and will diligently promote the common -good, but also in yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in -their lawful administrations, not beholding in them the ordinariness of -their persons, but God’s ordinance for your good, nor being like unto -the foolish multitude, who more honor the gay coat than either the -virtuous mind of the man or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know -better things, and that the image of the Lord’s power and authority -which the Magistrate beareth is honorable, in how mean persons soever. -And this duty you both may the more willingly, and ought the more -conscionably to perform, because you are at least for the present to -have only them for your ordinary governors which yourselves shall make -choice of for that work. - -Sundry other things of importance I could put you in mind of, and of -those before mentioned in more words, but I will not so far wrong your -godly minds as to think you heedless of these things, there being also -divers among you so well able to admonish both themselves and others of -what concerneth them. - -These few things therefore, and the same in few words I do earnestly -commend unto your care and conscience, joining therewith my daily -incessant prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath made the heavens and -the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is -over all his works, especially over all his dear children for good, -would so guide and guard you in your ways, as inwardly by his Spirit, so -outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and we also, for -and with you, may have after matter of praising his name all the days of -your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom -I rest - - An unfeigned well-willer - of your happy success - in this hopeful voyage, - - I. R.[13] - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - A RELATION OR JOURNAL - OF THE PROCEEDINGS - OF THE PLANTATION - settled at Plymouth in New England. - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -Wednesday, the sixth of September, the wind coming east-north-east, a -fine small gale, we loosed from Plymouth, having been kindly entertained -and courteously used by divers friends there dwelling, and after many -difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, by God’s providence, upon -the ninth of November following, by break of the day we espied land -which we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proved. And the -appearance of it much comforted us, especially seeing so goodly a land, -and wooded to the brink of the sea. It caused us to rejoice together, -and praise God that had given us once again to see land. And thus we -made our course south-south-west, purposing to go to a river ten leagues -to the south of the Cape,[14] but at night the wind being contrary, we -put round again for the bay of Cape Cod. And upon the 11th of November -we came to an anchor in the bay,[15] which is a good harbor and pleasant -bay, circled round, except in the entrance which is about four miles -over from land to land, compassed about to the very sea with oaks, -pines, juniper, sassafras, and other sweet wood. It is a harbor wherein -a thousand sail of ships may safely ride. There we relieved ourselves -with wood and water, and refreshed our people, while our shallop was -fitted to coast the bay, to search for a habitation. There was the -greatest store of fowl that ever we saw. - -And every day we saw whales playing hard by us, of which in that place, -if we had instruments and means to take them, we might have made a very -rich return, which to our great grief we wanted. Our master and his -mate, and others experienced in fishing, professed we might have made -three or four thousand pounds’ worth of oil. They preferred it before -Greenland whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for whale -here. For cod we assayed, but found none; there is good store, no doubt, -in their season. Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but -some few little ones on the shore. We found great mussels, and very fat -and full of sea-pearl, but we could not eat them, for they made us all -sick that did eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to cast -and scour,[16] but they were soon well again. - -The bay is so round and circling that before we could come to anchor we -went round all the points of the compass. We could not come near the -shore by three quarters of an English mile, because of shallow water, -which was a great prejudice to us, for our people going on shore were -forced to wade a bow shot or two in going a land, which caused many to -get colds and coughs, for it was nigh times freezing cold weather. - -This day before we came to harbor, observing some not well affected to -unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction,[17] it was -thought good there should be an association and agreement that we should -combine together in one body, and to submit to such government and -governors as we should by common consent agree to make and choose, and -set our hands to this that follows word for word.[18] - -In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal -subjects of our dread sovereign lord King James, by the grace of God, of -Great Britain, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc. - -Having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the -Christian faith, and honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant -the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents -solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and one of another, -covenant, and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for -our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends -aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such -just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, offices from time -to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general -good of the colony: unto which we promise all due submission and -obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names; -Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our -sovereign lord King James, of England, France and Ireland eighteenth and -of Scotland fifty-fourth, Anno Domini 1620.[19] - -The same day, so soon as we could we set ashore fifteen or sixteen men, -well armed, with some to fetch wood, for we had none left; as also to -see what the land was, and what inhabitants they could meet with. They -found it to be a small neck of land, on this side where we lay is the -bay, and the further side the sea; the ground or earth, sand hills, much -like the downs in Holland, but much better; the crust of the earth a -spit’s[20] depth excellent black earth; all wooded with oaks, pines, -sassafras, juniper, birch, holly, vines, some ash, walnut; the wood for -the most part open and without underwood, fit either to go or ride in. -At night our people returned, but found not any person, nor habitation, -and laded their boat with juniper, which smelled very sweet and strong -and of which we burnt the most part of the time we lay there. - -Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our shallop[21] and drew her -on land, to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut her down in -bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with the -people’s lying in her,[22] which kept us long there, for it was sixteen -or seventeen days before the carpenter had finished her. Our people went -on shore to refresh themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great -need. But whilst we lay thus still, hoping our shallop would be ready in -five or six days at the furthest, but our carpenter made slow work of -it, so that some of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our -better furtherance to travel by land into the country, which was not -without appearance of danger, not having the shallop with them, nor -means to carry provision, but on their backs, to see whether it might be -fit for us to seat in or no, and the rather because as we sailed into -the harbor there seemed to be a river opening itself into the main land. -The willingness of the persons was liked, but the thing itself, in -regard of the danger, was rather permitted than approved, and so with -cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were set out with -every man his musket, sword, and corslet, under the conduct of Captain -Miles Standish, unto whom was adjoined, for counsel and advice, William -Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley. - -Wednesday, the 15th of November, they were set ashore, and when they had -ordered themselves in the order of a single file and marched about the -space of a mile, by the sea they espied five or six people with a dog, -coming towards them, who were savages, who when they saw them, ran into -the wood and whistled the dog after them, etc. First they supposed them -to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his men, for they were -ashore and knew of their coming, but after they knew them to be Indians -they marched after them into the woods, lest other of the Indians should -lie in ambush. But when the Indians saw our men following them, they ran -away with might and main and our men turned out of the wood after them, -for it was the way they intended to go, but they could not come near -them. They followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of -their footings, and saw how they had come the same way they went, and at -a turning perceived how they ran up a hill, to see whether they followed -them. At length night came upon them, and they were constrained to take -up their lodging, so they set forth three sentinels, and the rest, some -kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and there held our rendezvous -that night. - -In the morning so soon as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our -journey, and had the track until we had compassed the head of a long -creek, and there they took into another wood, and we after them, -supposing to find some of their dwellings, but we marched through boughs -and bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore our very armor in -pieces, and yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses, nor find -any fresh water, which we greatly desired, and stood in need of, for we -brought neither beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only -biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aquavitae, so as we -were sore athirst. About ten o’clock we came into a deep valley, full of -brush, wood-gaile, and long grass, through which we found little paths -or tracks, and there we saw a deer, and found springs of fresh water, of -which we were heartily glad, and sat us down and drunk our first New -England water with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all our -lives. - -When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our course full south, that -we might come to the shore, which within a short while after we did, and -there made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we were (as we -had direction) and so marched on towards this supposed river. And as we -went in another valley we found a fine clear pond of fresh water, being -about a musket shot broad and twice as long. There grew also many fine -vines, and fowl and deer haunted there; there grew much sassafras.[23] -From thence we went on, and found much plain ground, about fifty acres, -fit for the plow, and some signs where the Indians had formerly planted -their corn. After this, some thought it best, for nearness of the river, -to go down and travel on the sea sands, by which means some of our men -were tired, and lagged behind. So we stayed and gathered them up, and -struck into the land again, where we found a little path to certain -heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old mats, and had a wooden -thing like a mortar whelmed[24] on the top of it, and an earthen pot -laid in a little hole at the end thereof. We, musing what it might be, -digged and found a bow, and, as we thought, arrows, but they were -rotten. We supposed there were many other things, but because we deemed -them graves, we put in the bow again and made it up as it was, and left -the rest untouched, because we thought it would be odious unto them to -ransack their sepulchres. - -We went on further and found new stubble, of which they had gotten corn -this year, and many walnut trees full of nuts, and great store of -strawberries, and some vines. Passing thus a field or two, which were -not great, we came to another which had also been new gotten, and there -we found where a house had been, and four or five old planks laid -together; also we found a great kettle which had been some ship’s kettle -and brought out of Europe.[25] There was also a heap of sand, made like -the former—but it was newly done, we might see how they had paddled it -with their hands—which we digged up, and in it we found a little old -basket full of fair Indian corn, and digged further and found a fine -great new basket full of very fair corn of this year, with some -thirty-six goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and others -mixed with blue, which was a very goodly sight. The basket was round, -and narrow at the top; it held about three or four bushels, which was as -much as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was very handsomely -and cunningly made. But whilst we were busy about these things, we set -our men sentinel in a round ring, all but two or three which digged up -the corn. We were in suspense what to do with it and the kettle, and at -length, after much consultation, we concluded to take the kettle and as -much of the corn as we could carry away with us; and when our shallop -came, if we could find any of the people, and come to parley with them, -we would give them the kettle again, and satisfy them for their -corn.[26] So we took all the ears, and put a good deal of the loose corn -in the kettle for two men to bring away on a staff; besides, they that -could put any into their pockets filled the same. The rest we buried -again, for we were so laden with armor that we could carry no more. - -Not far from this place we found the remainder of an old fort, or -palisade, which as we conceived had been made by some Christians. This -was also hard by that place which we thought had been a river, unto -which we went and found it so to be, dividing itself into two arms by a -high bank. Standing right by the cut or mouth which came from the sea, -that which was next unto us was the less; the other arm was more than -twice as big, and not unlike to be a harbor for ships. But whether it be -a fresh river, or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to -discover, for we had commandment to be out but two days. Here also we -saw two canoes, the one on the one side, the other on the other side; we -could not believe it was a canoe, till we came near it. So we returned, -leaving the further discovery hereof to our shallop, and came that night -back again to the fresh water pond, and there we made our rendezvous -that night, making a great fire, and a barricade to windward of us, and -kept good watch with three sentinels all night, every one standing when -his turn came, while five or six inches of match was burning.[27] It -proved a very rainy night. - -In the morning we took our kettle and sunk it in the pond, and trimmed -our muskets, for few of them would go off because of the wet, and so -coasted the wood again to come home, in which we were shrewdly puzzled, -and lost our way. As we wandered we came to a tree, where a young -sprit[28] was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. -Stephen Hopkins said it had been to catch some deer. So as we were -looking at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when he came looked -also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was -immediately caught by the leg. It was a very pretty device, made with a -rope of their own making and having a noose as artificially[29] made as -any roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be, which we -brought away with us. In the end we got out of the wood, and were fallen -about a mile too high above the creek, where we saw three bucks, but we -had rather have had one of them.[30] We also did spring three couple of -partridges, and as we came along by the creek we saw great flocks of -wild geese and ducks, but they were very fearful of us. So we marched -some while in the woods, some while on the sands, and other while in the -water up to the knees, till at length we came near the ship, and then we -shot off our pieces, and the long boat came to fetch us. Master Jones -and Master Carver being on the shore, with many of our people, came to -meet us. And thus we came both weary and welcome home, and delivered in -our corn into the store, to be kept for seed, for we knew not how to -come by any, and therefore were very glad, purposing, so soon as we -could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, to make them large -satisfaction. This was our first discovery, whilst our shallop was in -repairing. - -Our people did make things as fitting as they could, and time would, in -seeking out wood, and helving[31] of tools, and sawing of timber to -build a new shallop. But the discommodiousness of the harbor did much -hinder us for we could neither go to nor come from the shore, but at -high water, which was much to our hindrance and hurt, for oftentimes -they waded to the middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and -come from land. Some did it necessarily, and some for their own -pleasure, but it brought to the most, if not to all, coughs and colds, -the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy, which afterwards turned to -the scurvy,[32] whereof many died. - -When our shallop was fit—indeed, before she was fully fitted, for there -was two days’ work after bestowed on her—there was appointed some -twenty-four men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a more full -discovery of the rivers before mentioned. Master Jones was desirous to -go with us, and we took such of his sailors as he thought useful for us, -so as we were in all about thirty-four men. We made Master Jones our -leader, for we thought it best herein to gratify his kindness and -forwardness. When we were set forth, it proved rough weather and cross -winds, so as we were constrained, some in the shallop, and others in the -long boat, to row to the nearest shore the wind would suffer them to go -unto, and then to wade out above the knees. The wind was so strong as -the shallop could not keep the water, but was forced to harbor there -that night, but we marched six or seven miles further, and appointed the -shallop to come to us as soon as they could. It blowed and did snow all -that day and night, and froze withal; some of our people that are dead -took the original of their death here. - -The next day, about eleven o’clock, our shallop came to us and we -shipped ourselves, and the wind being good, we sailed to the river we -formerly discovered, which we named Cold Harbor, to which when we came -we found it not navigable for ships, yet we thought it might be a good -harbor for boats, for it flows there twelve foot at high water. We -landed our men between the two creeks and marched some four or five -miles by the greater of them, and the shallop followed us. At length -night grew on, and our men were tired with marching up and down the -steep hills and deep valleys which lay half a foot thick with snow. -Master Jones, wearied with marching, was desirous we should take up our -lodging, though some of us would have marched further, so we made there -our rendezvous for that night, under a few pine trees. And as it fell -out, we got three fat geese and six ducks to our supper, which we ate -with soldiers’ stomachs, for we had eaten little all that day. Our -resolution was next morning to go up to the head of this river, for we -supposed it would prove fresh water, but in the morning our resolution -held not, because many liked not the hilliness of the soil, and badness -of the harbor. So we turned towards the other creek, that we might go -over and look for the rest of the corn that we left behind when we were -here before. - -When we came to the creek we saw the canoe lie on the dry ground, and a -flock of geese in the river, at which one made a shot and killed a -couple of them, and we launched the canoe and fetched them and when we -had done, she carried us over by seven or eight at once. This done, we -marched to the place where we had the corn formerly, which place we -called Cornhill, and digged and found the rest, of which we were very -glad. We also digged in a place a little further off, and found a bottle -of oil. We went to another place which we had seen before, and digged, -and found more corn, viz. two or three baskets full of Indian wheat,[33] -and a bag of beans, with a good many of fair wheat[33] ears. Whilst some -of us were digging up this, some others found another heap of corn, -which they digged up also, so as we had in all about ten bushels, which -will serve us sufficiently for seed. [Sidenote: Note.] -And sure it was God’s good providence that we found this corn, for else -we know not how we should have done, for we knew not how we should find -or meet with any Indians, except it be to do us a mischief.[34] Also, we -had never in all likelihood seen a grain of it if we had not made our -first journey, for the ground was now covered with snow, and so hard -frozen that we were fain with our cutlasses and short swords to hew and -carve the ground a foot deep, and then wrest it up with levers, for we -had forgot to bring other tools. Whilst we were in this employment, foul -weather being towards, Master Jones was earnest to go aboard, but sundry -of us desired to make further discovery and to find out the Indians’ -habitations. So we sent home with him our weakest people, and some that -were sick, and all the corn, and eighteen of us stayed still, and lodged -there that night, and desired that the shallop might return to us next -day and bring us some mattocks and spades with them. - -The next morning we followed certain beaten paths and tracks of the -Indians into the woods, supposing they would have led us into some town, -or houses. After we had gone a while, we light upon a very broad beaten -path, well nigh two feet broad. Then we lighted all our matches[35] and -prepared ourselves, concluding that we were near their dwellings, but in -the end we found it to be only a path made to drive deer in, when the -Indians hunt, as we supposed. - -When we had marched five or six miles into the woods and could find no -signs of any people, we returned again another way, and as we came into -the plain ground we found a place like a grave, but it was much bigger -and longer than any we had yet seen. It was also covered with boards, so -as we mused what it should be, and resolved to dig it up, where we -found, first a mat, and under that a fair bow, and there another mat, -and under that a board about three quarters[36] long, finely carved and -painted, with three tines, or broaches, on the top, like a crown. Also -between the mats we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like trinkets. -At length we came to a fair new mat, and under that two bundles, the one -bigger, the other less. We opened the greater and found in it a great -quantity of fine and perfect red powder, and in it the bones and skull -of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair still on it, and some of the -flesh unconsumed; there was bound up with it a knife, a packneedle,[37] -and two or three old iron things. It was bound up in a sailor’s canvas -cassock, and a pair of cloth breeches. The red powder was a kind of -embalment, and yielded a strong, but no offensive smell; it was as fine -as any flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and found of the same -powder in it, and the bones and head of a little child. About the legs -and other parts of it was bound strings and bracelets of fine white -beads; there was also by it a little bow, about three quarters long, and -some other odd knacks. We brought sundry of the prettiest things away -with us, and covered the corpse up again. After this, we digged in -sundry like places, but found no more corn, nor any thing else but -graves. - -There was variety of opinions amongst us about the embalmed person. Some -thought it was an Indian lord and king. Others said the Indians have all -black hair, and never any was seen with brown or yellow hair. Some -thought it was a Christian of some special note, which had died amongst -them, and they thus buried him to honor him. Others thought they had -killed him, and did it in triumph over him. - -Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of the sailors, which -were newly come on the shore, by chance espied two houses which had been -lately dwelt in, but the people were gone. They, having their pieces and -hearing nobody, entered the houses and took out some things, and durst -not stay but came again and told us. So some seven or eight of us went -with them, and found how we had gone within a flight shot of them -before. The houses were made with long young sapling trees, bended and -both ends stuck into the ground. They were made round, like unto an -arbor, and covered down to the ground with thick and well wrought mats, -and the door was not over a yard high, made of a mat to open. The -chimney was a wide open hole in the top, for which they had a mat to -cover it close when they pleased. One might stand and go upright in -them. In the midst of them were four little trunches[38] knocked into -the ground, and small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots, -and what they had to seethe.[39] Round about the fire they lay on mats, -which are their beds. The houses were double matted, for as they were -matted without, so were they within, with newer and fairer mats. In the -houses we found wooden bowls, trays and dishes, earthen pots, -handbaskets made of crabshells wrought together, also an English pail or -bucket; it wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There was also -baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some lesser, finer and some coarser; -some were curiously wrought with black and white in pretty works, and -sundry other of their household stuff. We found also two or three deer’s -heads, one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still fresh. There -was also a company of deer’s feet stuck up in the houses, harts’ horns, -and eagles’ claws, and sundry such like things there was, also two or -three baskets full of parched acorns, pieces of fish, and a piece of a -broiled herring. We found also a little silk grass, and a little tobacco -seed, with some other seeds which we knew not. Without was sundry -bundles of flags, and sedge, bulrushes, and other stuff to make mats. -There was thrust into a hollow tree two or three pieces of venison, but -we thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. Some of the best things -we took away with us, and left the houses standing still as they were. - -So it growing towards night, and the tide almost spent, we hasted with -our things down to the shallop, and got aboard that night, intending to -have brought some beads and other things to have left in the houses, in -sign of peace and that we meant to truck with them, but it was not done, -by means of our hasty coming away from Cape Cod. But so soon as we can -meet conveniently with them, we will give them full satisfaction. Thus -much of our second discovery. - -Having thus discovered this place, it was controversial amongst us what -to do touching our abode and settling there; some thought it best, for -many reasons, to abide there. As first, that there was a convenient -harbor for boats, though not for ships. Secondly, good corn-ground ready -to our hands, as we saw by experience in the goodly corn it yielded, -which would again agree with the ground, and be natural seed for the -same. Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing, for we -saw daily great whales of the best kind for oil and bone, come close -aboard our ship, and in fair weather swim and play about us. There was -once one, when the sun shone warm, came and lay above water as if she -had been dead, for a good while together, within half a musket shot of -the ship, at which two were prepared to shoot to see whether she would -stir or no. He that gave fire first, his musket flew in pieces, both -stock and barrel, yet, thanks be to God, neither he nor any man else was -hurt with it, though many were there about. But when the whale saw her -time, she gave a snuff, and away. Fourthly, the place was likely to be -healthful, secure, and defensible. - -But the last and especial reason was, that now the heart of winter and -unseasonable weather was come upon us, so that we could not go upon -coasting and discovery without danger of losing men and boat, upon which -would follow the overthrow of all, especially considering what variable -winds and sudden storms do there arise. Also, cold and wet lodging had -so tainted our people, for scarce any of us were free from vehement -coughs, as if they should continue long in that estate it would endanger -the lives of many, and breed diseases and infection amongst us. Again, -we had yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals left, which -would quickly be all gone, and then we should have nothing to comfort us -in the great labor and toil we were like to undergo at the first. It was -also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the ship would -stay with us, but when that grew low, they would be gone and let us -shift as we could. - -Others again, urged greatly the going to Anguum, or Angoum,[40] a place -twenty leagues off to the northwards, which they had heard to be an -excellent harbor for ships, better ground, and better fishing. Secondly, -for anything we knew, there might be hard by us a far better seat, and -it should be a great hindrance to seat where we should remove again. -Thirdly, the water was but in ponds, and it was thought there would be -none in summer, or very little. Fourthly, the water there must be -fetched up a steep hill. But to omit many reasons and replies used -hereabouts, it was in the end concluded to make some discovery within -the bay, but in no case so far as Anguum. Besides, Robert Coppin, our -pilot, made relation of a great navigable river and good harbor in the -other headland of this bay, almost right over against Cape Cod, being in -a right line not much above eight leagues distant, in which he had been -once; and because that one of the wild men with whom they had some -trucking stole a harping iron[41] from them, they called it Thievish -Harbor. And beyond that place they were enjoined not to go, whereupon, a -company was chosen to go out upon a third discovery. Whilst some were -employed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistress White was -brought a-bed of a son, which was called Peregrine. - -The 5th day, we, through God’s mercy, escaped a great danger by the -foolishness of a boy, one of Francis Billington’s sons, who, in his -father’s absence, had got gunpowder and had shot of a piece or two, and -made squibs, and there being a fowling-piece charged in his father’s -cabin, shot her off in the cabin; there being a little barrel of powder -half full, scattered in and about the cabin, the fire being within four -feet of the bed between the decks, and many flints and iron things about -the cabin, and many people about the fire, and yet, by God’s mercy, no -harm done. - -Wednesday, the 6th of December, it was resolved our discoverers should -set forth, for the day before was too foul weather, and so they did, -though it was well o’er the day ere all things could be ready. So ten of -our men were appointed who were of themselves willing to undertake it, -to wit, Captain Standish, Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward -Winslow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Howland, and three of London, -Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Dotte, and two of our -seamen, John Allerton and Thomas English. Of the ship’s company there -went two of the master’s mates, Master Clarke and Master Coppin, the -master gunner, and three sailors. The narration of which discovery -follows, penned by one of the company. - -Wednesday, the 6th of December, we set out, being very cold and hard -weather. We were a long while after we launched from the ship before we -could get clear of a sandy point which lay within less than a furlong of -the same. In which time two were very sick, and Edward Tilley had like -to have sounded[42] with cold; the gunner also was sick unto death, (but -hope of trucking made him to go), and so remained all that day and the -next night. At length we got clear of the sandy point and got up our -sails, and within an hour or two we got under the weather shore, and -then had smoother water and better sailing, but it was very cold, for -the water froze on our clothes and made them many times like coats of -iron. We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw neither river -nor creek; at length we met with a tongue of land, being flat off from -the shore, with a sandy point. We bore up to gain the point, and found -there a fair income or road of a bay, being a league over at the -narrowest, and some two or three in length, but we made right over to -the land before us, and left the discovery of this income till the next -day. As we drew near to the shore, we espied some ten or twelve Indians -very busy about a black thing—what it was we could not tell—till -afterwards they saw us, and ran to and fro as if they had been carrying -something away. We landed a league or two from them, and had much ado to -put ashore anywhere, it lay so full of flat sands. When we came to -shore, we made us a barricade, and got firewood, and set out our -sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. We saw the -smoke of the fire which the savages made that night, about four or five -miles from us. - -In the morning we divided our company, some eight in the shallop, and -the rest on the shore went to discover this place, but we found it only -to be a bay, without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we deemed -it to be as good a harbor as Cape Cod, for they that sounded it found a -ship might ride in five fathom water. We on the land found it to be a -level soil, though none of the fruitfullest. We saw two becks[43] of -fresh water, which were the first running streams that we saw in the -country, but one might stride over them. We found also a great fish, -called a grampus, dead on the sands; they in the shallop found two of -them also in the bottom of the bay, dead in like sort. They were cast up -at high water, and could not get off for the frost and ice. They were -some five or six paces long, and about two inches thick of fat, and -fleshed like a swine; they would have yielded a great deal of oil if -there had been time and means to have taken it. So we finding nothing -for our turn, both we and our shallop returned. - -We then directed our course along the sea sands, to the place where we -first saw the Indians. When we were there, we saw it was also a grampus -which they were cutting up; they cut it into long rands or pieces, about -an ell[44] long, and two handfull broad. We found here and there a piece -scattered by the way, as it seemed, for haste. This place the most were -minded we should call the Grampus Bay, because we found so many of them -there. We followed the track of the Indians’ bare feet a good way on the -sands; at length we saw where they struck into the woods by the side of -a pond. As we went to view the place, one said he thought he saw an -Indian house among the trees, so went up to see. And here we and the -shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or -ten o’clock. - -So we light on a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into -the woods. At length we found where corn had been set, but not that -year. Anon we found a great burying place, one part whereof was -encompassed with a large palisade, like a churchyard, with young -spires[45] four or five yards long, set as close one by another as they -could, two or three feet in the ground. Within it was full of graves, -some bigger and some less; some were also paled about, and others had -like an Indian house made over them, but not matted. Those graves were -more sumptuous than those at Cornhill, yet we digged none of them up, -but only viewed them, and went our way. Without the palisade were graves -also, but not so costly. From this place we went and found more -corn-ground, but not of this year. As we ranged we light on four or five -Indian houses, which had been lately dwelt in, but they were uncovered, -and had no mats about them, else they were like those we found at -Cornhill but had not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing left but -two or three pieces of old mats, and a little sedge. Also, a little -further we found two baskets full of parched acorns hid in the ground, -which we supposed had been corn when we began to dig the same; we cast -earth thereon again and went our way. All this while we saw no people. - -We went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we -hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our shallop, which when -we were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and called them to -come unto us, the which they did as soon as they could, for it was not -yet high water. They were exceeding glad to see us (for they feared -because they had not seen us in so long a time), thinking we would have -kept by the shore side. So being both weary and faint, for we had eaten -nothing all that day, we fell to make our rendezvous and get firewood, -which always costs us a great deal of labor. By that time we had done, -and our shallop come to us, it was within night, and we fed upon such -victuals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we had set out our -watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our -sentinels called, “Arm! Arm!” So we bestirred ourselves and shot off a -couple of muskets, and the noise ceased; we concluded that it was a -company of wolves or foxes, for one told us he had heard such a noise in -Newfoundland. - -About five o’clock in the morning we began to be stirring, and two or -three which doubted whether their pieces would go off or no made trial -of them, and shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After prayer we -prepared ourselves for breakfast and for a journey, and it being now the -twilight in the morning, it was thought meet to carry the things down to -the shallop. Some said it was not best to carry the armor down; others -said they would be readier; two or three said they would not carry -theirs till they went themselves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it -fell out, the water not being high enough, they laid the things down -upon the shore and came up to breakfast. Anon, all upon a sudden, we -heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same voices, -though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, came -running in and cried, “They are men! Indians! Indians!” and withal, -their arrows came flying amongst us. [Sidenote: Our first combat with - the Indians.] -Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms, as by the good -providence of God they did. In the meantime, Captain Miles Standish, -having a snaphance[46] ready, made a shot, and after him another. After -they two had shot, other two of us were ready, but he wished us not to -shoot till we could take aim, for we knew not what need we should have, -and there were four only of us which had their arms there ready, and -stood before the open side of our barricade, which was first assaulted. -They thought it best to defend it, lest the enemy should take it and our -stuff, and so have the more vantage against us. Our care was no less for -the shallop, but we hoped all the rest would defend it; we called unto -them to know how it was with them, and they answered, “Well! Well!” -every one and, “Be of good courage!” We heard three of their pieces go -off, and the rest called for a firebrand to light their matches. One -took a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it unto -them, which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. The cry -of our enemies was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to recover -their arms; their note was after this manner, “_Woach woach ha ha hach -woach_.”[47] Our men were no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy -was ready to assault them. - -There was a lusty man and no whit less valiant, who was thought to be -their captain, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot of us, and -there let his arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which -were all avoided, for he at whom the first arrow was aimed, saw it, and -stooped down and it flew over him; the rest were avoided also. He stood -three shots of a musket. At length one took, as he said, full aim at -him, after which he gave an extraordinary cry and away they went all. We -followed them about a quarter of a mile, but we left six to keep our -shallop, for we were careful of our business. Then we shouted all -together two several times, and shot off a couple of muskets and so -returned; this we did that they might see we were not afraid of them nor -discouraged. - -Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies and give us deliverance. By -their noise we could not guess that they were less than thirty or forty, -though some thought that they were many more. Yet in the dark of the -morning we could not so well discern them among the trees, as they could -see us by our fireside. We took up eighteen of their arrows which we -have sent to England by Master Jones, some whereof were headed with -brass, others with harts’ horn, and others with eagles’ claws. Many more -no doubt were shot, for these we found were almost covered with leaves; -yet, by the especial providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt -us though many came close by us and on every side of us, and some coats -which hung up in our baricade were shot through and through. - -So after we had given God thanks for our deliverance, we took our -shallop and went on our journey, and called this place, The First -Encounter. From thence we intended to have sailed to the aforesaid -Thievish Harbor, if we found no convenient harbor by the way. Having the -wind good, we sailed all that day along the coast about fifteen leagues, -but saw neither river nor creek to put into. After we had sailed an hour -or two, it began to snow and rain, and to be bad weather. About the -midst of the afternoon, the wind increased and the seas began to be very -rough, and the hinges of the rudder broke so that we could steer no -longer with it, but two men with much ado were fain to serve with a -couple of oars. The seas were grown so great that we were much troubled -and in great danger, and night grew on. Anon Master Coppin bade us be of -good cheer; he saw the harbor. As we drew near, the gale being stiff and -we bearing great sail to get in, split our mast in three pieces, and -were like to have cast away our shallop. Yet, by God’s mercy, recovering -ourselves, we had the flood with us, and struck into the harbor. - -Now he that thought that had been the place was deceived, it being a -place where not any of us had been before, and coming into the harbor, -he that was our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had continued -we had been cast away. Yet still the Lord kept us, and we bore up for an -island before us, and recovering of that island, being compassed about -with many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleased the Divine -Providence that we fell upon a place of sandy ground, where our shallop -did ride safe and secure all that night, and coming upon a strange -island kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island. And in the -morning we marched about it and found no inhabitants at all, and here we -made our rendezvous all that day, being Saturday, 10th of December. On -the Sabbath day we rested, and on Monday we sounded the harbor, and -found it a very good harbor for our shipping. We marched also into the -land, and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks, a place -very good for situation, so we returned to our ship again with good news -to the rest of our people, which did much comfort their hearts.[48] - -On the 15th day we weighed anchor, to go to the place we had discovered, -and coming within two leagues of the land, we could not fetch the -harbor, but were fain to put room again towards Cape Cod, our course -lying west, and the wind was at northwest. But it pleased God that the -next day, being Saturday the 16th day, the wind came fair and we put to -sea again, and came safely into a safe harbor; and within half an hour -the wind changed, so as if we had been letted[49] but a little, we had -gone back to Cape Cod. - -This harbor is a bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly -land, and in the bay, two fine islands uninhabited, wherein are nothing -but wood, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and other trees -which we know not. This bay is a most hopeful place, innumerable store -of fowl, and excellent good, and cannot but be of fish in their seasons; -skote,[50] cod, turbot, and herring, we have tasted of, abundance of -mussels the greatest and best that ever we saw; crabs and lobsters, in -their time infinite. It is in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook. - -Monday the 18th day, we went a-land, manned with the master of the ship -and three or four of the sailors. We marched along the coast in the -woods some seven or eight miles, but saw not an Indian nor an Indian -house; only we found where formerly had been some inhabitants, and where -they had planted their corn. We found not any navigable river, but four -or five small running brooks of very sweet fresh water, that all run -into the sea. The land for the crust of the earth is, a spit’s[51] -depth, excellent black mould,[52] and fat[53] in some places, two or -three great oaks but not very thick, pines, walnuts, beech, ash, birch, -hazel, holly, asp,[54] sassafras in abundance, and vines everywhere, -cherry trees, plum trees, and many others which we know not. Many kinds -of herbs we found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumerable, -sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brooklime, liverwort, watercresses, great store -of leeks and onions, and an excellent strong kind of flax and hemp. Here -is sand, gravel, and excellent clay, no better in the world, excellent -for pots, and will wash like soap, and great store of stone, though -somewhat soft, and the best water that ever we drank, and the brooks now -begin to be full of fish. That night, many being weary with marching, we -went aboard again. - -The next morning, being Tuesday the 19th of December, we went again to -discover further; some went on land, and some in the shallop. The land -we found as the former day we did, and we found a creek, and went up -three English miles. A very pleasant river, at full sea a bark of thirty -tons may go up, but at low water scarce our shallop could pass. This -place we had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so far from our -fishing, our principal profit,[55] and so encompassed with woods that we -should be in much danger of the savages, and our number being so little, -and so much ground to clear, so as we thought good to quit and clear -that place till we were of more strength. Some of us having a good mind -for safety to plant in the greater isle,[56] we crossed the bay which is -there five or six miles over, and found the isle about a mile and a half -or two miles about, all wooded, and no fresh water but two or three -pits, that we doubted of fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as -we could hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn. Besides, we -judged it cold for our corn, and some part very rocky, yet divers -thought of it as a place defensible, and of great security. - -That night we returned again a-shipboard, with resolution the next -morning to settle on some of those places; so in the morning, after we -had called on God for direction, we came to this resolution: to go -presently ashore again, and to take a better view of two places, which -we thought most fitting for us, for we could not now take time for -further search or consideration, our victuals being much spent, -especially our beer, and it being now the 19th of December. After our -landing and viewing of the places, so well as we could we came to a -conclusion, by most voices, to set on the mainland, on the first place, -on a high ground, where there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath -been planted with corn three or four years ago, and there is a very -sweet brook runs under the hill side, and many delicate springs of as -good water as can be drunk, and where we may harbor our shallops and -boats exceeding well, and in this brook much good fish in their seasons; -on the further side of the river also much corn-ground cleared. In one -field is a great hill on which we point to make a platform and plant our -ordnance, which will command all round about. From thence we may see -into the bay, and far into the sea, and we may see thence Cape Cod. Our -greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of -an English mile, but there is enough so far off. What people inhabit -here we yet know not, for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our -rendezvous, and a place for some of our people, about twenty, resolving -in the morning to come all ashore and to build houses. - -But the next morning, being Thursday the 21st of December, it was stormy -and wet, that we could not go ashore, and those that remained there all -night could do nothing, but were wet, not having daylight enough to make -them a sufficient court of guard[57] to keep them dry. All that night it -blew and rained extremely; it was so tempestuous that the shallop could -not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. -About eleven o’clock the shallop went off with much ado with provision, -but could not return; it blew so strong and was such foul weather that -we were forced to let fall our anchor and ride with three anchors ahead. - -Friday, the 22nd, the storm still continued, that we could not get -a-land nor they come to us aboard. This morning good-wife[58] Allerton -was delivered of a son, but dead born. - -Saturday, the 23rd, so many of us as could, went on shore, felled and -carried timber, to provide themselves stuff for building. - -Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry of some savages (as -they thought) which caused an alarm, and to stand on their guard, -expecting an assault, but all was quiet. - -Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to fell timber, some to -saw, some to rive, and some to carry, so no man rested all that day. But -towards night some, as they were at work, heard a noise of some Indians, -which caused us all to go to our muskets, but we heard no further. So we -came aboard again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. That -night we had a sore storm of wind and rain. - -Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to fell drink water aboard, -but at night the master caused us to have some beer, and so on board we -had divers times now and then some beer, but on shore none at all. - -Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we could not go ashore. - -Wednesday, the 27th, we went to work again. - -Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could went to work on the -hill where we purposed to build our platform for our ordnance, and which -doth command all the plain and the bay, and from whence we may see far -into the sea, and might be easier impaled, having two rows of houses and -a fair street. So in the afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, -and first we took notice how many families there were, willing all -single men that had no wives to join with some family, as they thought -fit, that so we might build fewer houses, which was done, and we reduced -them to nineteen families. To greater families we allotted larger plots, -to every person half a pole in breadth, and three in length,[59] and so -lots were cast where every man should lie, which was done, and staked -out. We thought this proportion was large enough at the first for houses -and gardens, to impale them round, considering the weakness of our -people, many of them growing ill with cold, for our former discoveries -in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much -weakness amongst us, which increased so every day more and more, and -after was the cause of many of their deaths. - -Friday and Saturday, we fitted ourselves for our labor, but our people -on shore were much troubled and discouraged with rain and wet, that day -being very stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire made by the -Indians, about six or seven miles from us, as we conjectured. - -Monday, the 1st of January, we went betimes to work. We were much -hindered in lying so far off from the land, and fain to go as the tide -served, that we lost much time, for our ship drew so much water[60] that -she lay a mile and almost a half off, though a ship of seventy or eighty -tons at high water may come to the shore. - -Wednesday, the 3rd of January, some of our people being abroad to get -and gather thatch, they saw great fires of the Indians, and were at -their corn-fields, yet saw none of the savages, nor had seen any of them -since we came to this bay. - -Thursday, the 4th of January, Captain Miles Standish with four or five -more, went to see if they could meet with any of the savages in that -place where the fires were made. They went to some of their houses, but -not lately inhabited, yet could they not meet with any. As they came -home, they shot at an eagle and killed her, which was excellent meat; it -was hardly to be discerned from mutton. - -Friday, the 5th of January, one of the sailors found alive upon the -shore a herring, which the master had to his supper, which put us in -hope of fish, but as yet we had got but one cod; we wanted small hooks. - -Saturday, the 6th of January, Master Martin was very sick, and to our -judgment no hope of life, so Master Carver was sent for to come aboard -to speak with him about his accounts, who came the next morning. - -Monday, the 8th day of January, was a very fair day, and we went betimes -to work. Master Jones sent the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see -where fish could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and were in some -danger; at night they returned with three great seals and an excellent -good cod, which did assure us that we should have plenty of fish -shortly. - -This day, Francis Billington, having the week before seen from the top -of a tree on a high hill a great sea as he thought, went with one of the -master’s mates to see it. They went three miles and then came to a great -water, divided into two great lakes, the bigger of them five or six -miles in circuit, and in it an isle of a cable length[61] square, the -other three miles in compass; in their estimation they are fine fresh -water, full of fish, and fowl. A brook issues from it; it will be an -excellent help for us in time. They found seven or eight Indian houses, -but not lately inhabited. When they saw the houses they were in some -fear, for they were but two persons and one piece. - -Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair day, and we went to -labor that day in the building of our town, in two rows of houses for -more safety. We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our -town. After the proportion formerly alloted, we agreed that every man -should build his own house, thinking by that course men would make more -haste than working in common. The common house, in which for the first -we made our rendezvous, being near finished wanted only covering, it -being about twenty feet square. Some should make mortar, and some gather -thatch, so that in four days half of it was thatched. Frost and foul -weather hindered us much, this time of the year seldom could we work -half the week. - -Thursday, the 11th, William Bradford being at work (for it was a fair -day) was vehemently taken with a grief and pain, and so shot to his -huckle-bone.[62] It was doubted that he would have instantly died; he -got cold in the former discoveries, especially the last, and felt some -pain in his ankles by times, but he grew a little better towards night -and in time, through God’s mercy in the use of means, recovered. - -Friday, the 12th, we went to work, but about noon it began to rain that -it forced us to give over work. - -This day two of our people put us in great sorrow and care; there was -four sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning, and two of them, John -Goodman and Peter Brown, having cut thatch all the forenoon, went to a -further place, and willed the other two to bind up that which was cut -and to follow them. So they did, being about a mile and a half from our -plantation. But when the two came after, they could not find them, nor -hear any thing of them at all, though they hallooed and shouted as loud -as they could, so they returned to the company and told them of it. -Whereupon Master Leaver[63] and three or four more went to seek them, -but could hear nothing of them, so they returning, sent more, but that -night they could hear nothing at all of them. The next day they armed -ten or twelve men out, verily thinking the Indians had surprised them. -They went seeking seven or eight miles, but could neither see nor hear -any thing at all, so they returned, with much discomfort to us all. - -These two that were missed, at dinner time took their meat in their -hands, and would go walk and refresh themselves. So going a little off -they find a lake of water, and having a great mastiff bitch with them -and a spaniel, by the water side they found a great deer; the dogs -chased him, and they followed so far as they lost themselves and could -not find the way back. They wandered all that afternoon being wet, and -at night it did freeze and snow. They were slenderly apparelled and had -no weapons but each one his sickle, nor any victuals. They ranged up and -down and could find none of the savages’ habitations. When it drew to -night they were much perplexed, for they could find neither harbor nor -meat, but, in frost and snow were forced to make the earth their bed and -the element their covering. And another thing did very much terrify -them; they heard, as they thought, two lions roaring exceedingly for a -long time together, and a third, that they thought was very near them. -So not knowing what to do, they resolved to climb up into a tree as -their safest refuge, though that would prove an intolerable cold -lodging; so they stood at the tree’s root, that when the lions came they -might take their opportunity of climbing up. The bitch they were fain to -hold by the neck, for she would have been gone to the lion; but it -pleased God so to dispose, that the wild beasts came not. So they walked -up and down under the tree all night; it was an extreme cold night. So -soon as it was light they travelled again, passing by many lakes and -brooks and woods, and in one place where the savages had burnt the space -of five miles in length, which is a fine champaign[64] country, and -even. In the afternoon, it pleased God, from a high hill they discovered -the two isles in the bay, and so that night got to the plantation, being -ready to faint with travail and want of victuals, and almost famished -with cold. John Goodman was fain to have his shoes cut off his feet they -were so swelled with cold, and it was a long while after ere he was able -to go; those on the shore were much comforted at their return, but they -on shipboard were grieved at deeming them lost. - -But the next day, being the 14th of January, in the morning about six of -the clock the wind being very great, they on shipboard spied their great -new rendezvous on fire, which was to them a new discomfort, fearing -because of the supposed loss of the men, that the savages had fired -them. Neither could they presently go to them, for want of water, but -after three quarters of an hour they went, as they had purposed the day -before to keep the Sabbath on shore, because now there was the greater -number of people. At their landing they heard good tidings of the return -of the two men, and that the house was fired occasionally by a spark -that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt it all up but the roof -stood and little hurt. The most loss was Master Carver’s and William -Bradford’s, who then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with -good speed, had been blown up with powder, but, through God’s mercy, -they had no harm. The house was as full of beds as they could lie one by -another, and their muskets charged, but, blessed be God, there was no -harm done. - -Monday, the 15th day, it rained much all day, that they on shipboard -could not go on shore, nor they on shore do any labor but were all wet. - -Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair sunshiny days, as if it had -been in April, and our people, so many as were in health, wrought -cheerfully. - -The 19th day we resolved to make a shed to put our common provision in, -of which some were already set on shore, but at noon it rained, that we -could not work. This day in the evening, John Goodman went abroad to use -his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having -a little spaniel with him. A little way from the plantation two great -wolves ran after the dog; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for -succor. He had nothing in his hand but took up a stick, and threw at one -of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again; -he got a pale-board[65] in his hand, and they sat both on their tails, -grinning at him a good while, and went their way and left him. - -Saturday, 20th, we made up our shed for our common goods. - -Sunday, the 21st, we kept our meeting on land. - -Monday, the 22nd, was a fair day. We wrought on our houses, and in the -afternoon carried up our hogsheads of meal to our common storehouse. The -rest of the week we followed our business likewise. - -Monday, the 29th, in the morning cold frost and sleet, but after -reasonable fair; both the long-boat and the shallop brought our common -goods on shore. - -Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January, cold frosty weather and -sleet, that we could not work. In the morning the master and others saw -two savages that had been on the island near our ship. What they came -for we could not tell; they were going so far back again before they -were descried, that we could not speak with them. - -Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and rainy, with the greatest -gusts of wind that ever we had since we came forth, that though we rid -in a very good harbor, yet we were in danger, because our ship was -light, the goods taken out, and she unballasted; and it caused much -daubing[66] of our houses to fall down. - -Friday, the 9th, still the cold weather continued, that we could do -little work. That afternoon our little house for our sick people was set -on fire by a spark that kindled in the roof, but no great harm was done. -That evening, the master going ashore, killed five geese, which he -friendly distributed among the sick people. He found also a good deer -killed; the savages had cut off the horns, and a wolf was eating of him; -how he came there we could not conceive. - -Friday, the 16th, was a fair day, but the northerly wind continued, -which continued the frost. This day after noon one of our people being -a-fowling, and having taken a stand by a creek-side in the reeds, about -a mile and a half from our plantation, there came by him twelve Indians -marching towards our plantation, and in the woods he heard the noise of -many more. He lay close till they were passed, and then with what speed -he could he went home and gave the alarm, so the people abroad in the -woods returned and armed themselves, but saw none of them; only toward -the evening they made a great fire, about the place where they were -first discovered. Captain Miles Standish and Francis Cook, being at work -in the woods, coming home, left their tools behind them, but before they -returned their tools were taken away by the savages. This coming of the -savages gave us occasion to keep more strict watch, and to make our -pieces and furniture ready, which by the moisture and rain were out of -temper. - -Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning we called a meeting for the -establishing of military orders among ourselves, and we chose Miles -Standish our captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. And -as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages presented themselves -upon the top of a hill, over against our plantation, about a quarter of -a mile and less, and made signs unto us to come unto them; we likewise -made signs unto them to come to us, whereupon we armed ourselves, and -stood ready, and sent two over the brook towards them, to wit, Captain -Standish and Stephen Hopkins, who went towards them. Only one of them -had a musket, which they laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign -of peace, and to parley with them, but the savages would not tarry their -coming. A noise of a great many more was heard behind the hill, but no -more came in sight. This caused us to plant our great ordnances in -places most convenient. - -Wednesday, the 21st of February, the master came on shore with many of -his sailors, and brought with him one of the great pieces, called a -minion,[67] and helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece -that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a saller,[68] and two -bases.[69] He brought with him a very fat goose to eat with us, and we -had a fat crane, and a mallard, and a dried neat’s[70] tongue, and so we -were kindly and friendly together. - -Saturday, the 3rd of March, the wind was south, the morning misty, but -towards noon warm and fair weather; the birds sang in the woods most -pleasantly. At one of the clock it thundered, which was the first we -heard in that country; it was strong and great claps, but short, but -after an hour it rained very sadly[71] till midnight. - -Wednesday, the 7th of March, the wind was full east, cold, but fair. -That day Master Carver with five others went to the great ponds, which -seem to be excellent fishing-places; all the way they went they found it -exceedingly beaten and haunted with deer, but they saw none. Amongst -other fowl, they saw one a milk-white fowl, with a very black head. This -day some garden seeds were sown. - -Friday, the 16th, a fair warm day towards; this morning we determined to -conclude of the military orders, which we had begun to consider of -before but were interrupted by the savages, as we mentioned formerly. -And whilst we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again, for -there presented himself a savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly -came all alone and along the houses straight to the rendezvous, where we -intercepted him,[72] not suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he -would, out of his boldness. He saluted us in English, and bade us -welcome, for he had learned some broken English among the Englishmen -that came to fish at Monchiggon,[73] and knew by name the most of the -captains, commanders, and masters that usually come. He was a man free -in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly -carriage. We questioned him of many things; he was the first savage we -could meet withal. He said he was not of these parts, but of -Morattiggon,[73] and one of the sagamores or lords thereof, and had been -eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day’s sail with a great -wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of -every province, and of their sagamores, and their number of men, and -strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horseman’s coat -about him, for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist, with -a fringe about a span[74] long, or little more; he had a bow and two -arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall straight -man, the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before, none on -his face at all; he asked some beer, but we gave him strong water[75] -and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of -mallard, all which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such -amongst the English. He told us the place where we now live is called -Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabitants died of an -extraordinary plague,[76] and there is neither man, woman, nor child -remaining, as indeed we have found none, so as there is none to hinder -our possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon we spent in -communication with him; we would gladly have been rid of him at night, -but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on -shipboard, wherewith he was well content, and went into the shallop, but -the wind was high and the water scant, that it could not return back. We -lodged him that night at Stephen Hopkin’s house, and watched him. - -The next day he went away back to the Massasoits,[77] from whence he -said he came, who are our next bordering neighbors. They are sixty -strong, as he saith. The Nausets are as near southeast of them, and are -a hundred strong, and those were they of whom our people were -encountered, as we before related. They are much incensed and provoked -against the English, and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, -and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monchiggon; they were Sir -Ferdinando Gorges his men,[78] as this savage told us, as he did -likewise of the _huggery_, that is, fight, that our discoverers had with -the Nausets, and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, which we -willed him should be brought again, otherwise, we would right ourselves. -These people are ill affected towards the English, by reason of one -Hunt,[79] a master of a ship, who deceived the people, and got them -under color of trucking with them, twenty out of this very place where -we inhabit, and seven men from the Nausets, and carried them away, and -sold them for slaves[80] like a wretched man (for twenty pound a man) -that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit. - -Saturday, in the morning we dismissed the savage, and gave him a knife, -a bracelet, and a ring; he promised within a night or two to come again, -and to bring with him some of the Massasoits, our neighbors, with such -beavers’ skins as they had to truck with us. - -Saturday and Sunday, reasonable fair days. On this day came again the -savage, and brought with him five other tall proper men; they had every -man a deer’s skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild cat’s -skin, or such like on the one arm. They had most of them long hosen[81] -up to their groins, close made; and above their groins to their waist -another leather, they were altogether like the Irish-trousers.[82] They -are of complexion like our English gypsies, no hair or very little on -their faces, on their heads long hair to their shoulders, only cut -before, some trussed up before with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan, -another a fox tail hanging out. These left (according to our charge -given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our -town. We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them; they -did eat liberally of our English victuals. They made semblance unto us -of friendship and amity; they sang and danced after their manner, like -antics.[83] They brought with them in a thing like a bow-case (which the -principal of them had about his waist) a little of their corn pounded to -powder, which, put to a little water, they eat. He had a little tobacco -in a bag, but none of them drank[84] but when he listed. Some of them -had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or -five fingers broad; others after other fashions, as they liked. They -brought three or four skins, but we would not truck with them at all -that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all, -which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind -them, though we were not willing they should, and they brought us all -our tools again which were taken in the woods, in our men’s absence. So -because of the day we dismissed them so soon as we could. But Samoset, -our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself so, and -would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then -we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their -words, and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, -and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist. - -The Sabbath day, when we sent them from us, we gave every one of them -some trifles, especially the principal of them. We carried them along -with our arms to the place where they left their bows and arrows, -whereat they were amazed, and two of them began to slink away, but that -the other called them. When they took their arrows, we bade them -farewell, and they were glad, and so with many thanks given us they -departed, with promise they would come again. - -Monday and Tuesday proved fair days; we digged our grounds, and sowed -our garden seeds. - -Wednesday a fine warm day, we sent away Samoset. - -That day we had again a meeting to conclude of laws and orders for -ourselves, and to confirm those military orders that were formerly -propounded and twice broken off by the savages’ coming, but so we were -again the third time, for after we had been an hour together on the top -of the hill over against us two or three savages presented themselves, -that made semblance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain Standish -with another, with their muskets went over to them, with two of the -master’s mates that follow them without arms, having two muskets with -them. They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, and made show of -defiance, but when our men drew near them, they ran away; thus were we -again interrupted by them. This day with much ado we got our carpenter -that had been long sick of the scurvy, to fit our shallop, to fetch all -from aboard. - -Thursday, the 22nd of March, was a very fair warm day. About noon we met -again about our public business, but we had scarce been an hour -together, but Samoset came again, and Squanto, the only native of -Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of the twenty captives that -by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England,[85] and dwelt in -Cornhill with Master John Slanie, a merchant, and could speak a little -English, with three others, and they brought with them some few skins to -truck, and some red herrings newly taken and dried, but not salted, and -signified unto us, that their great sagamore Massasoit was hard by, with -Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well express -in English what they would, but after an hour the king came to the top -of a hill over against us, and had in his train sixty men, that we could -well behold them and they us. We were not willing to send our governor -to them, and they unwilling to come to us, so Squanto went again unto -him, who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which -we did, which was Edward Winslow, to know his mind, and to signify the -mind and will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with -him. We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a -jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife and a jewel to hang -in his ear, and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of -biscuit, and some butter, which were all willingly accepted. - -Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King James saluted him with -words of love and peace, and did accept of him as his friend and ally, -and that our governor desired to see him and to truck with him, and to -confirm a peace with him, as his next neighbor. He liked well of the -speech and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did not well -express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the rest to -his company, he looked upon our messenger’s sword and armor which he had -on, with intimation of his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our -messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the end he left -him in the custody of Quadequina his brother, and came over the brook, -and some twenty men following him, leaving all their bows and arrows -behind them. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger; Captain -Standish and Master Williamson[86] met the king at the brook, with half -a dozen musketeers. They saluted him and he them, so one going over, the -one on the one side, and the other on the other, conducted him to a -house then in building, where we placed a green rug and three or four -cushions. Then instantly came our governor with drum and trumpet after -him, and some few musketeers. After salutations, our governor kissing -his hand, the king kissed him, and so they sat down. The governor called -for some strong water, and drunk to him, and he drunk a great draught -that made him sweat all the while after; he called for a little fresh -meat, which the king did eat willingly, and did give his followers. Then -they treated of peace, which was: - - [Sidenote: The - agreements of peace - between us and - Massasoit.] - - 1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of - our people. - - 2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the - offender, that we might punish him. - - 3. That if any of our tools were taken away when our people were at - work, he should cause them to be restored, and if ours did any harm to - any of his, we would do the like to them. - - 4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would aid him; if any did - war against us, he should aid us. - - 5. He should send to his neighbor confederates, to certify them of - this, that they might not wrong us, but might be likewise comprised in - the conditions of peace. - - 6. That when their men came to us, they should leave their bows and - arrows behind them, as we should do our pieces when we came to them. - -Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem of him as his friend -and ally. - -All which the king seemed to like well,[87] and it was applauded of his -followers; all the while he sat by the governor he trembled for fear. In -his person he is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, -grave of countenance, and spare of speech. In his attire little or -nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain -of white bone beads about his neck, and at it behind his neck hangs a -little bag of tobacco, which he drank and gave us to drink; his face was -painted with a sad[88] red like murry,[89] and oiled both head and face, -that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise, were in their -faces, in part or in whole painted, some black, some red, some yellow, -and some white, some with crosses, and other antic works; some had skins -on them, and some naked, all strong, tall, all men in appearance. - -So after all was done, the governor conducted him to the brook, and -there they embraced each other and he departed; we diligently keeping -our hostages, we expected our messenger’s coming, but anon, word was -brought us that Quadequina was coming, and our messenger was stayed till -his return, who presently came and a troop with him, so likewise we -entertained him, and conveyed him to the place prepared. He was very -fearful of our pieces, and made signs of dislike, that they should be -carried away, whereupon commandment was given they should be laid away. -He was a very proper tall young man, of a very modest and seemly -countenance, and he did kindly like of our entertainment, so we conveyed -him likewise as we did the king, but divers of their people stayed -still. When he was returned, then they dismissed our messenger. Two of -his people would have stayed all night, but we would not suffer it. One -thing I forgot, the king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great -long knife; he marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would -sound it as well as they could. Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all -night with us, and the king and all his men lay all night in the woods, -not above half an English mile from us, and all their wives and women -with them. They said that within eight or nine days they would come and -set corn on the other side of the brook, and dwell there all summer, -which is hard by us. That night we kept good watch, but there was no -appearance of danger. - -The next morning divers of their people came over to us, hoping to get -some victuals as we imagined; some of them told us the king would have -some of us come see him. Captain Standish and Isaac Allerton went -venturously, who were welcomed of him after their manner: he gave them -three or four ground-nuts, and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive but -that he is willing to have peace with us, for they have seen our people -sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when as -they offered them no harm as they might easily have done, and especially -because he hath a potent adversary the Narragansets, that are at war -with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him, for our -pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till ten or -eleven of the clock, and our governor bid them send the king’s kettle, -and filled it full of pease, which pleased them well, and so they went -their way. - -Friday was a very fair day; Samoset and Squanto still remained with us. -Squanto went at noon to fish for eels; at night he came home with as -many as he could well lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. -They were fat and sweet; he trod them out with his feet, and so caught -them with his hands without any other instrument. - -This day we proceeded on with our common business, from which we had -been so often hindered by the savages’ coming, and concluding both of -military orders and of some laws and orders as we thought behooveful for -our present estate, and condition, and did likewise choose our governor -for this year, which was Master John Carver, a man well approved amongst -us. - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - A - Journey to Pokanoket, - the habitation of the great King - MASSASOIT; - as also our message, the answer and entertainment we had of him. - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -It seemed good to the company for many considerations to send some -amongst them to Massasoit, the greatest commander amongst the savages -bordering upon us; partly to know where to find them if occasion served, -as also to see their strength, discover the country, prevent abuses in -their disorderly coming unto us, make satisfaction for some conceived -injuries to be done on our parts, and to continue the league of peace -and friendship between them and us. For these, and the like ends, it -pleased the governor to make choice of Stephen Hopkins and Edward -Winslow to go unto him, and having a fit opportunity,[90] by reason of a -savage called Squanto (that could speak English) coming unto us, with -all expedition provided a horseman’s coat of red cotton, and laced with -a slight lace, for a present, that both they and their message might be -the more acceptable amongst them. - -The message was as followeth: that forasmuch as his subjects came often -and without fear, upon all occasions amongst us, so we were now come -unto him, and in witness of the love and good-will the English bear unto -him, the governor hath sent him a coat, desiring that the peace and -amity that was between them and us might be continued, not that we -feared them, but because we intended not to injure any, desiring to live -peaceably, and as with all men, so especially with them, our nearest -neighbors. But whereas his people came very often, and very many -together unto us, bringing for the most part their wives and children -with them, they were welcome; yet we being but strangers as yet at -Patuxet, alias New Plymouth,[91] and not knowing how our corn might -prosper, we could no longer give them such entertainment as we had done, -and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would be pleased to come -himself, or any special friend of his desired to see us, coming from him -they should be welcome; and to the end we might know them from others, -our governor had sent him a copper chain, desiring if any messenger -should come from him to us, we might know him by bringing it with him, -and hearken and give credit to his message accordingly. Also requesting -him that such as have skins should bring them to us, and that he would -hinder the multitude from oppressing us with them. And whereas at our -first arrival at Paomet (called by us Cape Cod) we found there corn -buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants but some graves of dead -new buried, took the corn, resolving if ever we could hear of any that -had right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it, yet since -we understand the owners thereof were fled for fear of us, our desire -was either to pay them with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or -any other commodities we had to pleasure them withal; requesting him -that some one of his men might signify so much unto them, and we would -content him for his pains. And last of all, our governor requested one -favor of him, which was, that he would exchange some of their corn for -seed with us, that we might make trial which best agreed with the soil -where we live. - -With these presents and message we set forward the 10th June, about nine -o’clock in the morning, our guide resolving that night to rest at -Nemasket,[92] a town under Massasoit, and conceived by us to be very -near, because the inhabitants flocked so thick upon every slight -occasion amongst us; but we found it to be some fifteen English miles. -On the way we found some ten or twelve men, women, and children, which -had pestered us till we were weary of them, perceiving that (as the -manner of them all is) where victual is easiest to be got, there they -live, especially in the summer: by reason whereof, our bay affording -many lobsters, they resort every spring-tide thither; and now returned -with us to Nemasket. Thither we came about three o’clock after noon, the -inhabitants entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they could, -giving us a kind of bread called by them _maizium_, and the spawn of -shads, which then they got in abundance, insomuch as they gave us spoons -to eat them. With these they boiled musty acorns, but of the shads we -ate heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a crow, -complaining what damage they sustained in their corn by them, who -shooting some fourscore off and killing, they much admired it, as other -shots on other occasions. - -After this, Squanto told us we should hardly in one day reach -Pokanoket,[93] moving us to go some eight miles further, where we should -find more store and better victuals than there. Being willing to hasten -our journey we went, and came thither at sunsetting, where we found many -of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of Nemasket) fishing upon a -weir which they had made on a river which belonged to them, where they -caught abundance of bass. These welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, -and we them of our victuals, not doubting but we should have enough -where’er we came. There we lodged in the open fields, for houses they -had none, though they spent the most of the summer there. The head of -this river is reported to be not far from the place of our abode; upon -it are and have been many towns, it being a good length. The ground is -very good on both sides, it being for the most part cleared. Thousands -of men have lived there, which died in a great plague not long since; -and pity it was and is to see so many goodly fields, and so well seated, -without men to dress and manure[94] the same. Upon this river dwelleth -Massasoit. It cometh into the sea at the Narraganset Bay, where the -Frenchmen so much use. A ship may go many miles up it, as the savages -report, and a shallop to the head of it; but so far as we saw, we are -sure a shallop may. - -But to return to our journey. The next morning we broke our fast, took -our leave and departed, being then accompanied with some six savages. -Having gone about six miles by the river side, at a known shoal place, -it being low water, they spake to us to put off our breeches, for we -must wade through. Here let me not forget the valor and courage of some -of the savages on the opposite side of the river, for there were -remaining alive only two men, both aged, especially the one being above -threescore. These two, espying a company of men entering the river, ran -very swiftly and low in the grass, to meet us at the bank, where with -shrill voices and great courage standing charged upon us with their -bows; they demanded what we were, supposing us to be enemies, and -thinking to take advantage on us in the water. But seeing we were -friends, they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a -small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are sure the tide ebbs and -flows. - -Having here again refreshed ourselves we proceeded in our journey, the -weather being very hot for travel, yet the country so well watered that -a man could scarce be dry, but he should have a spring at hand to cool -his thirst, beside small rivers in abundance. But the savages will not -willingly drink but at a springhead. When we came to any small brook -where no bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of their -own accords, also fearing we were or would be weary, offered to carry -our pieces, also if we would lay off any of our clothes, we should have -them carried; and as the one of them had found more special kindness -from one of the messengers, and the other savage from the other so they -showed their thankfulness accordingly in affording us all help and -furtherance in the journey. - -As we passed along, we observed that there were few places by the river -but had been inhabited, by reason whereof much ground was clear, save of -weeds which grew higher than our heads. There is much good timber, both -oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and exceeding great chestnut trees. The -country, in respect of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, -like many places in England. In some places it is very rocky both above -ground and in it. And though the country be wild and overgrown with -woods, yet the trees stand not thick, but a man may well ride a horse -amongst them. - -Passing on at length, one of the company, an Indian, espied a man and -told the rest of it. We asked them if they feared any; they told us that -if they were Narraganset men they would not trust them. Whereat we -called for our pieces and bid them not to fear, for though they were -twenty, we two alone would not care for them. But they hailing him, he -proved a friend, and had only two women with him; their baskets were -empty but they fetched water in their bottles, so that we drank with -them and departed. After, we met another man with other two women, which -had been at rendezvous by the salt water, and their baskets were full of -roasted crab, fishes, and other dried shell fish, of which they gave us, -and we ate and drank with them, and gave each of the women a string of -beads, and departed. - -After, we came to a town of Massasoit’s, where we ate oysters and other -fish. From thence we went to Pokanoket but Massasoit was not at home; -there we stayed, he being sent for. When news was brought of his coming, -our guide Squanto requested that at our meeting we would discharge our -pieces. But one of us going about to charge his piece, the women and -children, through fear to see him take up his piece, ran away, and could -not be pacified till he laid it down again, who afterward were better -informed by our interpreter. - -Massasoit being come, we discharged our pieces, and saluted him, who -after their manner kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and -set us down by him, where, having delivered our foresaid message and -presents, and having put the coat on his back and the chain about his -neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also to -see their king so bravely[95] attired. - -For answer to our message, he told us we were welcome, and he would -gladly continue that peace and friendship which was between him and us, -and, for his men, they should no more pester us as they had done; also -that he would sent to Paomet, and would help us with corn for seed, -according to our request. - -This being done, his men gathered near to him, to whom he turned -himself, and made a great speech; they sometimes interposing, and, as it -were, confirming and applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof -was (as far as we could learn) thus: Was not he Massasoit, commander of -the country about them? Was not such a town his, and the people of it? -And should they not bring their skins unto us? To which they answered, -they were his and would be at peace with us, and bring their skins to -us. After this manner he named at least thirty places, and their answer -was as aforesaid to every one, so that as it was delightful, it was -tedious unto us. - -This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of -England, and of the King’s Majesty, marvelling that he would live -without a wife.[96] Also he talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to -suffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James his country, -and he also was King James his man. Late it grew, but victuals he -offered none, for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly home. So -we desired to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and his -wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it being only planks laid -a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them. Two more of his chief -men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us, so that we were worse -weary of our lodging than of our journey. - -The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachems, or petty governors, -came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their -manner of games for skins and knives. There we challenged them to shoot -with them for skins, but they durst not; only they desired to see one of -us shoot at a mark, who shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see -the mark so full of holes. - -About one o’clock, Massasoit brought two fishes that he had shot; they -were like bream but three times so big, and better meat. These being -boiled there were at least forty looked for share in them, the most ate -of them. This meal only we had in two nights and a day, and had not one -of us bought a partridge we had taken our journey fasting. Very -importunate he was to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to -keep the Sabbath at home, and feared we should either be light-headed -for want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, the savages’ barbarous -singing (for they use to sing themselves asleep), lice and fleas within -doors, and mosquitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our -being there; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we -should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that on the -Friday morning before sunrising, we took our leave and departed, -Massasoit being both grieved and ashamed that he could no better -entertain us, and retaining Squanto to send from place to place to -procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his -place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all occasions. - -At this town of Massasoit’s where we before ate, we were again refreshed -with a little fish, and bought about a handful of meal of their parched -corn, which was very precious at that time of the year, and a small -string of dried shell-fish, as big as oysters. The latter we gave to the -six savages that accompanied us, keeping the meal for ourselves. When we -drank, we ate each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, instead of -other victuals, and of this also we could not but give them so long as -it lasted. Five miles they led us to a house out of the way in hope of -victuals, but we found nobody there and so were but worse able to return -home. That night we reached to the weir where we lay before, but the -Namascheucks were returned, so that we had no hope of any thing there. -One of the savages had shot a shad in the water, and a small squirrel as -big as a rat, called a _neuxis_; the one half of either he gave us, and -after went to the weir to fish. From hence we wrote to Plymouth, and -sent Tokamahamon before to Nemasket, willing him from thence to send -another, that he might meet us with food at Nemasket. Two men now only -remained with us, and it pleased God to give them good store of fish, so -that we were well refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to -fishing again; more they got and fell to eating afresh, and retained -sufficient ready roast for all our breakfasts. About two o’clock in the -morning arose a great storm of wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in -such violent manner that we could not keep in our fire, and had the -savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set forward -fasting, for the rain still continued with great violence, even the -whole day through, till we came within two miles of home. - -Being wet and weary, at length we came to Nemasket; there we refreshed -ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had showed us any kindness. -Amongst others, one of the six that came with us from Pokanoket, having -before this on the way unkindly foresaken us, marvelled we gave him -nothing, and told us what he had done for us. We also told him of some -discourtesies he offered us, whereby he deserved nothing. Yet we gave -him a small trifle, whereupon he offered us tobacco; but the house being -full of people, we told them he stole some by the way, and if it were of -that we would not take it, for we would not receive that which was -stolen upon any terms; if we did, our God would be angry with us, and -destroy us. This abashed him and gave the rest great content. But at our -departure he would needs carry him on his back through a river, whom he -had formerly in some sort abused. Fain they would have had us to lodge -there all night, and wondered we would set forth again in such weather. -But, God be praised, we came safe home that night, though wet, weary, -and surbated.[97] - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - A - VOYAGE MADE BY TEN - of our men to the Kingdom of Nauset, - to seek a boy that had lost himself in the woods; with such accidents - as befell us in that voyage. - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -The 11th of June we set forth, the weather being very fair. But ere we -had been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much -lightning and thunder, insomuch that a spout arose not far from us, but, -God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that night for harbor -at a place called Cummaquid,[98] where we had some hope to find the boy. -Two savages were in the boat with us, the one was Squanto, our -interpreter, the other Tokamahamon, a special friend. It being night -before we came in, we anchored in the midst of the bay, where we were -dry at alow water. In the morning we espied savages seeking lobsters, -and sent our two interpreters to speak with them, the channel being -between them; where they told them what we were, and for what we were -come, willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not hurt them. -Their answer was, that the boy was well, but he was at Nauset;[99] yet -since we were there they desired us to come ashore and eat with them; -which, as soon as our boat floated, we did, and went six ashore, having -four pledges for them in the boat. They brought us to their sachem or -governor, whom they call Iyanough, a man not exceeding twenty-six years -of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair conditioned, -indeed not like a savage, save for his attire. His entertainment was -answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various. - -One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. There was an old -woman, whom we judged to be no less than a hundred years old, which came -to see us because she never saw English, yet could not behold us without -breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively. We -demanding the reason of it, they told us she had three sons who, when -Master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, -and he carried them captives into Spain (for Squanto at that time was -carried away also) by which means she was deprived of the comfort of her -children in her old age. We told them we were sorry that any Englishman -should give them that offense, that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the -English that heard of it condemned him for the same; but for us, we -would not offer them any such injury though it would gain us all the -skins in the country. So we gave her some small trifles, which somewhat -appeased her. - -After dinner we took boat for Nauset, Iyanough and two of his men -accompanying us. Ere we came to Nauset, the day and tide were almost -spent, insomuch as we could not go in with our shallop, but the sachem -or governor of Cummaquid went ashore and his men with him. We also sent -Squanto to tell Aspinet, the sachem of Nauset, wherefore we came. The -savages here came very thick amongst us, and were earnest with us to -bring in our boat. But we neither well could, nor yet desired to do it, -because we had least cause to trust them, being they only had formerly -made an assault upon us in the same place, in time of our winter -discovery for habitation. And indeed it was no marvel they did so, for -howsoever, through snow or otherwise, we saw no houses, yet we were in -the midst of them. - -When our boat was aground they came very thick, but we stood therein -upon our guard, not suffering any to enter except two, the one being of -Manomoyik,[100] and one of those whose corn we had formerly found; we -promised him restitution, and desired him either to come to Patuxet for -satisfaction, or else we would bring them so much corn again. He -promised to come; we used him very kindly for the present. Some few -skins we got there but not many. - -After sunset, Aspinet came with a great train, and brought the boy with -him, one bearing him through the water. He had not less than a hundred -with him, the half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed with him, -the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows. There he delivered us -the boy, behung with beads, and made peace with us, we bestowing a knife -on him, and likewise on another that first entertained the boy and -brought him thither. So they departed from us. - -Here we understood that the Narragansets had spoiled[101] some of -Massasoit’s men, and taken him. This struck some fear in us, because the -colony was so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad. But we -set forth with resolution to make the best haste home we could; yet the -wind being contrary, having scarce any fresh water left, and at least -sixteen leagues home, we put in again for the shore. There we met again -with Iyanough, the sachem of Cummaquid, and the most of his town, both -men, women, and children with him. He, being still willing to gratify -us, took a runlet[102] and led our men in the dark a great way for -water, but could find none good, yet brought such as there was on his -neck with him. In the meantime the women joined hand in hand, singing -and dancing before the shallop, the men also showing all the kindness -they could, Iyanough himself taking a bracelet from about his neck and -hanging it upon one of us. - -Again we set out, but to small purpose, for we gat but little homeward. - -Our water also was very brackish, and not to be drunk. The next morning, -Iyanough espied us again and ran after us; we, being resolved to go to -Cummaquid again to water, took him into the shallop, whose entertainment -was not inferior unto the former. - -The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and sandy, not so good for -corn as where we are. Ships may safely ride in either harbor. In the -summer they abound with fish. Being now watered we put forth again, and, -by God’s providence, came safely home that night. - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - A - JOURNEY TO THE - Kingdom of Nemasket -in defense of the great King Massasoit, against the Narragansets, and to - revenge the supposed death of our interpreter Squanto. - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -At our return from Nauset, we found it true that Massasoit was put from -his country by the Narragansets. Word also was brought unto us that -Corbitant, a petty sachem or governor under Massasoit (whom they ever -feared to be too conversant with the Narragansets), was at Nemasket, who -sought to draw the hearts of Massasoit’s subjects from him, speaking -also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace between Nauset, -Cummaquid, and us, and at Squanto, the worker of it; also at -Tokamahamon, and one Hobomok (two Indians, or Lemes,[103] one of which -he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special -and trusty man of Massasoit’s). Tokamahamon went to him, but the other -two would not, yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see -if they could hear of their king, and lodging at Nemasket were -discovered to Corbitant, who set a guard to beset the house, and took -Squanto (for he had said, if he were dead the English had lost their -tongue). Hobomok, seeing that Squanto was taken, and Corbitant held a -knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, broke from them and -came to New Plymouth, full of fear and sorrow for Squanto, whom he -thought to be slain. - -Upon this news the company assembled together, and resolved on the -morrow to send ten men armed to Nemasket, and Hobomok for their guide, -to revenge the supposed death of Squanto on Corbitant our bitter enemy, -and to retain Nepeof, another sachem or governor, who was of this -confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoit. - -On the morrow we set out ten men armed, who took their journey as -aforesaid, but the day proved very wet. When we supposed we were within -three or four miles of Nemasket, we went out of the way and stayed there -till night, because we would not be discovered. There we consulted what -to do, and thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each was -appointed his task by the captain, all men encouraging one another to -the utmost of their power. By night our guide lost his way, which much -discouraged our men, being we were wet, and weary of our arms, but one -of our men, having been before at Nemasket, brought us into the way -again. - -Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate such as our knapsacks -afforded. That being done, we threw them aside, and all such things as -might hinder us, and so went on and beset the house, according to our -last resolution. Those that entered demanded if Corbitant were not -there, but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We charged them not to -stir, for if Corbitant were not there, we would not meddle with them; if -he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the -supposed death of Squanto, and other matters; but, howsoever, we would -not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them -pressed out at a private door and escaped, but with some wounds. At -length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Corbitant was -returned with all his train, and that Squanto was yet living, and in the -town, offering some tobacco, other such as they had to eat. In this -hurly-burly we discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified all -the inhabitants, except Squanto and Tokamahamon, who, though they knew -not our end in coming, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would -not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, seeing our care of -women, often cried, “_Neen squaes_,” that is to say, “I am a woman”; the -women also hanging upon Hobomok, calling him _Towam_, that is, “friend.” -But to be short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we -might see to search the house. In the meantime Hobomok got on the top of -the house and called Squanto and Tokamahamon, which came unto us -accompanied with others, some armed and others naked. Those that had -bows and arrows, we took them away, promising them again when it was -day. The house we took for our better safeguard, but released those we -had taken, manifesting whom we came for and wherefore. - -On the next morning we marched into the midst of the town, and went to -the house of Squanto to breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were -upright towards us, but all Corbitant’s faction were fled away. There in -the midst of them we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, -that although Corbitant had now escaped us, yet there was no place -should secure him and his from us if he continued his threatening us and -provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never -intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. Moreover, -if Massasoit did not return in safety from Narraganset, or if hereafter -he should make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to -Squanto, Hobomok, or any of Massasoit’s subjects, we would revenge it -upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those were wounded, we -were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the -house at our command; yet if they would return home with us, our surgeon -should heal them. - -At this offer, one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, -Squanto and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all -help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that, -by God’s good providence, we safely returned home the morrow night after -we set forth. - - - - - A - RELATION OF OUR - Voyage to the Massachusets, - and what happened there. - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -It seemed good to the company in general, that though the Massachusets -had often threatened us (as we were informed), yet we should go amongst -them, partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and -partly to procure their truck. For these ends the governors chose ten -men fit for the purpose, and sent Squanto and two other savages to bring -us to speech with the people, and interpret for us. - -We set out about midnight,[104] the tide then serving for us. We -supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought to be there the next -morning betimes, but it proved well near twenty leagues from New -Plymouth. - -We came into the bottom of the bay,[105] but being late we anchored and -lay in the shallop, not having seen any of the people. The next morning -we put in for the shore. There we found many lobsters that had been -gathered together by the savages, which we made ready under a cliff. The -captain set two sentinels behind the cliff to the landward to secure the -shallop, and taking a guide with him and four of our company, went to -seek the inhabitants; where they met a woman coming for her lobsters, -they told her of them, and contented her for them. She told them where -the people were. Squanto went to them; the rest returned, having -direction which way to bring the shallop to them. - -The sachem or governor of this place, is called Obbatinewat, and though -he lives in the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay, yet he is under -Massasoit. He used us very kindly; he told us he durst not then remain -in any settled place, for fear of the Tarentines.[106] Also the Squaw -Sachem,[107] or Massachusets’ queen, was an enemy to him. - -We told him of divers sachems that had acknowledged themselves to be -King James his men, and if he also would submit himself, we would be his -safeguard from his enemies, which he did, and went along with us to -bring us to the Squaw Sachem. Again we crossed the bay, which is very -large and hath at least fifty islands in it, but the certain number is -not known to the inhabitants. Night it was before we came to that side -of the bay where this people were. On shore the savages went but found -nobody. That night also we rid at anchor aboard the shallop. - -On the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched in arms up in -the country. Having gone three miles we came to a place where corn had -been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile -from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, in his life-time had lived. His -house was not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles -and planks some six feet from ground, and the house upon that, being -situated on the top of a hill. - -Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort built by their -deceased king, the manner thus: there were poles some thirty or forty -feet long, stuck in the ground as thick as they could be set one by -another, and with these they enclosed a ring some forty of fifty feet -over. A trench breast high was digged on each side; one way there was to -go into it with a bridge; in the midst of this palisade stood the frame -of a house wherein, being dead, he lay buried. - -About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top -of a hill; here Nanepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the -time of his death. At this place we stayed, and sent two savages to look -the inhabitants, and to inform them of our ends in coming, that they -might not be fearful of us. Within a mile of this place they found the -women of the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we -supposed them to be fled for fear of us, and the more, because in divers -places they had newly pulled down their houses, and for haste in one -place had left some of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with -it. - -With much fear they entertained us at first, but seeing our gentle -carriage towards them, they took heart and entertained us in the best -manner they could, boiling cod and such other things as they had for us. -At length, with much sending for, came one of their men, shaking and -trembling for fear. But when he saw we intended them no hurt, but came -to truck, he promised us his skins also. Of him we inquired for their -queen, but it seemed she was far from thence—at least we could not see -her. - -Here Squanto would have had us rifle the savage women, and taken their -skins and all such things as might be serviceable for us; for (said he) -they are a bad people, and have oft threatened you. But our answer was: -Were they never so bad, we would not wrong them, or give them any just -occasion against us; for their words, we little weighed them, but if -they once attempted any thing against us, then we would deal far worse -than he desired. - -Having well spent the day, we returned to the shallop, almost all the -women accompanying us to truck, who sold their coats from their backs, -and tied boughs about them, but with great shamefacedness (for indeed -they are more modest than some of our English women are). We promised -them to come again to them, and they us, to keep their skins. - -Within this bay the savages say there are two rivers, the one whereof we -saw, having a fair entrance, but we had no time to discover it. Better -harbors for shipping cannot be than here are. At the entrance of the bay -are many rocks, and in all likelihood very good fishing-ground. Many, -yea, most of the islands have been inhabited, some being cleared from -end to end, but the people are all dead, or removed. - -Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, and having a light -moon, we set out at evening and, through the goodness of God, came -safely home before noon the day following. - - [Illustration: decorative border] - - - - - A - LETTER SENT FROM - New England to a friend in these parts, - setting forth a brief and true declaration of the worth of that - plantation; as also certain useful directions for such as intend a - voyage into those parts. - - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -Loving and Old Friend,[108] - -Although I received no letter from you by this ship,[109] yet forasmuch -as I know you expect the performance of my promise, which was, to write -unto you truly and faithfully of all things, I have therefore at this -time sent unto you accordingly, referring you for further satisfaction -to our more large relations.[110] - -You shall understand that in this little time that a few of us have been -here, we have built seven dwelling-houses, and four for the use of the -plantation, and have made preparation for divers others. We set the last -spring some twenty acres of Indian corn, and sowed some six acres of -barley and pease, and according to the manner of the Indians, we manured -our ground with herrings, or rather shads, which we have in great -abundance, and take with great ease at our doors. Our corn did prove -well, and, God be praised, we had a good increase of Indian corn, and -our barley indifferent good, but our pease not worth the gathering, for -we feared they were too late sown. They came up very well, and -blossomed, but the sun parched them in the blossom. - -Our harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men on fowling, that -so we might after a special manner rejoice together after we had -gathered the fruit of our labors.[111] They four in one day killed as -much fowl as, with a little help beside, served the company almost a -week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, -many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their greatest -king Massasoit, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained -and feasted, and they went out and killed five deer, which they brought -to the plantation and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain and -others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this -time with us, yet by the goodness of God, we are so far from want that -we often wish you partakers of our plenty. - -We have found the Indians very faithful in their covenant of peace with -us, very loving and ready to pleasure us. We often go to them, and they -come to us; some of us have been fifty miles by land in the country with -them, the occasions and relations whereof you shall understand by our -general and more full declaration of such things as are worth the -noting. Yea, it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a fear -of us, and love unto us, that not only the greatest king amongst them, -called Massasoit, but also all the princes and peoples round about us, -have either made suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make -peace with us, so that seven of them at once have sent their messengers -to us to that end.[112] Yea, an Fle[113] at sea, which we never saw, -hath also, together with the former, yielded willingly to be under the -protection, and subjects to our sovereign lord King James. So that there -is now great peace amongst the Indians themselves, which was not -formerly, neither would have been but for us; and we for our parts walk -as peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways in England. We -entertain them familiarly in our houses, and they as friendly bestowing -their venison on us. They are a people without any religion or knowledge -of any God, yet very trusty, quick of apprehension, ripe-witted, just. -The men and women go naked, only a skin about their middles. - -For the temper of the air, here it agreeth well with that in England, -and if there be any difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in -summer. Some think it to be colder in winter, but I cannot out of -experience so say; the air is very clear and not foggy, as hath been -reported. I never in my life remember a more seasonable year than we -have here enjoyed, and if we have once but kine, horses, and sheep, I -make no question but men might live as contented here as in any part of -the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance; fresh cod in the -summer is but coarse meat with us; our bay is full of lobsters all the -summer and affordeth variety of other fish; in September we can take a -hogshead of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig them out of -their beds all the winter. We have mussels and othus[114] at our doors. -Oysters we have none near, but we can have them brought by the Indians -when we will; all the spring-time the earth sendeth forth naturally very -good sallet herbs.[115] Here are grapes, white and red, and very sweet -and strong also. Strawberries, gooseberries, raspas,[116] etc. Plums of -three sorts, with black and red, being almost as good as a damson; -abundance of roses, white, red, and damask; single, but very sweet -indeed. The country wanteth only industrious men to employ, for it would -grieve your hearts if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by -goodly rivers uninhabited, and withal, to consider those parts of the -world wherein you live to be even greatly burdened with abundance of -people. These things I thought good to let you understand, being the -truth of things as near as I could experimentally take knowledge of, and -that you might on our behalf give God thanks who hath dealt so favorably -with us. - -Our supply of men[117] from you came the 9th of November 1621, putting -in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from us. The Indians that -dwell thereabout were they who were owners of the corn which we found in -caves, for which we have given them full content, and are in great -league with them. They sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but -thought it to be a Frenchman, and indeed for ourselves, we expected not -a friend so soon. But when we perceived that she made for our bay, the -governor commanded a great piece to be shot off, to call home such as -were abroad at work; where-upon every man, yea, boy, that could handle a -gun, were ready, with full resolution that if she were an enemy, we -would stand in our just defense, not fearing them, but God provided -better for us than we supposed. These came all in health, not any being -sick by the way (otherwise than by sea-sickness) and so continue at this -time, by the blessing of God; the good-wife Ford was delivered of a son -the first night she landed, and both of them are very well. - -When it pleaseth God, we are settled and fitted for the fishing -business, and other trading; I doubt not but by the blessing of God the -gain will give content to all. In the mean time, that we have gotten we -have sent by this ship,[118] and though it be not much, yet it will -witness for us that we have not been idle, considering the smallness of -our number all this summer. We hope the merchants will accept of it, and -be encouraged to furnish us with things needful for further employment, -which will also encourage us to put forth ourselves to the uttermost. - -Now because I expect your coming unto us[119] with other of our friends, -whose company we much desire, I thought good to advertise[120] you of a -few things needful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put -your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be iron-bound for the -first tire if not more; let not your meat be dry-salted—none can better -do it than the sailors. Let your meal be so hard trod in your cask that -you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out with. Trust not too much -on us for corn at this time, for by reason of this last company that -came, depending wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till -harvest; be careful to come by some of your meal to spend by the way—it -will much refresh you. Build your cabins as open as you can, and bring -good store of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a musket or -fowling-piece; let your piece be long in the barrel, and fear not the -weight of it, for most of our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of -lemons, and take it fasting; it is of good use. For hot waters, aniseed -water is the best, but use it sparingly. If you bring any thing for -comfort in the country, butter or sallet oil, or both is very good. Our -Indian corn, even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice, -therefore spare that unless to spend by the way; bring paper and linseed -oil for your windows, with cotton yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be -most for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot. I forbear -further to write for the present, hoping to see you by the next return, -so I take my leave, commending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto -us. Resting in him, - - Your loving friend, - E. W.[121] - -Plymouth, in New England, this 11th of December, 1621. - - - - - Reasons and Considerations - touching the lawfulness of removing out of England into the parts of - America. - - - [Sidenote: The - Preamble] - - [Illustration: illuminated capital] - -Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made against the going into and -inhabiting of foreign desert places, to the hindrances of plantations -abroad, and the increase of distractions at home, it is not amiss that -some which have been ear-witnesses of the exceptions made, and are -either agents or abettors of such removals and plantations, do seek to -give content to the world, in all things that possibly they can. - -And although the most of the opposites are such as either dream of -raising their fortunes here,[122] to that than which there is nothing -more unlike, or such as affecting their home-born country so vehemently, -as that they had rather with all their friends beg, yea, starve in it, -than undergo a little difficulty in seeking abroad; yet are there some -who, out of doubt in tenderness of conscience, and fear to offend God by -running before they be called, are straitened and do straiten others -from going to foreign plantations. - -For whose cause especially, I have been drawn, out of my good affection -to them, to publish some reasons that might give them content and -satisfaction, and also stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller; and -herein I trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, though through -my slender judgment I should miss the mark, and not strike the nail on -the head, considering it is the first attempt that hath been made (that -I know of) to defend those enterprises. Reason would, therefore, that if -any man of deeper reach and better judgment see further or otherwise, -that he rather instruct me than deride me. - - [Sidenote: Cautions] - -And being studious for brevity, we must first consider that whereas God -of old did call and summon our fathers by predictions, dreams, visions, -and certain illuminations to go from their countries, places, and -habitations, [Sidenote: Gen. 12:1, 2, & 35:1.] -to reside and dwell here or there, and to wander up and down from city -to city, and land to land, according to his will and pleasure, now there -is no such calling to be expected for any matter whatsoever, [Sidenote: - Matt. 2:19.] -neither must any so much as imagine that there will now be any such -thing. [Sidenote: Ps. 105:13.] -God did once so train up his people, but now he doth not, [Sidenote: - Heb. 1:1, 2.] -but speaks in another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to God’s -present dealing, and not to his wonted dealing; and as the miracle of -giving manna [Sidenote: Josh. 5:12.] -ceased when the fruits of the land became plenty, so God, having such a -plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, there must not now -any extraordinary revelations be expected. But now the ordinary examples -and precepts of the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly understood and -applied, must be the voice and word that must call us, press us, and -direct us in every action. - -Neither is there any land or possession now, like unto the possession -which the Jews had in Canaan, [Sidenote: Gen. 17:8.] -being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, the seed of -Abraham, in which they dwelt securely and had their days prolonged, it -being by an immediate voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a -land of rest after their weary travels, and a type of eternal rest in -heaven but now there is no land of that sanctimony, no land so -appropriated, none typical, much less any that can be said to be given -of God to any nation as was Canaan, which they and their seed must dwell -in, till God sendeth upon them sword or captivity. But now we are all in -all places strangers and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most -properly, having no dwelling but in this earthen tabernacle; our -dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a -word our home is nowhere, but in the heavens, [Sidenote: II Cor. 5:1, - 2, 3.] -in that house not made with hands, whose maker and builder is God, and -to which all ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus. - - [Sidenote: So were the - Jews, but yet their - temporal blessings and - inheritances were more - large than ours.] - -Though then there may be reasons to persuade a man to live in this or -that land, yet there cannot be the same reasons which the Jews had, but -now as natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they must be -bound, and as good reasons for things terrene and heavenly appear, so -they must be led. - - [Sidenote: Object.] - -And so here falleth in our question, how a man that is here born and -bred, and hath lived some years, may remove himself into another -country. - - [Sidenote: Answ. 1. - What persons may hence - remove.] - -I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and do good to himself, -but he should see where he can live to do most good to others; for, as -one saith, “He whose living is but for himself, it is time he were -dead.” Some men there are who of necessity must here live, as being tied -to duties, either to church, commonwealth, household, kindred, etc. But -others, and that many, who do no good in none of those, nor can do none, -as being not able, or not in favor, or as wanting opportunity, and live -as outcasts, nobodies, eye-sores, eating but for themselves, teaching -but themselves, and doing good to none, either in soul or body, and so -pass over days, years, and months, yea, so live and so die. Now such -should lift up their eyes and see whether there be not some other place -and country to which they may go to do good and have use towards others -of that knowledge, wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, faculty, -etc., which God hath given them for the service of others and his own -glory. - - [Sidenote: 2. Why they - should remove.] - - [Sidenote: Reas. 1] - -But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to name any, though I -confess I know many, who sit here still [Sidenote: Luke 19:20.] -with their talent in a napkin, having notable endowments both of body -and mind, and might do great good if they were in some places, which -here do none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, -niceness,[123] straitness of heart, etc., sit still and look on and will -not hazard a dram of health, nor a day of pleasure, nor an hour of rest -to further the knowledge and salvation of the sons of Adam in that New -World, where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most precious, which -is here not set by. Now what shall we say to such a profession of -Christ, to which is joined no more denial of a man’s self? - - [Sidenote: Object.] - -But some will say, what right have I to go live in the heathens’ -country? - - [Sidenote: Answ.] - -Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and agreements which our -Englishmen have long since made in those parts, together with the -acknowledgment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, who -profess the land of America from the Cape de Florida unto the Bay of -Canada (which is south and north three hundred leagues and upwards, and -east and west further than yet hath been discovered) is proper to the -King of England—yet letting that pass, lest I be thought to meddle -further than it concerns me, or further than I have discerning, I will -mention such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight and -practise, since I have travailed in these affairs. - - [Sidenote: Reas. 2.] - -And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion of the heathens, we -must consider whether there be not some ordinary means and course for us -to take to convert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to -God’s extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth unto me that we -ought also to endeavor and use the means to convert them, and the means -cannot be used unless we go to them or they come to us; to us they -cannot come, our land is full; to them we may go, their land is empty. - - [Sidenote: Reas. 3.] - -This then is a sufficient reason to prove our going thither to live -lawful: their land is spacious and void, and there are few and do but -run over the grass, as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not -industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to use either -the land or the commodities of it, but all spoils, rots, and is marred -for want of manuring, gathering, ordering, etc. As the ancient -patriarchs therefore removed from straiter places into more roomy, where -the land lay idle and waste, and none used it, though there dwelt -inhabitants by them, (as Gen. 13:6,11,12, and 34:21, and 41:20), so is -it lawful now to take a land which none useth, and make use of it. - - [Sidenote: Reas. 4. - This is to be - considered as - respecting New - England, and the - territories about the - plantation.] - -And as it is a common land or unused, and undressed country, so we have -it by common consent, composition and agreement, which agreement is -double. First, the imperial governor Massasoit, whose circuits in -likelihood are larger than England and Scotland, hath acknowledged the -King’s Majesty of England to be his master and commander, and that once -in my hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand to Captain Standish, -both he and many other kings which are under him, as Paomet, Nauset, -Cummaquid, Narraganset, Nemasket, etc., with divers others that dwell -about the bays of Patuxet and Massachusetts. Neither hath this been -accomplished by threats and blows, or shaking of sword and sound of -trumpet, for as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, so -our warring with them is after another manner, namely by friendly usage, -love, peace, honest and just carriages, good counsel, etc., that so we -and they may not only live in peace in that land, [Sidenote: Pss. - 110:3, & 48:3.] -and they yield subjection to an earthly prince, but that as voluntaries -they may be persuaded at length to embrace the Prince of Peace, Christ -Jesus, and rest in peace with him forever. - -Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatory, as -touching ourselves there inhabiting: the emperor, by a joint consent, -hath promised and appointed us to live at peace where we will in all his -dominions, taking what place we will, and as much land as we will, and -bringing as many people as we will, and that for these two causes. -First, because we are the servants of James, King of England, whose the -land (as he confesseth) is; second, because he hath found us just, -honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves our company; yea, and that in -these things there is no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach -(except our security engender in them some unthought of treachery, or -our uncivility provoke them to anger) is most plain in other -relations,[124] which show that the things they did were more out of -love than out of fear. - -It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos; secondly, acknowledged the -right of our sovereign king; thirdly, by a peaceable composition in part -possessed of divers of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or -call in question the lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling there, but -that it may be as lawful for such as are not tied upon some special -occasion here, to live there as well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise -is weighty and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a rude -wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our dread sovereign, but -chiefly to display the efficacy and power of the Gospel, both in zealous -preaching, professing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of -these poor blind infidels. - -As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage thither, the danger -of pirates’ robbery, of the savages’ treachery, etc., these are but -lions in the way, [Sidenote: Prov. 22:13.] -and it were well for such men if they were in heaven, for who can show -them a place in this world where iniquity shall not [Sidenote: Ps. - 49:5.] -compass them at the heels, and where they shall have a day without -grief, or a lease of life for a moment; [Sidenote: Matt. 6:34.] -and who can tell, but God, what dangers may lie at our doors, even in -our native country, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will cause -our sun to go down at noon-days, and in the midst of our peace and -security, lay upon us [Sidenote: Amos 8:9.] -some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt of his most -glorious Gospel? - - [Sidenote: Ob.] - -But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gospel, and many sweet -delights, and variety of comforts. - - [Sidenote: Answ.] - -True indeed, and far be it from us to deny and diminish the least of -these mercies, but have we rendered unto God thankful obedience for this -long peace, whilst other peoples have been at wars? [Sidenote: II - Chron. 32:25.] -Have we not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at wars amongst -ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign power? Was there -ever more suits in law, more envy, contempt and reproach than nowadays? -Abraham and Lot departed asunder [Sidenote: Gen. 13:9, 10.] -when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by the -straitness of the land; and surely, I am persuaded that howsoever the -frailties of men are principal in all contentions, yet the straitness of -the place is such as each man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, -out of his neighbor’s throat; there is such pressing and oppressing in -town and country, about farms, trades, traffic, etc., so as a man can -hardly any where set up a trade but he shall pull down two of his -neighbors. - -The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the hospitals are full of the -ancient; the country is replenished with new farmers, and the almshouses -are filled with old laborers; many there are who get their living with -bearing burdens, but more are fain to burden the land with their whole -bodies. Multitudes get their means of life by prating, and so do numbers -more by begging. Neither come these straits upon men always through -intemperance, ill husbandry, indiscretion, etc., as some think, but even -the most wise, sober, and discreet men go often to the wall, when they -have done their best, wherein, as God’s providence swayeth all, so it is -easy to see that the straitness of the place, having in it so many -strait hearts, cannot but produce such effects more and more, so as -every indifferent minded man should be ready to say with father Abraham, -“Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left.” Let us not thus -oppress, straiten, and afflict one another, but seeing there is a -spacious land, the way to which is through the sea, we will end this -difference in a day. - -That I speak nothing about the bitter contention that hath been about -religion, by writing, disputing, and inveighing earnestly one against -another, the heat of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude -barbarism of the heathens, it might do more good in a day than it hath -done here in many years. Neither of the little love to the Gospel, and -profit which is made by the preachers in most places, which might easily -drive the zealous to the heathens who, no doubt, if they had but a drop -of that knowledge which here flieth about the streets, would be filled -with exceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would even pluck the -kingdom of heaven by violence, and take it as it were, by force. - - [Sidenote: The last - let.] - -The greatest let[125] that is yet behind is the sweet fellowship of -friends, and the satiety of bodily delights. - -But can there be two nearer friends almost than Abraham and Lot, or than -Paul and Barnabas? And yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, -they departed asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the church of -old; the other the apostles of the church which is new, and their -covenants were such as it seemeth might bind as much as any covenant -between men at this day, and yet to avoid greater inconveniences they -departed asunder. - -Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not to be -pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety of dainties. -Nature is content with little, and health is much endangered by mixtures -upon the stomach. The delights of the palate do often inflame the vital -parts as the tongue setteth afire the whole body. [Sidenote: James 3:6.] -Secondly, varieties here are not common to all, but many good men are -glad to snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet morsels, but the -rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes, and it is nothing to -say what some one of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and -commonalty hath, which I warrant you is short enough. - -And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly will their children -attain to that privilege, but some circumventor or other will outstrip -them, and make them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one -age, but cannot get out of it again in seven generations. - -To conclude, without all partiality, the present consumption which -groweth upon us here, whilst the land groaneth under so many -close-fisted and unmerciful men, being compared with the easiness, -plainness and plentifulness in living in those remote places, may -quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, and to practise a -removal, which being done by honest, godly and industrious men, they -shall there be right heartily welcome, but for other of dissolute and -profane life, their rooms are better than their companies. For if here, -where the Gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, they are yet -frequent in such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, what will -they be when there is less restraint in word and deed? My only suit to -all men is, that whether they live there or here, they would learn to -use this world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good conscience, -both with God and men, that when the day of account shall come, they may -come forth as good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and -enter into the joy of their Master. - - R. C.[126] - - - FINIS - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]An immense body of literature, both popular and scholarly, has been - written on the story of the Pilgrims, and much of it is excellent. - One of the most comprehensive accounts is also one of the most - enjoyable; George F. Willison’s _Saints and Strangers_ (New York, - 1945) combines exhaustive scholarship with style and wit. - -[2]In the Biblical sense of “God’s chosen people,” or simply, “members - of a Christian church.” - -[3]So-called because they were unknown to members of the Leyden - congregation, having been enlisted by the sponsors of the - expedition. - -[4]The Pilgrims originally embarked in two ships at Southampton, 5 - August 1620, but because the _Speedwell_ leaked dangerously they put - in at Dartmouth for repairs. When they returned to the open sea, - they discovered that she still shipped water. Turning to the nearest - port, they reluctantly decided to abandon the _Speedwell_ as - unseaworthy, and many of the party transferred to the already - crowded _Mayflower_, while a few decided to defer their emigration. - The successful voyage from Plymouth began 6 September, with their - third departure from the homeland. - -[5]Thomas Prince, _A Chronological History of New England_ ... (Boston, - 1736), vol. I, pt. 2, p. 71, fn. 38. - -[6]Although portions of the book have been reprinted frequently, the - only other presentation of the full text was a facsimile in an - edition limited to 285 copies, prepared by Henry M. Dexter, and - entitled _Mourt’s Relation_ (Boston, 1865). It is a heavily - annotated volume, and Dexter’s monumental effort has aided a - generation of scholars, but his meticulous attention to “faithful - reproduction of the original, letter for letter” makes it formidable - to any but a dedicated student. The best known and most widely - available edition includes annotation and uniform spelling, but is - marred by some minor omissions and transpositions: Alexander Young, - _Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers_ (Boston, 1841), pp. 110-249. - -[7]Presumably, the initials of John Peirce. Peirce was a London - businessman one of the “merchant adventurers” who had contributed to - the _Mayflower’s_ first voyage. It is possible that he underwrote - the printing of the book; it is certain that the patent to lands - occupied by the Pilgrims—as virtual squatters for almost a year—was - finally issued in his name, in trust for the settlers. They were - delighted to receive this confirmation of their legal rights, and - may have dedicated the book to him in gratitude. Only later did they - learn of the many devious ways in which he tried to cheat them. - -[8]Acknowledging their indebtedness to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his - partners in the Council for New England, (formerly, the Second - Virginia Company, and the Plymouth Company), who exercised legal - authority over the area, which had previously been called “Northern - Virginia.” - -[9]Presumably a misprint for the initials of Robert Cushman. See - Introduction. - -[10]The writer studiously avoids mentioning the grim fact that more than - half of the group who sailed on the _Mayflower_ had already died. - -[11]Although they were pioneer settlers in New England, the Pilgrims had - not come to unknown territory. This portion of the coast had been - sailed by Giovanni de Verrazzano as early as 1524; probably the - first Englishman to visit the area was Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602. - In 1605, George Waymouth commanded a voyage of exploration and - trade, and kipnapped five Indians in Maine, of whom one, Squanto, - later befriended the Pilgrims. By 1608, Samuel de Champlain had even - charted the _Port du Cap de St. Louis_, which was to become Plymouth - Harbor. Capt. John Smith’s map of New England, prepared on a voyage - in 1614, already shows the site named “Plimouth.” Apparently two - mates (or pilots?) of the _Mayflower_ had sailed the coast - previously. - -[12]Reasons for assuming that the writer is George Morton have been - discussed in the Introduction. - -[13]Presumably, the initials of John Robinson, pastor of the Leyden - congregation. See Introduction. - -[14]Bradford’s _Of Plymouth Plantation_ identifies this as the Hudson - River, where the New Netherlands Company had invited the Pilgrims to - settle. Ten leagues appears too short a distance from Cape Cod to - the Hudson: _ten_ may here be a misprint, or reference may be to the - appropriate latitude rather than to the mouth of the river. - -[15]Presumably, Provincetown Harbor. - -[16]to vomit and have diarrhea - -[17]Members of the Leyden congregation were fearful of mutiny and other - abuses by some of the many “Strangers” who had joined the group in - England. The party had no patent for New England, so that they would - have been a people outside the law as soon as they disembarked, and - individual license could have posed a real threat. - -[18]The following is the earliest known text of the famous “Mayflower - Compact”, the original document has never been found. John Quincy - Adams overstated the case when he said that “This is perhaps the - only instance in human history of that positive social compact which - speculative philosophers have imagined as the only legitimate source - of government.” As evidenced in the signatures, the distinction - between masters and servants remained, and women had no legal voice - but were still chattel. Nevertheless, it is an unusual document in - which the concept of self-government emerges so sharply during a - time when the divine right of kings was assumed. It is clearly - modelled on the “covenants” or “combinations” which characterized - most Separatist congregations, and is presaged in Rev. Robinson’s - farewell letter. - -[19]The names of the signers were first printed in Nathaniel Morton’s - _New England’s Memorial_ (Cambridge, 1669). In alphabetical order, - they are: - - John Alden, Isaac Allerton, John Allerton, John Billington, William - Bradford, William Brewster, Richard Britteridge, Peter Brown, John - Carver, James Chilton, Richard Clark, Francis Cook, John Crackstone, - Edward Doten, Francis Eaton, Thomas English, Moses Fletcher, Edward - Fuller, Samuel Fuller, Richard Gardiner, John Goodman, Stephen - Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Leister, Edmond Margeson, Christopher - Martin, William Mullins, Digory Priest, John Ridgedale, Thomas - Rogers, George Soule, Miles Standish, Edward Tilley, John Tilley, - Thomas Tinker, John Turner, Richard Warren, William White, Thomas - Williams, Edward Winslow, Gilbert Winslow. - -[20]spade’s - -[21]A large longboat which can be rowed, or fitted with a small mast and - sails. - -[22]An indication of the overcrowded conditions aboard the _Mayflower_ - is the fact that some passengers slept in the shallop, which had - been partially disassembled for easier storage. - -[23]The frequent mention of sassafras is understandable in view of the - immense commercial value of that plant in the early seventeenth - century; the root and bark were sold as medicines throughout the Old - World. - -[24]overturned - -[25]Cf. note 2, p. 16. - -[26]It is little wonder that the Indians later took the Pilgrims to task - for having appropriated dried corn from such caches where it had - been stored. - -[27]Most of their guns were matchlocks. - -[28]sapling - -[29]artfully; skillfully - -[30]A quaint touch of humor. - -[31]hafting - -[32]More likely, pneumonia. - -[33]I.e., corn. - -[34]Knowledge of Indian attacks on white settlers in the Spanish - colonies and in what is now Virginia had led the Pilgrims to expect - ill of them. - -[35]I.e., the slow-burning wicks of their matchlock muskets. - -[36][of a yard] - -[37]a large strong needle used for sewing packages in stout cloth - -[38]stakes - -[39]simmer; boil - -[40]Agawam; now, Ipswich, Massachusetts. - -[41]harpoon - -[42]swooned - -[43]brooks - -[44]I.e., 45 inches. - -[45]saplings - -[46]A kind of flintlock musket. - -[47]This defies translation. It is probably less an accurate - transcription of specific Algonquian words than an Englishman’s - vague approximation of the incomprehensible sounds which seemed - threatening to him in such a context. - -[48]The landing at Plymouth is reported here as having been almost - fortuitous, although some scholars believe that a few of the leaders - may long before have planned to settle at that site. Clearly there - is nothing here that can be construed as referring to “Plymouth - Rock.” - -[49]hindered - -[50]Presumably a misprint for _skate_. - -[51]spade’s - -[52]loose friable earth - -[53]fertile; rich - -[54]aspen - -[55]The Pilgrims were in a situation far different from that of later - pioneers who settled elsewhere as independent farmers. According to - the terms of their stringent contract with the “merchant - adventurers,” their primary concern was to produce salable goods - (e.g., fish, lumber, furs) for their sponsors. This commitment was - to endure seven years, during which the sponsors were to continue - their support of the settlers. The English businessmen seem to have - taken full advantage of the dependent situation of the Pilgrims who - had no other sources of supply nor outlets for their goods. - -[56]Clark’s Island, in Plymouth Harbor. - -[57]guard-house; i.e., a shelter affording some security against - possible attack - -[58]mistress of a household, (a title of respect) - -[59]I.e., 8¼ by 49½ feet. - -[60]The _Mayflower_ was a vessel of 180 tons. - -[61]I.e., approximately 600 feet. - -[62]hip-bone - -[63]Presumably a misprint for _Carver_. There is no other mention of a - Leaver in the party. - -[64]open - -[65]fence-stave - -[66]This may refer to mud used for plastering the inner side of - clapboard walls, typical of the frame houses which were among the - first permanent buildings at Plymouth. During these early months, - however, it may conceivably refer to a more fundamental structural - feature in temporary huts of wattle-and-daub construction, where mud - is the principal material, daubed over a framework of small - saplings. - -[67]A cannon with 3¼ inch bore, firing a 4 pound shot. - -[68]Presumably a misprint for _saker_, a cannon with 4 inch bore, firing - a 6 pound shot. - -[69]small cannons with 1¼ inch bore, firing ½ pound shot - -[70]beef’s - -[71]hard; steadily - -[72]On first encounter, the Pilgrims were hardly hospitable to Samoset, - whose friendly help in many respects was invaluable to them in later - years. - -[73]Presumably, Monhegan Island, off southeastern Maine. - -[74]I.e., 9 inches. - -[75]A generic term for liquor. - -[76]The fact that bubonic plague had recently decimated a major portion - of the indigenous population along the entire coast of New England - was interpreted by the Pilgrims as divine intervention, and served - as a convenient rationalization for English claims to the land. - -[77]I.e., to the Wampanoag village where Massasoit was sachem. - -[78]Actually members of a crew led by Capt. Thomas Dermer, on an - expedition sponsored by Gorges. - -[79]Thomas Hunt, captain of a ship in Capt. John Smith’s company. - -[80](in Spain) - -[81]leggings - -[82]Ireland was little better known than New England in the early - seventeenth century, and comparisons between Indians and Irishmen - are frequent in the descriptive accounts of English explorers of the - period. - -[83]clowns - -[84]smoked - -[85]The adventures of Samoset, Squanto, and other Indians who had been - kidnapped and taken to Europe before whites settled in New England - are recounted with accuracy and appropriate color by Carolyn T. - Foreman, _Indians Abroad_, 1493-1938 (Norman, 1943). - -[86]Presumably a misprint for _Williams_. There is no other mention of a - Williamson in the early Plymouth sources. - -[87]This first American mutual security pact remained inviolate - throughout Massasoit’s life. He and his eldest son Wamsutta (named - “Alexander” by the English) signed such a treaty in Plymouth in - 1639, and it was ratified and confirmed by the colonial government. - The peace was broken in 1675, for which most historians blame - Wamsutta’s brother and successor, Metacom (“King Philip”). - -[88]deep - -[89]mulberry - -[90]The journey to Pokanoket took place in the summer of 1621. During - the preceding three months, which are unreported in this journal, - Bradford notes that almost half of the settlers died in the “General - Sickness.” None abandoned the enterprise, however, and the - _Mayflower_ returned empty to England. - -[91]The derivation of this name is not clear. Six different spellings - occur even within this book: _Plimoth, and New Plimoth_ (both on the - title page!), _Plimouth_, _Plimmouth_, _New Plimmouth_, and _New - Plimmouth_. It is true that Plymouth was the town from which the - settlers had finally set sail from their native country, “... having - been kindly entertained and courteously used by divers friends there - dwelling.” Furthermore, the land company which granted their patent - had once been called the Plymouth Company. But we need evoke neither - sentimentalism nor commercial diplomacy on the part of the Pilgrims - to account for the name. In fact, this site was called “Plimouth” on - the map which they carried on the _Mayflower_, from Capt. John - Smith’s _Description of New England_ (London, 1616); supposedly it - was arbitrarily so designated by Prince Charles when Smith showed - him a draft of the map. - -[92]Now, Middleborough, Massachusetts. - -[93]Now, the Mount Hope area of Bristol, Rhode Island. - -[94]cultivate; till - -[95]admirably - -[96]The wife of James I had died more than a year before the Pilgrims - sailed from England. - -[97]fatigued; bruised - -[98]Now, Barnstable, Massachusetts. - -[99]Now, Eastham, Massachusetts. - -[100]Now, Chatham, Massachusetts. - -[101]In early seventeenth-century usage, this could imply anything from - disarming to kidnapping, from robbing to killing. - -[102]small keg - -[103]This passage defies interpretation. “Or Lemes” has no sense in - seventeenth-century English or local Indian languages. Most previous - editors have assumed this to be a misprint for _our allies_; I am - not altogether happy with that interpretation but have nothing - better to offer. - -[104]Bradford’s _Of Plymouth Plantation_ sets the date of this - embarkation as 18 September 1621. - -[105]I. e., Boston Harbor. - -[106]Presumably, the Abnaki, an Algonquian tribe of eastern Maine. - -[107]Presumably, the widow of Nanepashemet. - -[108]The following appears to be a covering letter which may have - accompanied the manuscript journal when it was sent from Plymouth. - Perhaps the “loving and old friend” of the author is George Morton, - who presumably edited the relations for publication. See - Introduction. - -[109]The _Fortune_, first to follow the _Mayflower_. - -[110]I. e., the preceding five narratives. - -[111]The following is the earliest description of the first - Thanksgiving. The dates are not specified, nor is there specific - mention of turkeys as comprising part of the feast, although they - doubtless did. - -[112]The author here probably refers to the following document which was - printed in 1669, in Morton’s _New England’s Memorial_: - - “September 13, Anno Dom. 1621. - - “Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are - underwritten do acknowledge ourselves to be the loyal subjects of - King James, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of - the Faith, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, - we have subscribed our names or marks, as followeth: - - Ohquamehud, Cawnacome, Obbatinnua, Nattawahunt, Caunbatant, - Chikkatabak, Quadequina, Huttamoiden, Apannow. - -[113]No such word occurs in either seventeenth-century English or local - Indian languages. It is presumably a misprint for “Ile,” i.e., - _isle_, referring to Martha’s Vineyard. - -[114]This also defies identification. Perhaps it is a misprint for - _others_. - -[115]I.e., salad greens. - -[116]raspberries - -[117]Thirty-five new settlers arrived on the _Fortune_, of whom some had - set out with the original party but had to return to Plymouth, - England, with the disabled ship _Speedwell_. The newly arrived heads - of family were (in alphabetical order): - - John Adams, William Basset, William Beale, Edward Bompasse, Jonathan - Brewster, Clement Briggs, John Cannon, William Conner, Thomas - Cushman, Stephen Dean, Philip de la Noye, Thomas Flavell, Widow - Ford, Robert Hicks, William Hilton, Bennet Morgan, Thomas Morton, - Austin Nicholas, William Palmer, William Pitt, Thomas Prence, Moses - Simonson, Hugh Stacie, James Stewart, William Tench, John Winslow, - William Wright. - - Also aboard was Robert Cushman who presumably carried the manuscript - journal back to England with him on the _Fortune’s_ return trip a - month later. - -[118]Bradford’s _Of Plymouth Plantation_ describes the _Fortune’s_ cargo - as comprising beaver skins, clapboards, and sassafras, all of which - was stolen by French privateers shortly before her arrival in - London. - -[119]George Morton, to whom this letter was presumably written, did come - with the next party, on the ship _Anne_. - -[120]advise - -[121]Presumably, Edward Winslow. See Introduction. - -[122]I.e., in England. - -[123]shyness - -[124]That is, the preceding journal. - -[125]hindrance - -[126]Presumably, Robert Cushman. See Introduction. - - - [Illustration: THE MAYFLOWER - - Weighing about 180 tons, and only about 106 feet long, the - overcrowded _Mayflower_ must have had a rough voyage. The Pilgrims - sailed across the north Atlantic to avoid pirates who frequented the - more temperate latitudes. No one knows exactly what the original - _Mayflower_ looked like, but this reconstruction of a typical ship - of the time and class is probably very similar.] - - [Illustration: THE SHALLOP - - Small groups of Pilgrims explored Cape Cod and Clark’s Island before - selecting Plymouth as the site for their settlement. They plied - between the _Mayflower_ and the shore in a shallop, a large open - boat which could be rowed and/or fitted with sails.] - - [Illustration: INDIAN WIGWAM - - This reconstructed wigwam and its contents are like those - encountered by the Pilgrims during their first explorations. The - bark huts of their Algonquian Indian neighbors soon became familiar - shelters to the Pilgrims, whose descriptive accounts allow us to - understand much of the native way of life which fast disappeared in - New England.] - - [Illustration: CONSTRUCTING A HOUSE AT PLYMOUTH - - Members of the group early agreed that each family should build its - own house, “... thinking by that course men would make more haste.” - Roofs were thatched with bundles of rushes and grass, which provided - a good watershed but could easily be fired by a spark from the - chimney, as is graphically described in _Mourt’s Relation_.] - - [Illustration: PILGRIM HOUSE IN WINTER - - Pilgrim houses like this may have been almost as snug as log cabins - which were unknown in America until several years later. Clapboards - prepared by the Pilgrims also constituted a major portion of the - first shipment which was sent back to the sponsoring “merchant - adventurers” in England.] - - [Illustration: A PILGRIM FAMILY - - Everyone had to work at securing food during the first difficult - years in the new plantation. Corn, pumpkin, and turkey came to be - major items in the diet of the Pilgrims after they learned their - uses from the Indians.] - - [Illustration: THE FIRST THANKSGIVING - - It must have been a festive occasion when, “Our harvest being gotten - in, our governor sent four men on fowling, that so we might after a - special manner rejoice together, after we had gathered the fruit of - our labors.” Massasoit and ninety other Indians were welcomed and - contributed five deer to the three-day harvest festival.] - - [Illustration: PILGRIMS GOING TO CHURCH - - Most of the Pilgrims were Separatists who were opposed to the forms - of the Church of England, but spent most of the sabbath in informal - services combining social and religious activities. Fear of Indian - attack made the first settlers cautious, so they rarely traveled - unarmed, and in 1622-23 built a combined fort and meeting-house, - although they were fortunate in enjoying warm relations with - neighboring tribes for several years.] - - - PHOTOGRAPHS FROM PLIMOTH PLANTATION - -The preceding photographs illustrating modern reconstructions of things -familiar to the Pilgrims were generously provided by Plimoth Plantation, -in Plymouth, Massachusetts. The Plantation includes full-scale replicas -of the _Mayflower_, the shallop, and the original settlement, much as -they probably looked in 1627. During that year the first census was -recorded and the herd which had been owned in common was divided. -Records kept by administrators of the colony tell where the various -houses were located, how much land was alloted to each household, and -other relevant information. Historical research in such documents has -been supplemented by archeological excavation to yield clues which allow -plausible reconstruction. With such full-scale exhibitions, and through -a continuing program of research and publication, this non-profit -organization attempts to foster better public understanding of the -adventure of the Pilgrims, which was first recounted in _Mourt’s -Relation_. - - - - - THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE SERIES - - - [Illustration: THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE SERIES] - - AE 1 THE NARRATIVE OF COLONEL ETHAN ALLEN. Revolutionary War - experiences of the “Hero of Fort Ticonderoga.” Introduction by - Brooke Handle. - AE 2 JOHN WOLLMAN’S JOURNAL _and_ A PLEA FOR THE POOR. The spiritual - autobiography of the great Colonial Quaker. Introduction by F. - B. Tolles. - EA 3 THE LIFE OF MRS. MARY JEMISON by James E. Seaver. The famous - Indian captivity narrative of the “White Woman of the Genesee.” - Introduction by Allen W. Trelease. - AE 4 BROOK FARM by Lindsay Swift. America’s most unusual experiment - in establishing the ideal society during the Transcendentalist - 1840’s. Introduction by Joseph Schiffman. - AE 5 FOUR VOYAGES TO THE NEW WORLD by Christopher Columbus. Selected - letters and documents, translated and edited by R. H. Major. - Bi-lingual text. Introduction by John E. Fagg. - AE 6 JOURNALS OF MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS. Frontier campaigning by - Rogers’ Rangers during the French and Indian Wars. Introduction - by H. H. Peckham. - AE 7 HARRIET TUBMAN, THE MOSES OF HER PEOPLE by Sarah Bradford. The - heroic struggles of an ex-slave for her people. Introduction by - B. A. Jones. - AE 8 RECOLLECTIONS OF THE JERSEY PRISON SHIP by Albert Greene. The - “Andersonville” of the Revolutionary War. Introduction by - Lawrence H. Leder. - AE 9 A NEW ENGLAND GIRLHOOD by Lucy Larcom. A classic memoir of life - in pre-Civil War America. Introduction by Charles T. Davis. - AE 10 AMERICAN COMMUNITIES by William Alfred Hinds. The 19th century - utopias—Economy, Amana, Shakers, etc. Introduction by H. B. - Parkes. - AE 11 INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF AMERICAN NATIONAL THOUGHT. Edited, with - commentary, by Wilson Ober Clough. Pages from the books read by - our founding fathers. Second, revised edition. - AE 12 LEAGUE OF THE IROQUOIS by Lewis Henry Morgan. The first - scientific account of an Indian tribe by the father of American - ethnology. Illustrated. Introduction by William N. Fenton. - AE 13 MY CAPTIVITY AMONG THE SIOUX INDIANS by Fanny Kelly. A pioneer - woman’s harrowing story of frontier days. Introduction by Jules - Zanger. - AE 14 JOUTEL’S JOURNAL OF LA SALLE’S LAST VOYAGE. The exploration, - 1684-7, that ended in La Salle’s murder. Introduction by - Darrett B. Rutman. - AE 15 THE DISCOVERY, SETTLEMENT AND PRESENT STATE OF KENTUCKE ... by - John Filson. The historic post-Revolutionary account, with - Daniel Boone’s memoir. Introduction by W. H. Masterson. - AE 16 LIFE AND REMARKABLE ADVENTURES OF ISRAEL R. POTTER. The - original story upon which Melville based his novel. - Introduction by L. Kriegel. - AE 17 EXCURSIONS by Henry David Thoreau. The famous first posthumous - collection; “Walking,” the Emerson biography, etc. Introduction - by L. Marx. - AE 18 FATHER HENSON’S STORY OF HIS OWN LIFE. Autobiography of an - escaped Negro slave in pre-Civil War years. Introduction by - Walter Fisher. - AE 19 MOURT’S RELATION, A JOURNAL OF THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. The - historic contemporary account. Edited, with introduction, by D. - B. Heath. - AE 20 MUTINY ON BOARD THE WHALESHIP GLOBE by William Lay and Cyrus M. - Hussey. The original 1828 narrative. Introduction by Edouard - Stackpole. - AE 21 SHIPWRECK OF THE WHALESHIP ESSEX by Owen Chase. Including - Herman Melville’s own notes, for “Moby Dick.” Introduction by - B. R. McElderry, Jr. - - “_One of the most exciting and promising new ventures in the field of - paperback publishing is the American Experience Series now being - brought out. These new and attractive editions of historic and - relatively neglected titles fill out in a unique way some of the - byways of our country’s past._” - Robert R. Kirsch in THE LOS ANGELES TIMES - - [Illustration: Back cover] - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Silently corrected a few typos. - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A JOURNAL OF THE PILGRIMS AT -PLYMOUTH; MOURT'S RELATION *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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