diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/65984-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/65984-0.txt | 19295 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 19295 deletions
diff --git a/old/65984-0.txt b/old/65984-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index d12516a..0000000 --- a/old/65984-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,19295 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of History of the Reformation in Europe -in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 6 (of 8), by J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. - 6 (of 8) - -Author: J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - -Translator: William L. B. Cates - -Release Date: August 3, 2021 [eBook #65984] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Brian Wilson, Karin Spence, David Edwards, Colin Bell and - the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN -EUROPE IN THE TIME OF CALVIN, VOL. 6 (OF 8) *** - - - - - - HISTORY - - OF THE - - REFORMATION IN EUROPE - - IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. - - BY - - J. H. MERLE D’AUBIGNE, D.D. - - TRANSLATED BY - - WILLIAM L. B. CATES, - - JOINT AUTHOR OF WOODWARD AND CATES’S ‘ENCYCLOPÆDIA OF CHRONOLOGY,’ - EDITOR OF ‘THE DICTIONARY OF GENERAL BIOGRAPHY,’ ETC. - - ‘Les choses de petite durée ont coutume de devenir fanées, quand - elles ont passé leur temps. - - ‘Au règne de Christ, il n’y a que le nouvel homme qui soit - florissant, qui ait de la vigueur, et dont il faille faire cas.’ - CALVIN. - - VOL. VI. - SCOTLAND, SWITZERLAND, GENEVA. - - NEW YORK: - ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS, - 530 BROADWAY - 1877. - - - - - PREFACE. - - -The author of the _History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century_ -died at Geneva, 21 October, 1872, when only a few chapters remained to -be written to complete his great work. Feeling, as he often said, that -_time was short for him now_ (he was not far from his eightieth year), -and stimulated by the near prospect of the end towards which he had -been incessantly straining for fifty years, he worked on with redoubled -ardor. ‘I count the minutes,’ he used to say; and he allowed himself no -rest. Unhappily the last minutes were refused him, and the work was not -finished. But only a small portion is wanting; and the manuscripts of -which the publication is continued in the present volume will bring the -narration almost to its close. - -Ten volumes have appeared. It was the author’s intention to comprise -the remainder of his history in two additional volumes. He had sketched -his programme on a sheet of paper as follows:-- - - - ‘WITH GOD’S HELP. - - ‘Order of subjects, saving diminution or enlargement, - according to the extent of each. - - ‘Vol. XI. to the death of Luther. - - ‘Scotland down to 1546. - ‘Denmark. - ‘Sweden. - ‘Bohemia and Moravia. - ‘Poland. - ‘Hungary. - ‘Geneva, Switzerland, and Calvin. - ‘Germany, to death of Luther, 1546. - - ‘Vol. XII. to the death of Calvin. - - ‘Netherlands, 1566. - ‘Spain. - ‘Italy. - ‘Scotland down to 1560. - ‘England, to the Articles of 1552. - ‘Germany, 1556. - ‘France, 1559. - ‘Calvin and his work in Geneva and in Christendom to his death, - 1564. - -The numerous manuscripts left by M. MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ include -all the articles set out in the programme as intended to form Vol. XI. -(VI. of the second series), and three of the articles destined for Vol. -XII., the first two and the fifth. - -The work will undoubtedly present important gaps. Nevertheless, the -great period, the period of origination, will have been described -almost completely. But there is one chapter which it is very much to be -regretted that he has not written. That is the last, relating to the -work and the influence of Calvin in Christendom. The man who for fifty -years had lived in close intercourse with Calvin, who had made his -writings, his works, and his person the objects of his continual study, -and had become impregnated with his spirit more, perhaps, than any one -in our age; the man who was the first to hold in his hand, to read -without intermission, and to analyze almost all the innumerable pieces -that proceeded from the pen of the reformer, would have been able to -trace for us with unrivalled authority the grand figure of his hero, -and to describe the immense influence which he had on the sixteenth -century, in distant regions as well as in his immediate circle. The -absence of this concluding chapter, which the author had projected -and which he long meditated but still delayed to write, remains an -irreparable loss. - -The editors (M. le pasteur ADOLPHE DUCHEMIN, son-in-law of the -eminent historian, and M. E. BINDER, Professor of _Exegesis_ -at the Theological College of Geneva, colleague and friend of M. -Merle d’Aubigné) have confined themselves to verifying the numerous -quotations scattered through the text, to testing the accuracy of -the references given in the notes, and to curtailing here and there -developments which the author would assuredly have removed if he had -edited the work himself. As the matters proposed to form Vol. XI. are -sufficient to form two volumes and even to commence a third, it has -been necessary to alter the arrangement indicated above. - -The division of the narrative into chapters, and the titles given to -the chapters, are for the most part the work of the editors. - -Two other volumes are to follow the one now presented to the public. - - GENEVA _April, 1875_. - - - - - CONTENTS - - OF - - THE SIXTH VOLUME. - - - PAGE - - INTRODUCTION v - - BOOK X. - - THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. - - CHAPTER I. - - PREPARATION OF REFORM. - - (FROM THE SECOND CENTURY TO THE YEAR 1522.) - - Religion the Key to History--The same Life everywhere produced by - the Divine Spirit--Three successive Impulses: the Culdees, - Wickliffe, John Huss--Struggle between Royalty and the - Nobility--John Campbell, Laird of Cessnock--Charged with - Heresy--Acquitted by the King--Battle of Flodden--Death of - James IV.--Episcopal Election in Scotland--Alesius--Patrick - Hamilton--John Knox--Troubles during the Minority of the - King--Young Hamilton at the University of Paris--Becomes acquainted - with the Lutheran Reformation 1 - - CHAPTER II. - - BEGINNING OF THE MOVEMENT OF REFORM. - - (1522 TO APRIL 1527.) - - John Mayor Professor at Glasgow--Patrick Hamilton at University of - St. Andrews--Luther’s Writings introduced into - Scotland--Prohibited by the Parliament--Character of the young - King--James V. declared of Age--Sides with the - Priests--The Clerical Party overcome--Tyndale’s New Testament - circulated--Evangelical Doctrines preached by Patrick - Hamilton--Renewed Influence of Archbishop Beatoun--Hamilton - declared a Heretic--Cited before the Archbishop--Escapes to the - Continent 18 - - CHAPTER III. - - DEDICATION OF HAMILTON IN GERMANY TO THE REFORMATION - OF SCOTLAND. - - (SPRING, SUMMER, AND AUTUMN, 1527.) - - Hamilton at Marburg--His Introduction to Lambert - d’Avignon--University of Marburg--Science and Faith--Hamilton’s - Study of the Scriptures--Reason for his not visiting - Wittenberg--Luther’s Illness--The Plague at Wittenberg--Hamilton’s - Disputation at Marburg--His Theses--The Attack and the - Defence--Hamilton’s new Theses--The pith of Theology in - them--Hamilton’s Return to Scotland 30 - - CHAPTER IV. - - EVANGELIZATION, TRIBULATIONS AND SUCCESS OF HAMILTON IN - SCOTLAND. - - (END OF 1527 TO END OF FEBRUARY 1528.) - - The New Testament proscribed--Hamilton’s Zeal--Reception of the - Gospel by his Kinsfolk--His Preaching near Kincavil--Eagerness - of Crowds to hear him--His Marriage--Plot of the Priests against - his Life--Summoned to St. Andrews by the Archbishop--His increased - Zeal--Snares laid for him by the Priests--His Disputation with - Alesius--Conversion of Alesius to the Truth--Hamilton betrayed - by Alexander Campbell--Hamilton’s Death determined on--The King - removed out of the Way--Attempt of Sir James Hamilton to save his - Brother--Armed Resistance of the Archbishop 42 - - CHAPTER V. - - APPEARANCE, CONDEMNATION, MARTYRDOM OF HAMILTON. - - (END OF FEBRUARY-MARCH 1, 1528.) - - Hamilton’s Appearance before the Episcopal Council--His - Heresies--His Answer--Attempt of Andrew Duncan to rescue - him--Hamilton confined in the Castle--The Inquisitorial - Court--Hamilton in the Presence of his Judges--Debates--Insults--His - Sentence--Preparation of Execution--Hamilton at the Stake--Vexed and - insulted by Campbell--Hamilton’s Family and Native Land--Duration of - his Sufferings--The two Hamiltons 56 - - CHAPTER VI. - - ALESIUS. - - (FEBRUARY 1528 TO END OF 1531.) - - The ‘Crowns of the Martyrs’--Various Feelings excited about the - Martyr--Escape of the King from his Keepers--The Reins of Government - seized by James V.--Victory of the Priests--Alesius confirmed by - death of Hamilton--His discourse before Provincial Synod--His - imprisonment in a Dungeon--Order of the King to liberate - him--Stratagem of Prior Hepburn--Removal of Alesius to a fouler - Dungeon--Plot of the Prior against his Life--Scheme of the Canons - for his Escape--His Flight by Night--Pursuit by the Prior--His - Flight to Germany 70 - - CHAPTER VII. - - CONFESSORS OF THE GOSPEL AND MARTYRS MULTIPLIED IN - SCOTLAND. - - (END OF 1531 TO 1534.) - - Conspiracy of the Nobles against the Priests--Their Compact with - Henry VIII.--Intrigues of the Romish Party--Alexander Seaton, - Confessor to the King--His boldness--His Flight to England--Letter - of Alesius to the King--Reply of Cochlæus--Henry Forrest--His - Degradation--His Execution--David Straiton, of Lauriston--His - Conversion--His Trial--And Martyrdom--Trial of Catherine - Hamilton--Flight of Evangelicals from Scotland 84 - - CHAPTER VIII. - - BREACH OF THE KING OF SCOTLAND WITH ENGLAND--ALLIANCE - WITH FRANCE AND THE GUISES. - - (1534 TO 1539.) - - Alliance of James V. sought by Henry VIII.--Failure--New attempts - of Henry VIII.--Thomas Forrest--His fidelity--His Interview with - the Bishop of Dunkeld--Discontent of the People--Negotiations at - Rome--Marriage of James V. with Madeleine of Valois--Death of the - young Queen--Second Marriage of the King with Mary of Lorraine 99 - - CHAPTER IX. - - INFLUENCE OF DAVID BEATOUN PREDOMINANT--REVIVAL OF - PERSECUTION. - - (1539.) - - Cardinal David Beatoun--His complete Control of the King--War on - the Rich--The Ransom of Balkerley--Numerous - Imprisonments--Scotland watched by Henry VIII.--Killon’s - audacious Drama--Trial of Killon and Thomas Forrest--Their - Execution--Buchanan in Prison--His Escape--Kennedy and Jerome - Russel--Their Imprisonment--Trial--Courage--And Martyrdom 110 - - CHAPTER X. - - TERGIVERSATIONS OF JAMES V.--NEGOTIATIONS WITH HENRY - VIII.--THEIR FAILURE. - - (1540 TO 1542.) - - Changed Inclination of the King of Scotland--His Censure of the - Bishops--Cleverness of the Cardinal--Colloquies of Bishops at St. - Andrews--Return of the King to the side of Rome--Birth of his - Son--Birth of a second Son--His Remorse--A Dream--Death of his two - Sons--Fresh Attempts of Henry VIII.--Project of an Interview at - York--Journey of the King of England to York--Efforts of the - Bishops to prevent the Interview--Absence of James V. from the - Rendezvous 124 - - CHAPTER XI. - - WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.--DEATH OF JAMES V. - - (1542.) - - Anger of Henry VIII.--Skirmishes--Fears of James V.--Aim of Henry - VIII.--The Crown of Scotland--Invasion of Scotland by Duke of - Norfolk--Refusal of the Scottish Army to march--Proscription List - drawn up by the Bishops--Their Alliance with the King--Levy of a - new Army by Bishops--Oliver Sinclair named - Commander-in-Chief--Disgraceful Rout--Anxiety of James V.--His - Dejection--His Despair--Birth of Mary Stuart--Death of the King 136 - - CHAPTER XII. - - REGENCY OF EARL OF ARRAN.--IMPRISONMENT OF BEATOUN.--TREATY - OF PEACE WITH ENGLAND. - - (1542 TO MARCH 1543.) - - Ambition of Beatoun--Pretended Will of the King--Assembly of the - Nobles--Earl of Arran proclaimed Regent--Evangelicals associated - with him--The two Chaplains--Projects of Henry - VIII.--Negotiations--Arrest of the Cardinal--Results of this - Act--Scotland laid under Interdict--Parliament of Edinburgh--The - Scriptures in the Vulgar Tongue--Debates on the Subject--Freedom - of the Scriptures--General Rejoicing--Treaty with - England--Confirmation of the Treaty 151 - - CHAPTER XIII. - - LIBERATION OF BEATOUN--HIS SEIZURE OF POWER--BREACH OF - THE TREATY--FRESH PERSECUTIONS. - - (MARCH 1543 TO SUMMER 1544.) - - The Ultramontane Party--The Abbot of Paisley--Liberation of the - Cardinal--His Intrigues--Insults offered to the English - Ambassador--Refusal of the Regent to deliver the - Hostages--Armed Gatherings--Weakness of the Regent--His Abjuration - before the Cardinal--Coronation of Mary Stuart--Declaration of War - in Scotland by Henry VIII.--Earl of Lennox--Triumph of the - Cardinal--William Anderson, Hellen Stirke, James Raveleson, and - Robert Lamb--Sentence of death passed on them--Fruitless - Intercession--Affecting Death of Hellen Stirke--The English Fleet - at Leith--Landing of the English Army--Capture and Pillage of - Edinburgh--Plans of Henry VIII. postponed 166 - - CHAPTER XIV. - - WISHART--HIS MINISTRY AND HIS MARTYRDOM. - - (SUMMER OF 1544 TO MARCH 1546.) - - Preaching of Wishart at Dundee--The Churches closed against - him--Open-air Preaching--The Plague of Dundee--Wishart’s Return - thither--Attempt of a Priest to Assassinate him--Snares laid for - him--His Announcement of his approaching Death--Wishart joined by - Knox--Approach of Wishart to Edinburgh--His redoubled - Zeal--Desertion of his Friends--His last Preaching--His - Arrest--Given up to the Cardinal--His Trial opposed by the - Regent--Persistence of the Cardinal--The Ecclesiastical Court--The - Accuser Lauder--Insults--Calumnies--Condemnation--Refusal of the - Sacrament--A true Supper--Wishart’s Address to the People--His - Martyrdom 185 - - CHAPTER XV. - - CONSPIRACY AGAINST BEATOUN--HIS DEATH. - - (MARCH TO MAY 1546.) - - Triumph of the Cardinal--Conspiracy of his Enemies--Meeting of the - Conspirators at St. Andrews--Seizure of the Castle--The Cardinal’s - Servants driven away--Murder of Beatoun--Wishart’s Sentence--Siege - of the Castle--Capitulation of the Conspirators--Grounds of the - Triumph of the Reformation in Scotland--Two Kings and Two - Kingdoms--Priest and Pastor 207 - - - BOOK XI. - - CALVIN AND THE PRINCIPLES OF HIS REFORM. - - CHAPTER I. - - CALVIN AT GENEVA AND IN THE PAYS DE VAUD. - - (1536.) - - Geneva prepared for its Part--Calvin--His Desire for - Retirement--Reader in Holy Scripture--Calvin’s Teaching--Authorship - of Discipline--Application of Discipline before Calvin--Doctrine of - Jesus Christ the Soul of the Church--Calvin and the Huguenots--His - Engagement with the Council of Geneva--His Name not mentioned--The - Gospel in the Pays de Vaud--Viret at Lausanne--Images--Two Masses a - Week--Notice of a great Disputation--Prohibited by the - Emperor--Convoked by Council of Berne--Indecision of the Townsmen - of Lausanne 219 - - CHAPTER II. - - THE DISPUTATION OF LAUSANNE. - - (OCTOBER 1536.) - - The Champions of the two Parties--Preparations of the two - Parties--Ten Theses of Farel--His Discourse--Opening of the - Disputation--Protest of the Canons--Farel’s Reply--Doctor - Blancherose--The Vicar Drogy--Justification by Faith--The Church - and the Scriptures--Caroli--The Real Presence--Testimony of the - Fathers--Calvin--His Statement of the Doctrine of the - Fathers--Christ’s Mortal Body and his Glorified Body--The Body and - the Blood--The Spiritual Presence of Christ--Conversion of Jean - Tandy--His Monastic Dress put off--The last Theses--The Trinity of - Doctor Blancherose--Lent--Ignorance of the Priests--Calvin and - Hildebrand--Closing Discourse by Farel--Jesus Christ and not the - Pope--Salvation not in Outward Things--Appeal to the - Priests--Address to the Lords of Berne 235 - - CHAPTER III. - - EXTENSION OF THE REFORM IN THE PAYS DE VAUD. - - (END OF 1536.) - - Moral Reform at Lausanne--Images--Alarm of the Canons--Removal of - Images ordered by Berne--Success of the Disputation at - Lausanne--Reformation decreed at Lausanne--Caroli first - Pastor--Reformation at Vevey--At Lutry--Farel’s Search for - Evangelical Ministers--Ministers of the Pays de Vaud--Formula of - the Lords of Berne--Unworthy Ministers--Edict of - Reformation--Departure of Priests and Monks--Conference at - Geneva 260 - - CHAPTER IV. - - THE REFORMATION AT GENEVA.--FORMULARY OF FAITH AND - DISCIPLINE. - - (END OF 1536 TO 1537.) - - Liberty and Authority--Calvin Pastor at Geneva--The Christian - Individual and the Christian Community--Analysis and - Synthesis--Division among the Huguenots--Catechism and Confession - of Faith--Calvin’s real Mind--Diversity of Religious Opinions--Need - of Unity--Presentation of the Confession to the - Council--Characteristics of the Confession--Its Authorship assigned - to Calvin--Frequent Communion--Discipline of Excommunication--The - true Beginning of a Church--Lay Intervention--Various - Regulations--Discipline approved by the Council--The Syndic - Porral--Distribution of the Confession--Its Acceptance required of - each Citizen--Assembly of the People at St. Peter’s Church--Swearing - of the Confession--Refusal of many to Swear it--The three Pastors of - Geneva--The Schools--Activity of the - Reformers--Discipline--Description of Geneva 274 - - CHAPTER V. - - CALVIN’S CONTEST WITH FOREIGN DOCTORS--CHARGE OF ARIANISM - BROUGHT AGAINST HIM. - - (JANUARY TO JUNE 1537.) - - Arrived of the Spirituals at Geneva--Their System--Public - Disputation--Expulsion of the Spirituals--Caroli--His Ambition and - his Morals--Prayers for the Dead--Scholasticism--Consistory of - Lausanne--Charge of Arianism against Calvin--His Vindication - necessary--Calvin’s Reply--His view on the Trinity--Accusation of - Farel and Viret by Caroli--Convocation of a Synod resolved - on--Farel’s Anxiety--Synod at Lausanne--Another Debate on the - Trinity--Unmasking of Caroli by Calvin--The Divinity of Christ--The - Tyranny of Creeds rejected by Calvin--The so-called Athanasian - Creed--Condemnation of Caroli by the Synod--Appeal to - Berne--Agitation of Men’s Minds--Accusation of Caroli--His - Condemnation--His Flight to France 299 - - CHAPTER VI. - - CALVIN AT THE SYNOD OF BERNE. - - (SEPTEMBER 1537.) - - Disputation on the Lord’s Supper--The Doctrine of Zwingli at - Berne--Acceptance of the Doctrine of Luther there--A patched-up - Peace--Synod of September--Opinions of Bucer--Attacks of - Megander--Growing Dissension--Intervention of Calvin--His Project - of a Formula of Concord--The Tumult allayed 323 - - CHAPTER VII. - - THE CONFESSION OF FAITH SWORN TO AT ST. PETER’S. - - (END OF 1537.) - - Various Acts of Discipline--Parties at Geneva--Division amongst the - Huguenots--Coercion in matter of Faith--Requirement of Oath to the - Confession--Numerous Opponents--Decree of Banishment--Power of the - Malcontents--Imprudence of the Bernese Deputies--The General - Council--Discourse of the Syndics--The Leaders of Opposition - silenced--Violent Attack on the Syndics--Tumultuous Debate--Confused - Complaints--Growing Opposition--Vindication of the - Reformers--Accusation against them by Berne--Their Vindication at - Berne--Complete Justice done them 333 - - CHAPTER VIII. - - TROUBLES AT GENEVA. - - (BEGINNING OF 1538.) - - Agitation--The Lord’s Supper--Nature of the Church--Communicants - and Hearers--The Supper open to all--Disorders--Louis du - Tillet--His Return to the Church of Rome--Parties face to face with - each other--Menaces--No Freedom without Religion--Election of new - Syndics--Their Hostility to Calvin--Moderation of their first - Measures--Misleading Effects of Party Spirit--Exclusion of - Evangelicals from the Councils--Censure of the Ministers by the - Councils--Resistance of the Reformers--‘I can do no otherwise’ 350 - - CHAPTER IX. - - STRUGGLES AT BERNE.--SYNOD OF LAUSANNE. - - (JANUARY 1538.) - - Expulsion of Megander from Berne--Remonstrance of Country - Pastors--Pacification--Calvin’s Regret for the Banishment of - Megander--Hostility of Kunz to Calvin--Relations between Church and - State--Variety of Usages at Geneva and at Berne--Synod at - Lausanne--A strange Condition--Absence of Calvin and Farel from the - Synod--Adoption by the Synod of the usages of Berne--Fruitless - Conference--Letters from the Lords of Berne to Calvin and Farel and - to the Council of Geneva 366 - - CHAPTER X. - - SUCCESS OF THE COUNTER-REFORMATION--REFUSAL OF CALVIN - AND FAREL TO ADMINISTER THE LORD’S SUPPER--PROHIBITION - OF THEIR PREACHING. - - (MARCH AND APRIL 1538.) - - The Pulpit interdicted to Courault--Adoption by the Council of the - Usages of Berne--Resistance of Calvin--Disorders in the - Streets--Indignation of Courault--His Sermon at St. Peter’s--His - Imprisonment--His Liberation demanded by the Reformers--Refusal of - the Council--Loud Complaints--The Pulpit interdicted to Calvin and - Farel--What to do?--General Confusion--Perplexity of the - Reformers--Indifference of Forms--The Supper a Feast of - Peace--Divisions and Violence of Parties--Administration of the - Supper given up--Determination of the Reformers to - preach--Heroism 376 - - CHAPTER XI. - - PREACHING OF CALVIN AND FAREL IN DEFIANCE OF THE - PROHIBITION BY THE COUNCIL--THEIR BANISHMENT FROM - GENEVA. - - (APRIL 1538.) - - Great Distress of mind--Easter Sunday--Farel’s Preaching at St. - Gervais--Disorders in the Church--Calvin’s preaching at St. - Peter’s--Statement of his Motives--The Church a Holy Body--A quiet - Hearing given him--His Sermon at Rive--Great Disorder--Swords - drawn--Deliberation of the Councils--Proposal to expel the - Ministers--Denial of Justice--Expulsion voted by the General - Council--Calvin’s Reply--Farel’s Reply--Departure of the Ministers - from Geneva--A Prophecy of Bonivard--Journey of Farel and Calvin to - Berne--Joy and Sorrow 393 - - CHAPTER XII. - - GREAT CONFUSION AT GENEVA--USELESS INTERVENTION OF - THE COUNCIL OF BERNE. - - (END OF APRIL 1538.) - - Ridicule and Sarcasm--The New Ministers--Their Incompetency--Arrival - of the Reformers at Berne--Their appearance before the - Council--Their Grievances--Excitement in the Council of - Berne--Letter of the Council to Geneva--Reply of the Council of - Geneva 412 - - CHAPTER XIII. - - SYNOD OF ZURICH--CALVIN RECONDUCTED TO GENEVA BY - BERNESE AMBASSADORS--REFUSAL TO ADMIT HIM TO THE - TOWN. - - (END OF APRIL TO END OF MAY 1538.) - - Farel and Calvin at Zurich--Their Claims--Their Moderation--Their - Humility--The Justice of their Cause--Their approval by Synod of - Zurich--Letter of the Synod to Geneva--Hostility of Kunz--His - Wrath--His Accusations--Hesitation of Berne to intervene--Justice - prevails--Embassy from Berne--Excitement at Geneva--Stoppage of - Calvin and Farel at Genthod--The General Council--Favorable - Appearances--Treachery of Kunz--Pierre Vandel--Passionate - Excitement--Vote of the General Council--The Opponents--The - Minority 420 - - CHAPTER XIV. - - BANISHMENT OF THE MINISTERS--THEIR SUCCESSORS AT - GENEVA. - - (END OF 1538.) - - Licentiousness--Journey of Calvin and Farel to Berne--Journey to - Basel--Their Reception there--Their Vindication--Hesitation as to - Choice of a Post--Rivalry between Basel and Strasburg in seeking - for Calvin--Farel called to Neuchâtel--Settlement of Calvin at - Strasburg--Death of Courault--Calvin’s Grief--The new Ministers of - Geneva--Calvin’s Opinion of them--Discontent--Accusations--The - Complaints not unfounded--Calvin’s Letter to Christians of - Geneva--His Advice--Farel’s Letter--His deep Sadness 439 - - CHAPTER XV. - - STRASBURG AND GENEVA. - - (END OF 1538 TO 1539.) - - Calvin at Strasburg--Widening of his Horizon--Calvin a Pastor--His - spiritual Joy--Calvin a Doctor--Treatise on the Lord’s - Supper--Theological Debates--Calvin’s Poverty--Death of - Olivétan--Calvin’s Courage--Despotism at Geneva--Purification--The - Regents of the College--Their Banishment--Difficulty of finding - Substitutes--The Friends of the Reformers--Prosecutions--New - Syndics--Suppression of Disorders--Conference at Frankfort--Calvin - at Frankfort--His intercourse with Melanchthon--On the Supper and - on Discipline--On Ceremonies of Worship--Melanchthon called to - Henry VIII.--Calvin’s opinion of Henry VIII.--Calvin’s Return to - Strasburg 456 - - CHAPTER XVI. - - CALVIN’S CORRESPONDENCE WITH SADOLETO. - - (1539.) - - Colloquy of Bishops at Lyons--Cardinal Sadoleto--His Letter to the - Genevese--Its Portraiture of the Reformers--Its Conclusion--Delivery - of his Letter to the Council--Immediate Consequences--An important - Step towards Rome--Two Martyrs in Savoy--Calvin’s Reply to - Sadoleto--Reason for his replying--Separation of the - Church--Christian Antiquity--Justification by Faith--The Judgment - Seat of God--Defence of Calvin--His first Faith--His Resistance--His - Conversion--Who tears to Pieces the Spouse of Christ--To whom - Dissensions are to be imputed--Luther’s Joy--Copy received at - Geneva--Caroli--His End 478 - - CHAPTER XVII. - - CATHOLICISM AT GENEVA--MARRIAGE OF CALVIN AT STRASBURG. - - (END OF 1539-1540.) - - Citation of Priests before the Council--Their Attitude--The former - Syndic Balard--His Courage--His Abjuration--Calvin’s Thoughts on - Geneva--His household Cares--His Desire to Marry--Various - Projects--Hesitation--Idelette de Bure--Marriage--Catherine von - Bora and Idelette de Bure--Second Assembly at Hagenau--Nothing - done 499 - - CHAPTER XVIII. - - GENEVA--DISSENSIONS AND SEVERITIES. - - (1540.) - - Conflict between Berne and Geneva--Treaty with Berne--The - _Articulants_--Refusal of Geneva to ratify the Treaty--Judgment - given at Lausanne--Indignation at Geneva--Prosecution of the - Articulants--Their Condemnation--Jean Philippe Captain-General--His - Irritation--Riot excited by him--His Defeat--His Arrest--His - Condemnation to Death--Death of Richardet--A Prediction of - Calvin--The Ways of God 512 - - - - - HISTORY - - OF THE - - REFORMATION IN EUROPE - - IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. - - - - - BOOK X. - - THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - PREPARATION OF REFORM. - - (FROM THE 2ND CENTURY TO THE YEAR 1522.) - - -History is of various kinds. It may be literary, philosophical, -political, or religious; the last entering most deeply into the inmost -facts of our being. The political historian will sometimes disclose -the hidden mysteries of the cabinets of princes, will fathom their -counsels, unveil their intrigues, and snatch their secrets from a -Cæsar, a Charles V., a Napoleon, while human nature in its loftiest -aspects remains inaccessible to them. The inward power of conscience, -which not seldom impels a man to act in a way opposed to the rules of -policy and to the requirements of self-interest, the great spiritual -evolutions of humanity, the sacrifices of missionaries and of martyrs, -are for them covered with a veil. It is the Gospel alone which gives -us the key of these mysteries, so that there remain in history, even -for the most able investigators, enigmas which appear insoluble. How -is it that schemes conceived with indisputable cleverness fail? How is -it that enterprises which seem insane succeed? They cannot tell. No -matter, they keep on their way, they pass into other regions and leave -behind them territories which have not been explored. - -This is to be regretted, for the historian ought to embrace in his -survey the whole field of human affairs. He must, of course, take -into consideration the earthly powers which bear sway in the world, -ambition, despotism, liberty; but he ought to mark also the heavenly -powers which religion reveals. The living God must not be excluded from -the world which He created. Man must not stop in his contemplations -at elementary molecules, nor even at political influences, but must -raise himself to this first principle, as Clement of Alexandria named -it,--this existence, the idea of which is immediate, original, springs -from no other, but is necessarily presupposed in all thought. - -God, who renews the greenness of our pastures, who makes the corn come -forth out of the bosom of the earth, and covers the trees with blossoms -and with fruit, does not abandon the souls of men. The God of the whole -visible creation is much more the light and the strength of souls, for -one of these is more precious in his sight than all the universe. The -Creator, who every spring brings forth out of the winter’s ice and cold -a nature full of life, smiling with light and adorned with flowers, can -assuredly produce, when it pleases Him, a spiritual springtide in the -heart of a torpid and frozen humanity. The Divine Spirit is the sap -which infuses into barren souls the vivifying juices of heaven. The -world has not seldom been like a desert in which all life seemed to be -extinct; and yet, in those periods apparently so arid, subterranean -currents were yielding sustenance here and there to solitary plants; -and at the hour fixed by Divine providence the living water has gushed -forth abundantly to reanimate perishing humanity. Such was the case in -the two greatest ages of history, that of the Gospel and that of the -Reformation. - -[Sidenote: THE SPIRITUAL SPRINGTIDE.] - -Such epochs, the most important in human history, are for that reason -the worthiest to be studied. The new life which sprang up in the 16th -century was everywhere the same, but nevertheless it bore a certain -special character in each of the countries in which it appeared; in -Germany, in Switzerland, in England, in Scotland, in France, in Italy, -in the Netherlands, in Spain, and in other lands. At Wittenberg it -was to man that Christian thought especially attached itself, to -man fallen, but regenerated and justified by faith. At Geneva it -was to God, to His sovereignty and His grace. In Scotland it was to -Christ--Christ as expiatory victim, but above all Christ as king, who -governs and keeps his people independently of human power. - -Scotland is peopled by a vigorous race, vigorous in their virtues -and vigorous, we may add, in their faults. Vigor is also one of the -distinguishing features of Scottish Christianity, and it is this -quality perhaps which led Scotland to attach itself particularly to -Christ as to the king of the Church, the idea of power being always -involved in the idea of king. - -This country is now to be the subject of our narrative. It deserves to -be so; for although of small extent and situated on the confines of the -West, it has by nature and by faith a motive force which makes itself -felt to the ends of the earth. - -Two periods are to be noted in the Scottish Reformation, that of -Hamilton and that of Knox. It is of the first of these only that we -are now to treat. The study of the beginnings of things attracts and -interests the mind in the highest degree. Faithful to our plan, we -shall ascend to the generative epoch of Caledonian reform, an epoch -which Scotland herself has perhaps too much slighted, and we shall -exhibit its simple beauty. - -Before the days of the Reformation, Scotland received three great -impulses in succession from the Christian countries of the south. - -The persecutions which at the close of the second century, during -the course of the third, and at the beginning of the fourth, fell on -the disciples of the Gospel who dwelt in the southern part of Great -Britain, drove a great number of them to take refuge in the country of -the Scots. These pious men built for themselves humble and solitary -hermitages, in green meadows or on steep mountains, and in narrow -valleys of the glens; and there, devoting themselves to the service of -God, they shed a soft gleam of light in the midst of the fogs of every -kind which encompassed them, teaching the ignorant and strengthening -the weak. They were called in the Gaelic tongue _gille De_, servants of -God, in Latin _cultores Dei_; and in these phrases we find the origin -of the name by which they are still known--_Culdees_. Such was the -respect which they inspired that, after their death, their cells were -often transformed into churches.[1] From them came the first impulse. - -[Sidenote: THE CULDEES.] - -Several centuries passed away; the feudal system was established in -Scotland. The mountainous nature of the country, which made of every -domain a sort of fortress, the fewness of the large towns, the absence -of any influential body of citizens, the institution of clans, the -limited number of the nobles,--all these circumstances combined to -make the power of the feudal lords greater than in any other European -country; and this power at a later period protected the Reformation -from the despotism of the kings. But the influence of the Culdees, -though really perceptible in the Middle Ages, was very feeble. It may -be said of the things of grace in Scotland as of the works of Creation, -that the sun did not come to scatter the mists which brooded over a -nature melancholy and monotonous, and that the influence of the winds -which, rushing forth from the neighboring seas, roared and raged over -the barren heaths or over the fertile plains of Caledonia, was not -softened by the breath divine which comes from heaven. - -But in the days of the revival a sweet and subtile sound was heard, -and the surface of the lochs seemed to become animated. Wickliffe, -having given to England the Word of God, some of his followers, and -particularly John Resby, came into Scotland. ‘The pope is nothing,’ -said Resby in 1407,[2] and he taught at the same time that Christ is -everything. He was burnt at Perth.... Thus it was from the disciples of -Wickliffe, the _Lollards_, that the second impulse came. - -The _reveillé_ of Wickliffe was echoed in Eastern Europe by that of -John Huss. In 1421, a Bohemian, one Paul Crawar, arriving from Prague, -expounded at St. Andrews the Word of God, which he cited with a -readiness and accuracy that astonished his hearers.[3] When led away to -execution and bound to the stake, the bold Bohemian said to the priests -who stood round him, ‘Generation of Satan, you, like your fathers, are -enemies of the truth.’ The priests, not relishing such speeches in the -presence of the crowd, had a ball of brass put into his mouth,[4] and -the martyr thus silenced was burnt alive without any further protest on -his part. - -However, Patrick Graham, archbishop of St. Andrews and primate of -Scotland, nephew of James I., and a man distinguished for his -abilities and his virtues, had heard Crawar. If the heart of the priest -had been hard as a stone the heart of the archbishop was like a fertile -field. The Word of the Lord took deep root in him. He formed the -project of reformation of the Church; but the clergy were indignant; -the primate was deprived, was condemned to imprisonment for life, and -died in prison. - -Then began that struggle between royalty and the nobility which was -afterwards to become one of the characteristic features of the time of -reform. Kings, instigated by ambitious priests, sought to humble the -nobles; the latter were thus predisposed to promote the Reformation. -James II. (1437-1460) fought against the nobles both with the sword -and by severe laws. James III. (1460-1488) removed them with contempt -from his Court and gave himself up to unworthy favorites. James IV. -(1488-1503), a man of a nobler spirit, esteemed the aristocracy the -ornament of his Court and the strength of his kingdom. During the reign -of this prince appeared the first glimmerings of the Reformation. -Some pious men, dwellers most of them in the districts of Hill and -Cunningham, were enlightened by the Gospel, and, confronting the Roman -papacy, boldly declared that all true Christians receive every day -spiritually the body of Jesus Christ by faith; that the bread remains -bread after consecration, and that the natural body of Christ is not -present; that there is a universal priesthood, of which every man and -woman who believes in the Saviour is a member; that the pope, who -exalts himself above God, is against God; that it is not permissible to -take up arms for the things of faith; and that priests may marry. - -[Sidenote: JOHN CAMPBELL, LAIRD OF CESSNOCK.] - -Among the protectors of these brave folk was John Campbell, laird of -Cessnock, a man well grounded in the evangelical doctrine, modest -even to timidity, but abounding in works of mercy, and who received -with goodwill not only the Lollards but those even whose opinions -were opposed to his own. His partner, with a character of greater -decision than his own, was a woman well versed in the Bible, and -being thoroughly acquainted with the Scriptures was safe against -intimidation. Every morning the family and the servants assembled in a -room of the mansion, and a priest, the chaplain, opened in the midst -of them a New Testament, a very rare book at that period, and read -and explained it.[5] When this family worship and the first meal were -over, the Campbells would visit the poor and the sick. At the dinner -hour they called together some of their neighbors: monks as well as -gentlefolk would come and sit at their table. One day the conversation -turning on the conventual life and the habits of the priests, Campbell -spoke on the subject with moderation but also with freedom. The -monks, exasperated, put crafty questions to him, provoked him, and -succeeded in drawing from him words which in their eyes were heretical. -Forgetting the claims of hospitality they hastened to the house of the -bishop and denounced their host and the lady of the house. Inquiry was -set on foot; the crime of heresy was proved. Campbell saw the danger -which threatened him and appealed to the king. - -James IV., who had married Margaret Tudor, daughter of Henry VII., -was then reigning in Scotland. His life had not been spotless: he was -often tormented with remorse, and in his fits of melancholy he resolved -to make up for his sins by applying himself to the administration of -justice. He had the two parties appear before him; the monks cited -decisions of the Church sufficient to condemn the prisoner. The weak -and simple-minded Campbell was somewhat embarrassed;[6] his answers -were timid and inadequate. He could talk with widows and orphans, but -he could not cope with these monks. But his wife was full of decision -and courage. When requested by the king to speak, she took up one by -one the accusations of the monks, and setting them face to face with -the Holy Scriptures, showed their falsehood. Her speech was clear, -serious, and weighty with conviction. The king, persuaded by her -eloquence, declared to the monks that if they should again persecute -honest people in that way, they should be severely punished. And then, -touched by the piety of this eminent woman and wishing to give her -a token of his respect, he rose from his seat, went up to her and -embraced her.[7] Turning to her husband, ‘As for you,’ said he, ‘I give -you in fee such and such villages, and I intend them to be testimonies -for ever of my good will towards you.’ The husband and wife withdrew -full of joy, and the monks full of vexation and shame. Thirty other -evangelicals, professing the same doctrines as the laird of Cessnock, -were cited, but they were dismissed with the request to be satisfied -with the faith of the Church. This took place about the year 1512, -the year in which Zwingle began to search the Scriptures and in which -Luther on Pilate’s Staircase at Rome heard that word which went on -resounding in his heart, ‘The just shall live by faith.’ The brave -Scotchwoman had fought a battle at an outpost and sounded the prelude -to the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: ELECTION OF A BISHOP IN SCOTLAND.] - -Unhappily the accession of Henry VIII. to the throne of England turned -the thoughts of the King of Scotland in another direction. Henry -VII., as long as he lived, had striven to keep on good terms with -his son-in-law; but Henry VIII., a monarch haughty, sensitive, and -impatient, and who in mere wilfulness would quarrel with his neighbors, -was far less friendly with his sister’s husband. He even delayed for a -long time the payment of the legacy which her father had left her. The -frequent attacks of the English, and the necessity thereby imposed on -the Scots of constantly keeping watch on the borders, had given rise -to distrust and hatred between the two nations. At the same time the -ancient rivalry of France and England had thrown Scotland on the side -of the French. When the English eagle pounced on unguarded France, -‘the weasel Scot’ came sliding into its nest and devoured the royal -brood.[8] Henry VIII. revived those ancient traditions; and France -took advantage of them to enfeoff Scotland still further to herself -at the very moment when the Medici and the Guises were on the point -of seizing at Paris the reins of government. Insulted by Henry VIII., -James IV. resolved, in spite of the wise remonstrance of the old earl -of Angus, to attack England. Scotland gave him the _élite_ of her -people. He fought at Flodden with intrepid courage, but hit by two -arrows and struck by a battle-axe he fell on the field, while round -him lay the corpses of twelve earls, thirteen lords, two bishops, two -mitred abbots, a great number of gentlemen, and more than ten thousand -soldiers. Several students, and among them one named Andrew Duncan, son -of the laird of Airdrie, whom we shall meet again, were either killed -or made prisoners on that fatal day. - -The king’s son, James V. (afterwards father of Mary Stuart), was -scarcely two years old at the time of his father’s death. His mother, -sister of Henry VIII., assumed the regency, and during his minority -the nobles exercised an influence which was to be one day favorable -to liberty, and thereby to the Gospel. The king and the priests, both -driving at absolute power, the former in the State, the latter in the -Church, now made common cause against the nobles. Strange conflicts -then took place between the various powers of Scotland. One of these -conflicts had just disturbed the first city of the kingdom, St. -Andrews, and had mingled with the noise of the stormy sea, which roared -at the foot of the rocks, the voices of priests struggling around the -Cathedral, the cries of soldiers and the reverberations of cannon. -Alexander Stuart, archbishop of St. Andrews, primate of Scotland, -having fallen on the field of Flodden, three competitors appeared for -the possession of his primatial see. These were John Hepburn, prior -of St. Andrews, the candidate of the canons; Gavin Douglas, brother -of the earl of Angus, candidate of the nobles; and Andrew Forman, -bishop of Murray, candidate of the pope. Douglas had already been put -by the queen in possession of the castle of St. Andrews; but Hepburn, -an ambitious man of high spirit, with the aid of the canons, took it -by assault, fortified himself in it,[9] and then set out for Rome to -secure the pontifical investiture. Forman, the pope’s candidate, taking -advantage of his rival’s absence, seized the castle and the monastery, -and placed there a strong garrison. Hepburn was pacified by the gift -of a pension of 3,000 crowns; while Douglas, candidate of the nobles, -finding that there was neither money nor mitre for him, cannonaded and -captured the cathedral of Dunkeld.[10] In such fashion was the election -of a bishop made in Scotland before the Reformation. - -The elections of priests were conducted after somewhat different -methods. The lesser benefices were put up to auction and sold by -wandering bards, diceplayers, or minions of the Court. The bishops, who -gave their illegitimate daughters to the nobles, kept the best places -in the Church for their bastards. These young worldlings, hurrying off -to their pleasures, abandoned their flocks to monks, who retailed in -the pulpit absurd legends of their saint, of his combats with the devil -and of his flagellations, or amused the people with low jesting. This -system, which passing for a representation of Christianity was merely -its parody, destroyed not only Christian piety and morality, but the -peace of families, the freedom of the people, and the prosperity of the -kingdom.[11] - -While ambition, idleness and licentiousness thus prevailed among the -clergy, God was preparing ‘new vessels’ into which to pour the new wine -which the old vessels could no longer hold. Some simple-minded men were -on the point of achieving by their Christian faith and life a victory -over the rich, powerful, and worldly pontiffs. Three young men, born -almost with the century, were just beginning a career, the struggles -and trials of which were as yet unknown to them. These men were to -become the reformers of the Church of Scotland. - -[Sidenote: BIRTH OF ALESIUS.] - -On April 23, 1500, the wife of an honest citizen of Edinburgh gave -birth to a son who was afterwards called by some Alane, and by others -Ales, but who signed his own name Alesius, the form which we shall -adopt. Alexander--that was his baptismal name--was a child remarkable -for liveliness, and the anxiety of his devoted parents lest any -accident should befall him led them to hang round his neck, as a -safeguard against every danger, a paper on which a priest had written -some verses of St. John. Alesius was fond of going, with other boys of -his own age, to the heights which environ Edinburgh. The great rock -on the summit of which the castle stands, the beautiful Calton Hill, -and the picturesque hill called Arthur’s Seat, in turn attracted them. -One day--it was in 1512--Alexander and some friends, having betaken -themselves to the last-named hill, amused themselves by rolling over -and over down a slope which terminated in a precipice. Suddenly the -lad found himself on the brink: terror deprived him of his senses: -some hand grasped him and placed him in safety, but he never knew by -whom or by what he had been saved. The priests gave the credit of this -escape to the paper with which they had provided him, but Alexander -himself attributed it to God and his father’s prayers. ‘Ah!’ said he, -many years afterwards, ‘I never recall that event without a great -shudder through my whole body.’[12] Some time after he was sent to the -University of St. Andrews to complete his education. - -Another young boy, of more illustrious birth, gave promise of an -eminent manhood; he belonged to the Hamilton family which, under -James III., had taken the highest position in Scotland. Born in the -county of Linlithgow, westward of Edinburgh, and somewhat younger than -Alesius, he was to inaugurate the Reformation. Linlithgow was at that -time the Versailles of the kingdom, and could boast of a more ancient -origin than the palace of Louis XIV. Its projecting porticoes, its -carvings in wood, its wainscot panelings, its massive balustrades, its -roofs over-hanging the street, produced the most picturesque effect. -The castle was at once palace, fortress, and prison; it was the -pleasure-house to which the Court used to retire for relaxation, and -within its walls Mary Stuart was born. - -[Sidenote: PATRICK HAMILTON.] - -Near Linlithgow was the barony of Kincavil, which had been given by -James IV., in 1498, to Sir Patrick Hamilton. Catherine Stuart, the wife -of the latter, was daughter of the duke of Albany, son of King James -II. Sir Patrick, on his side, was second son of Lord Hamilton, and, -according to trustworthy charters, of the princess Mary, countess of -Arran, also a daughter of James II.[13] Sir Patrick had two sons and -one daughter, James, Patrick, and Catherine. - -Patrick, the young man of whom we speak, was therefore of the blood -royal, both by the father’s and the mother’s side. He was born probably -at the manor of Kincavil, and was there brought up. He grew up -surrounded with all the sweetnesses of a mother’s love, and from his -childhood the image of his mother was deeply engraven on his heart. -This tender mother, who afterwards engaged his latest thoughts on the -scaffold, observed with delight in her son a craving for superior -culture, a passion for science, a taste for the literature of Greece -and Rome, and above all, lively aspirations after all that is elevated, -and movements of the soul towards God. - -As for his father, Sir Patrick, he had the reputation of being the -first knight of Scotland, and as cousin-german of King James IV. he had -frequent occasions for displaying his courage. One day a German knight -arriving in Scotland to challenge her lords and barons, Sir Patrick -encountered and overthrew him. At the marriage of Margaret of England -with the King of Scotland, it was once more Sir Patrick who most -distinguished himself at the tournament. And at a later time, when sent -ambassador to Paris with an elder brother, the earl of Arran, he won -fresh honors in London on his way.[14] People were fond of recounting -these exploits to his two boys, James and Patrick, and nothing -appeared to them more magnificent than the glittering armor of their -father hung upon the walls of the banqueting hall. Ambition awoke in -the heart of the younger of the sons; but he was destined to seek after -another glory, holier and more enduring. - -The Hamiltons having many relations at Paris, Sir Patrick determined -to send thither his second son, and at the age of fourteen the lad -set out for that celebrated capital.[15] His father, who destined him -for the great offices of the Church, had already procured for him the -title and the revenues of abbot of Ferne, in the county of Ross, and -from that source the expenses of the young man’s journey and course -of studies were to be defrayed. It was the moment at which the fire -of the Reformation, which was just kindled on the Continent, began to -throw out sparks on all sides. One of these sparks was to light on the -soul of Patrick. But if Hamilton were destined to bring from Paris to -Scotland the first stone of the building, another Scotchman, one year -younger than he, was destined to bring the top-stone from Geneva. - -[Sidenote: BIRTH OF JOHN KNOX.] - -In one of the suburbs of Haddington, near Edinburgh, called -Gifford-gate, dwelt an honorable citizen, member of an ancient family -of Renfrewshire, named Knox, who had borne arms, like his father and -his grandfather, under the earl of Bothwell. Some members of this -family had died under the colors.[16] In 1505 Knox had a son who was -named John. The blood of warriors ran in the veins of the man who -was to become one of the most intrepid champions of Christ’s army. -John, after studying first at Haddington school, was sent at the age -of sixteen to Glasgow University.[17] He was active, bold, thoroughly -upright and perfectly honest, diligent in his duties, and full of -heartiness for his comrades. But he had in him also a firmness which -came near to obstinacy, an independence which was very much like pride, -a melancholy which bordered on prostration, a sternness which some -took for insensibility, and a passionate force sometimes mistakenly -attributed to a vindictive temper. An important place was reserved for -him in the history of his country and of Christendom. - -While God was thus preparing these young contemporaries, Alesius, -Hamilton, and Knox, and others besides, to diffuse in Scotland the -light of the Gospel, ambitious nobles were engaged in conflict around -the throne of the king. The old earl of Angus, who had lost his two -sons at the battle of Flodden, and had not long survived them, had -left a grandson, a handsome young man, not very wise nor experienced, -but with plenty of ambition, cleverness, liveliness, and courage. The -widow of James IV., regent of the kingdom, married this youth, and by -this rash step displeased the nobles. In the fierce encounters which -took place between the Angus and Douglas parties on one side, and the -Hamiltons on the other, pillage, murder, and arson were not seldom -perpetrated. Another regency became necessary. John Stuart, duke of -Albany, who was born in France of a French mother, and was residing at -the court of Saint-Germain, but was the nearest relation of the King of -Scotland, was summoned. He banished Angus, who withdrew with the queen -to England. But Albany had soon to return to France, and Queen Margaret -and her husband went back to Edinburgh. - -The old rivalries were not slow to reappear. When the parliament -assembled at Edinburgh in April 1520, the Hamiltons gathered in -great numbers in the palace of the primate Beatoun. The primate ran -hither and thither, armed from head to foot, brandishing the torch -of discord.[18] The bishop of Dunkeld entreated him to prevent a -collision. When the primate, laying his hand on his heart, said: ‘On -my conscience I am not able to prevent it,’ the sound of his coat mail -was heard. ‘Ah, my lord,’ exclaimed Dunkeld, ‘that noise tells me -that your conscience is not good.’ Sir Patrick Hamilton, the father -of the reformer, counselled peace; but Sir James Hamilton, a natural -son of the earl of Arran, a violent and cruel young man, cried out to -him: ‘You are afraid to fight for your friend.’ ‘Thou liest, impudent -bastard;’ retorted the haughty baron; ‘I will fight to-day in a place -in which thou wilt not dare to set thy foot.’ The speaker immediately -quitted the palace, and all the Hamiltons followed him. - -The earl of Angus then occupied the High Street, and his men, drawn up -behind barricades, vigorously repulsed their adversaries with their -pikes. Sir Patrick, with the most intrepid of his followers, cleared -the entrenchments, threw himself into the High Street, and striking out -vigorously all round him with his sword, fell mortally wounded, while -the rash young man who had insulted him fled at full speed. - -[Sidenote: PATRICK HAMILTON IN FRANCE.] - -His son Patrick was no longer present in the manor-house of Kincavil, -to mingle his tears with those of his mother. Escaping from the gloomy -atmosphere of Caledonia, he had gone to enjoy in Paris the splendid -light of civilization, almost at the same time at which the famous -George Buchanan arrived there. ‘All hail!’ exclaimed these young -Scotchmen, as they landed in France; ‘all hail! oh, happy Gaul! kind -nurse of letters! Thou whose atmosphere is so healthful, whose soil is -so fertile, whose bountiful hospitality welcomes all the universe, and -who givest to the world in return the riches of thy spirit; thou whose -language is so elegant, thou who art the common country of all peoples, -who worshippest God in truth and without debasing thyself in outward -observances! Oh! shall I not love thee as a son? shall I not honor thee -all my life? All hail, oh, happy Gaul!’[19] - -It is probable that Hamilton entered the Collège de Montaigu, the same -to which Calvin was admitted four or five years later. At the time -of Hamilton’s arrival Mayor (Major), who soon after removed to St. -Andrews, was teacher of philosophy there. - -To a strong dislike of the writings of the sophists Hamilton joined a -great love for those of the true philosophers. But presently a light -more pure than that of Plato and Aristotle shone in his eyes. As early -as 1520 the writings of Luther were read with eager interest by the -students of the schools of Paris; some of whom took part with, others -against the Reformation. Hamilton was listening to these disputations -and reading the books which came from Germany, when suddenly he learnt -the tragical death of Sir Patrick. He was profoundly affected by the -tidings, and began to seek God with yet more ardor than before. He -was one more example of the well-known fact, that at the very moment -when all the sorrows of the earthly life overwhelm the soul, God -gives to it the heavenly life. Two great events--the death of Sir -Patrick, and the beginning of the Reformation in Paris--occurring -simultaneously--occasioned in the soul of the young Scotchman a -collision by which a divine spark was struck out. The fire once kindled -in his heart, nothing could thenceforth extinguish it. - -Hamilton took the degree of Master of Arts about the close of 1520, -as still appears in the registers of the University. He may possibly -have visited Louvain, where Erasmus then dwelt; he returned to Scotland -probably in 1522. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - THE MOVEMENT OF REFORM BEGINS. - - (1522 TO APRIL 1527.) - - -The Reformation seems to have begun in Scotland with the profession of -those principles, Catholic but antipapal, which had been maintained a -century earlier at the Council of Constance. There were doctors present -there who set out from the thought that from the age of the Apostles -there always had been, and that there always will be, a church one and -universal, capable of remedying by its own action all abuses in its -forms of worship, dissensions among its members, the hypocrisy of its -priests, and the despotic assumptions of the first of its pontiffs. -John Mayor had been recently called to Glasgow University. Among -his audience there John Knox distinguished himself by his passion -for study; and not far from him was another young Scotchman, of a -less serious turn, Buchanan. ‘The church universal,’--so were they -taught by the disciple of d’Ailly and of Gerson--‘when assembled in -council, is above the pope, and may rebuke, judge, and even depose -him. The Roman excommunications have no force at all if they are not -conformed to justice. The ambition, the avarice, the worldly luxury -of the Roman court and of the bishops are to be sharply censured.’ On -another occasion, the professor, passing from theology to politics, -avowed doctrines far in advance of his age. He taught that a people, -in its entirety, is above the monarch; that the power of the king is -derived from the people, and that if a prince acts in opposition to -the interests of his subjects, the latter have the right to dethrone -him. Mayor went further still, even to the blameworthy extreme of -asserting that in certain cases the king might be put to death.[20] -These political principles, professed by one who occupied a Roman -Catholic chair, thoroughly scholastic and superstitious, must have -influenced the convictions of Buchanan, who afterwards, in his -dialogue _De Jure Regni apud Scotos_, professed opinions which were -energetically controverted, even by Protestants. ‘In the beginning,’ -said he, ‘we created legitimate kings, and we established laws binding -equally on them and on ourselves.’[21] These political heresies of the -sixteenth century are the truths of our days. The principles of Mayor -were certainly not received without exception by Knox, but they had -probably something to do with the firmness with which he maintained -the rights of the Word of God in the presence of Mary Stuart. For the -moment, Knox, disgusted with the barren theology of his master--a -stanch scholastic on many points--forsook the wilderness of the schools -and applied himself to the quest of the living fountains of the Word of -God. In 1523 Mayor removed from Glasgow to St. Andrews. - -[Sidenote: PATRICK HAMILTON AT ST. ANDREWS.] - -It was to St. Andrews that Patrick Hamilton betook himself on his -return from the Continent, after a visit to the bereaved family -of Kincavil. He was admitted on June 9 of the same year into the -University of the metropolitan city, and on October 3 of the following -year he was received member of the faculty of letters. St. Andrews -had powerful attractions for him. No other university in the kingdom -had on its staff so many enlightened men; and the college of St. -Leonard’s, which he entered, was the one whose teaching had the most -liberal tendencies. The studies which he had pursued, the knowledge -which he had acquired, and the rank which he held, gave him distinction -among his fellow-disciples. Buchanan, a severe judge, looked on him -as a ‘young man of great intellect and of astonishing learning.’[22] -Hamilton held the hypocrisy of the monks in such abomination that he -never would adopt either their dress or their way of life; and although -he was abbot of Ferne he never took up his residence in his monastery. -Skilled in the musical art, he composed a chant in parts, which was -performed in the cathedral, and delighted the hearers. He did more: -he dreamed, as all reformers do at the outset of their career, of -the transformation of the Catholic Church; he resolved to seek the -imposition of hands, ‘in order,’ says Fryth, ‘that he might preach the -pure Word of God.’ Hamilton did not, to be sure, preach at that time -with the boldness and the power of a Luther or a Farel. He loved the -weak; he felt himself weak; and being full of lowly-mindedness, he was -content to impart faithfully the truth which he had received. - -About a year after the combat in which Sir Patrick was killed, the duke -of Albany returned, with the intention of bringing about an intimate -alliance between Scotland and France. Margaret Tudor, who wished for an -alliance with England, and who found herself deprived of power by the -arrival of Albany, wrote on September 13, 1523, to her brother Henry -VIII.: ‘The person and the kingdom of my son are exposed to very great -danger; come to our aid, come in all haste, or it is all over with my -son!’[23] It might perhaps have been all over with the Reformation -too--a far more important matter. But Albany, although he was at the -head of a fine army, fled on two occasions before the English, and -being despised by everybody, quitted Scotland forever at the close of -May 1524.[24] - -[Sidenote: WRITINGS OF LUTHER PROSCRIBED.] - -He had only just set sail when the cause of the Reformation, threatened -by his presence, received a powerful reinforcement. In 1524, and at -the beginning of 1525, some books of Luther and of other Reformers -were brought into Scotland by merchant-ships, and getting dispersed -over the country, produced there the same effect as they had in France -and in Italy. Gawin Dunbar, the old bishop of Aberdeen, was the first -to become aware of this. He discovered one day a volume of Luther -in his own town. He was in consternation when he saw that the fiery -darts hurled by the hand of the heretic were crossing the sea. As like -discoveries were made in Linlithgow, St. Andrews, and other places, the -affair was brought before Parliament. ‘Damnable heresies are spread -abroad in various countries,’ said the partisans of Rome. ‘This kingdom -of Scotland, its sovereigns and their subjects, have always stood fast -in the holy faith since they received it in the primitive age; attempts -are being made at this moment to turn them away from it. Let us take -all needful steps to repulse the attack.’ Consequently, on July 17, -1525, parliament enacted that no person arriving in any part of the -kingdom should introduce any book of Luther or of his disciples, or -should publish the opinions of that German except for the purpose of -refuting them, ‘Scotland having always bene clene of all filth and -vice.’[25] - -This act was immediately published throughout the country, and -particularly at all ports, in order that no one might be able to -pretend ignorance of it. About four days after the closing of -parliament the sheriffs received orders from the king’s council to -set on foot without delay the necessary inquiries for the discovery -of persons who might possess any books of Luther, or who should -profess his errors. ‘You will confiscate their books,’ the order ran, -‘and transmit them to us.’ The Reformation, which till that time had -been almost unknown in those regions, became suddenly a public fact, -proclaimed by the highest body in the realm, and was on the point of -preoccupying all minds. The enemies of the truth were preparing its -triumph. - -However, the question was whether the young king would lean towards the -side of Rome or the side of the Gospel. James V., in whose name the -decree against the Reformation had been issued, had in reality nothing -at all to do with it. Amiable and generous, but a weakling and lover of -pleasure, he was so backward in his learning that for want of knowing -English he could not read the letters of his uncle Henry VIII.[26] He -was a child under tutelage; he spoke to no one except in the presence -of some member of the council, and Angus took care to foster in him -the taste for pleasure in order to turn away his attention from public -affairs. That taste was moreover quite natural to the young prince. His -life was devoted to games, to arms, to the chase; he made request to -Henry VIII. to send him swords and bucklers, the armor made in London -being far more beautiful than that of Edinburgh. He sacrificed business -to pleasure all the more readily because those who were about him were -living in a state of entire disunion. The three chief personages of the -realm, archbishop Beatoun, head of the priests, Angus, leader of the -nobles, and the queen-mother who intrigued with both parties, were at -open war.[27] Margaret desired both to get a divorce from Angus and to -avenge herself on the archbishop who thwarted her in her projects.[28] -In the midst of all these ambitious ones the young king was like a prey -over which the vultures fight. - -In May 1525, James having reached his fourteenth year, had been -declared of age, in conformity with the law of Scotland. It had been -a mere matter of form. Angus, supported by the most powerful of the -nobles and by the parliament, verified the fears of the queen; he gave -all places to the Douglases, and taking the Great Seal from archbishop -Beatoun, kept it himself. The queen-mother indignantly entreated her -very dear brother to secure the intervention of the pope on behalf of -her son.[29] All was useless: the authority of the bold and ambitious -Angus remained unimpaired. - -[Sidenote: JAMES V. AND THE PRIESTS.] - -The young prince, then, wearied with the yoke, threw himself, after the -tradition of his fathers, into the arms of the priests, and in order -to escape the aristocracy submitted himself to the clergy. This was a -grievous prognostic for Reform. At the end of the summer of 1526, the -queen, archbishop Beatoun, and other members of the priestly and royal -party, assembled at Stirling Castle, and a plan was there considered -and determined on which was to take away the chief power from the -nobles and give it to the bishops. John Stuart, earl of Lennox, a -friend of James V., set out from that fortress on September 4, at the -head of from ten to twelve thousand men, and marched on Edinburgh. But -Angus was already informed of what was in preparation, and Arran, who -had made his peace with him, was ready. The same day, in the morning, -the trumpet sounded in the capital, and the chief of the Douglases set -forth at the head of his army, dragging after him the young monarch. -The latter was in hope that the hour of his deliverance was come: he -advanced slowly in the rear of the army, in spite of the brutal threats -of Sir G. Douglas, his guardian. Presently the report of cannons was -heard: the king stopped. George Douglas, fancying that he would attempt -to escape, cried out, ‘Don’t think of running away, for if our enemies -had hold of you on one side and we on the other, we would pull you in -two rather than let you go.’ The King never forgot that word. Angus won -the day. Lennox had been killed by the savage James Hamilton, and the -father of the latter, when he heard it, had thrown his scarlet cloak -over the body of Lennox, exclaiming: ‘Here lies a man, the boldest, -the mightiest, and the wisest that Scotland ever possessed!’ At the -tidings of this great disaster all was confusion in Stirling Castle. -The queen fled in disguise and concealed herself: archbishop Beatoun -put off his pontifical robes, took the dress of a shepherd, and went -into retirement among the herdsmen of the Fifeshire hills, where for -nearly three months he kept a flock, no one the while suspecting that -he was the lord chancellor of the realm. Thus the anticipated triumph -of the primate and the priests, which would have been fatal to the -Reformation, was changed into a total rout, and greater religious -freedom was given to Scotland.[30] - -But this was not enough. The reform of the Church by the Church itself -would not suffice; nor would reform by the writings of the reformers; -there was need of a mightier principle,--the Word of God. This Word -does not merely communicate a bare knowledge; it works a transformation -in the will and in the life of man, and as soon as such a change is -accomplished in two or three individuals in any place whatsoever, there -exists a church. The increased liberty enjoyed in Scotland after the -flight of the primate favored the introduction of this mighty Word, -to which it was reserved to effect the complete enfranchisement of the -nation. - -[Sidenote: TYNDALE’S NEW TESTAMENTS IMPORTED.] - -Early in the summer, merchants of Leith, Dundee, St. Andrews, Montrose, -and Aberdeen, sent out their ships laden with the productions of -Scotland to the ports of the Netherlands, Middelburg, Antwerp, and -other towns, there to procure commodities for which there was a demand -among the Scotch. At that time there was no prohibition against the -introduction of the New Testament into Scotland: only the books of -Luther and other reformers were proscribed. These good Scottish seamen -took advantage of this; and one day Hacket, who had received orders -from Henry VIII. to burn all the Testaments translated by Tyndale -(and this ‘for the preservation of the Christian faith’), learnt at -Berg-op-Zoom, where he then was, that the Scottish traders had put on -board many copies of the Gospels as they were on the point of setting -sail for Edinburgh and St. Andrews. He started with all speed for the -ports which had been named to him: ‘I will seize those books,’ said -he, ‘even though they be already on board the ships, and I will make -a good fire of them.’[31] He got there: but alas! no more Scottish -vessels; they had sailed one day before his arrival. ‘Fortune,’ said -he, ‘did not allow me to get there in time; ah, well, have patience.’ -And he gave good instructions on the matter to M. de Bever, admiral of -Flanders, and to Mr. Moffit, conservator of the Scottish nation in that -country.[32] - -It was during the time that archbishop Beatoun, arch-foe of the -Reformation, was feeding his sheep on the Fifeshire hills in September, -October, and November 1526, that the New Testaments arrived and were -distributed in the towns and neighboring districts. Scotland and -England received the Holy Scriptures from the same country and almost -at the same time. The citizens of Edinburgh and the canons of St. -Andrews were reading that astonishing book as well as the citizens of -London and the canons of Oxford. There were monks who declared that it -was a bad book ‘recently invented by Martin Luther,’ but the reading of -it was not forbidden. At St. Andrews especially these sacred writings -soon shed the evangelical light over the souls of men.[33] - -[Sidenote: PATRICK HAMILTON’S PREACHING.] - -There was in that town a young man who was already acquainted with -the great facts of salvation announced in this book, and who was well -qualified to circulate and explain it. Patrick Hamilton, gifted with -keen intelligence and a Christian heart, knew how to set forth in a -concise and natural manner the truths of which he was convinced. He -knew that there is in the Scriptures a wisdom superior to the human -understanding, and that in order to comprehend them there is need of -the illumination of the Holy Spirit. He believed that with the written -it is necessary to combine oral teaching; and that as Testaments were -come from the Netherlands, Scotland needed the spoken word which -should call restless and degenerate souls to seek in them the living -water which springs up unto life eternal. God was then preparing His -witnesses in Scotland, and the first was Patrick Hamilton. He laid -open the New Testament; he set forth the facts and the doctrines -contained in it; he defended the evangelical principles. His father, -the foremost of Scottish knights, had not broken so many lances in the -tournament as Patrick now broke in his college, at the university, with -the canons, and with all who set themselves against the truth.[34] At -the beginning of Lent 1527, he publicly preached in the cathedral and -elsewhere the doctrines (heresies, said his sentence) taught by Martin -Luther.[35] We have no further particulars of his preaching; but these -are sufficient to show us that at this period the people who gathered -together in the ancient churches of Scotland heard this faithful -minister announce that ‘it is not the law, that terrible tyrant, as -Luther said, that is to reign in the conscience, but the Son of God, -the king of justice and of peace, who, like a fruitful rain, descends -from heaven and fertilizes the most barren soil.’[36] - -Circumstances were by no means favorable to the Reformation. Archbishop -Beatoun had soon thrown off his shepherd’s dress and left the flocks -which he was feeding in the solitary pastures of Bogrian in Fifeshire. -The simple, rude, and isolated life of the keeper of sheep was a -sufficiently severe chastisement for an ambitious, intriguing, and -worldly spirit: day and night, therefore, he was looking for some means -of deliverance. Although he was then sleeping on the ground, he had -plenty of gold and great estates: this wealth, the omnipotence of -which he knew well, would suffice, said he to himself, to ransom him -from the abject service to which a political reverse had reduced him. -Since the victory of Linlithgow, Angus had exercised the royal power -without opposition. It was needful then that Beatoun should gain over -that terrible conqueror. The queen-mother, who had also fled at first, -having ventured two months later to approach Edinburgh, her son had -received her and conducted her to Holyrood palace. This encouraged the -archbishop. His nephew, David Beatoun, abbot of Arbroath, was as clever -and as ambitious as his uncle, but he hated still more passionately all -who refused to submit to the Roman Church. The archbishop entreated him -to negotiate his return; the party of the nobles was hard to win; but -the abbot, having gained over the provost of Edinburgh, Sir Archibald -Douglas, uncle of Angus, the bargain was struck. The archbishop was -to pay two thousand Scottish marks to Angus, one thousand to George -Douglas, the king’s gaoler, one thousand to cruel James Hamilton, the -assassin of Lennox, and to make a present of the abbey of Kilwinning to -the earl of Arran. Beatoun, charmed, threw away his crook, started for -Edinburgh, and resumed his episcopal functions at St. Andrews. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON DECLARED A HERETIC.] - -It was some time after the return of Beatoun that the king’s cousin -began to preach at St. Andrews the glad tidings of free salvation -through faith in Christ. Such doctrines could not be taught without -giving rise to agitation. The clergy took alarm, some priests and -monks went to the castle and prayed the archbishop to chastise the -young preacher. Beatoun ordered an inquiry: it was carried out very -precisely. The persons with whom Hamilton had engaged in discussion -were heard, and some of his hearers gave evidence as to the matter of -his discourses. He was declared a heretic. Beatoun was not cruel; he -would perhaps have been content with seeking to bring back by fatherly -exhortations the young and interesting Hamilton into the paths of -the Church. But the primate had by his side some fanatical spirits, -especially his nephew David, and they redoubled their urgency to such -a degree that the archbishop ordered Hamilton to appear before him to -give an account of his faith.[37] - -The inquiry could not be made without this noble Christian hearing of -it. He perceived the fate that awaited him; his friends perceived it -too. If he should appear before the archbishop, it was all up with him. -Everyone was moved with compassion; some of his enemies even, touched -by his youth, the loveliness of his character, and his illustrious -birth, wished to see him escape death. There was no time to lose, for -the order of the archiepiscopal court was already signed; several -conjured him to fly. What should he do? All his desire was to show to -others the peace that filled his own soul; but at the same time he -knew how much was still wanting to him. Who could better enlighten and -strengthen him than the reformers of Germany? Who more able to put him -in a position to return afterwards to preach Christ with power? He -resolved to go. Two of his friends, Hamilton of Linlithgow and Gilbert -Wynram of Edinburgh, determined to accompany him. Preparations for -their departure were made with the greatest possible secrecy. Hamilton -took with him one servant, and the three young Scotchmen, finding their -way furtively to the coast, embarked on board a merchant-ship. It was -in the latter half of the month of April 1527. This unlooked-for escape -greatly provoked those who had set their minds on taking the life of -the evangelist. ‘He, of evil mind, as may be presumed, passed forth of -the realm,’[38] said the archbishop’s familiars. No: his intention was -to be instructed, to increase in spiritual life from day to day. He -landed at the beginning of May in one of the ports of the Netherlands. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - - HAMILTON PREPARES HIMSELF IN GERMANY FOR THE REFORMATION OF SCOTLAND. - - (SPRING, SUMMER, AUTUMN, 1527.) - - -At the time of Hamilton’s arrival on the Continent, the germ of the -Reformation of Scotland already lay in his heart. His association -with the doctors of Germany would prove the identity of this great -spiritual movement, which everywhere was overthrowing the same abuses, -and bringing anew to the surface the same truths. In which direction -should the young Christian hero of Scotland now turn his footsteps? All -his ambition was to go to Wittenberg, to hear Luther, Melanchthon, and -the other reformers; but circumstances led him to go first to Marburg. -This town lay on his way, and a renowned printer, Hans Luft, was then -publishing there the works of Tyndale. In fact, on May 8, 1527, at -the moment of Patrick’s arrival on the Continent, there appeared at -Marburg the _Parable of the Wicked Mammon_; and seven months later, -December 11, Luft published _The Veritable Obedience of a Christian -Man_. But Hamilton flattered himself that he should find at Marburg -something more than Tyndale’s writings--Tyndale himself. English -evangelical works had at that time to get printed in Germany, and, as -far as possible, under the eye of the author. The young Scotchman had -hopes then of meeting at Marburg the translator of the New Testament, -the reformer of England, and even Fryth, who might be with him. One -reason more positive still influenced Hamilton. He was aware that -Lambert d’Avignon, the one man of all the reformers whose views most -nearly approached those which prevailed afterwards in Scotland, had -been called to Marburg by the landgrave. Philip of Hesse himself was -the most determined, the most courageous of all the Protestant princes. -How many motives were there inclining him to stay in that town! An -extraordinary circumstance decided the young Scotchman. The landgrave, -defender of piety and of letters,[39] was about to found there the -first evangelical university, ‘for the restoration of the liberal -sciences.’[40] Its inauguration was fixed to take place on May 30. -Hamilton and his friends might arrive in time. They bent their course -towards Hesse, and reached the banks of the Lahn. - -[Sidenote: UNIVERSITY OF MARBURG.] - -At the time of their arrival the little town was full of unaccustomed -movement. Undiverted by this stir, Hamilton hastened to find out the -Frenchman whose name had been mentioned to him and other learned -men who were likely also to be at Marburg. He found the sprightly, -pious, and resolute Lambert, an opponent, like the landgrave, of -half-measures, and a man determined to take action in such wise that -the Reformation should not be checked halfway. The young abbot of the -North and the aged monk of the South thus met, understood each other, -and soon lived together in great familiarity.[41] Lambert said to him -that the hidden things had been revealed by Jesus Christ; that what -distinguishes our religion from all others is the fact that God has -spoken to us; that the Scriptures are sufficient to make us perfect. He -did not philosophize much, persuaded that by dint of philosophizing one -swerves from the truth. He set aside with equal energy the superstition -which invents a marvellous mythology, and the incredulity which denies -divine and supernatural action. ‘Everything which has been perverted -[_déformé_] must be reformed [_réformé_],’ said Lambert, ‘and all -reform which proceeds otherwise than according to the Word of God, is -nothing.[42] All the inventions of human reason are, in the matter of -religion, nothing but trifling and rubbish.’ - -The commotion which then prevailed amongst the population of Marburg -was occasioned by the approaching inauguration of the university -founded by the landgrave. On May 30 the chancellor presided at that -ceremony. No school of learning had ever been founded on such a basis; -one must suppose that the union which ought to exist between science -and faith was in this case unrecognized. There is nothing in Hamilton’s -writings to show that in this matter he shared the opinions of Lambert. -With great evangelical simplicity as to the faith, the Scotchman had -rather, in his manner of setting it forth, a metaphysical, speculative -tendency, which is a marked feature of the Scottish mind. The -principles which were to characterize the new university were these: -‘The Holy Scriptures,’ says a document of Marburg which has been -preserved, ‘ought to be purely and piously interpreted, and no one who -fails to do so is to teach in the school. From the science of law must -be cut off everything which is either unchristian or impious.[43] It is -not mere scholars who are to be appointed in the faculties of law, of -medicine, of the sciences, and of letters, but men who shall combine -with science the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures and piety.’ - -[Sidenote: SCIENCE AND FAITH.] - -Thus we see that the opposition between science and faith was already -attracting attention, and the landgrave settled the question by -excluding science and those learned in it, since they were not in -agreement with the Scriptures; just as in other ages men would have -theology and theologians set aside, since they were not in agreement -with human learning. No one ought to teach in the schools of theology -except in conformity with the Scriptures of God, the supreme authority -in the Church. To disregard this principle is to take in hand to -destroy the flock of God. The fanaticism of the School, however, -cannot justify the fanaticism of the Church. It is a grave matter -to banish science on account of the dangers to which it exposes us. -To exclude the fire from the hearth for fear of conflagration would -not be reasonable; far better to take the precautions which good -sense points out for preventing the evil. If science and faith are -to advance together without peril, it can only be brought about by -the intervention of the moral principle. The existence of so-called -freethinkers arises from a moral decay; certain excesses of an -exaggerated orthodoxy may perhaps proceed from the same cause. A -presumptuous and passionate haste, affirming and denying to the first -comer, is a grave fault. How many times has it happened that some law, -some fact proclaimed by science at one period as sufficient to convict -the Scriptures of error, has had to be given up soon after by science -herself as a mistake. But let religious men be on their guard against -the indolence and the cowardice which would lead them to repulse -science, out of fear lest she should remain mistress of the field of -battle. By so doing they would deprive themselves of the weapons most -serviceable for the defence of their treasures as well as of the most -fitting occasions for spreading them abroad. Lambert did not go to such -a length; but he was persuaded that unless a breath divine, coming -from on high, give life to academical teaching, the university would -be nothing more than a dead mechanism, and that science, instead of -propagating a healthy and enlightened cultivation, would only darken -and pervert men’s minds. This is surely a very reasonable and very -practical thought, and it is to be regretted that it has not always -regulated public instruction. - -After the delivery of the inaugural discourses, the rector, Montanus, -professor of Civil Law, opened the roll of the university, to enter in -it the names of its members. Professors, pastors, state functionaries, -nobles, foreigners, students, one hundred and ten persons in all, -gave their names. The first to sign was the rector, the second was -Lambert; then came Adam Crato, professor Ehrard Schnepf, one of -the first Germans converted by Luther, Enricius Cordus, who had -accompanied Luther to Worms, and Hermann von dem Busche, professor of -Poetry and Eloquence. In a little while three young men of foreign -aspect approached. The first of them signed his name thus: _Patricius -Hamilton, a Litgovien, Scotus, magister Parisiensis_;[44] his two -friends signed after him. - -From that time the Frenchman and the Scotchman frequently studied the -Holy Scriptures together, and with interest always new. The large -acquaintance with the Word of God which Hamilton possessed, astonished -Lambert: the freshness of his thoughts and of his imagination charmed -him; the integrity of his character inspired a high esteem for him; -his profound remarks on the Gospel edified him. A short time after -this, the Frenchman, speaking to the landgrave Philip, said:--‘This -young man, of the illustrious family of the Hamiltons, which is -closely allied, by the ties of blood, to the king and the kingdom of -Scotland,[45] who although hardly twenty-three years of age, brings to -the study of Scripture a very sound judgment, and has a vast store of -knowledge, is come from the end of the world, from Scotland, to your -academy, in order to be more fully established in God’s truth. I have -hardly ever met a man who expresses himself with so much spirituality -and truth on the Word of the Lord.’ Such is the testimony given in -Germany, by a Frenchman, to the young reformer of Scotland. - -[Sidenote: LUTHER’S ILLNESS.] - -Will Hamilton remain at Marburg? Shall he not see Luther, Melanchthon, -and the other doctors of the Reformation? It has been generally -supposed that he did go to Wittenberg; but there is no evidence -of this, either in the University registers or in Luther’s or -Melanchthon’s letters. This tradition, therefore, appears to us to be -unfounded. As Hamilton had, however, formed the intention of visiting -Luther when he left Scotland, what motive led him to relinquish his -design? It was this. Early in July, at the very time when the young -Scotchman might have gone to Wittenberg, a report was spread abroad -that Luther had suddenly fallen ill. On July 7 he had lost the use of -his senses, his body lay motionless, the heart scarcely beating, while -his wife and his weeping friends stood round the bed, on which he was -stretched as if dead. He came to himself, however, and, persuaded that -he was at the point of death,[46] he resigned himself entirely to the -hand of God and prayed with much fervency. At the same time the report -ran in Germany that the plague was raging at Wittenberg. When Luther -had recovered a little strength, he wrote to Spalatin:--‘May the Lord -have pity on me and not forsake _his_ sinner!’[47] Soon after, he had -fresh attacks. ‘Ah,’ said he to his friends, ‘people fancy, because -joy usually brightens my countenance, that I walk on roses, but God -knows how rugged life is for me!’ One day, when Jonas had come to take -supper with him, Luther, feeling ill during the meal, suddenly rose, -and after taking a few steps fell in a fainting fit. ‘Water, water,’ -cried he, ‘or I die.’ As he lay on the bed, he lifted up his eyes and -said: ‘O my beloved Lord, thou art master of life and of death, do -as it pleaseth thee. Only remember that it is thou who didst bid me -undertake this work, and that it is for thy truth, for thy Word, that I -have fought.’ - -On the following day, at six o’clock in the evening, as Jonas again -stood by the bedside of his friend, he heard him calling on the Lord, -sometimes in German, sometimes in Latin. The thought that he had not -done enough, nor suffered enough for his Saviour, distressed him. -‘Ah,’ said he, ‘I have not been judged worthy to shed my blood for -the love of Christ, as several of my brethren have done.’ Presently a -thought consoled him: ‘St. John the Evangelist also,’ said he, ‘had not -that honor--he who nevertheless wrote a book (Apocalypse) against the -papacy, far more severe than any that I could ever write.’[48] After -that he had his little John brought to him, and looking at the mother -of the boy, he said, ‘You have nothing; but God will provide for you.’ - -[Sidenote: THE PLAGUE AT WITTENBERG.] - -The plague, as we have said, was at Wittenberg. Two persons died of it -in Melanchthon’s house; one of his sons was attacked, and one of the -sons of Jonas lost his life. Hans Luft, the printer of Marburg, who was -at Wittenberg on business, fell ill, and his mind wandered.[49] He was -removed to Marburg, where Hamilton was. - -Terror became general at Wittenberg. All who could do so, and -especially the students, quitted the town; the university was -transferred to Jena. Luther pressed the elector to go thither with -his family, but, he added, in such calamities pastors must bide at -their post. He remained therefore, and Melanchthon, who was visiting -the churches in Saxony, received orders to go to Jena and resume his -lectures there. During this period Luther, having regained some little -strength, was visiting the sick and consoling the dying. In the course -of a few days he had about him eighteen dead, some of whom even expired -almost in his arms.[50] He received into his house the poor, widows, -orphans, and even the plague-stricken; his house become a hospital.[51] -His wife and his son were attacked. ‘What conflicts!’ cried he, ‘what -terrors! No matter; though the malady waste the body, the Word of -God saves the soul.’ He again fell ill himself, and thinking that he -was nigh to death, he wrote to Melanchthon: ‘Pray for me, vile and -miserable worm. I have only one glory, and that is that I have taught -purely the word of God.[52] He who has begun the work will complete it. -I seek only Him; I thirst for nothing but his grace.’ - -Such, doubtless, were the circumstances which detained Hamilton at -Marburg. On hearing that in consequence of the plague the courses of -lectures had partly at least been transferred to Jena, he gave up -Wittenberg; and thus is explained quite naturally the want of original -documents respecting his alleged sojourn at the Saxon university. A -very painful sacrifice was thus demanded of him. Lambert resolved -to turn the disappointment to good account. Having a high idea of -the faith, the judgment, and abilities of Hamilton, he begged him to -compose some _theses_ on the evangelical doctrine, and to defend them -publicly. Everyone supported this request; for an academical solemnity, -at which a foreign theologian belonging to the royal family of -Scotland should hold the chief place, could not fail to throw a certain -_éclat_ over the new university. Hamilton consented.[53] His subject -was quickly chosen. In his eyes a man’s religion was not sound unless -it had its source in the Word of God and in the inmost experience of -the soul which receives that Word, and is thereby led into the truth. -He deemed it necessary to present the doctrine in this practical -aspect, rather than to lose himself in the speculative theorems of an -obscure scholasticism. - -On the appointed day Hamilton entered the great hall of the university, -in which were gathered professors, students, and a numerous audience -besides. He announced that he was about to establish a certain number -of truths respecting _the law and the Gospel_, and that he would -maintain them against all comers. These theses, all of a practical -character, had however somewhat of that dialectical spirit which -distinguished at a subsequent period the philosophical schools of -Scotland, and were drawn up in a pure and _lapidary_ style which -secures for this theologian of three-and-twenty a noteworthy place -among the doctors of the sixteenth century. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON’S THESES.] - -‘There is a difference, and even an opposition, between the law and -the Gospel,’ said Hamilton. ‘The law showeth us our sin; the Gospel -showeth us remedy for it. The law showeth us our condemnation; the -Gospel showeth us our redemption. The law is the word of ire; the -Gospel is the word of grace. The law is the word of despair; the Gospel -is the word of comfort. The law is the word of unrest; the Gospel is -the word of peace.[54] The law saith, Pay thy debt; the Gospel saith, -Christ hath paid it. The law saith, Thou art a sinner--despair, and -thou shalt be damned; the Gospel saith, Thy sins are forgiven thee: -be of good comfort, thou shalt be saved. The law saith, Make amends -for thy sins; the Gospel saith, Christ hath made it for thee. The law -saith, The Father of heaven is angry with thee; the Gospel saith, -Christ hath pacified him with his blood. The law saith, Where is thy -righteousness, goodness, and satisfaction? the Gospel saith, Christ -is thy righteousness, thy goodness, thy satisfaction. The law saith, -Thou art bound and obliged to me, to the devil and to hell; the Gospel -saith, Christ hath delivered thee from them all.’[55] - -The attack began, and the defence of the young Master of Arts was as -remarkable as his exposition. Even though he made use of the syllogism, -he shook off the dust of the school, and put something perspicuous -and striking in its place. When one opponent maintained that a man is -justified by the law, Hamilton replied by this syllogism:-- - -‘That which is the cause of condemnation cannot be the cause of -justification. - -‘The law is the cause of condemnation. - -‘Therefore the law is not the cause of justification.’ - -His phraseology, clear, concise, and salient--rare qualities in -Germany, except perhaps in Luther--his practical, transparent, -conscientious Christianity--struck the minds of his hearers. Certainly, -said Lambert, Hamilton has put forward thoroughly Christian axioms, and -has maintained them with a great deal of learning.[56] - -Hamilton engaged in other public disputations besides this. As faith in -Christ and justification by faith is the principle which distinguishes -Protestantism from other Christian systems, he felt bound to establish -the nature, importance, and influence of that doctrine. He believed -that faith is born in a man’s heart when, as he hears or reads the -Word of God, the Holy Spirit bears witness in his heart to the main -truth which is found in it, and shows him with clear proof that Jesus -is really an almighty Saviour. Faith was for the young Scotchman a -divine work, which he carefully distinguished from a faith merely -human. On this subject he laid down and defended the following -propositions:--‘He who does not believe the Word of God, does not -believe God himself. Faith is the root of all that is good; unbelief is -the root of all evil. Faith makes friends of God and of man; unbelief -makes enemies of them. Faith lets us see in God a father full of -gentleness; unbelief presents him to us as a terrible judge. Faith sets -a man steadfast on a rock; unbelief leaves him constantly wavering and -tottering. To wish to be saved by works is to make a man’s self his -saviour, instead of Jesus Christ. Wouldst thou make thyself equal with -God? Wouldst thou refuse to accept the least thing from him without -paying him the value of it?’ - -Fryth, who doubtless took part in the discussion, was so much struck -with these theses that he translated them into English, and by that -means they have come down to us. ‘The truths which Hamilton expounded -are such,’ said he, ‘that the man who is acquainted with them has the -_pith_ of all divinity.’[57] ‘This little treatise is short,’ said -others who listened to him, ‘but in effect it comprehendeth matter able -to fill large volumes.’[58] Yes, Christ is the author of redemption, and -faith is the eye which sees and receives him. There are only these two -things: Christ sacrificed and the eye which contemplates him. The eye, -it is true, is not man’s only organ; we have besides hands to work, -feet to walk, ears to hear, and other members more for our service. But -none of all these members can see, but only the eye.[59] - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON’S THESES.] - -In the midst of all these labors, however, Hamilton was thinking of -Scotland. It was not of the benefices which had been conferred on him, -not of St. Andrews, nor of the misty lochs or picturesque glens; it was -not even of his family, or of his friends that he thought the most. -What occupied his mind night and day was the ignorance and superstition -in which his countrymen were living. What powerfully appealed to him -was the necessity of giving glory to God and of doing good to his own -people. And yet would it not be madness to return to them? Had he not -seen the animosity of the Scottish clergy? Did he not know well the -power of the primate Beatoun? Had he not, only six or seven months -before, left his country in all haste? Why then these thoughts of -returning? There was good reason for them. Hamilton had been fortified -in spirit during his sojourn at Marburg; his faith and his courage had -increased; by living with decided Christians, who were ready to give -their lives for the Gospel, he had been tempered like steel and had -become stronger. It could not be doubted that extreme peril awaited -him in Scotland; his two friends, John Hamilton and Wynram, did not -understand his impatience and were resolved to wait. But neither their -example nor the urgency of Lambert could quench the ardor of the young -hero. He felt the sorrow of parting with Lambert and of finally giving -up the hope of seeing Luther and Melanchthon; but he had heard God’s -call; his one duty was to answer to it. About the end of autumn 1527 -he embarked with his faithful servant and sailed towards the shores of -Caledonia. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - - EVANGELIZATION, TRIBULATIONS, AND SUCCESS OF HAMILTON IN SCOTLAND. - - (END OF 1527 TO THE END OF FEBRUARY 1528.) - - -The Church of Rome, in the sixteenth century, especially in Scotland, -was far from being apostolic, although it assumed that title: nothing -was less like St. John or St. Peter than its primates and its prelates, -worldlings and sometimes warriors as they were. The real successors -of the apostles were those reformers, who taught the doctrines of the -apostles, labored as they did, and like them were persecuted and put -to death. The theocratic and political elements combined in Rome have, -with certain exceptions, substituted the law, that is, outward worship, -ceremonial ordinances, pilgrimages and the exercises of ascetic -life for the Gospel. The Reformation was a powerful reaction of the -evangelical and moral element against the legal, sacerdotal, ascetic -and ritualistic elements which had invaded the Church. This reaction -was about to display its energy in Scotland, and Hamilton was to be at -first its principal organ. - -Already, before his return, the sacred books had arrived in large -numbers in the principal ports of the kingdom. Attention had been -awakened; but at the same time ignorance, dishonesty, and fanaticism -had risen in revolt against the Evangelical Scriptures. The priests -said that the _Old_ Testament was the only true one, and pretended -that the _New_ had been recently invented by Martin Luther.[60] -Consequently, in August 1527, the earl of Angus, at the instigation of -Dunbar, bishop of Aberdeen, had confirmed the ordinance of 1525, and -had decreed that the king’s subjects who circulated the sacred books -should be visited with the same penalties as people from abroad. If, -therefore, a vessel arrived at Leith, Dundee, St. Andrews, or Aberdeen, -the king’s officers immediately went on board, and if any copies of -the _New_ Testament were found there, the ship and the cargo were -confiscated and the captain was imprisoned. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON’S ZEAL.] - -Some time after this ordinance, the ship which carried Hamilton reached -port, and although this young Christian always had his New Testament -in his pocket, he landed without being arrested and went his way to -Kincavil. It was about the end of 1527. Patrick tenderly loved his -mother and his sister; everybody appreciated his amiable character; -the servants and all his neighbors were his friends. This gentleness -made his work easier. But his strength lay above all in the depth and -the sincerity of his Christian spirit. ‘Christ bare our sins on his -back and bought us with his blood’;[61] this was the master chord which -vibrated in his soul. In setting forth any subject he silenced his own -reasonings and let the Bible speak. No one had a clearer perception -of the analogies and the contrasts which characterize the evangelical -doctrine. With these intellectual qualities were associated eminent -moral virtues; he practised the principles which he held to be true -with immovable fidelity; he taught them with a touching charity; he -defended them with energetic decision. Whether he approached a laborer, -a monk, or a noble, it was with the desire to do him good, to lead -him to God. He taxed his ingenuity to devise all means of bearing -witness to the truth.[62] His courage was firm, his perseverance -unflagging, and in his dignified seriousness his youth was forgotten. -His social position added weight to his influence. We have seen that -the aristocracy played a far larger part in Scotland than in any other -European country. It would have seemed a strange thing to the Scots -for a man of the people to meddle with such a matter as reform of the -Church; but if the man that spoke to them belonged to an illustrious -family, the position which he took appeared to them legitimate, and -they were all inclined to listen to his voice. Such was the reformer -whom God gave to Scotland. - -Patrick’s elder brother, Sir James Hamilton, on succeeding to the -estates and titles of his father, had been appointed sheriff of -Linlithgowshire. James had not the abilities of his brother, but he was -full of uprightness and humility. His wife, Isabella Sempill, belonged -to an ancient Scottish family, and ten young children surrounded this -amiable pair. Catherine, Patrick’s sister, bore some resemblance to -him; she had much simplicity of character, sense, and decision. But it -was most of all in the society of his mother, the widow of the valiant -knight, that Patrick sought and enjoyed the pure and keen delight -of domestic life. He opened his heart to all these beloved ones; he -made known to them the peace which he had found in the Gospel, and -by degrees his relations were brought to the faith, of which they -afterwards gave brilliant evidence. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON’S PREACHING.] - -The zeal which was consuming him could not long be confined within the -limits of his own family. His love for the Gospel silenced within him -all fear and, full of courage, he was ready to endure the insults which -his faith might bring on him. ‘The bright beams of the true light, -which by God’s grace were planted in his heart, began most abundantly -to burst forth, as well in public as in secret.’[63] Hamilton went -about in the surrounding country, his name securing for him everywhere -a hearty welcome. When the young laird was seen approaching, laborers -left the field which they were cultivating, women came out of every -poor cottage, and all gathered about him respectfully and lent him an -attentive ear.[64] Priests, citizens from the neighboring town, women -of rank, lords quitting their castles, people of all classes, met -together there.[65] Patrick received them with a kindly smile and a -graceful bearing. He addressed to souls that first word of the Gospel, -_Be converted!_ but he also pointed out the errors of the Romish -Church.[66] His hearers returned, astonished at his knowledge of the -Scriptures, and the people touched by the salvation which he proclaimed -increased in number from day to day. Southward of the manor-house of -Kincavil extends a chain of rocky hills, whose lofty peaks and slopes, -dotted with clumps of trees, produced in the midst of that district a -most picturesque effect. There more than once he talked freely about -the Gospel with the country-folk, who in the heat of the day came to -rest under the shadow of the rocks. Sometimes he climbed the hills, -and from their tops contemplated the whole range of country in which -he announced the good news. That _Craig_ still exists, a picturesque -monument of Hamilton’s Gospel mission.[67] - -He began soon to set forth the Gospel in the lowly churches of the -neighboring villages; then he grew bolder and preached even in the -beautiful sanctuary of St. Michael, at Linlithgow, in the midst of -numerous and rich altars. No sooner had the report of his preaching -begun to get abroad than everyone wanted to hear him. The name which -he bore, his gracious aspect, his learning, his piety, drew about -him day by day a larger number of hearers; for a long time such a -crowd had not been seen flocking into the church.[68] Linlithgow, the -favorite abode of the court, was sometimes bright with unaccustomed -splendor. The members of the royal family, and the most illustrious -nobles of the kingdom, came to unite with the citizens and the people -in the church. This fashionable auditory, whose looks were fixed on -the reformer of three-and-twenty, did not at all intimidate him; the -plainness, clearness, and conciseness which characterized Hamilton’s -style were better adapted to act on the minds of the great than pompous -declamation. ‘Knowest thou what this saying means,’ said he, ‘_Christ -died for thee_? Verily that thou shouldest have died perpetually: and -Christ, to deliver thee from death, died for thee, and changed thy -perpetual death into his own death; for thou madest the fault and He -suffered the pain.... He desireth nought of thee but that thou wilt -acknowledge what He hath done for thee and bear it in mind: and that -thou wouldst help others for his sake, even as He hath holpen thee for -nought and without reward.’[69] - -[Sidenote: HIS MARRIAGE.] - -Among his hearers was a young maiden of noble birth who with joy -received the good news of salvation. Hamilton recognized in her a soul -akin to his own. He had adopted the principles of Luther on marriage; -he was familiar with the conversations which the reformer had with his -friends on the subject and which were reported all over Germany. ‘My -father and mother,’ said Luther one day, ‘lived in the holy state of -marriage, even the patriarchs and prophets did the same; why should -not I do so? Marriage is the holiest state of all, and the celibacy of -priests has been the cause of abominable sins. We must marry and thus -defy the pope, and assert the liberty which God gives us and which Rome -presumes to steal away.’[70] However, to marry was a daring step for -Hamilton to take, considering _the present necessity_, as speaks the -apostle Paul. As abbot of Ferne, and connected with the first families -of Scotland, his marriage must needs excite to the highest degree the -wrath of the priests. Besides which, it would call for great decision -on the part of Patrick and genuine sympathy on the part of the young -Christian maiden, to unite themselves as it were in sight of the -scaffold. The marriage however took place, probably at the beginning -of 1528. ‘A little while before his death,’ says Alesius, ‘he married -a noble young maiden.’[71] It is possible that the knowledge of this -union did not pass beyond the family circle. It remained unknown to his -biographers till our own time.[72] - -While Hamilton was preaching at Linlithgow, archbishop Beatoun was -at the monastery of Dunfermline, about four leagues distant, on the -other side of the Forth. The prelate, when he learnt the return of -the young noble who had so narrowly escaped him, saw clearly that a -missionary animated with Luther’s spirit, thoroughly familiar with the -manners of the people, and supported by the powerful family of the -Hamiltons, was a formidable adversary. News which crossed the Forth -or came from Edinburgh, did but increase the apprehensions of the -archbishop. Beatoun was a determined enemy of the Gospel.[73] Having -governed Scotland during the minority of the king, he was indignant -at the thought of the troubles with which Hamilton’s preaching menaced -the Church and the realm. The clergy shared the alarm of their head; -the city of St. Andrews, especially, which one Scottish historian has -called ‘the metropolis of the kingdom of darkness’,[74] was in a state -of great agitation. The dean Spence, the rector Weddel, the official -Simson, the canon Ramsay and the heads of various monasteries consulted -together and exclaimed that peril was imminent, and that it was -absolutely necessary to get rid of so dangerous an adversary. - -The archbishop, therefore, took counsel with his nephew and some other -clerics as to the best means of making away with Hamilton. Great -prudence was needful. They must make sure of the inclinations of -Angus; they must divert the attention of the young king who, with his -generosity of character, might wish to save his relation; they must in -some way ensnare the evangelist, for Beatoun did not dream of sending -men-at-arms to seize Patrick at Kincavil in the house of his brother -the sheriff. So the archbishop resolved to have recourse to stratagem. -In pursuit of the scheme, Hamilton, only a few days after his marriage, -received an invitation to go to St. Andrews for the purpose of a -friendly conference with the archbishop concerning religion. The young -noble, who the year before had divined the perfidious projects of -the clergy, knew well the import of the interview which was proposed -to him, and he told those who were dear to him that in a few days -he should lose his life.[75] His mother, his wife, his brother, his -sister, exerted all their influence to keep him from going; but he was -determined not to flee a second time; and he asked himself whether the -moment was not come in which a great blow might be struck, and the -triumph of the Gospel be attained. He declared therefore that he was -ready to go to the Scottish Rome. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON AT ST. ANDREWS.] - -On his arrival at St. Andrews the young reformer presented himself -before the archbishop, who gave him the most gracious reception. Is it -possible that these good graces were sincere, and not treacherous as -was generally supposed? Did Beatoun hope to win him back by such means -to the bosom of the Church? Every one in the palace testified respect -to Hamilton. The prelate had provided for him a lodging in the city, to -which he was conducted. Patrick, when he saw the respect with which he -was treated, felt still more encouraged to set forth frankly the faith -that was in his heart. He went back to the castle where the conference -with the archbishop and the other doctors was to be held. All of them -displayed a conciliatory spirit: all appeared to recognize the evils -in the church; some of them seemed even to share on some points the -sentiments of Hamilton. He left the castle full of hope. He thought -that he could see in the dense wall of Romish prejudices a small -opening which by the hand of God might soon be widened. - -He lost no time. Left perfectly free he went and came whithersoever -he would, and was allowed to defend his opinions without any obstacle -being thrown in his way. This was part of the plot. If the archbishop -himself were capable of some kindly feeling, his nephew David and -several others were pitiless. They wished Hamilton to speak, and -to speak a good deal; he must be taken in the very fact, that they -might dare to put him to death. Among those who listened to him there -were present, without his being aware of it, some who took notes -of his sayings and immediately made their report. His enemies were -not satisfied with letting him move about freely in private houses, -but even the halls of the university were opened to him; he might -‘teach there and discuss there openly,’ as an eyewitness tells -us,[76] respecting the doctrines, the sacraments, the rites and the -administration of the Church. Many people were pleased to hear this -young noble announce, with the permission of the primate of Scotland, -dogmas so strange. ‘They err,’ said Hamilton to his audience, ‘whose -religion consists in men’s merits, in traditions, laws, canons, and -ceremonies, and who make little or no mention of the faith of Christ. -They err who make the Gospel to be a law, and Christ to be a Moses. To -put the law in the place of the Gospel is to put on a mourning gown -in the feast of a marriage.’[77] Then he repeated what he had already -asserted at Marburg, what Luther had said, what Jesus Christ had -said:--‘It is not good works which make a good man; but it is a good -man who makes good works.’[78] It was above all for this proposition, -so Christian, so clear, that he was to be attacked. - -The enemies of the young reformer exulted when they heard him avow -principles so opposed to those of Rome; but desirous of compromising -him still further, they engaged him in private conversations, in -which they tried hard to draw him to the extreme of his anti-Romish -convictions. Nevertheless, there were among his hearers righteous men -who loved this young Scotchman, so full of love for God and for men, -who went to his house, confided to him their doubts, and desired his -guidance. He received them with kindliness, frequently invited them to -his table, and sought to do good to them all. - -[Sidenote: HIS DISCUSSION WITH ALESIUS.] - -Among the canons of St. Andrews was Alexander Alane, better known under -the Latin name of Alesius, who in his boyhood had narrowly escaped -death on Arthur’s Seat. This young man, of modest character, with a -tender heart, a moderate yet resolute spirit, and a fine intelligence -which had been developed by the study of ancient languages, had made -great progress in scholastic divinity, and had taken his place at an -early age among the adversaries of the Reformation.[79] His keenest -desire was to break a lance with Luther; controversy with the reformer -was at that time the great battle-field on which the doctors, young -and old, aspired to give proof of their valor. As he could not measure -himself personally with the man whom he named _arch-heretic_, Alesius -had refuted his doctrine in a public discussion held at the university. -The theologians of St. Andrews had covered him with applause.[80] -‘Assuredly,’ said they, ‘if Luther had been present, he would have -been compelled to yield.’ The fairest hopes, too, were entertained -respecting the young doctor. Alesius, alive to these praises, and a -sincere Catholic, thought that it would be an easy task for him to -convince young Hamilton of his errors. He had been acquainted with him -before his journey to Marburg; he loved him; and he desired to save him -by bringing him back from his wanderings. - -With this purpose he visited the young noble. Conversation began. -Alesius was armed cap-à-pié, crammed with scholastic learning,[81] -and with all the formulæ _quomodo sit, quomodo non sit_. Hamilton -had before him nothing but the Gospel, and he replied to all the -reasonings of his antagonist with the clear, living, and profound -word of the Scriptures. It has happened more than once that sincere -men have embraced the truth a little while after having pronounced -against it. Alesius, struck and embarrassed, was silenced, and felt as -if ‘the morning-star were rising in his heart.’ It was not merely his -understanding that was convinced. The breath of a new life penetrated -his soul, and at the moment when the scaffolding of his syllogisms -fell to the ground, the truth appeared to him all radiant with glory. -He did not content himself with that first conference, but frequently -came again to see Hamilton, taking day by day more and more pleasure -in his discourse. His conscience was won, his mind was enlightened. -On returning to his priory cell, he pondered with amazement on the -way he had just gone. ‘The result of my visit has been contrary to -all my expectation,’ said he; ‘I thought that I should bring Hamilton -back to the doctrine of Rome, and instead of that he has brought me to -acknowledge my own error.’[82] - -[Sidenote: ALEXANDER CAMPBELL.] - -One day another speaker came to Hamilton. This was a young -ecclesiastic, Alexander Campbell, prior of the Dominicans, who -like Alesius had a fine genius, great learning,[83] and a kindly -disposition.[84] The archbishop, who knew his superiority, begged -him to visit Hamilton frequently, and to spare no efforts to win him -back to the Roman doctrine. Campbell obeyed his chief; but while -certain priests or monks craftily questioned the young doctor with -the intention of destroying him, the prior of the Dominicans had it -in mind to save him. It is a mistake to attribute to him from the -first any other intention. Campbell, like Alesius, was open to the -truth, but the love of the world and its favors prevailed in him, and -therein lay his danger. He frequently conversed with Hamilton on the -true sense of the Scriptures, and acknowledged the truth of Patrick’s -words. ‘Yes,’ said the prior, ‘the Church is in need of reformation -in many ways.’[85] Hamilton, pleased with this admission, hoped to -bring him to the faith, like Alesius, and having no fear of a friend -whom he already looked on almost as a brother, he kept back none of his -thoughts, and attached himself to him with all sincerity. But after -several interviews, Campbell received orders from the archbishop to -go to him to give an account of the result of his proceedings. This -request astonished and disturbed the prior; and when he stood before -Beatoun and his councillors, he was intimidated, overpowered by fear at -the thought of offending the primate, and of incurring the censures of -the Church. He would fain have obeyed at the same time both the Lord -and the bishop,--he would fain have served God and _sucked-in_ honors; -but he saw no means of reconciling the Gospel and the world. When he -saw all looks turned on him he was agitated, he wavered, and told -everything which the young noble of Kincavil had said to him in the -freedom of brotherly confidence. He appeared to condemn him, and even -consented to become one of his judges. Choosing ease, reputation, and -life rather than persecution, opprobrium, and death, Campbell turned -his back on the truth and abandoned Hamilton. - -When the young reformer heard of Campbell’s treachery, it was a great -sorrow to him; but he was not disheartened. On the contrary, he went -on teaching with redoubled zeal, both at his own lodging and in the -university. He bore witness, ‘with hand and with foot,’ as used to be -said at that time (that is to say, with all his heart and with all -his might), to the Word of God. For making a beginning of the work of -reformation there was no place in the kingdom more important than St. -Andrews. Hamilton found there students and professors, priests, monks -of the orders of St. Augustine, St. Francis, and St. Dominic, canons, -deans, members of the ecclesiastical courts, nobles, jurisconsults, -and laymen of all classes. This was the wide and apparently favorable -field on which for one month he scattered plentifully the divine -seed.[86] - -The adversaries of the New Testament, when they saw the success of -Hamilton’s teachings, grew more and more alarmed every day. There -must be no more delay, they thought; all compliance must cease, and -the great blow must be struck. Patrick was cited to appear at the -archiepiscopal palace, to make answer to a charge of heresy brought -against him. His friends in alarm conjured him to fly: it seemed that -even the archbishop would have been glad to see him set out once more -for Germany. Lord Hamilton, earl of Arran, was at once Patrick’s uncle -and the primate’s nephew by marriage. The primate would naturally show -some consideration for a young man whose family he respected;[87] but -the obstacle was to be raised on the part of Hamilton himself. When -he crossed the North Sea to return to Scotland, he had resolved to -lay down his life, if need be, if only by his death _Christ should be -magnified_. The joy of a good conscience was so firmly established in -his soul that no bodily suffering could take it away. - -As Patrick was not minded to fly from the scaffold, his enemies -determined to rid themselves of so formidable an antagonist. - -One obstacle, however, lay in their way. Would the king, feeble and -thoughtless, but still humane and generous, permit them to sacrifice -this young member of his family, who excited the admiration even of his -adversaries? James V. felt really interested in Patrick: he wished to -see him, and had urged him to be reconciled with the bishops.[88] If -at the last moment the Hamiltons should entreat his pardon, how could -he refuse it? To evade this difficulty, the Roman clergy resolved to -get the young monarch removed out of the way. His father, James IV., -used to make a yearly pilgrimage to the chapel of St. Duthac, founded -by James III., in Ross-shire, in the north of Scotland. The bishops -determined to persuade this prince, then only seventeen, to undertake -this long journey although it was then the depth of winter.[89] The -king consented, either because he was artfully misled by the priests, -or because, seeing that they were determined to get rid of Hamilton, he -would rather let them alone, and wash his hands of it. He set out for -St. Duthac,[90] and the priests immediately applied themselves to their -task. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON’S DEATH RESOLVED ON.] - -The tidings of the imminent danger which threatened Patrick brought -anxiety into the manor-house of Kincavil. His wife, his mother, and -his sister were deeply moved: Sir James was determined not to confine -himself to useless lamentation, but to snatch his brother out of the -hands of his enemies. As sheriff of Linlithgow and captain of one of -the king’s castles, he could easily assemble some men-at-arms, and he -set out for St. Andrews at the head of a small force, confident that -in case of success James V., on his return from Duthac, would grant -him a bill of indemnity.[91] But when he reached the shores of the -Forth, which had to be crossed on his way into Fifeshire, he found -the waters in agitation from a violent storm, so that he could not -possibly make the passage.[92] Sir James and his men-at-arms stopped -on the coast, watching the waves with mournful hearts, and listening -in anguish to the roar of the storm. When the archbishop heard of the -appearance of a troop on the other side the Forth, he collected a large -body of horsemen to repulse the attack.[93] Those who were bent on -rescuing Hamilton were as full of ardor as those who were bent on his -destruction. Which of the two parties would win the day? - - - - - CHAPTER V. - - APPEARANCE, CONDEMNATION, MARTYRDOM. - - (END OF FEBRUARY-MARCH 1, 1528.) - - -The Word of God, when heard among men, has a twofold effect. The -first, as we have seen, is to win souls for God by the charm of the -divine love which it reveals; but that is not all. It not only gives -but demands: it insists on a new heart and a new life. The pride of -man revolts against the commandments of God: the heart incensed is -bitter against those who announce them, and impels to persecution. The -evangelical word, like the creative, separates light from darkness, -those who are obedient from those who rebel. This is what was then -taking place in Scotland. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON BEFORE THE BISHOPS.] - -Hamilton rose early on the day on which he was to appear before the -bishop’s council.[94] Calm and yet fervent in spirit, he burned -with desire to make confession of the truth in the presence of that -assembly. Without waiting for the hour which had been fixed, he left -his abode and presented himself unexpectedly at the archbishop’s -palace, between seven and eight o’clock not long after sunrise. Beatoun -was already at his task, wishing to confer with the members of his -council before the sitting. They went and told him that Hamilton was -come and was asking for him. The archbishop took good care not to -give him a private interview. The several heresies of which Hamilton -was accused had been formulated. All who took part in the affair were -agreed as to the heads of the indictment. Beatoun resolved at once to -take advantage of Hamilton’s eagerness, and to advance the sitting. The -archbishop directed the court to constitute itself: each member took -his place according to his rank, and they had the accused before them. -One of the members of the council was commissioned to unfold before -the young doctor the long catalogue of heresies laid to his charge. -Hamilton was brought in. He had expected to converse with Beatoun in -private, but he found himself suddenly before a tribunal of sombre and -inquisitorial aspect; the lion’s jaws were open before him. However, he -remained gentle and calm before the judges, although he knew that they -had resolved to take away his life. - -‘You are charged,’ said the commissioner, ‘with teaching false -doctrines: 1st, that the corruption of sin remains in the child after -baptism; 2nd, that no man is able by mere force of free will to do any -good thing; 3rd, that no one continues without sins so long as he is -in this life; 4th, that every true Christian must know if he is in the -state of grace; 5th, that a man is not justified by works but by faith -alone; 6th, that good works do not make a good man, but that a good -man makes good works; 7th, that faith, hope and charity are so closely -united that he who has one of these virtues has also the others; 8th, -that it may be held that God is cause of sin in this sense, that when -he withholds his grace from a man, the latter cannot but sin; 9th, -that it is a devilish doctrine to teach that remission of sins can be -obtained by means of certain penances; 10th, that auricular confession -is not necessary to salvation; 11th, that there is no purgatory; 12th, -that the holy patriarchs were in heaven before the passion of Jesus -Christ; and 13th, that the pope is Antichrist, and that a priest has -just as much power as a pope.’[95] - -The young reformer of Scotland had listened attentively to this long -series of charges, drawn up in somewhat scholastic terms. In the -official indictment of the priests were included some doctrines for -the maintenance of which Hamilton was willing to lay down his life; -others which, he admitted, were fair subjects for discussion; but -the primate’s theologians had, in their zeal, piled up all that they -could find, true or false, essential or accidental, and had flung -the confused mass at the young man in order to crush him. One of the -clergy, who had visited him for the purpose of catching him unawares -in some heresy, had given out that the reformers made God the author -of sin. Patrick had denied it, saying,--and this was matter of -reproach in the 8th article,--that a sinner may get to such a pitch -of obduracy that God leaves him because he will no longer hear him. -Hamilton, therefore, made a distinction between the various heads of -the indictment. ‘I declare,’ said he, ‘that I look on the first seven -articles as certainly true, and I am ready to attest them with a solemn -oath. As for the other points they are matter for discussion; but I -cannot pronounce them false until stronger reasons are given me for -rejecting them than any which I have yet heard.’ - -The doctors conferred with Hamilton on each point; and the thirteen -articles were then referred to the judgment of a commission of divines -nominated by the primate. A day or two later, the commissioners made -their report, and declared all the articles, without exception, to -be heretical. The primate then, in order that the judgment might be -invested with special solemnity, announced that sentence would be -delivered in the cathedral on the last day of February, before an -assembly of the clergy, the nobility, and the people.[96] - -[Sidenote: ANDREW DUNCAN’S ATTEMPT.] - -While the priests were making ready to put to death one of the members -of the illustrious family of the Hamiltons, some noble-hearted laymen -were preparing to rescue him. The men of Linlithgow were not the only -ones to stir in the matter. John Andrew Duncan, laird of Airdrie, who, -as we have seen, was taken prisoner by the English at the battle of -Flodden, had, during his captivity, found friends in England, whom he -gained for the Gospel. On his return to Scotland, he had opened his -house as an asylum for the gospellers, and had become intimate with -the Hamiltons. Hearing of the danger that beset Patrick, indignant -at the conduct of the bishops and burning with desire to save the -young reformer, Duncan had armed his tenants and his servants, and -then marching towards the metropolitan city, intended to enter it by -night, to carry off his friend and conduct him to England. But the -archbishop’s horsemen, warned of the enterprise, set out and surrounded -Duncan’s feeble troop, disarmed them and made Duncan prisoner. The life -of this noble evangelical Christian was spared at the intercession of -his brother-in-law, who was in command of the forces which captured -him, but he had once more to quit Scotland.[97] - -This attempt had been frustrated just at the moment when the -commissioners presented their report on the alleged heresies of -Hamilton. There was no longer any need for hesitation on the part -of the archbishop; he therefore ordered the arrest of the young -evangelist. Wishing to prevent any resistance, the governor of the -castle of St. Andrews, who was to carry out the order, waited till -night; and then putting himself at the head of a well-armed body of -men, he silently surrounded the house in which Hamilton dwelt.[98] -According to one historian, he had already retired to rest; according -to others, he was in the society of pious and devoted friends and was -conversing with them. The young reformer, while he appreciated the -affection and the eagerness of his friend Duncan, had no wish that -force should be employed to save him. He knew that of whatever nature -the war is, such must the weapons be; that for a spiritual war the -weapons must be spiritual; that Christ’s soldiers must fight only with -the sword of the holy Word. He remained calm in the conviction that God -disposes all that befalls his children in such wise that what the world -thinks an evil turns out for good to them. At the very moment when -the soldiers were surrounding his house, he felt himself encompassed -with solid ramparts, knowing that God marshals his forces around his -people, as if for the defence of a fortress. At that moment there were -knocks at the door: it was the governor of the castle. Hamilton knew -what it meant. He rose, went forward accompanied by his friends, and -opening the door asked the governor whom he wanted;[99] the latter -having answered, Hamilton said, ‘It is I!’ and gave himself up. Then -pointing to his friends he added, ‘You will allow them to retire;’[100] -and he entreated them not to make any resistance to lawful authority. -But these ardent Christians could not bear the thought of losing their -friend. ‘Promise us,’ they said to the governor, ‘promise us to bring -him back safe and sound.’ The officer only replied by taking away his -prisoner. On the summit of huge rocks which rise perpendicularly from -the sea, and whose base is ceaselessly washed by the waves, stood at -that time the castle whose picturesque remains serve still as a beacon -to the mariner. It was within the walls of this feudal stronghold that -Hamilton was taken and confined. - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON IN THE CASTLE.] - -The last day of February at length arrived, the day fixed by the -archbishop for the solemn assembly at which sentence was to be -pronounced. The prelate, followed by a large number of bishops, abbots, -doctors, heads of religious orders, and the twelve commissioners, -entered the cathedral--a building some centuries old, which was to -be cast down in a day by a word of Knox, and whose magnificent ruins -still astonish the traveller.[101] Beatoun sat on the bench of the -inquisitorial court, and all the ecclesiastical judges took their -places round him. Among these was observed Patrick Hepburn, prior of -St. Andrews, son of the earl of Bothwell, a worthless and dissolute -man, who had eleven illegitimate children, and who gloried in bringing -distress and dishonor into families. This veteran of immorality--who -ought to have been on the culprit’s seat, but whose pride was greater -even than his licentiousness--took his place with a shameless -countenance on the judges’ bench. Not far from him was David Beatoun, -abbot of Arbroath, an ambitious young man, who was already coveting -his uncle’s dignity, and who, as if to prepare himself for a long work -of persecution, vigorously pressed on the condemnation of Patrick. -In the midst of these hypocrites and fanatics sat one man in a state -of agitation and distress--the prior of the Dominicans, Alexander -Campbell--with his countenance gloomy and fallen. A great crowd of -canons, priests, monks, nobles, citizens, and the common people, filled -the church; some of them greedy for the spectacle which was to be -presented to them, others sympathizing with Hamilton. ‘I was myself -present,’ said Alesius, ‘a spectator of that tragedy.’[102] - -The tramp of horses was presently heard: the party of troops sent to -seek Hamilton were come. The young evangelist passed into the church, -and had to mount a lofty desk, from which he could be easily seen and -heard by the assembly. All eyes were turned towards him. ‘Ah,’ said -pious folk, ‘if this young Christian had been a worldling, and had -given himself up, like the other lords of the court, to a life of -dissipation and rioting,[103] he would doubtless have been loved by -everybody; and this flower of youth which we now look on would have -blown amidst flatteries and delights. But because to his rank he has -added piety and virtue, he must fall under the blows of the wicked.’ - -[Sidenote: THE TRIAL.] - -The proceedings began. The commissioners presented their report to the -court, duly signed. Then Alexander Campbell rose, for the archbishop -had charged him to read the indictment, and the unfortunate man had -not dared to refuse the horrible task. Hamilton was affected at seeing -that man whom he took for his friend appear as his accuser. However, -he listened with calmness to the address. His quietude, his noble -simplicity, his frankness, his trust in the Lord, impressed every one. -‘Truly,’ said Alesius, ‘no man ever more fully realized that saying, -‘Trust in the Lord and do good.’[104] A contest began between the -prior of the Dominicans and the young reformer. The latter, determined -to defend his faith in the presence of that great assembly, pointed -out the sophistry of his accusers, and established the truth by the -testimony of the Holy Scriptures. Campbell replied; but Hamilton, -always armed with the Word of God, rejoined, and his adversary was -silenced. Campbell, unhappy and distressed, inwardly convinced of -the doctrine professed by his old friend, could do no more. He -approached the tribunal and asked for instructions. The bishops and -the theologians, having no mind for a public debate, directed Campbell -to enumerate with a loud voice certain errors which had not yet been -reduced to formal articles, and to call Hamilton _heretic_.[105] This -was putting the poor Dominican to fresh torture; but he must hold on to -the end. He turned therefore towards Hamilton and said aloud--‘Heretic! -thou hast said that all men have the right to read the Word of God. -Thou hast said that it is against the divine law to worship images. -Thou hast said that it is idle to invoke the saints and the Virgin. -Thou hast said that it is useless to celebrate masses to save souls -from purgatory....’ Here the unfortunate Campbell stopped. ‘Purgatory!’ -exclaimed Patrick; ‘nothing purifies souls but the blood of Jesus -Christ.’[106] At these words, Campbell turned to the archbishop and -said, ‘My lords, you hear him; he despises the authority of our holy -father the pope.’ Then, as if he meant to stifle by insults the voice -of the noble and courageous Christian, ‘Heretic,’ cried he, ‘rebel! -detestable! execrable! impious!...’ Hamilton, turning towards him, -said, in accents full of kindness, ‘My brother, thou dost not in thy -very heart believe what thou art saying.’[107] This was too much. The -word of tender reproof pierced like a dart the soul of the unhappy -Dominican. To find himself treated with so much gentleness by the man -whose death he was urging rent his heart, and an accusing cry was -heard in the depths of his soul.[108] Campbell was embarrassed and -silenced. Hamilton’s charity had heaped coals of fire on his head.[109] - -Then began the taking of votes. The members of the court unanimously -condemning the innocent man, the primate rose and said,--‘_Christi -nomine invocato_,--We, James, by the grace of God archbishop of St. -Andrews, primate of Scotland, sitting in judgment in our metropolitan -church, have found Patrick Hamilton infected with divers heresies of -Martin Luther, which have been already condemned by general councils. -We therefore declare the said Hamilton a heretic; we condemn him; we -deprive him of all dignities, orders, and benefices, and we deliver him -over to the secular arm to be punished.’[110] - -Having thus spoken, the primate laid on the table the sentence which -he had just read, and the bishops, priors, abbots, and doctors present -came and signed the document one by one. The primate next, with the -view of investing the act with more authority, invited such persons -as had a certain rank in the university to set their hands likewise -to it. Young boys--the earl of Cassilis, for example, who was only -thirteen--were of the number. The priests persuaded them that they -thereby did God service, and this was very flattering to such children. -The court rose, and an escort of some thousands of armed men conducted -Hamilton back to the castle.[111] - -This numerous escort showed the fears which the clergy entertained. -Duncan’s attempt had failed, but Sir James Hamilton was still at -the head of his soldiers, and many other persons in Scotland were -interested about this young man. But nothing short of the death -of their victim could pacify the priests. They decided that the -sentence should be executed the same day. The primate was sure of the -coöperation of the government. Angus offered no opposition to this -iniquitous proceeding. Thus condemnation had hardly been pronounced -when the executioner’s servants were seen before the gate of St. -Salvator’s College, raising the pile on which Hamilton was to be burnt. - -[Sidenote: AT THE STAKE.] - -While they were heaping up the wood and driving in the stake, Patrick -was taking his last meal in one of the rooms of the castle; he ate -moderately, as his custom was, but without the slightest agitation; his -countenance was perfectly serene. He was going to meet death with good -courage, because it would admit him into his Father’s house; he hoped, -too, that his martyrdom would be gain to the Church of God. The hour -of noon struck: it was the time appointed for the execution. Hamilton -bade them call the governor of the castle. That officer appeared; he -was deeply affected. Hamilton, without leaving the table, inquired -of him _whether all was ready_?[112] The governor, whose heart was -breaking to see such innocence and nobleness requited with a cruel -death, could not find courage to pronounce a single word which would -point to the scaffold, and he answered with emotion, _Dii meliora_, -‘God give you a better fate!’ Hamilton understood him, got up, took the -Gospel in one hand, grasped affectionately with the other the hand of -the sympathizing governor, and went like a lamb to execution.[113] He -was accompanied by a few friends, his faithful servant followed, and -a numerous guard escorted him. He set the cross of Christ, which he -then bore, above all the delights of life.[114] His soul was full of a -glorious and solid joy, which was worth more than the joy of the world. - -He arrived at the spot. All was ready--wood, coal, powder, and other -combustible material. Standing before the pile, he uncovered his head, -and lifting up his eyes to heaven, remained motionless for some moments -in prayer.[115] Then he turned to his friends and handed to one of -them his copy of the Gospels. Next, calling his servant, he took off -his cloak, his coat, and his cap, and with his arms stretched out -presented them to him and said--‘Take these garments, they can do me no -service in the fire, and they may still be of use to thee. It is the -last gift thou wilt receive from me, except the example of my death, -the remembrance of which I pray thee to bear in mind. Death is bitter -for the flesh ... but it is the entrance into eternal life, which -none can possess who deny Jesus Christ.’[116] The archbishop, wishing -to ingratiate himself with the powerful family of the Hamiltons, had -ordered some of his clergy to offer the young reformer his life on -condition of his submitting to the absolute authority of the pope. -‘No,’ replied Hamilton, ‘your fire will not make me recant the faith -which I have professed. Better that my body should burn in your flames -for having confessed the Saviour, than that my soul should burn in hell -for having denied him. I appeal to God from the sentence pronounced -against me, and I commit myself to his mercy.’[117] - -[Sidenote: INSULTS OF CAMPBELL.] - -The executioners came to fulfil their part. They passed an iron chain -round the victim’s body, and thus fastened him to the stake which -rose above the pile. Conscious that acute pains might lead him to -err, Hamilton prayed to God that the flames might not extort from him -the least word which should grieve his divine master. ‘In the name of -Jesus,’ he added, ‘I give up my body to the fire, and commit my soul -into the hands of the Father.’ Three times the pile was kindled, and -three times the fire went out because the wood was green.[118] Suddenly -the powder placed among the faggots exploded, and a piece of wood shot -against Hamilton flayed part of his body; but death was not yet come. -Turning to the deathsman, he said mildly, ‘Have you no dry wood?’ -Several men hastened to get some at the castle. Alexander Campbell -was present, struggling with his evil conscience, and in a state of -violent agitation which rose with his distress and misery. The servants -of the executioner brought some dry wood and quickened the fire. -‘Heretic,’ said Campbell, ‘be converted! recant! call upon Our Lady; -only say, _Salve Regina_.’ ‘If thou believest in the truth of what thou -sayest,’ replied Patrick, ‘bear witness to it by putting the tip only -of thy finger into the fire in which my whole body is burning.[119]’ -The unhappy Dominican took good care to do no such thing. He began -to insult the martyr. Then Hamilton said to him, ‘Depart from me, -messenger of Satan.’ Campbell, enraged, stormed round the victim like -a roaring lion. ‘Submit to the pope,’ he cried; ‘there is no salvation -but in union with him.’ Patrick was broken-hearted with grief at seeing -to what a pitch of obduracy his old friend had come. ‘Thou wicked man,’ -said he to him, ‘thou knowest the contrary well enough; thou hast -told me so thyself.’ This noble victim, then, chained to the post and -already half-burnt, feeling himself to be superior to the wretched man -who was vexing him, spoke as a judge, commanded as a king, and said -to the Dominican, ‘I appeal thee before the tribunal seat of Christ -Jesus.’[120] At these words Campbell, ceasing his outcries, remained -mute, and leaving the place, fled affrighted into his monastery. His -mind wandered; he was seized with madness; he was like one possessed by -a demon, and in a little while he died.[121] - -The tenderest affections succeeded these most mournful emotions in -Hamilton’s heart. He was drawing near to the moment of heart-rending -separations: but his thoughts, though turning heavenward, were not -turned away from his home at Kincavil. He had cherished the hope of -becoming a father; and some time afterwards his wife gave birth to a -daughter who was named Issobel. She lived at court in later years, and -received on more than one occasion tokens of the royal favor.[122] -Hamilton, who had always felt the tenderest respect for his mother, -did not forget her at the stake, but commended her to the love of his -friends.[123] After his wife and his mother, he was mindful of his -native place. ‘O God,’ said he, ‘open the eyes of my fellow-citizens, -that they may know the truth!’ - -[Sidenote: HAMILTON’S DEATH.] - -While the martyr’s heart was thus overflowing with love, several of -the wretches who stood round him aggravated his sufferings. A baker -took an armful of straw and threw it into the fire to increase its -intensity; at the same moment a gust of wind from the sea quickened -the flames, which rose above the stake. The chain round Patrick’s body -was red-hot, and had by this time almost burnt him in two.[124] One of -the bystanders, probably a friend of the Gospel, cried to him, ‘If -thou still holdest true the doctrine for which thou diest, make us a -sign.’ Two fingers of his hand were consumed; stretching out his arm, -he raised the other three, and held them motionless in sign of his -faith.[125] The torment had lasted from noon, and it was now nearly six -o’clock. Hamilton was burnt over a slow fire.[126] In the midst of the -tumult he was heard uttering this cry, ‘O God, how long shall darkness -cover this realm, how long wilt thou permit the tyranny of men to -triumph?’ The end was drawing nigh. The martyr’s arm began to fail: his -three fingers fell. He said, ‘Lord Jesus! receive my spirit.’ His head -drooped, his body sank down, and the flames completed their ravage and -reduced it to ashes. - -The crowd dispersed, thrilled by this grand and mournful sight, and -never was the memory of this young reformer’s death effaced in the -hearts of those who had been eyewitnesses of it. It was deeply engraven -in the soul of Alesius. ‘I saw,’ said he, several years afterwards -in some town in Germany, ‘I saw in my native land the execution of -a high-born man, Patrick Hamilton.’[127] And he told the story in -brief and penetrating words. ‘How singular was the fate of the two -Hamiltons! Father and son both died a violent death: the former died -the death of a hero; the latter, that of a martyr. The father had been -in Scotland the last of the knights of the Middle Ages; the son was -in the same land the first of the soldiers of Christ in the new time. -The father brought honor to his family by winning many times the palm -of victory in tournaments and combats; the son,’ says an illustrious -man, Théodore Beza, ‘ennobled the royal race of the Hamiltons, sullied -afterwards by some of its members, and adorned it with that martyr’s -crown which is infinitely more precious than all kingly crowns.’[128] - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - - ALESIUS. - - (END OF FEBRUARY 1528 TO THE END OF 1531.) - - -[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF HAMILTON’S DEATH.] - -That saying of Christian antiquity, ‘The blood of the martyrs is -the seed of the church,’ was perhaps never verified in a more -striking manner than in the case of Hamilton. The rumor of his death, -reverberating in loud echoes from the Highlands, ran over the whole -land. It was much the same as if the famous big cannon of Edinburgh -Castle, Mons Meg, had been fired and the report had been re-echoed from -the Borders to Pentland Frith. Nothing was more likely to win feudal -Scotland to the Reformation than the end, at once so holy and so cruel, -of a member of a family so illustrious. Nobles, citizens, and the -common people, nay, even priests and monks, were on the point of being -aroused by this martyrdom. Hamilton, who by his ministry was reformer -of Scotland, became still more so by his death. For God’s work, a -life long and laborious would have been of less service than were his -trial, condemnation, and execution, all accomplished on one day. By -giving up his earthly life for a life imperishable, he announced the -end of the religion of the senses, and began the worship in spirit and -in truth. The pile to which the priests had sent him became a throne, -his torture was a triumph, and when the _Crowns of the Martyrs_ were -celebrated in Scotland, voices were heard exclaiming:-- - - E cœlo alluxit primam Germania lucem, - Qua Lanus et vitreis qua fluit Albis aquis. - Intulit huic lucem nostræ Dux prævius oræ. - O felix terra! hoc si foret usa duce! - Dira superstitio grassata tyrannide in omnes, - Omniaque involvens Cimmeriis tenebris, - Illa nequit lucem hanc sufferre. Ergo omnis in unum, - Fraude, odiis, furiis, turba cruenta coit. - Igne cremant. Vivus lucis qui fulserat igne, - Par erat, ut moriens lumina ab igne daret.[129] - -People everywhere wanted to know the cause for which this young -noble had given his life, and everyone took the side of the victim. -‘Just at the time when those cruel wolves,’ said Knox, ‘had, as they -supposed, clean devoured their prey, a great crowd surrounded them -and demanded of them an account for the blood which they had shed.’ -‘The faith for which Hamilton was burnt,’ said many, ‘is that which we -will have.’ In vain was it that the guilty men, convicted by their own -consciences, were inflamed with wrath, and uttered proud threats;[130] -for everywhere the abuses and errors which up to that time had been -venerated were called in question.[131] Such were the happy results of -Hamilton’s death. - -As the news spread, however, in foreign lands, very different feelings -were aroused. The doctors of Louvain, writing to the clergy of -Scotland, said, ‘We are equally delighted with the work which you -have done and with the way in which you have done it.’[132] Others -showed themselves not so much charmed with such hatred, stratagem, -and cruelty. A Christian man in England wrote to the Scottish nobles, -‘Hamilton is now living with Christ whom he confessed before the -princes of this world, and the voice of his blood, like the blood of -Abel, cries to heaven.’[133] Francis Lambert, especially his friend -and companion, was a prey to intense grief: he said to the landgrave, -‘Hamilton has offered up to God and to the Church, as a sacrifice, not -only the lustre of his rank, but also his youthful prime.’[134] - -[Sidenote: JAMES V. FLIGHT.] - -Some days after, the king returned from the north of Scotland, whither -the priests had sent him to worship some relics. Hamilton was no more. -What were the feelings of James V. when he learnt the death of this -noble scion of the royal house? We have no means of ascertaining them. -The young prince seemed to be more alive to the humiliation to which -the nobles subjected him than to the cruelty of the priests. Fretted -by the state of dependence in which Angus kept him, he made complaint -of it to Henry VIII.[135] Hunting was his only amusement, and for the -sake of enjoying it he had taken up his abode at Falkland Castle. On -a sudden, caring no more for hounds, foxes, or deer, he conceived -the project of regaining his freedom and his authority. This might -be fraught with grave consequences for the Reformation. If at a time -when the nobles kept a tight hand over the priestly party Hamilton had -been put to death, what might happen in Scotland when the priests, on -whom James leaned for support, should have once more seized the chief -power? The deliverance of the young king, however, was no easy matter. -A hundred men, selected by Angus, were about him night and day; and the -captain of his guards, the minister of the royal house and the lord -treasurer of the kingdom, had orders to keep their eyes constantly -upon him. He determined to resort to stratagem. He said one evening to -his courtiers, ‘We will rise very early to-morrow to go stag-hunting; -be ready.’ Everyone retired early to rest; but no sooner had the prince -entered his chamber than he called one of his pages in whom he had full -confidence. ‘Jockie,’ said he to him; ‘dost thou love me?’ ‘Better than -myself, Sire.’--‘Wilt thou run some risk for my sake?’ ‘Risk my life, -Sire.’ James explained to him his design; and then, disguising himself -as a groom, he went into his stables with the page and a valet. ‘We are -come to get the horses ready for the hunt to-morrow,’ said the three -grooms. Some moments elapsed; they went noiselessly out of the castle, -and set off at a gallop for Stirling Castle, where the queen-mother -was residing. The king arrived there in the early morning. ‘Draw up -the bridges,’ said he, so fearful was he of his pursuers. ‘Let down -the portcullises, set sentinels at all points.’ He was worn out with -fatigue, having been on horseback all night; but he refused to lie down -until the keys of all the gates had been placed under his pillow; then -he laid down his head upon them and went to sleep. On the morning after -this flight, Sir George Douglas, the king’s guardian, rose without -suspicion, thinking only of the hunt which James had appointed. While -he was taking certain precautions against the escape of the prince, a -stranger arrived and asked to speak to Sir George. It was the bailiff -of Abernethy. He entered the apartment of the royal gaoler, and -announced to him that in the course of the night the king had crossed -the bridge at Stirling. Sir George, startled at this unlooked-for news, -ran to the apartment of the king; he knocked, and as no one answered, -he had the door burst open. He looked round on all sides and exclaimed, -‘Treachery! the king is fled!’ He gave instant notice to his brother, -the earl of Angus, and sent messengers in all directions with orders -to arrest the king wheresoever he might be found. All was useless. The -tidings of this event being spread abroad, the enemies of the Douglases -hastened in crowds to Stirling. Without loss of time the king called -together the parliament and got a decree of banishment issued against -Angus. The latter, cast down suddenly from the height of greatness, -made his escape into England, passing safely through many difficulties -and dangers. - -From that time James V. bore rule himself, so far at least as the -priests would allow him. In the character of this strange prince were -combined insatiable ambition and unparalleled feebleness, kindliness -full of affability and implacable resentment, a great regard for -justice and violent passions, an eager desire to protect the weak from -the oppression of the powerful and fits of rage which did not spare -even the lowly. The king reigned, but the clergy governed. As the -aim of James V. was to humble the nobles, a close alliance with the -clergy was a necessity for him, and once having taken the side of the -priests, he went to great lengths. The archbishops of St. Andrews and -Glasgow, the bishop of Dunkeld, and the abbot of Holyrood were placed -at the head of the government, and the most distinguished members -of the aristocracy were immediately imprisoned or sent into exile. -No Douglas, and no partisan even of that house, was allowed to come -within twelve miles of the court. Persecution attacked at the same -time the evangelical Christians; men who might have elevated their -country perished on the scaffold. The course pursued by the priests -tended to defeat their own end. The nobles, exasperated by the tyranny -of the bishops, began to feel the aversion for the Church of Rome -which they felt for its leading men. It was not indeed from the Romish -religion that they broke off, but only from an ambitious and merciless -hierarchy. But erelong we shall find the nobles, ever more and -more provoked by the clergy, beginning to lend a willing ear to the -evangelical doctrine of those who opposed the clergy. - -[Sidenote: ALESIUS.] - -Before that moment arrived, the conquests of the Reformation in -Scotland had begun. It counted already many humble but devout adherents -in convents, parsonage houses and cottages. At the head of the canons -of St. Augustine at St. Andrews was an immoral man, an enemy of the -Gospel, prior Hepburn; nevertheless, it was among them that the -awakening began. One of the canons, Alesius, had been confirmed in the -faith of the Gospel by the testimony which Hamilton had borne to the -truth during his trial, and by the simple and heroic beauty of his -death, which he had witnessed. On returning to his priory he had felt -more deeply the need of reformation. ‘Ah,’ said he, ‘how wretched is -the state of the Church! Destitute of teachers competent to teach her, -she finds herself kept far away from the Holy Scriptures,[136] which -would lead her into all truth.’ Alesius gave utterance at the same time -to the love which he felt even for the persecutors. ‘I do not hate the -bishops,’ he said; ‘I do not hate any of the religious orders; but -I tremble to see Christ’s doctrine buried under thick darkness, and -pious folk subjected to horrible tortures. May all learn what power -religion displays in men’s souls, by examining with care its divine -sources.’[137] The death of Hamilton was day after day the subject of -the canons’ conversation, and Alesius steadily refused to condemn him. - -The worthless Hepburn and his satellites could not endure this. They -denounced Alesius to the archbishop as a man who had embraced the -faith for which Hamilton had been burnt, and they added that other -canons seemed likely to take the same path. In order to ascertain the -sentiments of the young man, the primate resolved to lay a snare for -him; and when a provincial synod met at St. Andrews, he appointed -Alesius to preach the sermon at its opening. Alesius entered the -pulpit, and, while avoiding anything which might uselessly offend his -hearers, he brought forward the doctrines of the truth, and boldly -urged the clergy to give an example of holy living, and not to be -stumbling-blocks to the faithful by scandalous licentiousness. - -[Sidenote: HIS IMPRISONMENT.] - -As they went out of the church, many expressed approval. The archbishop -was grave, and did not say a word; but Hepburn, a proud, violent, and -domineering man, whose shameless connexions, says Bayle,[138] were -known to everybody, thought that Alesius meant to point him out and to -excite his superiors against him, and he resolved to take vengeance -on him. His fears were not unfounded. The discourse of Alesius had -impressed the best men among the canons, and these, convinced of the -necessity of putting an end to public scandals, joined together, and -decided to carry to the king a complaint against the prior. Hepburn -was immediately informed of their purpose, and, being constitutionally -more fit for a soldier than for a canon, he took some armed men and -entered suddenly into the hall in which the conference was held, to the -great astonishment of the assembly. ‘Seize that man!’ said he to his -men-at-arms, pointing to Alesius. The young canon begged the prior to -keep his temper; but at these words the proud Hepburn, no longer master -of himself, drew his sword, advanced towards Alesius, and was going to -attack him, when two canons thrust themselves in front of their chief, -and turned the blow aside.[139] The impetuous prelate, however, was -not pacified, and, calling his men to his aid, he followed up Alesius, -in order to strike him. The latter, in confusion and terror, finding -himself within an inch of death, fell at the prior’s feet, and implored -him not to shed innocent blood. Hepburn, to show his contempt for him, -would not honor him so much as to pierce him with his sword, but gave -him several kicks, and this with such force that the poor canon fainted -away, and lay stretched on the floor before his enemy.[140] When he -came to himself, the fierce prior ordered the soldiers to take him to -prison, as well as the other canons; and they were all cast into a foul -and unwholesome dungeon. - -These deeds of violence were noised abroad in the whole city, and -men’s feelings were divided between contempt and horror. Some of the -nobles, however, who had esteemed Hamilton, were profoundly indignant; -and they betook themselves to the king, and implored him to check the -intolerable tyranny of the prior. The young king gave orders that -all the canons should be set at liberty, and kindly added, that ‘he -would go himself and deliver them with his own hand if he did not -know that the place in which they were confined was infected with the -plague.’[141] The prior obeyed the royal command, but only in part; he -had Alesius thrust into a place that was fouler still.[142] And now he -was alone; had no longer a friend to clasp his hand; saw only hostile -faces. He knew that God was with him; but the sufferings inflicted on -him by the cruel prior, the filth, the bad smells, the vermin that -began to prey on him, the dark and perpetual night which filled that -frightful sink, endangered his life. It was known in the city that he -was ill; it was even reported one day that he was dead. James V. had -the prior of St. Augustine’s called before him, and commanded him -to liberate Alesius. The hypocritical prior swore by the saints that -the canon was free; and returning immediately to the priory, he gave -orders to bring out of the frightful dungeon the wretched man, who had -languished there for twenty days. Alesius came out, covered with filth, -and horrible to look on.[143] It was some comfort to him to once more -see the light of day. Some of the servants took him; they put off his -filthy garments, washed him carefully, and then put on him clean and -even elegant clothes.[144] Thus attired, the victim was led before -Hepburn, who forbade him to tell anyone how he had been treated. The -prior then summoned the city magistrates, and showing them, with an air -of triumph, Alesius, clean and well dressed, said--‘There is the man -who is reported to be kept in prison by me, and even to be dead. Go, -sirs, and give the lie to these calumnies.’ The wretch added to his -cruelty, falsehood, stratagem, and shamelessness. - -The magistrates then turning with kind looks to the prisoner, required -him in the king’s name to tell the whole truth; and Alesius related -the shameful treatment which he had suffered. The prior, embarrassed, -could not deny the fact, but assured the provost and his colleagues -that from that moment the prisoner was and would remain free; on which -the council withdrew. The door had hardly closed before the enraged -prior loaded Alesius with reproaches, and ordered him to be taken -back to prison. A year passed, and neither king nor magistrate had -snatched from that savage beast the prey on which he set his mind. In -vain was it that Alesius had his complaint laid before the archbishop; -the latter replied that he had noticed in his discourse a leaning to -Lutheranism, and that he deserved the penalty which had fallen on him. -His deliverance seemed impossible. - -[Sidenote: ALESIUS AGAIN IMPRISONED.] - -One day, however, it became known in the monastery that the prior -was going out, and would be absent for several days. The canons, -immediately hastening to their unhappy friend, took him out of the -prison, conducted him into the open air, and paid him the most -affectionate attentions. By degrees his strength was restored; he took -courage, and one day he undertook to perform divine service at the -altar. But this act of devotion was suddenly interrupted. The prior -came back sooner than he was expected; he entered the church, and saw -Alesius officiating, and the chapter around him. The blood rose to his -face, and, without the slightest hesitation about interrupting divine -service, he ordered the prisoner to be carried off from the altar, -and again cast into his foul dungeon.[145] The canons, scandalized at -this order, rose from their stalls, and represented to their superior -that it was not lawful to interrupt the worship. Hepburn then allowed -Alesius to go on with the service; but as soon as it was finished, -he had him again confined in the place from which his colleagues had -rescued him. - -In order to prevent the canons taking such liberties again, the prior -appointed as keeper of the prison one John Hay, a cruel and fanatical -priest, a man who would servilely carry out his master’s orders. The -canons, friends of Alesius, had no doubt that the prior had given the -office to that scoundrel with the intention of making away with the -prisoner. They said to one another, that if they did not bring about -his escape immediately, his life would be taken. The same day, before -Hay had entered upon his office, the first shades of night had scarcely -spread their veil over the ancient city when a few of them bent their -way secretly to the dungeon. They succeeded, though not without -difficulty, in penetrating to the place where the prisoner lay, and -told him that Hay had been named his keeper, and that consequently he -had nothing to look for but horrible tortures and certain death. They -added, that the king being absent, the opportunity would assuredly be -taken to get rid of him, as it had been in Hamilton’s case; and that -he could therefore only save his life by taking flight and quitting -Scotland.[146] Alesius was in amazement; to forsake his country and -his friends seemed to him an extreme course. He proposed to go first -to those with whom he was most closely connected, to take counsel with -them as to what he ought to do. ‘Take care not to do that,’ replied the -canons; ‘leave the country immediately without a word to anybody, for -as soon as the prior finds that you are no longer in your dungeon, he -will send horsemen to seize you on the road, or to carry you off from -your friends’ house.’ - -[Sidenote: HIS LOVE FOR SCOTLAND.] - -Alesius could not make up his mind to follow this advice. The thought -of bidding adieu to Scotland, perhaps for ever, filled him with the -keenest sorrow.[147] His dream had been to consecrate all his energies -to the salvation of his fellow-citizens, and to do good even to those -who wronged him; and now he was to be condemned never again to see -Scottish faces, Edinburgh, its valleys, its lofty houses, its narrow -streets, its castle, Holyrood, the fertile plains of Caledonia, its -low hills covered with pasture, its heaths wrapped in mists, and its -marsh-lands, monotonous and yet poetic, which a gloomy sea environs -with its waters, now mournful and still, now agitated by the violence -of the winds. All these he must quit, though he had loved them from -childhood. ‘Ah!’ exclaimed he, ‘what is there more dear to souls -happily born than their native land?’[148] But presently he corrected -himself. ‘The Church,’ said he, ‘is the Christian’s country far more -than the place which gave him birth.[149] Assuredly the name of one’s -native land is very dear, but that of the Church is dearer still.’ He -perceived that if he did not go away, it was all over with him; and -that if he did go away, he might contribute, even from afar, towards -the triumph of the truth in the land of his fathers, and possibly might -return thither at a later day. ‘Go!’ repeated the noble canons, who -would fain save at any cost a life so precious; ‘all honest people -desire it.’ ‘Well,’ said Alesius, ‘I bend to the yoke of necessity; -I will go.’ The canons, who had everything ready, immediately got -him secretly out of the priory, conducted him beyond the city, and -gave him the money needful for his voyage. These generous men, less -advanced than their friend in knowledge of the Scriptures, perceived -that by his departure they would lose an inestimable treasure; but they -thought rather of him than of themselves--they strove to dissipate his -melancholy, and they called to his recollection the illustrious men -and the saints who had been compelled, like him, to fly far from the -wrath of tyrants. At length the solemn moment of farewell was come, and -all of them, deeply affected at the thought that perhaps they would -never meet again, burst into tears.[150] They paid the tribute due to -nature; for, as Calvin says, ‘The perfection of the faithful does not -lie in throwing off every affection, but in cherishing them for worthy -causes.’[151] - -It was midnight. Alesius had to pass on foot across the north of -Fifeshire, then to cross the Firth of Tay and go on to Dundee, whence -a ship was on the point of sailing. He set out alone, and travelled -onwards in the thick darkness.[152] He directed his steps towards -the Tay, having the sea at a certain distance on his right; traversed -Leuchars, and arrived at Newport, opposite Dundee, where he had to -take a boat to cross the Firth. During this night-journey he was beset -with the saddest thoughts. ‘Oh!’ said he to himself, ‘what a life -full of bitterness is offered me--to forsake one’s kinsfolk and one’s -country;[153] to be exposed to the greatest dangers so long as the -vessel is not reached; to fly into foreign lands, where no hospitable -roof is ready to receive me; to have in prospect all the ills of exile; -to live among foreign peoples, where I have not a single friend; to -be called to converse with men speaking unknown languages; to wander -to and fro on the Continent at a time when so many vagabonds, driven -from their own country for fanatical or seditious opinions, are justly -looked on with suspicion. Oh! what anxieties, what griefs.’ His soul -sank within him; but having lifted up his eyes to Christ with full -trust, he was suddenly consoled, and after a rude conflict, he came -victorious out of the trial.[154] - -His fears, however, were only too well founded. No sooner had the -violent Hepburn learnt the flight of the prisoner than he assembled -some horsemen, set off in pursuit of him,[155] and reached Dundee, -from which port he knew that a vessel was sailing for Germany. Alesius -was expecting every moment to see him appear. ‘How shameful in a -dignitary of the Church,’ said he, ‘is this man’s cruelty! What rage -moved him when he drew his sword against me! To what sufferings has he -exposed me, and with what perils has he threatened me! It is a complete -tragedy!...’ - -[Sidenote: FLIGHT OF ALESIUS.] - -In the morning Alesius entered the town of Dundee. Fearing that, in -case of being arrested, he should fall into the hands of the prior, he -went immediately on board the ship, which was going to sail; and the -captain, who was a German and probably a Protestant, received him very -kindly.[156] - -The prior and the horsemen, who had set out from St. Andrews, arrived -a little later at Dundee, and, alighting from their horses, began to -search for Alesius. He was nowhere to be found; the vessel had already -cleared the port. The prior, enraged to find that his prey had escaped -him, must needs vent his wrath on some one. ‘It is you,’ said he to a -citizen well known for his attachment to the Reformation, ‘it is you -who furnished the canon with the means of escape.’ This man denied -the charge, and then the provost or mayor, Sir James Scrymgeour of -Dornlope, avowed to the prior that he would with all his heart have -provided a vessel for Alesius; and, he added, ‘I would have given him -the necessary funds for the purpose of rescuing him from the perils to -which your cruelty exposed him.’ The Scrymgeours, whose chief was the -provost of Dundee, formed a numerous and powerful family, connected -with several other noble houses of the realm. They were not the only -family among the aristocracy which was favorable to the Gospel; several -illustrious houses had from the first welcomed the Reformation--the -Kirkaldys and the Melvilles of Fifeshire, the Scrymgeours and the -Erskines of Angus, the Forresters and Sandilands of Stirlingshire and -the Lothians, and others besides. The prior, who had not at all looked -for such a remonstrance as he had just received, went back, annoyed and -furious, to St. Andrews. - -While the ship on which Alesius had embarked sailed towards France, the -refugee felt his own weakness, and found strength in the Lord. ‘O God,’ -said he, ‘thou dost put the oil of thy compassion only into the vessel -of a steadfast and filial trust.[157] I must assuredly have gone down -to the gates of hell unless all my hope had been in thy mercy alone.’ -The ship had not long been on her way when a westerly wind, blowing -violently, carried her eastward, drove her into the Sound, and made it -necessary to go ashore at Malmoe, in Sweden, in order to refit her. -Alesius was very lovingly welcomed there by the Scots who had settled -in the town.[158] At length he reached France, traversed part of the -coast of that kingdom,[159] then betook himself to Cologne, where he -was favorably received by archbishop Hermann, count of Wied. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - - CONFESSORS OF THE GOSPEL AND MARTYRS ARE MULTIPLIED IN SCOTLAND. - - (END OF 1531 TO 1534.) - - -The bishops of Scotland appeared to triumph. Hamilton was dead, Alesius -in exile, and not one evangelical voice was any longer heard in the -realm. They now turned their thoughts to the destruction of that proud -aristocracy which assumed that the functions of the state belonged to -the nobles and not to the priests. The estates of the earl of Crawford -had already been confiscated; the earls of Argyle and Bothwell and -several others had been imprisoned, and insults had been offered -to the earl of Murray, Lord Maxwell, Sir James Hamilton, and their -friends.[160] The archbishop of Glasgow, chancellor of Scotland, went -still further; he deprived the nobles of their ancient jurisdiction, -and set up in its place a _College of Justice_, composed exclusively of -ecclesiastics. The nobles thought now only of delivering Scotland from -the yoke of the clergy, and determined to invite the aid of Henry VIII. -Some of them were beginning even to feel interested in those humble -evangelical believers who were, like themselves, the object of the -priests’ hatred. This interest was one day to contribute to the triumph -of the Reformation. It was resolved that the earl of Bothwell should -open negotiations with Henry VIII., and this at the very time that that -prince was separating from Rome. This alliance might lead a long way. - -[Sidenote: BOTHWELL AND NORTHUMBERLAND.] - -The earl of Northumberland was then at Newcastle, charged by the King -of England to watch over affairs in the north. It was to him that -Bothwell addressed himself. Northumberland having referred to Henry -on the subject, it was agreed that the two earls should meet by night -at Dilston, a place almost equally distant from Newcastle and from -the Scottish frontier. At the mid-hour of the long night of December -21, 1531, Bothwell, accompanied by three of his friends, arrived at -the appointed place, where Northumberland was awaiting him.[161] They -entered immediately on the conference. The English lord was struck -with the intelligence, the acquirements, and the refined manners of -Bothwell. ‘Verily,’ said he to Henry VIII., ‘I have never in my life -met a lord so agreeable and so handsome.’ Bothwell, angered by the -pride of the priests, reported their conduct with respect to Angus, -Argyle, and Murray. ‘They kept me, too, confined in Edinburgh Castle -for six months,’ said he, ‘and but for the intervention of my friends -they would have put me to death. I know that such a fate is still -impending over me.’ Bothwell added, that if the King of England would -deliver the Scottish nobles from the evils which they had reason to -dread, he himself (Bothwell) was ready to join Henry VIII. with one -thousand gentlemen and six thousand men-at-arms. ‘We will crown him -in a little while,’ he added, ‘in the town of Edinburgh.’[162] The -enraged nobles were actually giving themselves up to strange fancies: -according to their view, the only remedy for the ills of their country -was the union of Scotland with England under the sceptre of Henry VIII. -Scotland would in that case have submitted to a reform at the king’s -hand; but she was reserved for other destinies, and her reform was to -proceed from the people, and to be effected by the Word of God. - -The King of England was in no lack of motives for intervention in -Scotland. James V. had just concluded an alliance for a hundred years -with Charles V., the mortal enemy of Henry VIII., and had even asked -for the hand of the emperor’s sister, the ex-queen of Hungary. This -princess had rejected the match, and the emperor had proposed to James -his niece Dorothea, daughter of the King of Denmark. - -Bothwell was able even to tell Northumberland, in this -night-conference, of matters graver still. A secret ambassador from -Charles V., said he, Peter von Rosenberg, has recently been at -Edinburgh and, in a long conversation which he had with the king in -his private apartments, has promised him that the emperor would put -him in a position, before Easter, to assume the title of _prince of -England_ and duke of York.[163] The Roman party, despairing of Henry -VIII., were willing to transmit the crown to his nephew, the King -of Scotland. Bothwell added that James, as he left the conference, -met the chancellor of the kingdom and several nobles, and made haste -to communicate to them the magnificent promise of Charles V. The -chancellor contented himself with saying, ‘Pray God I may live to see -the day on which the Pope will confirm it.’ The king replied, ‘Only let -the emperor act; he will labor strenuously for us.’ It was not James -V., but his grandson, who was to ascend the throne of the Tudors. - -The project formed by the Scottish nobles of placing Scotland under the -sceptre of England was not so easy to carry out as they imagined. The -priests, who supposed that they had surmounted the dangers proceeding -from reform, undertook to remove in like manner those with which they -were threatened by the nobility. But they were mistaken when they -believed that the fire kindled by the Word of God was extinguished. -Flames shot up suddenly even in places where it was least of all -expected to see them. - -[Sidenote: ALEXANDER SEATON.] - -A monk of the Dominican order, the order so devoted to the Inquisition, -Alexander Seaton, confessor to the king--a man of lofty stature, -downright, ready-witted and bold even to audacity[164]--was held in -great esteem at the court. The state of the Church profoundly grieved -him, and therefore, having been appointed to preach in Lent (1532) -in the cathedral of St. Andrews, he resolved courageously to avow in -that Scottish Rome the heavenly doctrine which was making exiles and -martyrs. Preaching before a large congregation, he said--‘Jesus Christ -is the end of the law, and no one is able by his works to satisfy -divine justice. A living faith which lays hold of the mercy of God in -Christ, can alone obtain for the sinner the remission of sins. But -for how many years has God’s law, instead of being faithfully taught, -been darkened by the tradition of men?’ People were astonished at this -discourse: some wondered why he did not say a word about pilgrimages -and other meritorious works; but the priests themselves were afraid to -lay a complaint against him. ‘He is confessor to the king,’ they said, -‘and enjoys the favor both of prince and people.’[165] - -In the absence of Seaton, after Lent, the archbishop and the clergy -took courage, condemned the doctrine which he had preached, and -appointed another Dominican to refute him. Seaton immediately returned -from Dundee, whither he had gone, had the cathedral bells rung, and, -ascending the pulpit, repeated with more energy and clearness still -what he had previously said. Then, recalling to mind all that a bishop -ought to be according to St. Paul, he asked, where are such bishops to -be found in Scotland? The primate, when informed of this discourse, -summoned him before him, and rebuked him for having asserted that the -bishops were only dumb dogs. Seaton replied that it was an unfounded -accusation. ‘Your answer pleases me well,’ exclaimed Beatoun. But the -witnesses confirmed their deposition. ‘These are liars,’ said again the -king’s confessor to the archbishop; ‘consider what ears these asses -have, who cannot decern Paul, Isaiah, Zechariah and Malachi, and friar -Alexander Seaton. In very deed, my lord, I said that Paul says it -behoves a bishop to be a teacher. Isaiah said that they that fed not -the flock are _dumb dogs_. And Zechariah says, they are idle pastors. -I of my own head affirmed nothing, but declared what the Spirit of God -before had pronounced.’ - -[Sidenote: SEATON’S FLIGHT.] - -Beatoun did not hesitate: this bold preacher was evidently putting to -his mouth the trumpet of Hamilton and Alesius. The primate undertook to -obtain authority from the king to proceed against his confessor, and it -was an easier task than he imagined. Seaton, like John the Baptist, had -no dread of incurring the king’s displeasure, and had rebuked him for -his licentiousness. James had said nothing at the time, thinking that -the confessor was only doing his duty. But when he saw the archbishop -denouncing Seaton, ‘Ah,’ said this young prince, who was given up to -a loose life,[166] ‘I know more than you do of his audacity;’ and -from that time he showed great coolness towards Seaton. The latter -perceiving what fate awaited him, quitted the kingdom, and took refuge -at Berwick. It was about two years after the Lent sermon preached by -him in 1532. - -He did not remain idle. He had a last duty to discharge to his master -the king. ‘The bishops of your kingdom,’ he wrote to him, ‘oppose our -teaching the Gospel of Christ. I offer to present myself before your -majesty, and to convince the priests of error.’[167] As the king made -him no answer, Seaton went to London, where he became chaplain to the -duke of Suffolk, brother-in-law of Henry VIII., and preached eloquently -to large audiences. - -The King of England liked well enough to receive the friends of the -Gospel who were banished from Scotland. One priest, more enlightened -than the rest, Andrew Charteris, had called his colleagues children of -the devil; and he said aloud--‘If anyone observes their cunning and -their falsehood, and accuses them of impurity, they immediately accuse -him of heresy. If Christ himself were in Scotland, our priestly fathers -would heap on him more ignominy than the Jews themselves in old time -did.’ Henry desired to see the man, talked with him at great length, -and was much pleased with him. ‘Verily,’ said the king to him, ‘it is a -great pity that you were ever made a priest.’[168] - -The clergy had now got rid of Hamilton, Seaton, and Alesius; but they -were nevertheless disquieted because they knew that the Holy Scriptures -were in Scotland. Notice was therefore given in every parish that ‘it -is forbidden to sell or to read the New Testament.’ All copies found in -the shops were ordered to be burnt.[169] Alesius, who was in Germany at -that time, was greatly afflicted, and resolved to speak. - -[Sidenote: LETTER OF ALESIUS.] - -‘I hear, sire,’ he wrote to the king, ‘that the bishops are -driving souls away from the oracles of Christ. Could the Turks do -anything worse? Would morality exist in independence of the Holy -Scriptures?[170] Would religion itself be anything else than a certain -discipline of public manners? That is the doctrine of Epicurus; but -what will become of the Church if the bishops propagate Epicurean -dogmas? God ordains that we should hear the Son, not as a doctor who -philosophizes on the theory of morals, but as a prophet who reveals -holy things unknown to the world. If the bishops promote the infliction -of the severest penalties on those who hear his word, the knowledge of -Jesus Christ will become extinct, and the people will take up pagan -opinions.[171] - -‘Most serene king, resist these impious counsels! Those who are in the -fulness of age, infancy, and the generation to come, unite in imploring -you to do so. We are punished, we are put to death.... Eurybiades of -Sparta, commander-in-chief, having in the course of a debate raised his -staff against Themistocles while forbidding him to speak, the Athenian -replied, “Strike, but hear!” We shall say the same. We shall speak, for -the Gospel alone can strengthen souls amidst the infinite perils of the -present time.’ - -Neither king nor priests replied to the _Letter of Alesius_; but a -famous German, Cochlæus, the opponent of Luther, undertook to induce -James V. to pay no attention to that discourse. ‘Sire,’ he wrote -to him, ‘the calamities which the New Testaments disseminated by -Luther have brought down upon Germany are so great, that the bishops, -in turning their sheep away from that deadly pasture, have shown -themselves to be faithful shepherds. Incalculable sums have been -thrown away on the printing of a hundred thousand copies of that book. -Now, what advantage have its readers drawn from it, unless it be an -advantage to be cast into prison, to be banished, and made to suffer -other tribulations? A decree is not enough, sire; it is necessary to -act. The bishop of Treves has had the New Testaments thrown into the -Rhine, and with them the booksellers who sold them. This example has -frightened others, and happily so, for that book is the Gospel of -Satan, and not of Jesus Christ.’[172] This was the model proposed to -King James. - -At the same time the Romish party was endeavoring to embroil Scotland -with England, and James was already engaging in several skirmishes. One -day, under the pretext of the hunt, he threw himself, with ‘a small -company’ of _three hundred persons_, on the estates the possession of -which was disputed by his uncle.[173] Shortly afterwards, four hundred -Scots invaded the Marches (frontier districts) at sunrise, and were -carrying off what they found there. Northumberland repulsed them, and -put to death the prisoners which fell into his hands. The Scots took -and burnt some English towns; the English invaded Scotland, and ravaged -its towns and country districts. The King of Scotland, intimidated, -applied to the pope and the King of France, and cried out for aid -with all his might. And then, in order to please at the same time the -priests, the pope, and Francis I., he took the advice of Cochlæus; with -the exception, that in Scotland the fire at the stake was substituted -for the waters of the Rhine. - -[Sidenote: HENRY FORREST.] - -A young monk, named Henry Forrest, who was in the Benedictine -monastery at Linlithgow, a man equally quick in his sympathies and -his antipathies, had been touched by Hamilton’s words, and uttered -everywhere aloud his regret for the death of that young kinsman of the -king, calling him a martyr. This monk was presently convicted of a -crime more enormous still: he was a reader of the New Testament. The -archbishop had him imprisoned at St. Andrews. One day a friar (sent by -the prelate) came to him for the purpose, he said, of administering -consolation; and offering to confess him, he succeeded by crafty -questions in leading the young Benedictine to tell him all he thought -about Hamilton’s doctrines. Forrest was immediately condemned to be -delivered over to the secular authorities to be put to death, and a -clerical assembly was called together for the purpose of degrading -him. The young friend of the Gospel had hardly passed the door where -the assembly was sitting, when, discovering the archbishop and the -priests drawn up in a circle before him, he became aware of what -awaited him, and cried out with a voice full of contempt, ‘Fie on -falsehood! fie on false friars, revealers of confession!’[174] When one -of the clerks came up to him to degrade him, the Benedictine, weary of -so much perfidy, exclaimed, ‘Take from me not only your own orders -but also your own baptism.’ He meant by that, says an historian, the -superstitious practices which Rome has added to the institutions of the -Lord. These words provoked the assembly still more. ‘We must burn him,’ -said the primate, ‘in order to terrify the others.’ A simple-minded -and candid man who was by the side of Beatoun said to him in a tone of -irony, ‘My lord, if you burn him, take care that it be done in a cave, -for the smoke of Hamilton’s pile infected with heresy all who caught -the scent of it.’ - -This advice was not taken. To the northward of St. Andrews, in the -counties of Forfar and Angus, there were a good many people who loved -the New Testament which was come from Germany. There still exist in -that district a village named _Luthermoor_, _Luther’s torrent_, which -falls into the North Esk, _Luther’s Bridge_, and _Luther’s Mill_.[175] -Forrest’s persecutors determined to erect his funeral pile in such -a situation that the population of Forfar and Angus might see the -flames,[176] and thus learn the danger which threatened them if they -should fall into Protestantism. The pile was therefore placed to the -north of the abbey church of St. Andrews, and the fire was visible in -those districts of the north which were afterwards to bear Luther’s -name. Henry Forrest was Scotland’s second martyr. - -[Sidenote: DAVID STRAITON.] - -In the same neighborhood there soon after appeared one who was to be -the third to lay down his life for the Reformation in Scotland. A small -country seat, situated on the sea-coast near the mouth of the North -Esk, was inhabited by one of the Straitons of Lauriston, a family which -had held the estate of that name from the sixth century. The members -of this family were for the most part distinguished for their tall -stature, their bodily strength, and their energy of character. David, a -younger son (the eldest resided in Lauriston Castle), a man worthy of -his ancestors, was of rude manners and obstinate temper. He displayed -great contempt for books, especially for religious books, and found his -chief pleasure in launching his boat on the sea, giving the sails to -the wind, casting his nets, and struggling hand to hand with the winds -and the waves. He had soon to engage in struggles of another kind. The -prior of St. Andrews, Patrick Hepburn, afterwards bishop of Murray, -a very avaricious man, hearing that David had great success in his -fishing, demanded tithe of his fish. ‘Tell your master,’ said the proud -gentleman, ‘that if he wants to have it, he may come and take it on the -spot.’ From that time, every day as he drew up his nets, he exclaimed -to the fishermen, ‘Pay the prior of St. Andrews his tithe,’ and the men -would straightway throw every tenth fish into the sea. - -When the prior of St. Andrews heard of this strange method of -satisfying his claim, he ordered the vicar of Eglesgreg to go to take -the fish. The vicar went; but as soon as the rough gentleman saw the -priest and his men set to work without ceremony on their part, he -cast the fish to him, and so sharply that some of them fell into the -sea.[177] - -The prior then instituted proceedings against Straiton for the _crime -of heresy_. Never had a council applied that name to a man’s method of -paying his tithe. No matter; the word _heretic_ at that time inspired -such terror that the stout-hearted gentleman began to give way; his -pride was humbled, and, confessing his sins, he felt the need of a -forgiving God. He sought out therefore all those who could tell him of -the Gospel or could read it to him, for he could not read himself. - -Not far from his abode was Dun Castle, whose lord, John Erskine, -provost of Montrose, a descendant of the earls of Mar, had attended -several universities in Scotland and abroad, and had been converted to -the evangelical faith. - -‘God,’ says Knox, ‘had _miraculously_ enlightened him.’ His castle, -in which the words of prophets and apostles were heard, was ever open to -those who were athirst for truth; and thus the evangelical Christians -of the neighborhood had frequent meetings there. Erskine detected the -change which was taking place in the soul of his rude neighbor; he went -to see him, conversed with him, and exhorted him to change his life. -Straiton soon became a regular attendant at the meetings in the castle, -‘and he was,’ says Knox, ‘transformed as by a miracle.’[178] - -His nephew, the young baron of Lauriston, possessed a New Testament. -Straiton frequently went to the castle to hear portions of the Gospels -read. One day the uncle and his nephew went out together, wandered -about in the neighborhood, and then retired into a lonely place to read -the Gospels. The young laird chose the tenth chapter of St. Matthew. -Straiton listened as attentively as if it were to himself that the Lord -addressed the discourse which is there reported. When they came to -this declaration of Jesus Christ, ‘Whosoever shall deny me before men, -him will I also deny before my Father which is in heaven,’ Straiton, -affected and startled, fell on his knees, stretched his hands upwards, -and turned for a long time a humble and earnest gaze towards heaven, -but without speaking the while; he appeared to be in an ecstasy.[179] -At last, no longer able to restrain the feelings which crowded on -him, he exclaimed--‘I have been sinful, O Lord, and thou wouldst be -only just wert thou to withhold thy grace from me! Nevertheless, for -the sake of thy mercy, suffer not the dread of pain or of death to -lead me ever to deny thee or thy truth.’[180] Thenceforward he set -himself to serve zealously the master whose mighty love he had felt. -The world appeared to him like a vast sea, full of movement, on which -men are ever rudely tossed until they have entered into the haven of -the Gospel. The fisherman became a fisher of men. He exhorted his -friends and acquaintances to seek God, and he replied to the priests -with firmness. On one occasion, when they urged him to do some pious -works which deliver from purgatory, he answered, ‘I know of no other -purgatory than Christ’s passion and the tribulations of this life.’ -Straiton was carried off to Edinburgh, and cast into prison. - -There was another Scotchman, Norman Gourlay, who after taking holy -orders had travelled on the continent, and had there been enlightened -by the word of the Gospel. Convinced that ‘marriage is honorable in -all,’ Gourlay had married on his return to Scotland; and when a priest -reminded him of the prohibition by Rome, ‘The pope,’ replied he, ‘is no -bishop, but an Antichrist, and he has no jurisdiction in Scotland.’ - -On August 26, 1534, these two servants of God were led into a hall of -Holyrood Abbey. The judges were seated, and with them the king, who, -appareled in red from head to foot, seemed to be there for the purpose -of assisting them. James V. pressed these two confirmed Christians -to abjure their doctrines. ‘Recant; burn your bill,’[181] he said to -them; but Straiton and Gourlay chose rather to be burnt themselves. The -king, affected and giving way, would fain have pardoned them; but the -priests declared that he had no authority to do so, since these people -were condemned by the Church. In the afternoon of August 27 a huge pile -was lit on the summit of Calton Hill, in order that the flames might -be visible to a great distance; and the fire devoured these two noble -Christians. If the Reform was afterwards so strong in Scotland it was -because the seed was holy. - -Enough however was not done yet. All these heresies, it was thought, -proceed from Hamilton; his family must therefore be extirpated from the -Scottish soil. But Sir James, a good-natured man, an upright magistrate -and a lover of the Gospel, was for all that not in the humor to let -himself be burnt like his brother. So, having received one day an order -to appear before the tribunal, he addressed himself immediately to the -king, who had him privately told not to appear. Sir James therefore -quitted the kingdom; he was then condemned, excommunicated, banished, -and deprived of his estates, and he lived for nearly ten years in -London in the utmost distress. - -[Sidenote: TRIAL OF CATHERINE HAMILTON.] - -His sister Catherine was both a warm-hearted Scotchwoman and a decided -Huguenot. She would not make her escape, but appeared at Holyrood in -the presence of the ecclesiastical tribunal and of the king himself. -‘By what means,’ they said to her, ‘do you expect to be saved?’--‘By -faith in the Saviour,’ she replied, ‘and not by works.’ Then one -of the canonists, Master John Spence, said at great length--‘It is -necessary to distinguish between various kinds of works. In the first -place, there are works of _congruity_, secondly, there are works of -_condignity_. The works of the just are of this latter category, and -they merit life _ex condigno_. There are also _pious_ works; then works -of _supererogation_;’ and he explained in scholastic terms what all -these expressions meant. These strange words sounded in Catherine’s -ears like the noise of a false-bass (_faux-bourdon_). Wearied with this -theological babbling, she got excited, and exclaimed--‘Works here, -works there.... What signify all the works?... There is one thing alone -which I know with certainty, and that is that no work can save me, -except the work of Christ my Saviour.’ The doctor sat amazed and made -no answer, while the king strove in vain to hide a fit of laughter. He -was anxious to save Catherine, and made a sign for her to come to him; -he then entreated her to declare to the tribunal that she respected the -Church. Catherine, who had never had a thought of setting herself in -rebellion against the higher powers, gave the king leave to say what he -wished, and withdrew first into England, then to France. She probably -entered the family of her husband,[182] who, during his lifetime, was a -French officer in the suite of the duke of Albany. - -But these punishments and banishments did not put an end to the storm. -Several other evangelical Christians were also obliged at that time -to leave Scotland. Gawin Logie, a canon of St. Andrews, and principal -regent of St. Leonard’s College, at which Patrick Hamilton had -exercised so powerful an influence, had diffused scriptural principles -among the students to such an extent that people were accustomed to -say, when they would make you understand that anyone was an evangelical -Christian, ‘He has drunk at the well of St. Leonard’s.’ Logie quitted -Scotland in 1534. Johnston, an Edinburgh advocate, Fife, a friend of -Alesius, M’Alpine, and several others had to go into exile at the same -time. The last-named, known on the continent by the name of Maccabæus, -won the favor of the King of Denmark, and became a professor at the -university of Copenhagen. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - THE KING OF SCOTLAND BREAKS WITH ENGLAND, AND ALLIES HIMSELF WITH - FRANCE AND THE GUISES. - - (1534-1539.) - - -[Sidenote: BREAK WITH ENGLAND.] - -Notwithstanding the literary and liberal pretensions of Francis I., -the ultramontane spirit seemed secure of a triumph in France. There -doubtless existed freer and holier aspirations, but certain of the -bishops were more popish than the pope, and kings found it convenient -to show themselves very indulgent to the licentiousness of the clergy, -provided that they in return would lend a hand in support of their -despotism. The priests of Scotland therefore redoubled their efforts to -make a breach between James and his uncle of England, and to ally him -with the eldest daughter of the papacy. - -Henry VIII., who received into his realm many of the exiles who were -driven from their own country, was troubled at seeing his nephew throw -himself into the arms of the Roman pontiff. It was for the interest -of England that Scotland should not take a course opposed to her own: -the whole of Great Britain ought to cast off the authority of the pope -at the same time. The Tudor, impatient to reach this end, conceived -the project of giving his daughter Mary in marriage to the King of -Scotland; and in order to bring about by degrees a reconciliation, -he determined to send Lord William Howard to Scotland. To this -intent he had instructions drawn up in full detail to the effect -following:[183]--First after your arrival at the court of the king my -nephew, you will offer on our part the most friendly greetings, you -will thank him for his noble present of falcons, and you will assure -him that the ties of blood which unite us lead me to rejoice at every -piece of good fortune that befalls him. You will then practise with -the lord treasurer by some means to get you the measure of the king’s -person, and you will cause to be made for him the richest and most -elegant garments possible, by the tailor whom you will have at hand for -that intent. Then you will tell him that I am greatly desirous to have -conference with him. - -Henry VIII., full of hatred for the papacy, and anxious to see other -kingdoms strengthen his position by following his example, urged -his nearest neighbors to found, as he had done, national churches -acknowledging no other head than the king. He had seen his endeavors -fail in France, and was all the more desirous of succeeding in -Scotland. As uncle to the king, the task seemed easy to him. To -accomplish it he was resolved to use all means, and among others he -sought to gain over the king by fine clothes made after the London -fashion. He sent to him at the same time some books against the usurped -authority of the pope. - -[Sidenote: DR. BARLOW’S EMBASSY] - -In October, Dr. Barlow, prior of Bisham, one of the king’s councillors, -‘a man sufficiently instructed,’ wrote Henry to James, ‘in the -specialities of certain great and weighty causes,’[184] arrived in -Scotland, and the queen-dowager Margaret procured him a private -conversation with her son.[185] The pope’s partisans at once took the -alarm, and conjured James not to read the books which Henry VIII. -had sent to him; they depicted the unheard-of dangers to which he -would expose his person, his crown, and his kingdom by following -his uncle’s example. They had the best of it, and James commanded a -reply to be written to Cromwell, that assuredly no means would be -neglected of strengthening the bonds of friendship between the two -sovereigns; but that, in Scotland, there could be no agreement with -the King of England ‘_in the opinions concerning the authority of the -pope and kirkmen_.’[186] ‘Here be,’ wrote Barlow to Cromwell, ‘plenty -of priests, sundry sorts of religions, multitudes of monks, flocking -companies of friars, yet among them all so many is there not a few, no -not one, that sincerely preacheth Christ.’ - -‘It shall be no more dyspleasant for me to depart,’ he wrote on May 23, -1536, ‘than it was for Lot to pass out of Sodom.’[187] - -Henry was not discouraged, and he sent Lord William Howard a second -time, in February, 1535. At a solemn session which was held at Holyrood -with great pomp, Howard delivered to James V., at one and the same -time, the order of the Garter, which Charles V., Francis I., and -King Ferdinand had already received, and a declaration touching the -ecclesiastical supremacy. The king accepted the order with respect, -and handed over the declaration to his bishops to do what they wished -with it.[188] In vain had Henry given James a glimpse of the prospect -of sitting on the throne of England by marrying his daughter Mary; -the priests, and especially Beatoun, got the proposals rejected, from -which they anticipated nothing but evil. They represented to him the -risk which he would run if he went to London and put his head at the -disposal of so treacherous and cruel a prince; and what admiration -posterity would cherish for him, if at the time when all Europe was -threatening the Church, he should remain true to the faith of his -forefathers. - -Among the Scottish people there were earnest aspirations after the -Gospel: but in that country, as in France, the priesthood and the -government forcibly repressed them. The more the state separated itself -from the pope in the south of Britain, the more it clung to him in -the north. The king, now become the direct instrument of the clergy, -required the parliament to check the progress which the Bible seemed to -be making in Scotland; and on June 8 this body, adding severity to the -former laws, enacted that whosoever possessed a New Testament should -deliver it to his bishop under pain of confiscation and imprisonment, -and that all _discussion_ about _religious opinions_ was prohibited. -It gave permission, however, to _clerks of the schools to read that -book, in order that they might the more efficiently contend against -its adherents_. Many priests, monks, and students therefore read the -New Testament; but this reading produced a quite contrary effect, for -it led them to receive and to defend the Gospel. This could not but -irritate the king and his priests, and make them feel still more the -necessity of an alliance with some ultramontane power. The conversion -of a Churchman who, through his family, was connected with the court, -especially attracted their attention. - -[Sidenote: THOMAS FORREST.] - -In a small island in the Firth of Forth, not far from Edinburgh, -stood the ancient abbey of St. Colme, occupied by Augustinian canons. -Distinguished among them was the son of the master of the stables -to King James IV. His name was Thomas Forrest, and he is not to be -confounded with the Benedictine, Henry Forrest, of whom we have already -spoken. A quarrel had broken out between the abbot and the canons; -the latter, in order to support their claims, seized the deeds of -foundation of the monastery. The abbot came in, scolded them sharply, -recovered the volume, and gave them in its place an old folio of St. -Augustine. The canons scornfully turned their backs on the book and -went back to their cells. - -Forrest, left alone, looked at the volume. A work of the great -Augustine interested him. He took it into his cell, read it, and -ere long was able to say, with the bishop of Hippo--‘That which the -dispensation of works commands, is accomplished by the dispensation of -grace. O happy and blessed book!’ he would often say, ‘God has made -use of thee to enlighten my soul.’[189] St. Augustine led Forrest to -the Gospel, and he was not long in making known to his brethren the -treasure which he had found in the writings of this Father and in the -New Testament. Aged men stopped their ears. ‘Alas,’ said the son of the -king’s master-stabler, ‘the _old_ bottles will not receive the _new_ -wine.’[190] The old canons complained to the abbot, and the abbot said -to Forrest, ‘Look after your own salvation, but talk as other men do.’ - -‘Before I will recant,’ he replied, laying his hand on his breast, -‘this body shall be burnt and the wind shall scatter its ashes.’ The -abbot, anxious to be rid of this innovator, gave him the parish of -Dollar. - -Forrest was one of those men who receive the grace which is offered -them not only lovingly but with a vehement impetuosity. While many lay -sleeping he was vigorously going forward to take the kingdom of God. -There were in him those marvellous impulses, that grand earnestness, -which the Gospel denotes in the saying, ‘the violent take it by force.’ -He used to study from six in the morning till midday: he learnt every -day three chapters of the Bible: in the afternoon visited families, -instructed his parishioners, and endeavored to bring souls to God. When -he returned in the evening to his vicarage, wearied with his labors, he -used to say to his servant, ‘Come, Andrew,’ and making him sit down -beside him, piously recited the three chapters of the Word of God which -he had learnt in the morning, hoping thus to fix them in his own memory -and to impress them on the soul of his servant.[191] A party of monks -having invaded his parish to sell indulgences there, Forrest went into -the pulpit and said, like Luther, ‘You cannot receive pardon for your -sins either from the pope or from any created being in the world, but -only by the blood of Jesus Christ.’ - -[Sidenote: FORREST AND THE BISHOP.] - -His enemies hastened to denounce him to the bishop of Dunkeld, calling -upon him to put a stop to conduct so strange. ‘My joy dean Thomas,’ -said the bishop to him, ‘I am told that you preach every Sunday. That -is too much. Take my advice, and don’t preach unless you find any -good gospel or any good epistle that setteth forth the liberty of -Holy Church.’--‘My lord,’ replied Forrest, ‘I would wish that your -lordship preach also every Sunday.’ ‘Nay, nay, dean Thomas,’ said -the bishop, alarmed, ‘let that be.’--‘Whereas your lordship biddeth -me preach,’ continued Forrest, ‘when I find any _good_ epistle, or a -_good_ gospel, truly, my lord, I have read the New Testament and the -Old, all the gospels, all the epistles, and among them all I could -never find an evil epistle or an evil gospel; but if your lordship -will shew me the good and the evil ones, I will preach the former and -pass over the latter.’ The bishop, more and more affrighted, exclaimed -with all his might,[192] ‘Thank God, I never knew what the Old and New -Testament was, and I will to know nothing but my _portuese_[193] and my -_pontifical_!’ - -For the moment Forrest escaped death. The bishop’s saying got abroad -in Scotland, and people used for a long time to say to any ignorant -person, ‘_Ye are like the bishop of Dunkeldene that knew neither new -nor old law_.’[194] - -The discontent of the people with the clergy went on increasing, and -at a provincial council which met at Edinburgh in March, 1536, Sir -James Hamilton, in the king’s name, demanded various reforms. The men -of the kirk were indignant. ‘Never had they been so ill content,’ said -Angus.[195] - -The monks, in alarm, began to attack the Reformation from their pulpits. - -Bishop Barlow, the English envoy, thought the moment a favorable one -for reform in Scotland. ‘If I may obtain the king’s license,’ he wrote -to Cromwell, then first secretary of state to Henry VIII., ‘otherwise -shall I not be suffered to preach, I will not spare for no bodily -peril, boldly to publish the truth of God’s Word among them. Whereat -though the clergy shall repine, yet many of the lay people will gladly -give hearing. And until the Word of God be planted among them, I -suppose their feigned promises shall be finally found frustrate without -any faithful effect.’[196] - -It seemed as if the hopes of the Anglican bishop were beginning to be -realized. It was rumored that the King of Scotland, offended at the -reception which his demands had met in the council, was going to have -a conference with his uncle. The prelates thought that if that project -were carried out they were undone. ‘Pray do not allow,’ they said to -the king, ‘a single word to be spoken by the King of England to induce -you to adopt his new constitutions of the Scripture.’[197] James was -willing and unwilling: but he yielded, and the interview with the -terrible Tudor was given up. But the bishops were not yet freed from -their alarm; they dreaded the influence of the English ambassadors, and -that of the queen-mother, and they feared that they might not be strong -enough another time. In order to confirm the prince in his resolution, -they conceived the plan of getting him to request a brief from the pope -to _forbid_ his holding intercourse with Henry VIII. Thompson, the -apostolic prothonotary, was secretly charged with this strange mission, -and the priests thought it a capital stroke to ask the King of England -to grant this agent a passport, taking good care to conceal from him -the object of the mission. Henry, not at all suspicious, agreed to -their request, and these cunning clerks could laugh together at their -paltry trick. But the queen-mother, when she became acquainted with -all these intrigues, sharply rebuked her son. Sensitive and violent, -as weak men frequently are, James forgot all respect, and accused his -mother of accepting gifts from the king her brother to betray the -king her son. Margaret indignantly declared that she would return to -London,[198] and the two English envoys hastened their departure from -Scotland. The Scottish clergy had been very much alarmed at the project -formed by Henry VIII. of giving his daughter Mary to his nephew; but -the daughter of Catherine of Aragon would not have been wanting in -submissiveness to the pope. The clerical party, having succeeded in -stirring up quarrels in the royal family, between the mother and the -son and between the uncle and the nephew, and anxious to make the -proposed union forever impossible, hinted to the young prince that the -eldest daughter of the King of France, the sister-in-law of Catherine -de’ Medici, would be for him a far more glorious and advantageous -alliance. This scheme pleased James, and when the rumor ran that the -emperor was on the point of invading France, the King of Scotland, -in order to win the favor of the father of the bride whom he desired, -offered to him the aid of his army.[199] Then he set sail, September -1, with six vessels, accompanied by a suite of five hundred persons, -all of noble or gentle birth. In ten days he reached Dieppe,[200] and -without consulting the opinion of his uncle, he asked for and obtained -the hand of Madame Madeleine, who had been very tenderly brought up -by her aunt, Margaret of Valois.[201] The Scottish priests were in -high glee, because in their view this alliance with France tended to -strengthen the papacy in Scotland; but their joy was premature. The -kings of France were beginning to assume an air of superiority towards -Scotland, which was offensive to a nation proud though small. It was -far worse afterwards, when Henry II., king of France, marrying his son -to Mary Stuart, required that princess to sign contracts which were -humiliating to ancient Caledonia. - -[Sidenote: MADELEINE DE VALOIS.] - -James had found in Madeleine an accomplished princess. Her health was -frail, but her heart was virtuous and her soul was no stranger to -the piety of her aunt. How great a gain for the Reformation if there -should be seated on the throne of Scotland a queen who was a lover -of the Word of God! James embarked with his young wife on a fleet of -seventeen sail. On reaching Leith, the amiable queen, who was of noble -bearing though of unhealthy aspect, set foot on land, knelt down on -the shore, and taking up a handful of the sand of Scotland, kissed it -with deep feeling, and implored God’s blessing on her beloved husband -and on her new country. Madeleine was received at Edinburgh with great -enthusiasm by the people and the nobles; but the churchmen, better -informed than they were at first, were disquieted, and were afraid that -this princess would diffuse around her the evangelical opinions of the -sister of Francis I. This happiness was not in store for Scotland. -The flower transplanted into that rough climate withered and fell. -On July 2 [1537] the queen breathed her last. All who had known her, -except the priests, deeply regretted her. Buchanan, struck with such -glory and such mourning, composed an epitaph on her in Latin verse, -to the following effect:--‘I was wife of a king, daughter of a king, -niece of a king, and, according to my wish and my hope, I was to become -mother of a king. But cruel death, unwilling that I should stand on the -highest pinnacle of honor that a mortal creature can attain to, has -laid me in this tomb before that bright day dawned.’[202] - -[Sidenote: SECOND MARRIAGE OF JAMES V.] - -The prelates began to bestir themselves immediately to negotiate -another French marriage, but one which should be at the same time what -the first had not been,--a Romish marriage. They did not intend to be -taken in a second time. The ardent David Beatoun, the primate’s nephew, -who had accompanied the king to Paris, returned to France immediately -after the death of the young queen, in order to seek for James V. a new -alliance agreeable to the priests. David, who was very well liked at -the court of St. Germain, was made bishop of Mirepoix, by Francis I., -and through his intervention was afterwards created cardinal. His whole -life was to be consecrated to a conflict with the Gospel in Scotland. -Now for this end he needed a fanatical queen, and it was not difficult -to find one. - -There was at that time at the court of France a family which was -beginning to be known for its zeal for the papacy. Claude de -Lorraine, Duke of Guise, who had married Antoinette de Bourbon, had -distinguished himself on several occasions, and particularly at the -battle of Marignano. Surrounded by six sons and four daughters, he -founded a powerful house, which at a later period was near taking -the throne from the Valois and the Bourbons. Hence, the last word of -Francis I. to his son was this, ‘Beware of the Guises!’ It appears -that James, during his visit to France, had seen and observed the -eldest of the duke’s children, Mary, a young woman of three-and-twenty, -widow of Louis of Orléans.[203] To her Beatoun addressed himself. The -alliance was promptly concluded. The Scottish clergy triumphed; but the -evangelical Christians saw with sorrow ‘this egg taken from the bloody -nest of the Guises’[204] brought into their native land. - -The young queen, having arrived at St. Andrews on June 16, 1538, strove -to gain the affection of the king and of her mother-in-law. She failed -to win the favor of the people; but the priests were enamored of her, -and feeling themselves thenceforth sure of the victory, they began to -set the authority of the pope higher than ever in their discourses.[205] - -The pope then, through cardinal Pole, proposed an alliance between -the emperor and the kings of France and Scotland for the invasion of -England; and at the same time he withdrew from Henry VIII. and his -successors the title of _Defender of the Faith_, and transferred it to -the crown of Scotland. - -James V., the slave at once of his wife and his bishops, seemed to be -positively chained to the chariot of the Roman pontiff. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - - DAVID BEATOUN ESTABLISHES HIS INFLUENCE: PERSECUTION REVIVES. - - (1539.) - - -[Sidenote: DAVID BEATOUN.] - -A man with whom we have already made acquaintance was now for -eight years to play a prominent part in Scotland, and to contend -energetically against the Reformation. This was David Beatoun, one -of the members of the Fifeshire family, and nephew of archbishop -James. He belonged to the class of minds which take their place -with enthusiasm under an absolute government, and become its most -formidable instruments. Thoroughly at home and highly esteemed at the -court of France, it was he who had conducted the negotiations for the -king’s marriage, first with Madeleine of Valois, afterwards with Mary -of Lorraine. But his intent was to devote his life to a union more -sublime--that of Scotland and the papacy. Animated with hearty sympathy -for Gregory VII., Boniface VIII., and Innocent III., he believed, as -they did, that Rome, formerly mistress of the pagan world, should now -be mistress of the Christian world. In his eyes all authority emanated -from her, and he was resolved to consecrate to her his life, his -energies, and everything that he possessed. As he meant to fight with -carnal weapons, he must attain some dignity which would invest him with -authority to make use of them. He speedily attained his end. Paul III., -alarmed at seeing the separation of England from Rome, and fearing lest -Scotland, as she had a nephew of Henry VIII. for her king, should -follow her example, was anxious to have in that country one man who -would be absolutely devoted to him. David Beatoun offered himself. -The pope created him cardinal in December 1538, and thenceforth the -_red_, a color thoroughly congenial with him, became his own, and as -it were his symbol. Not that he was by any means a religious fanatic; -he was versed neither in theology nor in moral philosophy. He was a -hierarchical fanatic. Two points above all were offensive to him in -evangelical Christians: one that they were not submissive to the pope; -the other, that they censured immorality in the clergy, for his own -licentiousness drew on himself similar rebukes. He aimed at being in -Scotland a kind of Wolsey, only with more violence and bloodshed. The -one thing of moment in his eyes was that everything in church and state -should bend under a twofold despotism. Endowed with large intelligence, -consummate ability, and indomitable energy, he had all the qualities -needed to insure success in the aim on which his mind was perpetually -bent without ever being diverted from it. Passionately eager for his -projects, he was insensible to the ills which must result from them. -One matter alone preoccupied him: the destruction of all liberty. The -papacy divined his character, and created him cardinal. - -For the suppression of evangelical Christianity, which upheld the -supreme authority of the Divine Word in the presence of the tiara and -its oracles, Beatoun needed the royal support. His first step therefore -must be to make himself master of the king. This was not difficult. The -nobility had rights which they meant to make respected, and which the -crown wished to take away. The king and the cardinal were naturally -impelled to unite against the Gospellers and the nobles. In addition, -James V., a prince of good natural endowments both of body and of -mind, and of a frank and amiable disposition, was strongly inclined -to sensual pleasures. In order to keep him out of the way of state -affairs, the courtiers and the regent had fostered in him the taste for -intrigues and adventures of gallantry, a vice which he never got rid of -even after his marriage.[206] Dissolute as a man, prodigal as a king, -and superstitious as a Catholic, he could not but easily fall under the -sway of superior minds,[207] especially if they promised him money, and -that Beatoun could do. - -Henry VIII., who, like his nephew, was habitually in want of money, had -sought it in the treasures of the monasteries and other ecclesiastical -institutions. The King of Scotland might be tempted to follow that -example. Beatoun, and the other ecclesiastical dignitaries who were -about the prince, discovered a certain means of preventing it. Instead -of taking the money of the clergy, they said, let the king take that of -the Gospellers; let the property of those who may be condemned to death -for their faith, and even that of those who, after having embraced -the Reform, may abjure it, be confiscated for his majesty’s benefit. -This scheme was all the more seductive in that, while it secured their -wealth to the clergy, it at the same time deprived the friends of the -Reformation of theirs. This was killing two birds with one stone. The -plan gives a special character to the Scottish persecutions. The cruel -Gardiner said in England, that when people went stag-hunting they -must fire at the leader of the herd, and that the same course must be -pursued in hunting the Gospellers. In Scotland it was agreed not to -harass those poor Christians who had nothing to leave at their death. -Why seize these lean sheep? The knife must be laid on the big fat -ones--on those which have a rich fleece. War on the rich! This was -the cry raised by the party of the persecutors. For about four years -the sword had not been drawn from its scabbard, and the horror excited -by the persecution of 1534 had, as it seemed, subsided. The Gospel -had reaped advantage from the lull: the number of those who confessed -Christ as their only Saviour had increased, and thus the irritation of -the priests was soon aroused again. - -[Sidenote: WAR ON THE RICH.] - -Martin Balkerley, a wealthy citizen of Edinburgh, was confined in the -castle at the time when David Beatoun was going to be made cardinal at -Rome. The latter had already acquired great influence. As coadjutor -to his uncle, the archbishop of St. Andrews, who was then advanced in -years and in ill health, and whom he was to succeed, the administration -of all ecclesiastical affairs was even then in his hands.[208] -Balkerley, who was imprisoned for reading the prohibited books, -complained as follows: ‘I have done nothing,’ said he, ‘but refuse to -give up my book of matins to the officer.’ The king sent him back to -Beatoun, who then referred the case to the privy council. The lords -composing the council promised the accused his liberty on condition of -his giving a ransom of one thousand pounds sterling, an enormous sum -according to the value of money at that period. This ransom was paid on -February 27, 1539, but Balkerley remained in prison. It was not enough. -Beatoun, who had then been cardinal for a month or two, demanded an -additional ransom of double the amount. Three rich Scotchmen offered -themselves as bail on March 7, pledging themselves that the prisoner -would do the king’s will. Five days later he was set at liberty. Thus -the sum of three thousand pounds, paid down, was at length thought -sufficient to expiate the crime of reading the New Testament. - -Beatoun did not think it necessary thenceforward to have recourse to -the privy council. His arrogance had increased, and he assumed a -haughty air. As the consuls of ancient Rome had their lictors, who -bore the _fasces_ before them as the symbol of their power, so the -cardinal, whithersoever he went, had the cross carried before him; and -this symbol of the love of God, which signifies _pardon_, signified, -when it preceded Beatoun, _condemnation_, and spread terror everywhere. -The cardinal claimed to be master of souls, and to dispose of the -lives of men. The money which he had so shamefully acquired served -only to stimulate his desire to get more by the same means. Several -eminent and wealthy citizens--Walter Stewart, son of Lord Ochiltree, -Robert Forester, brother of the laird of Arngibbon, David Graham, John -Steward, son of Lord Methven, with others belonging to the _élite_ of -Scotland--were thrown into prison. In the castles, and in the towns of -Stirling, Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee, numerous families were left -desolate.[209] - -[Sidenote: MISSION OF THE DUKE OF NORFOLK.] - -Henry VIII. saw in these acts of the government of his nephew the -signal of an impending attack, and he sent one of the greatest lords -of his court, the duke of Norfolk, to Berwick and to Carlisle to -watch Scotland. Norfolk attentively investigated the condition of -that country, and perceived there two opposite currents. ‘The clergy -of Scotland,’ he wrote to London, ‘be in such fear that their king -should do there as the king’s highness hath done in this realm, that -they do their best to bring their master to the war; and by many ways -I am advertised that a great part of the temporalty there would their -king should follow our example, which I pray God give him grace to -come unto.’[210] Presently Norfolk learnt that James V. was making his -cannon ready; that a proclamation was published at Edinburgh and in all -parts of Scotland, enjoining every man between the ages of sixteen and -sixty to be in readiness to set out; and that the fanatic cardinal was -gone to the continent to make sure of the aid which Scotland might hope -for, both from the king of France and from the pope. Norfolk ere long -saw with his own eyes the sad effects of the intrigues of the clergy. -Not a day passed but some gentlemen and priests, who were compelled to -flee the country because they had had the audacity to read the Holy -Scriptures in English, came to him to seek a refuge. ‘Ah,’ they to said -him, ‘if we should be captured we should be put to execution.’[211] -In the midst of these persecutions and preparations for war, James, -initiated in the art of Roman policy, feigned the most pacific -sentiments. ‘You may be sure,’ he said to one of the English agents, -‘that I shall never break with the king, my uncle.’ But Norfolk was not -deceived: he felt the greatest distrust of the influence of Mary of -Guise. ‘The young queen,’ he wrote to Cromwell, ‘is all papist.’[212] -That ill-starred marriage linked in his eyes the family and the realm -of the Stuarts with France and the papacy. - -Norfolk was not wrong. The cardinal, having won over the king by -flattery and by the heavy fines extorted from the evangelical -Christians, was eager to take advantage of the circumstance for the -destruction of the Reform and the satisfaction of some grudges of -long standing. A monk named Killon, possessing some poetic talent, -had composed, after the fashion of the age, a tragedy on the death of -Christ. On the morning of Good Friday, probably in 1536, a numerous -audience had assembled at Stirling to hear it. The king himself and -the court were present. The piece presented a lively picture of the -spirit and the conduct of the Romish clergy. The action was animated, -the characters well marked, and the words vigorous and sometimes rude. -Fanatical priests and hard-hearted Pharisees instigated the people to -demand the death of Jesus, and procured from Pilate his condemnation. -The design of this work was so marked that the simplest folk said to -one another, ‘It is just the same with us: the bishops and the monks -get those persecuted who love Jesus Christ.’[213] The clergy abstained -for the moment from molesting Killon, but they took note of his daring -drama. - -Another Gospeller had left very unpleasant memories in Beatoun’s mind. -This was the good dean Forrest, who had boldly said that he had never -found either a bad epistle or a bad gospel. The cardinal was only -waiting for an opportunity to arrest him, Killon, and others. He had -not long to wait. When the vicar of Tullybody, near Stirling, was -married, Forrest and Killon had attended the ceremony, as well as a -monk named Beverage, Sir Duncan Sympson, a priest, a gentleman named -Robin Forrester, and three or four other people of Stirling.[214] -At the marriage feast, at the beginning of Lent, they had eaten -flesh, according to that word of St. Paul, ‘Whatsoever is sold in -the shambles, that eat.’ On March 1, 1539, or according to some -authorities, on the last day of February,[215] they were all seized and -taken before the cardinal and the bishops of Glasgow and Dunkeld, who -indulged in practices far more criminal than the eating of what God -made for that purpose. - -[Sidenote: PROSECUTION OF FORREST AND KILLON.] - -The official accuser, John Lauder, one of Beatoun’s creatures, -addressing Forrest rudely, said to him--‘False heretic! thou sayest it -is not lawful to kirkmen to take their teinds [tithes] and offerings -and corpse presents.’ And the dean Forrest replied, ‘Brother, I said -not so: but I said it was not lawful to kirkmen to spend the patrimony -of the kirk as they do, as on riotous feasting and on fair women, and -at playing at cards and dice: and neither the kirk well maintained -nor the people instructed in God’s Word, nor the sacraments duly -administered to them as Christ commanded.’ - -_Accuser_: ‘Dare thou deny that which is openly known in the country? -that thou gave again to thy parishioners _the cow_ and the _upmost -cloths_, saying you had no right to them? ’ - -_Dean_: ‘I gave them again to them that had more mister [need] than I’ - -_Accuser_: ‘Thou false heretic! thou learned all thy parishioners to -say the Paternoster, the creed, and the Ten Commandments _in English_.’ - -_Dean_: ‘Brother, my people are so rude and ignorant they understand -no Latin, so that my conscience provoked me to learn them the words -of their salvation in English, and the Ten Commandments which are the -law of God, whereby they might observe the same. I teached the belief, -whereby they might know their faith in God and Jesus Christ his Son, -and of his death and resurrection. Moreover I teached them and learned -them the Lord’s own prayer in the mother-tongue, to the effect that -they might know how they should pray.’ - -_Accuser_: ‘Why did you that? By our acts and ordinances of our holy -father the pope?’ - -_Dean_: ‘I follow the acts of our master and Saviour Jesus Christ, and -of the apostle Paul, who saith that he had rather speak five words to -the understanding and edifying of his people than ten thousand in a -strange tongue which they understand not.’ - -_Accuser_: ‘Where finds thou that?’ - -_Dean_: ‘In my book here, in my sleeve.’ - -At these words the accuser, rushing at a bound on the dean, snatched -from his hands the New Testament, and holding it up, said with a loud -voice, ‘Behold, sirs, he has the book of heresy in his sleeve that -makes all the din and play in our kirk.’ - -_Dean_: ‘Brother, ye could say better if ye pleased, nor to call the -book of the Evangel of Jesus Christ the book of heresy.’ - -‘It is enough to burn thee for,’ said the accuser, coolly.[216] - -Five of these pious men were immediately condemned to death and were -taken the same day to the castle hill, where the piles were ready; and -the king, following the example of Francis I., was present with his -court at this cruel execution.[217] Those who went first to the stake -piously and wonderfully consoled those who were to follow them. ‘At -the beginning of 1539,’ says Buchanan, ‘many suspected of Lutheranism -were arrested; five were burnt at the end of February, nine recanted, -and others were sentenced to banishment.’[218] The same day orders -were issued to confiscate the property of those who had been declared -heretics.[219] The king, the cardinals, and their subordinates took -their reward out of the penalties. - -[Sidenote: GEORGE BUCHANAN.] - -The illustrious Buchanan was himself in prison at that time. He was -thirty-two years of age, and after a residence at the university of -Paris, he had returned to Scotland and had been named preceptor to -the earl of Murray, a natural son of James V. He was a poet as well -as a historian, and his genius grew and developed itself under the -influence of the classical poetry which charmed his leisure hours. -There was something sharp and biting in his temperament, peculiarly -apt for satire; and he had not spared the clergy in his _Somnium_, his -_Palinode_, and above all in his satire against the _Franciscans_. It -was for this last poem he was imprisoned. The companies of monks had -keenly resented his sarcasm, and there was not a man in all Scotland -whose death was more eagerly desired by the Romish party. It was said -that the cardinal offered the king a considerable sum of money in -order to compass it. However that may be, Buchanan was at that time -a prisoner and was carefully watched in the prison of St. Andrews, -some of the guards even spending the night in his room. The young man, -already an illustrious writer, knew that they were seeking his life; -the death of five martyrs showed him clearly enough the fate which -awaited himself. One night he perceived that his keepers had fallen -asleep.[220] He went on tiptoe towards the window, and climbing up -the walls, succeeded, although with difficulty, in getting out. He -then passed on and surmounted other obstacles as great;[221] and thus -by the aid of God, and stimulated by the desire of saving his life, -‘he escaped the rage of those that sought his blood.’[222] He betook -himself to France, taught for several years in the Collège de Guienne -at Bordeaux, and afterwards in a college at Paris. Henry Stephens, -when he published at Paris the first edition of Buchanan’s Paraphrase -of the Psalms, calls him on the title-page of the book, ‘Poetarum -nostri sæculi facile princeps.’ His escape took place, as nearly as we -can learn, in March 1539. Many Gospellers, as we have said, followed -the example of Buchanan that same month. As for himself, he appears -at that period of his life to have been nothing more than one of the -numerous poets and prose-writers who were then attacking the vices and -the follies of the Romish clergy. But while attacking superstition, -Buchanan did not fall as many did into infidelity: he adhered heartily -at a later period to the evangelical reform, and Knox bears noble -witness to him.[223] - -Beatoun, while sacrificing many victims, had lit a fire on elevated -ground, ‘to the effect that the rest of the bischoppes myght schaw -thame selfis no less fervent to suppress the light of God.’[224] That -signal was not made in vain. In the town of Ayr, in the midst of -the rich plains of that fertile county, was a young gentleman named -Kennedy, about eighteen years of age, who had received a liberal -education, and had tasted of the Gospel, without however attaining a -well-grounded faith; a state sufficiently accounted for by his years. -Gifted with some poetic faculty he had not spared the ignorance of the -priests. Kennedy was seized and cast into prison. - -In the same diocese, that of Glasgow, there lived in a convent of the -Cordeliers one of those enlightened and pious monks who shone like -stars in the deep night of the age. His name was Jerome Russel; his -character was good, his wit ready, and his mind enriched with literary -acquirements. Wharton, writing to Lord Cromwell in November 1538, -speaks of a friar John, a well-informed man who was imprisoned at -Dumfries at the instance of the bishops, and who had been loaded with -chains because he professed respecting the law of God the same opinions -which were held in England.[225] It is not to be doubted that he speaks -of Russel. Dumfries is not far from Ayr. - -The archbishop of Glasgow, Gawin Dunbar, was not of so persecuting a -spirit as Beatoun, and as lord chancellor he was invested with the -highest authority in the state. It was then the summer of 1539, and as -Beatoun, although named cardinal, had not yet received the pontifical -act which conferred on him that dignity, he could not have dared to -appear in the diocese of Glasgow with his cross borne before him. But -it was not enough for him to know that the learned Russel and the young -Kennedy were in prison, he must get them burnt. Consequently he sent to -Glasgow his favorite agent Lauder, who could affect insinuating manners -and put on exaggerated pretensions to compass his ends. The clever -notary Andrew Oliphant and the ardent monk Mortman accompanied him, -charged to obtain from the archbishop the promise ‘that he would imbrue -his hands in the blood of the friends of God.’ Knox therefore calls -these three men _Satan’s sergeants_. - -[Sidenote: TRIAL OF KENNEDY AND RUSSEL.] - -Having reached Glasgow the three men got round the chancellor-prelate, -and demanded of him far more than he could lawfully grant: he was not -only to have the two evangelical Christians examined, he must put them -to death. What reproaches he would incur if he protected heretics! what -praises would he not win if he were ardent in serving the Church! Gawin -yielded, and Russel and Kennedy were put on their trial. They appeared -before the court, over which the archbishop himself presided, and the -proceedings began. Thanks to the inventive zeal of Lauder and his -colleagues, numerous charges were brought forward against the accused. -Kennedy had an upright soul, but had rather an inclination to the faith -than faith itself. The imposing display of judicial pomp, the gravity -of the accusations, the severity of the punishment which was preparing, -and the horrible agony which was to precede it, all disturbed the young -man; he was distressed, and being sharply pressed to retract what he -had written, he was intimidated and went astray. - -Russel, on the other hand, whose faith, the fruit of close examination -of the Word of God, was developed and established by long-continued -studies, appeared full of decision. He replied with wisdom to his -accusers, defended by powerful proofs the doctrines which he professed, -and repulsed with calmness, dignity, and intrepidity the false -accusations of his enemies. His words had an unlooked-for result: they -reawakened the conscience of his young companion. The Spirit of God, -the Spirit of all consolation, worked in him. The Christian life, which -had scarcely begun in his heart, now expanded itself. ‘He felt himself -as it were a new creature; his mind was changed;’ a living faith filled -his heart; he was confirmed in his resolution.[226] From that time he -no longer hesitated to give up his life for the truth. The happiness -which he had lost came back to him; his countenance brightened, his -tongue was loosed, there was a radiance in his whole person; and, -falling on his knees, he exclaimed with joy--‘O eternal God, how -wondrous is that love and mercy that thou bearest unto mankind, and -unto me the most caitiff and miserable wretch above all others; for -even now, when I would have denied thee and thy Son, our Lord Jesus -Christ, my only Saviour, and so have casten myself in everlasting -damnation, thou by thine own hand hast pulled me from the very bottom -of hell, and makest me to feel that heavenly comfort which takes from -me that ungodly fear wherewith before I was oppressed. Now I defy -death.’ Then, rising, he turned towards his persecutors and said, ‘Do -what ye please; I praise God I am ready.’[227] - -The prayer of Kennedy touched the archbishop of Glasgow. He was -disturbed. ‘It is better to spare these men,’ said he; ‘executions -such as those which have taken place only do harm to the cause which -they are meant to serve.’ The cardinal’s agents resolved to frighten -the prelate, whose weakness they well knew, and they cried out -lustily--‘Take care what ye are doing, my lord. Will ye condemn all -that my lord cardinal and the other bishops and we have done? If so ye -do, ye show yourself enemy to the kirk.’ Fear fell on the archbishop. -Repressing the pity which had touched him, and silencing his conscience -for the sake of preserving his reputation and his comfortable and easy -life, he gave way. - -[Sidenote: THEIR MARTYRDOM.] - -Russel had remained calm till then, but exasperated by the calumnies of -his enemies, indignant at the weakness of the archbishop, and confident -in his own innocence, he said with dignity--‘This is your hour and -power of darkness; now sit ye as judges, we stand wrongously accused, -and more wrongously to be condemned; but the day shall come when our -innocency shall appear, and that ye shall see your own blindness, to -your everlasting confusion. Go forward, and fulfil the measure of -your iniquity.’ Russel and Kennedy, condemned to the flames, were -immediately handed over to the secular power. - -The day following, as they passed to the place of execution, Russel -thought that he perceived some apprehension in his friend. ‘Brother,’ -said he, ‘fear not: more potent is he that is in us than is he that -is in the world. The pain that we shall suffer is short and shall be -light, but our joy and our consolation shall never have end.’ They who -heard it were wonderfully affected. When the two martyrs arrived at -the pile, they fell on their knees and prayed; then, rising, they were -bound to the stake without uttering a word, and supported the fire with -patience, making no sign of fear. ‘They won the victory over death, -looking with faith,’ says a historian, ‘for everlasting habitations.’ - - - - - CHAPTER X. - - TERGIVERSATIONS OF KING JAMES V.--NEGOTIATIONS WITH HENRY VIII.--THEY - FAIL. - - (1540-JANUARY, 1542.) - - -The Romish party was not yet satisfied. ‘These cruel beasts,’ says -Knox, ‘did intend nothing but murder in all quarters of the realm.’ -James was surrounded with men who urged him on in that direction. -Many of his courtiers, associates of his dissipation, instigated -him to persecution because they were pensioners to priests for that -purpose.[228] Oliver Sinclair was the foremost of these secret tools -of the clergy. The cardinal’s influence was increased by circumstances -which occurred at this time. Archbishop James Beatoun died in the -autumn of 1539, after having attended as a witness at the baptism of -the king’s eldest son. By his last will he left his archbishopric of -St. Andrews to his nephew David, who, when confirmed by the king, was -thenceforth both cardinal and primate of Scotland. - -[Sidenote: JAMES V. AND HIS BISHOPS.] - -Henry VIII. was induced by these changes to take fresh steps towards -gaining over his nephew. He was acquainted with the cardinal, and knew -his relations with France and the papacy. At the beginning of 1540 -Sir R. Sadler was sent to Scotland.[229] The moment was well chosen. -James V. was just then fully disposed to make peace with his uncle. -The Lords Murray, Huntley, and Bothwell were in disgrace, and James -wrote to Henry VIII. as his ‘dearest brother and uncle,’ and commended -himself to him in his most hearty and affectionate manner. Henry sent -him presents and the most gracious messages, inquiring earnestly after -his health; and all this courtesy James received in the most amiable -manner imaginable. Henry however meant to go to the main point, and -Thomas Eure, one of his envoys, strove to discover what were the -purposes of the King of Scotland respecting the bishop of Rome and the -Reformation. One of the councillors, Ballenden, replied to him with -great politeness, ‘The King of Scottes himself, with all his temporall -counsaile, was gretely geven to the reformation of the mysdemeanors of -busshops, religious personnes, and priests within the realme.’[230] -James gave even then some proofs of this disposition. On the day of -the Epiphany, January 6, 1540, there was a grand feast at the court, -and a dramatic spectacle was given in the palace of Linlithgow. The -king, the queen, and all the councillors spiritual and temporal were -present; and the purport of the piece was to exhibit the presumption of -the bishops, the iniquities of the courts spiritual, the evil ways of -the priests, and in one word, the ‘noughtines’ of such religion as then -existed. Perhaps the king was minded to let the bishops hear a sermon -in that shape. It is very unlikely that anyone would have dared to give -such a spectacle without his authority. However that may be, James was -struck with it; and when the piece was finished, he had the archbishop -in Glasgow, chancellor of the realm, called to him, as well as the -other bishops, whose thoughts and fears during the representation may -be imagined. ‘I exhort you,’ said the king to them, ‘to reform your -fashions and manners of living. If you do not, I will send six of the -proudest of you unto my uncle of England,[231] and after he has put -them in order, I will do the same with the rest if they will not -amend.’ The chancellor, in consternation, humbly answered, ‘One word -of your grace’s mouth shall suffice them to be at commandment.’ James -rejoined immediately and angrily, ‘I shall gladly bestow any words of -my mouth that can amend them,’ The notion of applying to Henry VIII. -to set his bishops right was original; and the prelates of Scotland, -knowing that that preceptor did not spare the rod nor even the sword, -trembled to the very marrow of their bones. Ballenden, in confirmation -of these new intentions of James, said to Thomas Eure, ‘The king is -fully minded to expel all spiritual men from having any authority by -office under his grace, either in household or elsewhere.’ It appears -that the author of the drama, author also in part of the change wrought -in the prince, was Sir David Lyndsay, who had been the king’s guardian -and companion during his minority. This bold man of letters composed -many satires against the superstitions of the age, and above all -against the ignorance and licentiousness of the clergy; but the king -never allowed the cardinal to lift a finger to harm him. - -The convictions of James were not very deep, and his own life was not -such as to give him the right to criticise the lives of the bishops. So -long as this liberal humor of the prince lasted, the cardinal seems to -have abstained from demonstrations hostile to the reform of the Church. -He was sure of getting him to change his mind, and he did not trouble -himself about comedies to which he was bent on replying by tragedies. -He was not long in showing his inflexibility, and the capricious humor -of the king again bent under his immovable firmness. Other men have -been named great, just, or well-bred. Beatoun deserved to be called -persecutor. This surname, which history inflicts on him as a disgrace, -he seems to have aspired to as a glory. - -[Sidenote: SIR JOHN BORTHWICK.] - -Beatoun assembled at St. Andrews the prelates and the nobles who -enjoyed his confidence. An elevated seat was provided for him in the -cathedral, and he sat there in his twofold character of primate and of -cardinal. The earls of Huntley, Arran, and Montrose, the earl Marshall, -and Lords Erskine, Lyndsay, Fleming, Seaton, and many other barons and -men of rank, Gawin, archbishop of Glasgow and chancellor, the bishops -of Aberdeen, Galloway, and others besides, abbots and priors, deans -and doctors of theology, were around him. David Beatoun, proud to see -beneath him that illustrious and brilliant assembly, began to speak. -He set forth with warm feeling the dangers to which the multiplication -of heretics was exposing the Roman faith: the audacity with which they -avowed their opinions, even at the court, where they found too much -support, he added, alluding thus to the famous dramatic representation -with which James had been so struck. Then impatient to show the serious -import of his words, he announced that he had cited before that -assembly Sir John Borthwick, brother of the lord of the same name, -provost of Linlithgow, who had probably had a hand in the satirical -drama. ‘This heretic gives out,’ he said, ‘that the pope has no more -authority than other bishops, that his indulgences have no other -effect than to deceive the people, that the religious orders ought to -be abolished, that all ecclesiastics are at liberty to marry, and in -short, that the Scots, blinded by their clergy, do not profess the true -faith. He reads and circulates the New Testament in English, and divers -treatises of Melanchthon, Œcolampadius, and Erasmus, and refuses to -submit to the see of Rome.’ - -Borthwick, instead of going to St. Andrews, set out in all haste for -England, where he was well received by Henry VIII., and was afterwards -employed by him as one of his commissioners to the princes of Germany. -But although Beatoun could not send the lamb to the slaughter, he could -at least find the way to possess himself of the fleece. On May 28 the -confiscation of Sir John’s property was pronounced and his effigy was -burnt, first at St. Andrews and two days after at Edinburgh. The fire -did him no great harm, but it served to give a certain point to the -cardinal’s discourse.[232] - -The king had now again returned, under the influence of the cardinal, -to the side of Rome. This prince, so thoughtless, hasty, violent, and -unprincipled, bent before every breeze and changed his opinion and his -will at a word from those who were about him. Money he wanted, and -he would have received it from one party as readily as from another, -from the nobles as well as from the priests: but the latter were more -persevering and more skilful in finding out the crowns of which he had -need. ‘They are always at the king’s ear,’ said Sadler, one of the -envoys of Henry VIII. Sir James Hamilton, his treasurer, was at his -left ear, and Beatoun, the cardinal, at his right. The treasurer had -at that time received large sums from the cardinal for the king, and -James, won by that argument, pronounced himself against the friends -of the Reformation with the passion which he had before shown towards -the prelates. Sir James Hamilton, brother of the earl of Arran, a -man of dishonorable character, cruel, and the murderer of the earl -of Lennox, was then invested by command of the king with functions -resembling those of an inquisitor. ‘I charge you,’ said James, ‘to -seize all persons suspected of heresy, and to inflict on them after -judgment such penalties as they have deserved.’ In the excess of his -popish zeal he exclaimed, ’Not a man of that sort shall find any mercy -at my hands, not even my own son, if it were proved that he was in the -number of the guilty.’ This declaration alarmed many. It was plain -that an inquisitorial court was to be set up, and Hamilton was already -preparing everything for that end. But on a sudden he was himself -thrown into the prison in which he meant to confine the friends of the -Reformation. Accused either justly or unjustly of treason, even of a -conspiracy against the life of the king, he was arrested, and James, in -his wrath, had him put to death in August 1540. - -[Sidenote: BIRTH OF A SON TO JAMES.] - -James spoke of his son. He had indeed a son, but one not old enough to -excite any fears with respect to what he called heresy. The child was -born on May 22, 1540, and had been named James after his father. ‘He is -fair and lively,’ wrote the king to his uncle Henry VIII., ‘and will -succeed to us and this our realm.’[233] Very proud of this son and of -having an heir, he felt his crown to be more secure than ever,[234] and -began to contemn the nobles. ‘They will no longer dare,’ said he, ‘to -attempt anything against my house.’ - -The baptism of the boy took place May 28, and on the next day the king -embarked on some voyage. Nobody could give an explanation of this -abrupt departure. Some said that the king was going to France, others -said to Ireland, where the leading men, it was reported, would take -him for their king.[235] ‘I am only going to visit the isles, to put -everything in order,’ he wrote to Henry VIII. The cardinal and the -prelates resolved to take advantage of his absence. The king, they saw, -was in ill humor with the nobles, and all those who were suspected in -the matter of doctrine must be got rid of. But one discreet man, James -Kirkcaldy of Grange, the lord treasurer, having received information -of this project, made it known to the king, and set before him all the -calamities to which he would expose himself if he gave his support -to the conspiracy. James, once more turning about, was enraged at -this intrigue hatched in his absence. The cardinal, attended by many -bishops, came to Holyrood palace to greet him, and presented to -him a paper on which were inscribed the names of nobles suspected -of heresy and of whom it would be well to get rid. He dwelt even on -the gain which would flow to the crown from that course. James said -sharply--‘Pack, you jefwellis![236] Get ye to your charges and reform -your own lives: be not instruments of discord betwixt my nobility and -me: or else I vow to God I shall reform you by sharp whingers if ever I -hear such motion of you again.’ - -The prelates, astounded at this rebuke, withdrew in confusion, and gave -up their scheme for a time. - -[Sidenote: SCOTT OF PITGORNO.] - -A second son was born to James in the town of Stirling in April 1541, -and this event both heightened his joy and increased his pride. His -happiness however was frequently disturbed. Certain people were -incessantly endeavoring to deceive him. Hateful informers denounced -to him one or other of his earls, his barons, and other subjects, as -bent on taking his life, and thus threw him into a state of great -alarm. In another direction some of his favorites were leading him -to blameworthy acts. He had to pay dearly for his errors, and was -punished by his very crimes. His mind was often in a state of gloomy -reverie. Thomas Scott of Pitgorno, a courtier who had enjoyed his -good graces and had been named by him lord of Lefries, and afterwards -promoted to a higher office in the administration of justice,[237] had -been guilty of many misdeeds. He was accused, among other things, of -having plundered pretended Lutherans, and it was added that the king -had gained something by it. Remorse tormented these two wretched men. -One night, while James was at Linlithgow, he dreamed that he saw Scott -coming towards him surrounded by a company of devils, and that he -heard him say in a sepulchral tone--‘Woe to the day that ever I knew -thee or thy service. For, for serving of thee against God, against -his servants, and against justice I am adjudged to endless torment.’ -The king awoke in terror. With a loud voice he called for torches (it -was midnight), and he made all who were in the palace get up, and -said to them--‘Thomas Scott is dead! He has appeared to me.’ He then -related his horrible dream. That same night Thomas Scott, then at -Edinburgh, was stricken with a terrible agony. ‘I am damned,’ said he, -‘I am damned! It is by the just judgment of God--_justo Dei judicio -condemnatus sum_.’ He died in the midst of these torments. James heard -of this death the next morning and was still more terrified. Such is -the tale of the chroniclers and historians of Scotland.[238] It is -certainly wonderful, but stranger coincidences have been known. - -James had yet other causes of uneasiness. His sleepless nights were -disturbed, gloomy, and agitated; and even the light of morning did not -disperse his inward darkness. The death of Hamilton, whose execution -he had hastily ordered on mere suspicion, frequently gave him bitter -pain. That unfortunate lord had done for the prince all that he had -wished; and the latter now asked himself whether he had done well to -deprive himself of so devoted a secretary. Perhaps he was innocent. -He might have been calumniated. One night, at Linlithgow, James saw -Hamilton in a dream, with his sword drawn, rush upon him and cut off -first his right then his left arm,[239] saying to him, ‘Take that! -while thou receive a final payment for all thine impiety.’ James -awoke trembling, and asked himself what this dream could mean. His -imagination was impressed by it. He mused mournfully on the strange -vision, and expected that some heavy blow was about to fall on him. It -was in this state of mind that a message reached him from Stirling that -his son Arthur has just died. Shortly after, another message came from -St. Andrews to announce to him that his son James was dead. These two -young princes, his hope, his joy, and his glory, were no more. Within -twenty-four hours of each other (some say at the same hour), they had -been taken from him. He now comprehended his dream. His two arms were -already cut off: it only remained for him to lose his own life, and all -would be accomplished. Nothing could divert this prince, who was guilty -at once of profligacy and of persecution: nothing could beguile his -grief. His heart was broken, his mind was disordered. - -He shut himself up, and the only person whom he would see was his -mother. Unhappy father! unhappy king! The queen-dowager did all she -could to console her son and her daughter-in-law. ‘I am never from -them,’ she wrote to her brother, Henry VIII., May 12, 1541, ‘but ever -in their company.’ It appears that by this large sorrow the natural -affections were reawakened in the king. He wrote to his uncle that he -desired to see good will and the most perfect friendship and peace -prevail between them.[240] - -[Sidenote: PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION.] - -While James was thus taken up with his sorrows alone, the doctrine of -the Reformation made progress, and, if only liberty were accorded to -it, its triumph in Scotland appeared to be at hand. A great multitude -of the common people, both in the country districts and in the towns, -held meetings more or less secretly at which they heard the Holy Word -read and even explained. By 1540 many eminent men had received the -evangelical doctrine. The earls of Errol and of Glencairn, the Lords -Ruthven and Kilmaurs and their children, Sir David Lyndsay, Sir James -Sandilands, Melville of Raith, and a large number of other influential -persons appeared to be attached to the Gospel by genuine conviction. - -Henry VIII., when informed of this state of things, thought that he -ought to avail himself of it for his own advantage. His favorite notion -was to engage the King of Scotland to make his country independent -of Rome, and as James was his nephew he did not despair of success. -As long ago as 1535 he had sent Barlow to him with books against the -authority of the pope. That measure failed. Next he had despatched Lord -Howard to James, who was still unmarried, to offer to him the hand of -his daughter Mary, and with her the prospect of the crown of England, -if he would establish the royal supremacy in the Church. Another -failure. In 1540 Henry had charged Sir Ralph Sadler to set before James -the advantages which he would obtain from a Reformation, and to propose -an interview with him. Sadler, in order to counteract beforehand the -cardinal’s influence, communicated to the King of Scotland some letters -from that prelate to the pope, which had been intercepted by the -English, and from which it was manifest that Beatoun’s aim was to place -the state in subjection to the Romish Church. The prince answered with -a smile that the cardinal had already shown him those letters.[241] - -All the endeavors of the English envoy had proved futile. At bottom, -the end which Beatoun was pursuing was the ruin of Henry VIII.; and in -order the more surely to attain it, he was ambitious to be appointed -legate _a latere_, a dignity which would invest him in Scotland -with the extraordinary powers which he did actually obtain. He did -everything to conduct to a happy issue the alliance against England -which had been previously projected by the pope. The English Council of -the North wrote to Cromwell--‘We think that the cardinal of Scotland -intendeth to take his journey towards Rome in Lent next coming, and -we think it should appear by the schedule of instructions herein -inclosed, which was taken on a ship lost at Bamborough, that the Scots -intend some mystery with some of their allies.’[242] Henry, alarmed -at this news, caused fresh entreaties to be pressed on his nephew. -His ambassadors promised James that if he would go to York to confer -with his uncle, the meeting would have the happiest consequences for -him, and would afford him the most unanswerable proof of the love -which Henry bore him.[243] It appears even that one of them, speaking -of the feeble health of prince Edward, held before the eyes of James -Stuart the brilliant prospect of the crown of England, leaving Mary -and Elizabeth entirely out of sight. The nobles of Scotland, natural -enemies of the priests, urged the king to agree to the interview with -his uncle. Articles were drawn up at the beginning of December 1541, -by the commissioners of Scotland and England. They purported that King -James would meet his dear uncle, the King of England, on January 15, -1542, at the city of York, for the purpose of mutual communications -tending to increase their cordial love, to draw closer the ties of -blood, and to promote the prosperity of their kingdoms.[244] These -articles raised Henry to the summit of his wishes, and he took measures -immediately for imparting to this interview extraordinary solemnity -and brilliancy. This conference of the two kings made a great noise in -Scotland, and preparations were also made there. Henry VIII. set out -and went to York full of hope. Uncle and nephew were at last to see -each other, and to talk together, and every one saw that this meeting -would have weighty consequences. Never was Scotland nearer having a -reform after the fashion of Henry VIII. - -[Sidenote: PROJECTED INTERVIEW AT YORK.] - -No one understood this better than Beatoun. What he feared more than -all besides was that the power of the Romish hierarchy would be -abolished, and the Gospel be put in its place. The cardinal, for the -first time in his life, had been anticipated, surpassed in cleverness -and in influence. He did not however lose courage, but with all the -adherents of his party applied himself to the task with all his soul. -They sowed hatred between the king and the nobles. They employed all -imaginable means to dissuade the king from the fatal meeting. At first -they sought to alarm him. ‘By going to York,’ said the cardinal to him, -‘you will expose yourself to the suspicions of the emperor, you will -make an enemy of your old ally the King of France, and you will bring -down on yourself the disgrace of the pope. In short’ (and it was this -which most terrified James), ‘you will expose yourself to the greatest -dangers. This treacherous king will keep you prisoner in England as -James I. was kept in former days.’ James replied that he had given -his word, and that the king was awaiting him, that to absent himself -from the _rendezvous_ would lead to war with England, and that he -had not the means of carrying it on. The cardinal was amazed at this -independence of the king, for he was not accustomed to it. Discerning -more and more clearly the greatness of the peril, his bishops and he -agreed that there was but one means available for inducing James to -renounce his purpose. As this prince was always in want of money, they -sought to gain him by gifts of large sums.[245] This argument did not -miss the mark. They then appealed to him anew and said--‘Sire, there is -a good deal of money in Scotland, and it is easy to get possession of -it. If war should break out, the clergy will give you thirty thousand -crowns per annum, and you will be able to get a hundred thousand more -by confiscating the property of heretics, if you will only authorize -proceedings against them by a judge whom we will name to you and who -is well qualified for the purpose. Will you spare this wicked people? -Do they not read the Old and New Testaments? Are they not in rebellion -against the authority of the pope and against the king’s majesty? -Have they not, by new and detestable errors, troubled the churches, -destroyed piety, and overthrown institutions established for many -centuries? They refuse to the priests whom God has consecrated all -obedience and respect. But there must be no delay.’ James yielded. He -conceded to the bishops the inquisition which they claimed, and sent -Sir James Learmont, one of the officers of his court, to offer his -excuses to his uncle. Of all James’s proceedings this was the most -perilous. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - - WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND--DEATH OF JAMES V. - - (1542.) - - -[Sidenote: PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.] - -It is easy to imagine the wrath of Henry VIII. when he found himself -alone at York. He had made an agreement with his nephew; he had left -London to have a conference with him; he had made great preparations; -he had gone to the north; and then the young man was missing at the -_rendezvous_! He was beside himself with anger. His sister, the mother -of James, had died at the end of November 1541. But even if she had -lived it was hardly likely that her influence would have appeased the -rage of the king. He was provoked not only because his favorite project -broke down just at the moment when he expected to see it carried out, -but still more by the intolerable affront which the King of Scotland -had just offered him. He could not endure it, and he swore that he -would wash his name and his memory of that insult by a startling act of -vengeance. He wrote to James letters full of the sharpest reproaches -and the most violent menaces. ‘I have still in my hand,’ said he, -‘the very rod which chastised your father.’ That rod was the duke of -Norfolk, who while earl of Surrey had commanded at Flodden, where James -IV. was killed. Henry immediately authorized piratical expeditions -by sea, and invasions on the Scottish borders; but these pirates and -marauders were only the precursors of the chastisements which he was -preparing. - -James was frightened; and as it was to please his prelates that he had -failed to keep his promise, it was his wish that the expenses of the -war should fall on them. He told them that, thanks to them, he was -going to war with the King of England, and demanded the subsidies which -they had promised. ‘If you do not furnish me with them,’ he added, -‘I shall have no choice but to confer with my uncle and satisfy his -wishes.’ This menace terrified the prelates; ‘for rather would they -have gone to hell.’[246] What would France say? What would the pope -say? thought the cardinal. The bishops promised mountains of gold. -After deliberation on the matter, they agreed to give the king fifty -thousand crowns a year so long as the war lasted. They added, that -their servants and other dependents who were exempt from military -service would take up arms. These promises filled the heart of the -rash young monarch with confidence and pride. Troops were sent to -Jedburgh and to Kelso, and the priests and all their party were pluming -themselves on their wealth and their power, and talking of nothing -but their victory. They were mad with joy, and were already dreaming -of again bringing England under the papal sway. It was possible for -an instant to suppose that they were right. The parliament of England -had not shown itself so forward as the clergy of Scotland; its members -had closed their ears to Henry’s demands for money. This slackened -his preparations for war. There were, however, some troops on the -frontier, and they formed the design of seizing Jedburgh. The earl -Angus and Sir George Douglas, his brother, who had been banished from -Scotland for some years, joined these troops, which numbered four -thousand men. But the Scots had taken their measures. Lord Huntley, at -the head of a large force, encountered the English troops at Halidon -on August 24. The fight was already begun, when another Scottish party -appeared. The English, perceiving that they were in danger of being -surrounded, retreated. Only a few were killed, but very many were taken -prisoners.[247] - -There was no longer any limit to the joy of prelate and priest. They -encouraged the king; they vaunted themselves as if they had in person -gained a victory. In bishops’ palaces, in the parsonages of priests, -and in the convents of monks, nothing was heard but shouts of triumph. -‘All is ours,’ said they; ‘they are but heretics. If we be a thousand -and they ten thousand, they dare not fight. France shall enter the -one part and we the other, and so shall England be conquered within a -year.’[248] - -[Sidenote: PROJECTS OF HENRY VIII.] - -James, notwithstanding his imprudence, did not indulge in these foolish -illusions. He knew that Henry VIII. was much stronger than himself. -The blow which the wrath of his uncle had inflicted on him made him -turn from left to right. He wished to take advantage of the petty -victory of Halidon for making peace with England. Persecution ceased in -Scotland, and liberty of conscience was more liberally granted. On the -day after the engagement, and before James was informed of the result, -he had already written to Henry, and had asked him for passports for -his plenipotentiaries. On September 1 he wrote to him again: ‘We assure -you, dearest uncle,’ said he, ‘there is within our realm neither of -spiritual nor temporal state that may or shall change our favor and -kindness toward you.’[249] But Henry was not of such an easy temper: -he bore in mind the affront at York, and he intended to avenge it. -He forbade the ambassadors of his nephew to pass beyond that city. -During this time he was collecting all kinds of munitions of war, and -in very large quantities. He assembled an army such as Scotland had -not for a long time seen at her borders, and gave the command of it to -that duke of Norfolk who was to defeat the son as he had defeated the -father. The King of England wanted also to be the king of Scotland, -and wished that the whole of Great Britain should belong to the same -prince. This dream was one day to be realized, but with this great -difference, that it would not be the King of England who should become -king of Scotland, but the King of Scotland who should become king of -England. We find in the State Papers the following despatch, addressed -by the English privy council to the archbishop of York:--‘Minding to -have the king’s majesty’s title to the realm of Scotland more fully, -plainly, and clearly set forth to all the world, that the justness of -our quarrel and demand may appear, we have appointed certain learned -men to travail in the same. And for because we knew that your lordship -in times past hath taken some pains in the same thing, we pray you not -only to cause all your old registers and ancient places to be sought, -where you think anything may be found for the more clear declaration -to the world of his majesty’s title to that realm, and so what shall -be found to certify us thereof accordingly; but also to signify unto -us what ancient charters and monuments for that purpose you have seen, -and where the same are to be sought for.’ For having failed to make the -promised visit, James must lose his crown. Once let the King of England -have possessed himself of Scotland (thanks to his soldiers, without -doubt, more than to his charters and muniments), he would banish popery -and establish his own bishops in its place, and above all his own -papacy. - -Henry published a manifesto in which he declared that his nephew had -been the aggressor. He claimed for the Tudors the crown of the Stuarts. -He resented as bitterly as ever the wound received at York; and the -vengeance which he reckoned on taking was to be cruel, memorable, -and revolutionary. The energy of the uncle was as conspicuous as -the feebleness of the nephew; and when James wrote again with all -_naïveté_, ‘I love you,’ Henry replied savagely, ‘I hate you.’ - -Norfolk, impatient to avenge the retreat from Halidon, determined to -make an inroad into Scotland before the whole of the army was mustered. -He therefore marched from Berwick, at the northeastern extremity of -England, ravaged the country districts, took several unimportant -places, got himself into various scrapes, and announced that he should -immediately appear at Edinburgh. But within eight or ten days after -passing the Borders he withdrew. He had merely paid an unceremonious -visit, preliminary to one official and in state. - -[Sidenote: MUTINY OF THE SCOTS.] - -Meanwhile James was putting himself into a position to receive that -visit gallantly, and was assembling his army before Edinburgh. He had -there about twenty thousand men, besides ten thousand more on the -frontier, under the command of the earl of Huntley. But dissension -prevailed in his camp. There were some who cared little for the old -doctrine, but who were eager above everything to break the iron yoke -of the cardinal. Others there were, attached to the Douglases and the -Anguses, who were in the English army, and who had no mind to fight -against them. Others, again, feeling the inferiority of the Scottish -army, steadily insisted that they ought to remain strictly on the -defensive. On a sudden, the Scots encamped at Fala learnt that for want -of supplies the English were retreating on the Tweed. James, who was -easily excited, immediately called together his lords, and exclaimed, -‘Forward! follow me into England!’ His words were received in a gloomy -silence. ‘We are ready, sire,’ said some of the lords to him, ‘to risk -life and whatsoever we have to defend your person and your realm, -but we do not see any sufficient reason for invading England. Our -provisions are spent, our horses wearied; and as for ourselves, we -have so long been absent from our homes, that we think it high time to -return.’ - -James dissembled his chagrin, and even assumed an air of approval -of the discretion of his lords. But he trembled to see his kingly -authority trampled under foot by his subjects. He was plainly master -no longer. His subservience to the priests had ruined him. The nobles -and the common soldiers, instead of falling upon the English, returned -every man to his own home, and the king, abandoned and left almost -alone, consumed by the profound vexation which was gradually wearing -him away, returned mournfully to Edinburgh. - -It was now November 2 or 3. He immediately convoked a council at -Holyrood palace. But in his rage against the nobles, he summoned only -the bishops, the priests, and their partisans; all those who made a -trade of pandering to the passions of the prince and who had no other -aim but to secure the triumph of the clergy. When they saw the king’s -discouragement, and his anger against the nobles, they persuaded -themselves that the moment was come for them to make an end of their -enemies. That, they thought, would not be very difficult. These men, -branded by public opinion, did not care to furnish evidence in support -of their denunciations. The only trouble they took was to deprive -the innocent of all means of clearing themselves. They thought that -it would for the moment suffice them to obtain a hearing, to accuse -some noble of heresy and to call as witnesses certain men of infamous -character in their own pay. With one accord, therefore, they all strove -to inflame the king against the Reformation and its friends. Oliver -Sinclair, among the laymen, distinguished himself in these proceedings, -and among the churchmen, Beatoun. ‘The cardinal and the priests,’ it -was said, ‘cast fagots in the fire with all their force.’[250] They -drew up a list containing the names of all of whom they wished to be -rid. There were the names of about one hundred nobles, among whom were -Lord Hamilton, the first person of the realm after the king, the earls -of Cassilis and Glencairn, the earl Marshal, and other nobles, all well -disposed towards the Word of God.[251] This fact shows what progress -the Reformation had made in Scotland. The majority of these _suspects_, -to be sure, were not decided evangelical Christians, but they had -leanings that way. Once already James had refused to accept such a -list. But the case was different now, and he accepted it at once, and -expressed to the prelates his regret that he had so long set their -counsels aside. ‘I see clearly at this moment that you are right,’ -he said; ‘the nobles neither desire my honor nor my continuance; for -they would not ride a mile for my pleasure to follow enemies. Will -ye therefore find me the means that I may have raid made in England -without their knowledge and consent, that may be known to be my own -raid, and I shall bind me to your counsel forever.’ - -[Sidenote: A PROSCRIPTION LIST.] - -The joy of the cardinal and his friends was unbounded. They -congratulated each other, they clapped their hands;[252] the game was -won. They made promises one to another of diligent service, discretion, -and fidelity. They encountered however some few difficulties. The king -required before all else an invasion, and he wanted to be able to say -to the nobles, ‘Where you fell back I advanced and have conquered.’ How -proceed so as to insure success in the enterprise? They resolved to -select as the battle-field not the east, in the direction of Berwick, -where the forces of Henry VIII. lay, but the northwestern quarter, -which was stripped, left without an army, almost without a garrison. -Carlisle would presently be taken, and James would triumph at the same -time over the nobles and the king of England. - -He attached the utmost importance to this deed of arms. The royal -banner was secretly brought out, letters were addressed to the men -selected by the priests, inviting them to meet the king on such a -day, at such a place. The bishops undertook to bear the expenses of -this affair. The cardinal and the earl of Arran, by way of diversion, -went eastward, as if the Scots purposed to pass the frontier in that -quarter, where frequent combats had taken place between them and -the English. The king, satisfied with all these preparations, and -entertaining no doubt of success, accepted the fatal list presented by -the cardinal and put it into his pocket. Immediately after his triumph -and in the very midst of his glory, all those suspected should be -seized and executed. The Reformation should be extinguished, and Rome -should definitively reign. Everything was to be done with the strictest -secrecy. - -On the night before the day appointed for setting out, James slept at -Lochmaben,[253] where stood one of the royal castles. There, without -incurring any danger, he was as near as possible to the scene of the -exploits all the honor of which he wished to reap. Troops arrive from -all sides, without any knowledge of what was wanted with them. On the -day fixed, at midnight, the trumpets sound, the companies are formed, -and the command is given to march forward ‘in the suite of the king,’ -who was supposed to be with the expedition. At daybreak begins the -campaign which is to deliver up Scotland into the cruel hands of the -cardinal. The Scots approach the territory of England and pass the -water without meeting any resistance. They set fire to the houses and -corn fields which lie on their way, and the poor dwellers in those -country places, starting out of their sleep, see before them to their -great amazement an army of ten thousand men, and flames shooting up on -all sides. They tremble with fright and resign themselves to despair, -wondering in themselves how such an army could possibly have advanced -so far without their having the faintest suspicion of it. Whence comes -it? Whither is it going? Is it come from the abyss of hell? - -[Sidenote: ROUT OF THE SCOTS.] - -Everything about this expedition was indeed extraordinary, and even the -Scots themselves did not know who was in command. Lord Maxwell, warden -of the western marches, was present, and to him that office naturally -belonged; but neither he nor the troops knew anything at all about the -matter. At ten o’clock an unexpected event occurred. The Scots finding -themselves on English ground at Solway, the trumpets were sounded, -the army halted, and the royal flag was displayed and floated in the -midst of them. The wretched Oliver Sinclair mounted on a kind of shield -formed by lances which rested on the shoulders of some of the soldiers. -He presented letters which had been sent him by the king. This prince, -in the belief that this worthless courtier was a great captain, had -named him commander-in-chief. These letters were read to the army, and -the favorite had himself proclaimed lieutenant-general, with orders to -render obedience to him as to the king himself. By what the courtiers -said, to put Sinclair at the head of the army was to make victory -certain. James would not rely upon any of his nobles. Not one of them -was to have the glory of the expedition; it was to be the achievement -of James, to whom the command belonged. Maxwell was present at that -ceremony, seeing everything, hearing everything, and he was astounded -at it, ‘but he thought more than he spoke.’[254] Other lords who were -present did the same. No sooner had the proclamation been read than -murmurs, discouragement, and disorder spread through the army. At the -same time the English took up arms in all haste, ten in one company, -twenty in another. Carlisle closed its gates, and shortly after about -five hundred horsemen appeared on the neighboring heights for the -purpose of reconnoitring the Scottish force.[255] The Scots took these -horsemen for the advance guard of the army of the duke of Norfolk, and -being seized with a panic terror, many of them broke from the ranks. -Some wanted to fight, others wanted to fly. Everything was disorder and -confusion. The troops disbanded and took to flight in all directions. -Lord Maxwell, who had foreseen from the first moment the end of this -mad business, alighted from his horse and spoke to some friends. ‘To -horse and fly,’ they said to him. ‘Nay,’ replied he, ‘I will rather -abide here the chance that it shall please God to send me than to go -home and then be hanged.’[256] The Scots, both horse and foot, threw -away their arms and ran with all their might. A great number of them -were taken prisoners by the soldiers of Henry VIII., and some were -captured by Scottish adventurers and sold to the English.[257] To such -a degree had James’s soldiers lost heart, that those who did not fall -into the hands of men rushed into houses and surrendered themselves -to women.[258] The water had to be recrossed: the tide was high, the -river deep. Many were drowned, and a good number of those who escaped -the river perished in the marshes. Oliver Sinclair, who was ‘fleeing -full manfully,’[259] was captured without having struck a single -blow. The most distinguished among the Scottish nobles, the earls of -Cassilis and Glencairn, the Lords Somerville, Grey, and Oliphant, were -seen laying down their arms. Maxwell found thus the fate which he had -desired. These lords and gentlemen were sent to London and committed -to the Tower. Two days after, Henry commanded that they should pass -through the streets of London on foot, exposed thus as a spectacle to -the populace,[260] like the captives who adorned the triumphs of Roman -generals. When they arrived at the palace, they were received there by -the Lord Chancellor, who addressed to them severe rebukes, accused them -of having violated the faith of treaties, and extolled the goodness and -clemency of Henry VIII., who assigned them various houses for their -abode. - -[Sidenote: MURDER OF AN ENGLISH ENVOY.] - -During the battle, if such a word is to be used, James, who took good -care to keep out of it, was concealed in his castle at Lochmaben, -northeast of Dumfries.[261] There he was awaiting the issue of that -famous expedition which was to be his title to glory. He had made -sure of taking at the first blow the town of Carlisle, situated at -a distance of some miles from the frontier, and formerly one of the -principal military posts of the Romans, at which the wall of Hadrian -terminated, and which had been more than once besieged and taken. -Thence he hoped to pass on and reach York, and pay an _armed_ visit -to his dear uncle there. He was expecting the tidings of his triumph, -when some of the fugitives made known to him the total rout of his -army. Overwhelmed with sudden fear and astonishment, he could hardly -utter a word. It was night when he heard of his defeat, and not daring -to venture before daylight into unknown, untrodden ways, he retired to -bed, but without finding the least repose. His distress was unbounded. -He experienced the most acute pangs, could hardly breathe, and only -uttered some vague cries. The manner in which his unworthy favorite -had deceived his expectation, his defeat and flight, disturbed him as -much as the victory of the English. He got up, paced up and down in -his chamber, uttered lamentations, and cried out--‘Oh, fled Oliver? Is -Oliver taken? Oh, fled Oliver?’[262] He was attacked with a kind of -catalepsy. The constant contemplation of that extraordinary defeat and -of the conduct of that despicable man on whom he had rested his hopes -had in some degree suspended sensation in him, and he lay as in a long -and painful trance until his death, continually repeating, ‘Oh, fled -Oliver?’ - -The next morning, November 25, 1542, the king returned to Edinburgh. -He could hardly conceal his disgrace in his splendid palace; and there -a new disgrace was reported to him which still further heightened -his grief. On November 14, two envoys from the duke of Norfolk had -arrived there with a letter addressed to the king. The cardinal had -replied that he was gone a-hunting in Fifeshire. Ten days later, on -the fatal day of Solway, towards evening, when the English envoys on -their return were approaching Dunbar, one of them, J. Ponds, Somerset -herald, was attacked by two men and assassinated. James, when he -heard of this on his return, was in consternation. It might seriously -aggravate the crisis which was already so alarming. Notwithstanding the -painful state in which he then was, he wrote immediately to his uncle: -‘Be assured that punishment shall thereafter follow according to the -quality of the crime, and that there is no prince now living who could -be more afflicted than we are that such an odious crime should remain -unpunished.’ He offered to send ambassadors and heralds to explain the -criminal deed.[263] That was probably the last letter written by the -king. - -James had a painful interview with the cardinal, who might now -understand to what a condition his hatred of the Reformation and his -ambition had reduced the king and the realm. James, who believed -himself pursued by a fatal destiny, took account sorrowfully, when -left alone, of his treasures and his jewels; and then, full of shame -and melancholy, and afraid to show himself to anyone whomsoever in his -capital, set out secretly for Fifeshire. He stopped at Hallyards, where -he was warmly received by the lady of Grange, a respectable and pious -woman, whose husband was absent at the time. This Christian woman, -observing at supper that the prince was plunged in melancholy, sought -to comfort him, and exhorted him to bow with resignation to the will of -God. ‘My portion of this world is short,’ sorrowfully answered James; -‘in fifteen days I shall be with you no more.’ Some time afterwards one -of the officers of his court having said to him, ‘Sire, Christmas is -nigh; where will your majesty wish to celebrate that festival?’ James -replied with a scornful smile, ‘I cannot tell: choose ye the place. But -this I can tell you, on Yule day ye will be masterless, and the realm -without a king.’ - -[Sidenote: LAST HOURS OF JAMES V.] - -Haunted by these thoughts, the king went thence to Carney castle, -and next to his palace at Falkland, where he took to his bed. It -would have been natural for him to go to Linlithgow, to his queen, -who was on the point of giving birth to a child. He chose rather to -be at a distance from her. Loose living is incompatible with domestic -happiness. No symptom showed that his death was near. James, however, -was always repeating the words, ‘Before such a day I shall be dead.’ -His courtiers, astonished and afflicted, said to one another that if -the queen gave him a son, the happiness so much desired would restore -him; but on December 8, 1542, she gave birth to a girl--the celebrated -Mary Stuart. On learning that the newborn infant was a girl, James, -wounded afresh in his dearest wish, turned to the wall, away from those -who had brought him the sad tidings. ‘The devil go with it,’ he said; -‘it will end as it began; it came with a lass, and it will go with a -lass.’[264] He saw his family extinct, his crown lost. Other Stuarts, -however, bore it after Mary. Both Scotland and England, unhappily, knew -that to their cost. But this circumstance--the hope frustrated of a son -to take the place of the two which he had lost--was a fresh and fatal -blow for the unfortunate James: - - De douleur en douleur il traversait la vie. - -The cardinal presented himself at the castle. His visit was natural at -that moment. But the ambitious prelate, supposing the king to be near -death, came not to console him, but to secure his own position. As the -king in his present dangerous state could only hear with difficulty, -the primate cried in his ear--‘Take order, sir, with the realm. Who -shall rule during the minority of your daughter? Ye have known my -service; what will ye have done? Shall there not be four regents -chosen, and shall not I be principal of them?’ The clever prelate -succeeded in getting a document prepared which was in his favor. The -king was sinking. But the memory of Solway ran continually in his -head, and disturbed his last moments. ‘Fie,’ cried he; ‘fled is Oliver? -is Oliver taken? All is lost.’ On December 14, 1542, at the age of -thirty-two, six days after the birth of Mary Stuart, James V. died. -When disrobing him, they found in his pocket the famous proscription -list. What was to come of that now? - -James was buried at Holyrood January 8, and the cardinal who had driven -him along that fatal path in which he was to meet death presided at the -ceremony. This prince, thus taken away in the flower of his age, died -not so much of disease as of a broken heart.[265] ‘The sorrow of the -world worketh death.’ He had understanding, but it was uncultivated; he -was moderate in respect to the pleasures of the table, but he had been -thrown in his youth into other irregularities, from which he never got -free. He might be seen in the bitterest winter weather, on horseback -night and day, endeavoring to surprise the freebooters in their -retreats; and poor men had always easy access to him. But for want of -thoughtfulness and solid principles he was incessantly tossed to and -fro between the nobles and the priests, and whichever of these two was -the most adroit easily took the upper hand. He sinned much, but perhaps -he was still more ‘sinned against.’ - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - - REGENCY OF THE EARL OF ARRAN.--IMPRISONMENT OF BEATOUN.--TREATY OF - PEACE WITH ENGLAND. - - (1542-MARCH 1543.) - - -[Sidenote: GENERAL DEPRESSION.] - -The political and religious events in the midst of which James V. had -been taken from Scotland were of so grave a character that the wisest -heads felt some alarm, and expected to see a storm break forth such as -no one had ever seen the like.[266] An unexpected blow, considering the -youthful years of the prince, had fallen on the nation. With eyes fixed -on the future, nobles and people talked together of their fears and the -faintness of their hopes.[267] In the Lowlands, in the heart of the -Highlands, at Edinburgh, at Glasgow, at Stirling, and in other towns -of Scotland, men with pale faces and a restless air were questioning -one another in distress of mind about the fate in reserve for their -country. The shameful defeat at Solway, which had given the king his -death-blow, had filled the people with mourning and dread. The most -illustrious lords of Scotland, taken prisoners by the English, had been -exposed to the gaze of the citizens of London. Those who still remained -in Scotland were divided by implacable hatred, and by religious views -diametrically opposed to each other; and it was anticipated that -dissensions long suppressed by the fear of the king would now burst -forth. The cardinal and the bishops, giving themselves up without -restraint to their passion for dominion, were going to take advantage -of the death of James to bring the people into subjection. Henry VIII., -glorying in the unexpected victory which he had just won, did not fail, -now that his nephew was no more, to turn to account (and in what a -fashion!) his pretensions to Scotland. For maintaining order in the -country there was a queen eight days old. The next heir to the crown -after her, Hamilton, earl of Arran, was not fitted by his virtues, or -his intelligence, or his courage to rule the people. Many destructive -agencies were at work in Scotland; loud lamentations were heard. One -thing alone could save the country--the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: ALLEGED WILL OF JAMES V.] - -The king being dead, it appeared to Beatoun that the public troubles -offered him a favorable opportunity for becoming master, for securing -the triumph of the French party, for abolishing the Reformation, and -establishing the supremacy of the clergy. Since Scotland was abased, -he was to be exalted. It was needful to act quickly. The nobles who -were recently made prisoners, and those who had for a long time lived -in exile in England, were about to return. The cardinal knew well that -they detested his subservience to the pope, his ambition, and his -arrogance; and he had no doubt that they would vigorously oppose him. -The earl of Arran, next heir after Mary to the crown, was it is true -in Scotland, and seemed to be called to make head against him; but the -haughty cardinal made little account of that. The earl is unambitious, -said he; he has no energy, and all his wish is to have nothing to do. -Besides, Arran was his near relation, a son of one of his aunts.[268] -The king had scarcely breathed his last when the cardinal went boldly -to the queen-mother at Linlithgow, fortified with the document on -which he assumed to found his pretensions. ‘Welcome, my lord,’ said -the queen, who as yet knew nothing more than the serious illness of -her husband; ‘is not the king dead?’ Mary of Guise supposed that the -first prelate of the kingdom was come solely to announce to her the -sovereign’s death. But Beatoun had another end in view in this visit. -Without loss of time he produced the king’s testament containing the -nomination of a regency composed of the cardinal and the earls of -Argyle, Huntley, and Murray, the first-named to be president of the -council and guardian to the royal infant. This document was generally -considered to have been extorted from the dying king. Many persons -even believed that the cardinal’s agent had guided the hand of the -dead king, and obtained a signature in blank which the cardinal -had afterwards filled up at his own will. Buchanan states that the -cardinal, having gained over a certain priest named Balfour, had with -his assistance forged a false testament. Knox, Sadler, and Lesley -also speak in the same way.[269] At the market-cross at Edinburgh the -cardinal had proclamation made, on the Monday after the king’s death, -of the alleged deed which made him the first personage in the realm. - -Many of the Scots were indignant at this proceeding, and said openly -that both the regency and the guardianship of the infant Mary belonged -to Hamilton, earl of Arran, who, as next heir to the crown through his -grandmother, the daughter of James II., would be king, it was said, -if the little princess should chance to die. Had not her two brothers -died in their infancy? The general hatred of the cardinal, and the -horror felt at the thought of living under the government of a priest, -impelled a large number of people to support the cause of Hamilton. -‘Occasion offers herself to you,’ they said to him; ‘do not let her -pass.’ The laird of Grange especially urged this noble to maintain his -rights. But Arran, for want of spirit, was ready to abandon them. It -was at last determined to call together the nobility of the realm, that -they might decide to whose hands the government should be intrusted -during the minority. The nobles met on the appointed day. The cardinal -and his partisans resisted with all their might the proposal to commit -the government of the realm to the earl of Arran. ‘The Hamiltons,’ said -they, ‘are cruel murderers, oppressors of innocents, proud, avaricious, -double and false, and finally, the pestilence in this commonwealth.’ -Arran had, indeed, given himself up to the domination of dishonorable -men. However, he remained calm, and contemned these insults. ‘Call me -what you please,’ replied he, ‘but defraud me not of my right. Whatever -my friends have been, yet unto this day has no man cause to complain -upon me. Neither yet am I minded to flatter my friends in their evil -doing, but by God’s grace shall be forward to correct their enormities. -Therefore yet again, my lord, in God’s name I crave that ye do me no -wrong, nor defraud me of my just title before ye have experience of my -government.’ This appeal touched the hearers, and all cried out that -unless the fear of God and his righteousness were trampled under foot, -the claim of Arran could not be rejected. He was therefore proclaimed -governor of Scotland, in spite of Beatoun; and the king’s palace, his -treasures, his jewels, and other chattels of the crown were delivered -up to him by the officials who had charge of them. This took place on -January 10, a few days after the cardinal’s proclamation. - -[Sidenote: ARRAN PROCLAIMED REGENT.] - -Arran, it is true, was not distinguished for his virtues nor for his -intelligence, but he was very generally liked, as weak men often are. -‘The earl of Arran,’ wrote Lord Lisle to Henry VIII., ‘is himself a -good soft God’s man, and loveth well to look on the Scripture, but he -hath many that ruleth about him of his kin which be shrewd and evil -men.’[270] Never had any regent been received with so much liking and -hope, and this was the case especially because people were glad to be -delivered from the cardinal. It was thought that he would reform all -that went wrong in the church or state, and his first acts corresponded -with this hope.[271] That Arran should thus get possession of power -was astonishing, for he was as weak as Beatoun was strong, and the -weakest, they say, always goes to the wall. In this case the reverse -happened. But many people thought that the arrangement would be only -temporary. Arran was the earthen pot of the fable, Beatoun the iron -pot, and it was not difficult to foresee which of the two would break -the other. It was not long before Arran gave a proof of his too easy -temper. Instead of adopting measures for withdrawing the realm from -the influence of Beatoun, as soon as the latter claimed to be made -chancellor of Scotland, Arran committed that office to his hands, in -order to alleviate the disgrace to which the assembly of the nobles had -just subjected him.[272] The ambitious cardinal, however, did not long -keep that post of influence. - -Many eminent and pious men supported the cause of the earl of Arran. -One of his first acts was to appoint as his chaplains, on the -recommendation of those supporters, two ministers who preached the -pure Gospel. A former Dominican, Thomas Guillaume (or Williams), who -had been very eminent in his order, having been converted by the Word -of God, had thrown off his cowl. He was called to preach at Edinburgh. -The soundness of his judgment, the purity of his doctrine, the force -of his eloquence, and the clearness of his exposition of Scripture, -together with a certain moderation in controversy, attracted a crowd -to his preaching. The regent associated with him another evangelical -minister, John Rough. He had entered a convent at seventeen years of -age, had twice visited Rome, and having been painfully shocked by what -he had seen there, he had embraced the Reformation. Less of a scholar -than Guillaume, he was more simple-minded, and more ardent against -superstition and impiety, and against the authority of the pope. Arran, -urged on by his evangelical friends, sent his faithful ministers into -various parts of the kingdom. Among their numerous hearers was Knox, -and it was while listening to Guillaume that the great reformer began -to be acquainted with the beauty of evangelical truth.[273] - -But while those who had their hearts opened to the truth received with -joy the words of the two chaplains, the monks, the priests, and all -the friends of the papacy attacked them vehemently. ‘Heresy! heresy!’ -cried a Franciscan named Scot; ‘Guillaume and Rough will carry the -governor unto the devil.’ And all the monks and sacristans took up -the cry, ‘Heresy!’ A man named Watson, of the household of the bishop -of Dunkeld, composed a satirical ballad against the chaplains and the -regent which had a great vogue. The cardinal on his part was moving -heaven and earth, and worried Arran to silence the two preachers. ‘All -these men,’ says Knox, ‘roupit [croaked] as they had been ravens, yea -rather they yelled and roared as devils in hell.’ For the moment, these -cries were futile. The divine Word prevailed. - -[Sidenote: PROPOSAL OF HENRY VIII.] - -While these things were passing in Scotland, Henry VIII. was fully -occupied in England. The death of James had startled him, and his -first thought had been that the succession must fall to him. He would -unite the two kingdoms, and it would be an immense advantage to Great -Britain to be all under one government, and that his own. To this end a -marriage should be concluded between his son Edward, aged five years, -and the young Queen of Scotland, aged a few days. He lost no time -in sending for the most notable of the Scottish captives to Hampton -Court palace, where he was then residing. The earls of Cassilis and -Glencairn, and the Lords Maxwell, Fleming, and Grey, men who only a -few days before had been made a spectacle to the populace of London, -appeared before him. He stated to them his project. ‘God,’ said he, -‘now offers you a most favorable occasion for establishing agreement -and peace in Great Britain. Let a contract be concluded between your -queen and my son. I offer to set you at liberty if you will pledge -yourselves to do all you can to get the consent of the regent and of -the other nobles of Scotland to this marriage.’ The project highly -pleased the lords, for they saw in it a certain means of obtaining not -only liberty for themselves, but a lasting peace for their country. -Agreement was made that the Queen Mary should marry the prince Edward -when she was ten years old. After this conference the noble prisoners -set out, December 29, on their way to Scotland, to secure the success -of their scheme. - -Henry, however, did not yet feel himself secure, and he wanted to have -the young queen in his own hands and some others with her. He had no -confidence in Scotland, knowing how easily she might tack about: and he -was afraid of the cardinal’s cleverness. Consequently, on January 9 he -wrote to viscount Lisle, then lord warden of the military frontiers of -England. ‘It is essential,’ said he, ‘to get the child, the person of -the cardinal, and of such as be chief lettes of our purpose, and also -of the chief holds and fortresses into our hands.’[274] Henry’s fears -were not without foundation. At the moment of James’s death everyone -foreboded a war with the powerful King of England. But the Scottish -lords whom Henry had set at liberty arrived on January 24. They were -accompanied by the earl of Angus and his brother, Sir George Douglas, -who had long endured the life of exiles in England. These lords -hastened to fulfil the commission of Henry VIII. On their admission to -the council, of which the regent was president, they laid before it the -proposal of marriage between the heirs of the two crowns. The earl of -Arran and the great majority of the members of the council appeared to -be favorable to it; but the cardinal, supported by the queen-mother, -strenuously opposed it. In their judgment nothing was more dangerous -for Scotland, nothing could be more offensive to France and to Rome. -Now Mary of Guise and Beatoun were the representatives of these powers. -The more chance there seemed to be of the adoption of the proposal -by the council, the more Beatoun struggled and the more vehement the -resistance he offered to it. He incessantly interrupted the debate: he -put questions to other members: he thus hindered them from speaking -and made the taking of votes altogether impossible.[275] The majority -of the council revolted against conduct so unparliamentary, which did -not allow them the free exercise of their right. The other members, and -especially the Scots who were just come from England, were indignant. -The latter conceived a bold design which did not occur to anyone else. -They would turn the cardinal’s insolence to account in getting him -wholly set aside. It was proposed that Beatoun should be excluded -from the assembly and confined in an apartment of the palace until -the votes had been collected. This plan was at once voted and carried -out.[276] What a blow for this proud priest! He, primate, cardinal, -legate of Rome, the most important personage of the realm, as he -thought, to find himself excluded from the council and treated as a -prisoner! He was not even to regain his liberty very soon. Never, -perhaps, had any assembly struck so unlooked for a blow. The Scottish -lords had arrived January 24, and the discussion and exclusion of the -cardinal certainly took place on the 25th or 26th. The prelate was -removed to the prison at Dalkeith.[277] The earls of Huntley, Murray, -and Bothwell demanded his liberation and offered themselves as his -bail, but they did not succeed in obtaining it. The voting resulted in -a resolution in favor of the marriage and of the union with England; it -only remained for parliament to confirm it. - -[Sidenote: RESULTS OF BEATOUN’S ARREST.] - -The Scottish lords who had returned from England, above all the earl -of Angus and his brother, had learnt during their sojourn in London -not to spare the cardinals and other Romish dignitaries. The stormy -presumption of the cardinal in the council had been the occasion of -the measure adopted against him; but these lords perfectly understood -that unless the cardinal were kept in confinement there could be no -religious nor even civil liberty in the land. ‘It is not possible,’ -says Calvin, ‘to deprive an able and powerful tyrant of his supremacy -except by first taking away his arms and bringing against him a -force superior to his own. He will never quit his post of his own -accord.’[278] Sir George Douglas, brother of Angus, went to Berwick -where Lord Lisle was stationed, and pointed out to him that in sending -the cardinal to prison they had given him certain proof of their -activity. Lisle immediately reported it to the Duke of Suffolk, -brother-in-law of Henry VIII.[279] All the friends of the Gospel, and -even the Scottish political party, looked on that measure as a great -deliverance. Beatoun, however, was not surrendered to Henry VIII., as -he had required him to be. - -It is hardly possible to imagine the effect produced in Scotland by -this bold deed. The bishops and the priests as soon as they heard of -the extraordinary proceeding were beside themselves. All the clergy, -struck with horror, at once adopted the same course as they would have -done if Scotland were laid under an interdict by the pope. The churches -were closed, religious services were suspended, and the priests refused -to discharge any of their functions. One might have conjectured that -some appalling crime had been committed, and that the whole nation was -excommunicated. A funereal veil hung over Scotland. The Romish clergy -accused those who had laid hands on the cardinal not only of injustice -but of sacrilege. The people, submissive in some places to the bidding -of their priests, and even many lords, cried out with the others. -Argyle left Edinburgh, retired to his estates, and assembled his clan. -Lord Lisle wrote to London, February 1, ‘Since the cardinal was seized, -no one in Scotland can get a priest to sing masse, to christen or -bury.’[280] - -[Sidenote: PARLIAMENT AT EDINBURGH.] - -The Scottish Parliament was to open at Easter, and the moment -was approaching. Instead of one there would be (so to speak) two -parliaments. The party of the opposition, the earls of Huntley, Argyle, -Murray, and Bothwell, a very great number of barons, knights, bishops, -and abbots, met at Perth a week before the day of convocation, and -having drawn up certain articles, they sent them to the regent and his -council by the hands of the bishop of Orkney and Sir John Campbell, -uncle to the earl of Argyle. Let the cardinal, they said, be set at -liberty; let the New Testament be interdicted; let the regent confer -with us on all affairs of the realm, and let other ambassadors be -sent to the King of England, charged with a quite different mission -from that which has been determined on. The regent by the advice of -his council declined to accede to ‘demands so unreasonable.’ The next -step, immediately taken, was to send a herald-at-arms to Perth, to -summon the lords who were there to Edinburgh, under penalty of treason, -to discharge their duties. This citation took effect. The earl of -Murray, the bishops, and abbots arrived on the eve of the opening of -parliament. The other lords presented themselves later. Argyle alone -remained on his estates. His two uncles, however, offered excuse for -him, on the ground of ill health.[281] - -Parliament opened on Monday, March 12. The assembly was numerous, -for the gravity of the occasion was universally understood. ‘This -parliament,’ said the earl of Angus, ‘is the most _substantial_ that -was ever seen in Scotland; the three estates are present in great -force, and the multitude of on-lookers is so great that no more -could find lodging in the two towns of Edinburgh and Leith.’ The -first resolution of this important assembly approved the marriage of -prince Edward and the little Queen Mary, and empowered ambassadors to -negotiate it with England.[282] The second resolution (Tuesday) was the -confirmation of the earl of Arran in the office of regent. On Wednesday -the earl of Angus and his brother were reinstated in the honors and the -estates of which they had been deprived during their fifteen years’ -exile. On Thursday the most important of all the resolutions of this -body was to be presented and debated. - -Lord Maxwell, whom the folly of James V. had deprived of the command in -the affair at Solway, was generally known as ‘a man of good intentions -with respect to the Word of God.’ He had not openly professed the -evangelical doctrine so long as the cardinal was in possession of the -supreme power; but his sojourn in England, though short, had induced -him to take a more decisive course. He rose and introduced a bill -providing ‘that all the subjects of the kingdom might read the Holy -Scriptures in their mother-tongue.’ The debate began immediately. -Dunbar, archbishop of Glasgow, who since the imprisonment of the -cardinal had become chancellor of the realm, declared that he would -oppose the motion in his own name and in the name of all the prelates, -at least until the period when a provincial council of all the clergy -of Scotland should have decided the question. ‘Wherefore,’ answered -the friends of the Scriptures, ‘should it not be lawful to men that -understood no Latin, to use this word of their salvation in the tongue -they understand, as it was for Latin men to have it in Latin, Grecians -and Hebrews to have it in their tongues.’ ‘The kirk,’ replied the -priests, ‘had forbidden all kind of tongues but these three.’ ‘When was -that inhibition given?’ retorted the friends of the Gospel. ‘Christ -has commanded his word to be preached to all nations. Now if it ought -to be preached to all nations, it must be preached in the tongue they -understand. Now if it be lawful to preach it in all tongues, why shall -it not be lawful to read it and to hear it read in all tongues? To the -end that the people may try the spirits according to the commandment of -the apostle.’[283] - -[Sidenote: FREEDOM TO READ THE BIBLE.] - -The prelates finding themselves beaten admitted that the Holy -Scripture might indeed be read in the vulgar tongue, provided that the -translation were true. Some of the members of the assembly then handed -to the priests some copies of the Holy Scriptures which they drew from -their pockets, and begged them to point out any faults they could find -in them. The prelates, in great embarrassment, began to make search, -turned over the leaves of the book, opening it at the beginning, at the -end, and in all parts, taking infinite pains to find some mistake. But -nothing could be found. At last, ‘Here,’ said one of them, ‘here is -a passage to be reprehended; love is put in the place of _charity_.’ -‘What difference is there,’ it was replied, ‘betwixt the one and the -other? It seems you do not understand the Greek term ἀγάπη.’ Before the -Greek word the priests stood dumb.[284] - -The deputies of the burgesses and a part of the nobles then required -that the reading asked for should be permitted; as well as the reading -of Christian treatises, until such time as the clergy should give a -better translation of the Bible. The prelates still stood out; but at -length, reduced to silence, they submitted, and it was enacted by Act -of Parliament that ‘all men and women should be free to read the Holy -Scriptures in their own tongue or in the English tongue, and that all -acts passed to the contrary should be abolished.’ This bill, which -passed on March 15, was promulgated on the 19th, and sent into all -parts of the kingdom by order of the regent. The priests immediately -began to cry out with one voice against him as the promoter of -heresy.[285] - -This was the first public Act passed in Scotland in favor of religious -liberty. The victory, says Knox, which Christ Jesus then won over -the enemies of his truth was of no little importance. The trumpet of -the Gospel gave at once a certain sound, from Wigton to Inverness, -from south to north. No small comfort was given to the souls, to the -families, who till then durst not read the Lord’s Prayer or the Ten -Commandments in English through fear of being accused of heresy. The -Bible, which had long lain hidden in some out-of-the-way corner, was -now openly placed on the tables of pious and well-informed men. The -New Testament was indeed already widely circulated, but many of those -who possessed it had shown themselves unworthy of it, never having read -ten sentences in it through fear of men. - -Now they brought out their New Testaments, and ‘they would chop their -familiars on the cheek with it.’[286] ‘Here,’ said they, ‘this book has -lain hid under my bed feet these ten years.’ Others, on the contrary, -exclaimed with joy, ‘Oh, how often have I been in danger for this -book! how secretly have I stolen away from my wife at midnight to read -upon it in that lonely silent hour!’ Some, who were minded to turn -everything to account, made a great parade of their joy, on purpose -to pay court to the regent, who was then esteemed the most fervent -Protestant in all Europe. ‘But in general,’ add the historians, ‘the -knowledge of God was wonderfully increased by the perusal of the sacred -writings, and the Holy Spirit was given in great abundance to simple -men.’ Many works were also published at the same time in Scotland, -which were intended to disclose the abuses of the Romish Church, and -others of the same character were brought from England. That important -Act of the Scottish parliament was never repealed. - -[Sidenote: MISSION OF SIR R. SADLER.] - -While these wholesome measures were being adopted, the alliance of the -country with England appeared to be growing stronger; and even if a -purely evangelical reformation was not to be looked for, the ties which -bound Scotland to Rome must certainly be broken. On Sunday afternoon, -March 18, the day after the closing of the session of parliament, -arrived Sir Ralph Sadler, an envoy from Henry VIII. He betook himself -that very evening to Holyrood, and there learnt from the regent the -resolutions which had just been taken. Sadler was charged with the duty -of concluding the marriage contract between Edward and Mary, as well as -the project of a perpetual alliance between the two countries.[287] -Sadler, who acted in the business with his utmost energy, soon found -that the Scots were not prepared to go to the same length as his -master. ‘In my opinion,’ he wrote (March 27), ‘they had lever suffer -extremity than come to the obedience and subjection of England: they -will have their realm free and live within themselves after their own -laws and customs.... I think assuredly all the nobles and the whole -temporality of this realm desire the marriage and to join with us -in perfect friendship: in which case I think also they will utterly -abandon France.’ This was not what Henry was aiming at. After the death -of the young princess, the Tudors, in his view, were to inherit her -kingdom. - -The alliance, nevertheless, was concluded. On July 1 the earl of -Glencairn, Sir George Douglas, Learmont, and Balnaves, the Scottish -envoys, signed at Greenwich the treaty of marriage and of peace. This -treaty was solemnly read, August 25, in Holyrood abbey, and was there -signed, sealed, and approved by the regent and the nobles. The queen -was to remain in Scotland until she should be ten years old, and then -be taken into England to be educated. Three Scottish lords should be -given as hostages to Henry; and in confirmation of the alliance a -consecrated wafer, according to a Romish usage, was broken between -the regent and Sir R. Sadler, the representative of Henry VIII. Each -of them received and ate half of it, in token of their unity and as a -pledge of their fidelity,--a strange method of cementing an alliance -which had for its end the destruction of Romish superstitions. The -treaty was published everywhere as a basis of perpetual agreement; but -the union of the two nations had still many a storm to encounter. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - - BEATOUN IS LIBERATED AND RECOVERS HIS POWER.--BREACH OF THE - TREATY.--FRESH PERSECUTION. - - (MARCH, 1543.-SUMMER OF 1544.) - - -At present everything was getting on well in Scotland, and the -continuance of this well-being was all that was desired. The severest -eye could find nothing to censure in the court of the regent; and he -acted with so much moderation in the government that not a single -complaint was heard of his administration. Arran was as much respected -and obeyed as any king could have been. All men were promising -themselves a quiet life, when a sudden gust upset everything. - -There was one party which was full of wrath at the recent changes. -The alliance of Scotland with England, the imprisonment of the -cardinal, the regency of Arran, the freedom conferred on the Holy -Scriptures,--all these things filled the friends of the papacy with -excitement and horror, whether at Rome, in France, or in Scotland. The -earl of Lennox had arrived from Paris for the purpose of giving his -support to the French party in Scotland; and he flattered himself that -he should be appointed regent, and even that he should marry the queen -dowager. The pope had sent the legate Marco Grimani into Scotland, with -orders to join the cardinal, the earl of Lennox, and all the other -adversaries of Arran; to fulminate anathemas, and to use all other -means which he could devise for effecting the fall of the regent and -the elevation of the cardinal.[288] Grimani and Lennox expected to -find the material all ready, so that it would be an easy task for them -to set fire to it. They were not entirely mistaken. The ultramontanes -of Scotland were in a rage with the regent and with the lords who were -on his side.[289] Their scheme was to liberate the cardinal, who should -then go with his adherents to Linlithgow, get possession of the young -queen and depose the regent. - -[Sidenote: THE ABBOT OF PAISLEY.] - -Lennox and Grimani had not come from the continent alone. Two Scottish -priests, who had lived for a long time in France and had there become -imbued with Roman Catholicism of the deepest dye, landed in Scotland -in the month of April. These men were likely to do, perhaps, more than -all others towards the restoration of ultramontanism. They were John -Hamilton, abbot of Paisley, a natural brother of the regent, and Master -David Panter,[290] who was afterwards bishop of Ross. Their learning, -their lowliness, and their religion were much talked of, and people -thought that their coming would prove a great comfort to the Church of -God.[291] ‘They will soon,’ it was said, ‘go into the pulpit and truly -preach Jesus Christ.’ - -The abbot of Paisley was admitted to intimacy with the regent. He -might converse with him at any time, and he undertook to break down -bit by bit the evangelical views of Arran and to sunder his connexion -with England. First of all, it was necessary to get rid of the two -evangelical chaplains. The two priests therefore began, immediately -after their arrival, to disparage the preaching of Williams and Rough. -The abbot of Paisley had always some fault to find. ‘Their sermons,’ -said he to his brother, ‘are heretical and scandalous.’ The latter, -naturally weakminded, let himself be caught. Williams was ordered to -put an end to his preaching, and he set out for England. Rough was -sent to preach in Kyle, where for some time there had been lovers of -the Bible. This was not enough. The men of sound judgment and genuine -piety who were about the regent, and who had contributed to the general -prosperity and peace, must also be removed out of the way. What -terrors, what promises, ‘what boxes full of enchantments,’ says Knox, -these two priests had brought with them from France, no one could tell. -Be it as it may, some were got rid of by crafty expedients, others by -false insinuations. ‘If you remain, your life is at stake,’ they said -to them. At the same time the partisans of the clergy, who had till -then held themselves aloof from the court, winged their way thither -like ravens to the carrion.[292] - -One day when there was a great gathering at Holyrood, and the regent -saw around him at the same moment both the faithful attendants who -had deserved well of their country and the fanatical supporters of -the cardinal, one of the latter cried out in a voice loud enough for -Arran and all present to hear him, ‘My lord governor and his friends -will never be at ease nor quietness till that a dozen of these knaves -that abuse his grace be hanged.’[293] After that, people saw the men -whose labors had been so useful to Scotland,--Durham, Borthwick, -Bothwell, the laird of Grange, Balnaves, Ballanden[294] and Sir David -Lyndsay,--withdraw from the court, while he who had threatened them -with the gallows received a pension for his insolent speech. - -The liberation of the cardinal could be no longer deferred. He was -imprisoned at Dalkeith on January 26, was removed thence to Seaton, -next to Blackness castle on the Forth, and finally to St. Andrews, the -seat of his archbishopric. There he was set at liberty at the request, -especially, of the queen-mother, who had never ceased her intercession -for him.[295] Once free, this arrogant man, exasperated by the affront -which had been offered him, thought only of recovering his own power -and of reëstablishing the cause of the papacy. - -[Sidenote: INTRIGUES OF BEATOUN.] - -He now had frequent communication with Mary of Guise, and shared her -indignation at the favors granted to the Scottish nobles just returned -from England, who had passed from exile to the most influential -positions. They resolved to do their utmost to reëstablish the alliance -with Francis I. and the pope. The cardinal completely won over the earl -of Bothwell, and the Lords Home, Buccleugh, and others. He induced -such of them as were on the frontier to make inroads on the English -territory. He assembled at St. Andrews, on July 6, the earls of Lennox, -Argyle, Huntley, and Bothwell, Lord Home, and the other noblemen and -gentlemen who were favorable to the pope; and at this conference they -determined to oppose the regent, who instead of executing their designs -was only bent on promoting heretical opinions.[296] - -Meanwhile Beatoun found opportunities for secret interviews with -the regent’s brother, who had everything in his own hands; for this -bastard was as remarkable for force of character as his legitimate -brother was for the want of it. The cardinal did not confine himself to -intrigues in high places, but he had it at heart to win the multitude, -and he tried all imaginable schemes in order to succeed.[297] When -he thought that he had at last secured his position, both above and -below, he convoked the clergy at St. Andrews. The bishop, abbot, and -primate unfolded before this assembly all the dangers which were then -impending over Scotland. ‘In order to avert them,’ said he, ‘contribute -generously from your purses, and urge all your friends to do the same. -Tell them that their property and their lives are at stake. Nay, more -than that,’ he exclaimed, ‘our task is to prevent the ruin which -is threatening the universal church of the pope.’[298] The clergy -declared that they would place all their resources at his disposal, and -determined to set on foot a general subscription. ‘The cardinal,’ wrote -the ambassador Sadler to Lord Parr, brother of the Queen of England, -‘the cardinal here hath not only stirred almost this whole realm -against the governor, but also hath procured the earl Bothwell [and -others] to stir all the mischief and trouble they can on the Borders, -and to make roads and incursions into England, only of intent to break -the peace and to breed contention and breach between both realms.’[299] -At the same time the monks were preaching passionately against the -union with England; and the population, excited by them, was in -agitation and ready to revolt, threatening those who were opposed to -the Church of Rome, and even insulting the English ambassador. Jesters -used to assail both him and his suite with insolent speeches. But the -envoy of Henry VIII., knowing that the one matter of moment for his -master was to succeed, took these indignities patiently, through fear -of hastening a rupture. - -[Sidenote: THE HOSTAGES REFUSED.] - -As Scotland was under obligation to give hostages to England as -security for the execution of the treaties, the cardinal set himself -strenuously against the measure, not only with those of his own -faction, but also with those of the other side. He was prodigal of -promises to the relations and the friends of the intended hostages, -in the hope of inducing them to oppose their delivery to England. The -same influences were brought to bear on the regent. On the day fixed -for giving up the lords to the English ambassador, the latter went -to the regent, and after making complaint of the insults to which -he was exposed, demanded the hostages. The regent promised that the -perpetrators of the outrages of which Sadler complained should be -punished. ‘As for the hostages,’ he added, ‘the authority with which I -am invested is of such a nature that, while I have rights as against -the queen’s subjects, they also have their rights as against me. You -are yourself a witness of the immense agitation stirred up by the -cardinal.[300] All my plans are upset, and, carried away by the force -of popular passion, I can no longer answer for anything.’[301] Arran -was indeed wanting in the strength to stand against such a storm as -was conjured up by the cardinal. Weakminded himself, he bent before -the violence of those who had powerful convictions. Sadler, indignant -at his refusal, called upon the Scots who had been captives in England -to return to their confinement, as they had pledged themselves to do -in case the treaty should be violated. Kennedy, earl of Cassilis, was -the only one who kept his word. He set out for London, in spite of the -pressing entreaties of his own circle.[302] Henry, touched by this -act of good faith, generously sent him back to Scotland with his two -brothers who had remained as hostages. - -The clerical reaction was steadily gathering fresh force. In pursuance -of the colloquy of July 6, the nobles hostile to the regent assembled -some troops; and on July 21 they arrived, at the head of ten thousand -men, at Leith, the port of Edinburgh. At the same moment Arran, the -earl of Angus, Lord Maxwell, and their friends were at Edinburgh, at -the head of their armed force. There was equal animation on both sides. -They might have been likened to two electric clouds, whose lightning -was ready to burst forth with violence. However, the two opposed bodies -of troops remained motionless for five or six days. ‘What will be the -end of this,’ wrote Sadler to Lord Parr, ‘I cannot tell; but my opinion -is that they will not fight for all their bragges.’[303] In fact, they -did not fight. - -[Sidenote: IRRESOLUTION OF ARRAN.] - -The two queens were at Linlithgow palace, in which the young Mary was -born. The regent and the cardinal each gave out that the queens were -on his side, but all the sympathies of the queen-mother were with the -cardinal. The latter, accompanied by the earls of Argyle, Huntley, -and Bothwell, and by many bishops, went to Linlithgow. Supposing that -the princesses were not safe there, he persuaded them to go with him -to Stirling, which they did. These lords talked without reserve among -themselves, and with the queen, of deposing the regent, on the ground -of disobedience to their holy mother the Church. This greatly alarmed -Arran, who at that same time was persecuted by the abbot of Paisley, -his natural brother. ‘Consider,’ said the latter, ‘the danger to -which you expose yourself by allowing the authority of the pope to be -impaired. It is the authority on which your own rests.’ As Arran was in -dread of the anger of Henry VIII., the abbot exalted to the utmost the -power of the King of France, and the great advantages of an alliance -with him. But above everything else he insisted on the obligation of -making peace with the Church, ‘out of whose pale,’ he repeated, ‘there -is no salvation.’ The poor regent, weak, inconstant, and not at all -grounded in the faith of the Gospel, halted between the wish to follow -the advice of his brother and the shame involved in abandoning his -party and giving the precedence to the cardinal. He wavered between -the pope and the Gospel, between France and England. His irresolution -was torture to him; he endured bitter pangs. The abbot never wearied -of repeating the question, ‘What will ye do? will you then destroy -yourself and your house for ever?’[304] He hesitated no longer. Beaten -on all sides by contending waves; conscious that his forces were -inferior to those of his adversaries; hemmed in by the snares of the -cardinal, who chose rather to gain him by terror than to subdue him -by arms; abandoned by many of the nobles; no longer in favor with the -people, who were offended by his weakness; lowered in the esteem of -his own friends, and disgraced in the eyes of the English, the unhappy -man at last took the fatal leap. Nine days after the ratification of -the alliance with England, and only six days after he had published -a proclamation against the cardinal, Arran secretly stole away from -Holyrood palace, betook himself to Stirling on September 3, and threw -himself into the arms of his cousin Beatoun. - -This was not all. He was resolved also to throw himself into the arms -of the pope; desirous only of doing so without too much ostentation, -and fancying, says Buchanan, that he could thus lessen the infamy of -this base deed. For this purpose the convent of the Franciscans was -chosen.[305] The queen-mother attended. For a Guise the scene was one -of exquisite enjoyment such as Mary would not willingly lose. Some of -the courtiers who were devoted to Rome were also present. There, in the -dim light of the chapel, that weak man, to whom people had been looking -for the triumph of the Reformation in Scotland, fondly fancying that -he was performing a secret action, knelt down before the altar, humbly -confessed his errors, trampled under foot the oaths which he had taken -to his own country and to England, renounced the evangelical profession -of Jesus Christ, submitted to the pope, and received absolution of -the cardinal.[306] The spectators exulted in Arran’s humiliation. The -wretched man continued indeed to be regent in name, but from that hour -he possessed nothing more than the phantom of authority, having for his -own governor the lord cardinal. He therefore fell into contempt, and -those even for whom he had sacrificed everything had no respect for -him. ‘He who will save his life shall lose it.’ - -The report of his perjury spread rapidly abroad. Few were surprised -to hear it, but a great many were angry. The English ambassador wrote -to him as follows: ‘Forasmuch as I do hear sundry reports of your -sudden departure to Stirling, which if they were true in part ... might -highly touch your honor: ... I cannot well satisfy myself without -the address of these my letters unto your lordship, only to require -of your goodness to signify unto me how you do remain towards the -king’s majesty and the accomplishment of your oath and promise afore -expressed. I beseech your lordship to let me know the truth by your -own advertisement, to the intent that I may undelayedly write the same -to the king’s majesty before he shall receive any sinister or wrong -informations in that behalf, which might percase alter his highness’ -affection and good opinion conceived towards you. Whereof for my part I -would be right loath.’[307] - -[Sidenote: CORONATION OF MARY STUART.] - -Another ceremony followed that of the abjuration. It was the coronation -of the little queen, which took place on September 9, with great -pomp. The alliance between Scotland and France was renewed, and fresh -promises were made to Francis I. The cardinal thus brilliantly opened -his reign, and by placing the crown on the head of a little girl, he -said to himself that at least he had no need to fear that the child -would take it into her head to thwart his schemes.[308] - -Henry VIII. was in consternation. The abjuration of the regent and the -political revolution which accompanied it upset his most cherished -plans. But the ratification of the treaty with him was so recent -that the question might be raised whether the whole of this Stirling -business was anything more than a transient mistake, the fruit of -Arran’s weakness. He therefore enjoined his ambassador to use his -utmost endeavors to recall the regent to his first intentions. It -appeared to Henry impossible that Arran should act in a manner so -foolish, so dishonorable, so cruel, so pitiless for Scotland, as not -only to throw away all the advantages offered to himself, but still -more to give up his country to fire and sword and to all the calamities -of a terrible war. All these considerations urged by Sadler were -fruitless. At length, indignant at the perjury and the insult, Henry -recalled his ambassador, declared war on Scotland, ordered the seizure -of the numerous Scottish ships which lay in his ports, threw into -prison the seamen and the merchants, and sent a herald to announce to -the Scots ‘that they had covenanted with a prince of honor that would -not suffer their disloyalty unpunished and unrevenged, whose power and -puissance, by God’s grace, is and shall be sufficient against them to -make them know and feel their own faults and offences. Fear,’ said he, -‘the hand of God over you.’ It was war, war with all its horrors of -fire and sword, that Henry in his wrath had determined to wage with -Scotland. ‘You shall beat down and overthrow the castle of Edinburgh, -burn and sack the capital, with Holyrood and Leith and the villages -around, putting man, woman, and child to the sword without exception. -To overthrow St. Andrews so as the upper stone may be the nether, and -not one stick stand by another.’[309] The wrath of Henry was terrible; -but nothing could alarm the presumptuous cardinal. When he heard of the -imprisonment of the Scottish merchants and seamen, he smiled and said -jestingly, ‘When we have conquered England we will make compensation to -the merchants.’ - -[Sidenote: THE EARL OF LENNOX.] - -When the cardinal came out of prison, his eyes had fallen on two men -who stood in his way. One of these was the regent, and he had got rid -of him by becoming his master. The other was the earl of Lennox, a man -formidable by his rank and his pretensions, who had even supposed it -possible that he might marry the queen-mother. But Mary of Guise, like -all her kindred, was a fanatical devotee of Rome, and at the instance -of the cardinal she prayed the King of France to recall Lennox on any -specious pretext, adding that his residence in Scotland might lead to -a disturbance of peace. Lennox saw that they were trifling with him. -He was quite as versatile as Arran but more capable, and seeing that -he had lost the favor of France, he offered his services to the King -of England, who eagerly accepted them. Lennox was then looked upon as -the head of Scottish Protestantism. The two foremost lords of Scotland -had performed a feat of what is vulgarly called _chassé-croisée_. The -leader of the Protestants had become a papist, and the man of the -court of Francis I. had turned Protestant. Instead of the daughter of -the Guises, he married Lady Margaret Douglas, a niece of Henry VIII. -That is how men of the world manage matters. Evangelical religion -had not lost much in losing Arran. Neither had it gained more by -acquiring Lennox. These men were only moved by political interests, and -Scottish Protestantism more than any other was to reject these shameful -combinations of Christ and Baal, and was to have one king alone, Jesus -Christ. - -The cardinal, victorious along the whole line, set himself immediately -to the work which he had most at heart,--to crush the Reformation. The -law which authorized the reading of Holy Scripture had borne its fruit, -and ‘in sundry parts of Scotland,’ says the chronicler, ‘thereby were -opened the eyes of the elect of God to see the truth and abhor the -papistical abominations.’[310] This abhorrence might possibly drive -them to deplorable excesses, an instance of which we are soon to see. - -There were at Perth, on the left bank of the pleasant river Tay, some -friends of the Reformation. Endowed for the most part with genuine -piety, they held meetings, read the Holy Scriptures together, searched -out their meaning, and gave or listened to the exposition of them.[311] - -They had also at times simple social meals together. Certain priests -of the town, with whom they were connected, and whose character -they esteemed without sharing their opinions, were invited to these -gatherings. The churchmen ate, drank, and talked with them, and thought -themselves fortunate to be invited to these honest men’s houses.[312] -This circumstance shows a large-heartedness among these Christian folk -of Perth, which could see and appreciate whatever good qualities their -adversaries possessed. They did not, however, tie themselves down -to the Roman rules about meat-days and fish-days, rules from which -exemption may be had for a little money: and one Friday it happened -that a goose appeared on their table. - -Three of these people, Robert Lamb, William Anderson, and James -Raveleson, daring characters and given to raillery, were among those -who were taken up with Reform on its negative side. They were disgusted -at the abuses of the monastic life, and the Franciscans most of all -offended them. The sight of one of these mendicant friars in the -street, with his brown frock, his girdle of cord, his cowl, and his -bare feet, excited in them the keenest aversion. ‘These monks,’ as has -been said by a very distinguished Catholic priest, ‘feign chastity, but -they know what voluptuousness is, and they often outdo men of the world -in luxurious indulgence.’[313] And yet these monks pretend that all -that is needed for salvation is to put on a frock of their order at the -moment of death. In the judgment of Anderson and of his two friends, -the founder of that order, who was nevertheless a better man than -most of his successors, must have been the devil himself. They took -therefore an image of Francis of Assisi, nailed rams’ horns on the head -and hung a cow’s tail behind, and having thus given to it the semblance -of a demon, they hung it. The Scots are not jesters by nature. They are -on the contrary earnest and energetic towards those whom they oppose; -and this blameworthy execution was carried out by these three men with -imperturbable gravity.[314] - -[Sidenote: RAVELESON AND LAMB.] - -Among these reformed Christians of Perth there were some manifestations -of opinion characterized by simplicity and decision, which however -occasionally took a strange shape. One of the women who frequented the -evangelical meetings, Hellen Stirke, was near her confinement, and in -her hour of travail, when surrounded by female friends and neighbors, -all of them fervent worshippers of the Virgin Mary, she called upon -God and upon God alone in the name of Jesus Christ. The women said -to her--‘You ought to call upon the Virgin. Is not Mary immaculate -as Christ is, and even above him as first source of redemption? Is -she not the queen of heaven, the head of the church?’ The Franciscan -friars were continually impressing on the minds of these good women -the notion that no one could obtain a blessing from God ‘except by the -dispensation of his pious mother.’[315] Hellen revered Mary as a holy -and blessed woman, but she held her to be of the same nature as other -women, and she told her neighbors so. It was of his mercy, as Mary -herself said, that God had looked upon the low estate of his servant. -That her friends might better understand her meaning, she boldly added, -‘If I had lived in the days of the Virgin, God might have looked -likewise to my humility and base estate, as he did to the Virgin’s, -and might have made me the mother of Christ.’[316] The women about her -could not believe their own ears, and her words, reported in the town -by her neighbors, were counted execrable in the judgment of the clergy -and of the multitude. - -If St. Francis was Anderson’s nightmare, the pope was Raveleson’s. -But the latter gave expression to his sentiments in a less insulting -fashion. When he had built a house of four stories, he placed at the -top of his staircase, by way of ornament, over the last baluster and -the supporting tablet which masked it, the triple diadem of the pope, -carved in wood. This was not a very criminal act: a good papist might -have done the like. But Raveleson, doubtless, meant to show thereby -that in his house the pope was consigned to the top story. Be that as -it may, he paid dear for it. - -These Protestants of Perth were certainly originals, of which not many -copies were to be found. There were some of them, however, who were -free from these eccentricities while displaying no less courage. On one -occasion, when a monk named Spence very loudly asserted in the church -that ‘prayer made to saints is so necessary that without it there could -be no hope of salvation to man,’ Robert Lamb rose and accused him -before the whole assembly of teaching false doctrines. ‘In the name of -God,’ said he, ‘I adjure you to speak the truth.’ The friar, stricken -with fear, promised to do so; but there was so much excitement and -tumult in the church that the monk could not make himself heard, and -Robert, at the peril of his life, barely escaped the violence of the -people. The women, above all, uttered piercing screams, and urged on -the multitude to the most cruel actions.[317] - -[Sidenote: THE PERTH PROTESTANTS.] - -The cardinal, in January, 1544, seeing that his authority was firmly -established, thought that the time was come for suppressing the -Reformation and glorifying the pope. Having heard of what was going on -at Perth, he set out for that place, taking with him the regent, some -of the chief lords, bishops, and judges. When he reached Perth on St. -Paul’s day, January 19, he ordered the seizure of Robert Lamb, William -Anderson, James Hunter, James Raveleson, James Finlason, and Hellen -Stirke his wife,[318] and had them imprisoned the same evening in the -Spay Tower. - -On the following morning the prisoners appeared before their judge. -They were accused on several grounds, and particularly of having met -together to hear the Holy Scriptures read. A special charge was made -against Lamb of having interrupted a friar. ‘It is the duty of no -man,’ he answered, ‘who understands and knows the truth to hear the -same impugned without contradiction. There are sundry here present in -judgment who, while they know what is true, are consenting to what is -false; but they will have to bear the burden in God’s presence.’[319] -The six prisoners were condemned to death, and were cruelly treated. -Many of the inhabitants of Perth were deeply interested in their case, -and appealed to the regent to save their lives. But when Arran spoke -a word to the cardinal in their behalf, the latter replied, ‘If you -refuse to take part in the execution of this sentence, I will depose -you.’ Arran trembled, and held his peace. - -The friends of the victims, then, remembering that certain priests in -the town had frequently sat at the tables of the accused, entreated -them to bear in mind their old friends who were then in misfortune, and -to intercede with the cardinal in their behalf. But these poor priests -were terrified at the thought that the cardinal might hear of their -former relations with the condemned, and they answered that they would -much rather see them dead than living. That was their way of showing -their gratitude. So the chronicler, whose phrase is not always elegant, -adds, ‘So cruel are these beasts, from the lowest to the highest.’ - -Agitation was increasing in the town. The cardinal had ready a great -band of armed men, who were charged to conduct the victims to the place -of execution. Robert Lamb, standing at the foot of the gallows, said to -the people, ‘Fear God, and forsake the pope.’ Then he announced that -calamity and ruin would not be slow to light upon the cardinal.[320] -The five Christians comforted one another with the hope ‘that they -should sup together in the kingdom of heaven that night.’ - -Hellen desired earnestly to die with her husband, but this was not -permitted her. At the moment of their parting she gave him a kiss -and said, ‘Husband, rejoice, for we have lived together many joyful -days; but this day in which we must die ought to be most joyful unto -us both, because we must have joy forever. Therefore I will not bid -you good-night, for we shall suddenly meet with joy in the kingdom -of heaven.’ She was then taken to a pond to be drowned. She was -holding her infant in her arms and giving it suck for the last time. -But this pathetic incident did not touch the pitiless hearts of her -executioners. She had entreated her neighbors to take care of her -children. She took the ‘sucking bairn’ from her breast and gave it -to the nurse, and was then flung into the water. The cardinal was -satisfied.[321] - -From Perth the cardinal passed into Forfarshire, always dragging along -with him the unhappy regent. Many inhabitants of that region appeared -before him for having committed the hateful crime of reading the New -Testament. Among them was a Dominican named John Rogers, a man of piety -and learning, who, by preaching Christ in Forfarshire, had led many -souls into peace. He was confined with others in the castle of St. -Andrews, and a few days later his dead body was found at the foot of -the walls. It was very generally believed that the cardinal had ordered -him to be put to death in his dungeon, and to be thrown over the -walls. A report was then circulated that the prisoner, in attempting -to escape, had fallen on the rocks and been killed. A considerable -number of Scots, among them Sir Henry Elder, John Elder, Walter Piper, -Lawrence Pullar, and others were banished, merely on suspicion of -having read the Gospel.[322] - -[Sidenote: THE ENGLISH FLEET AT LEITH.] - -The cardinal now returned to Edinburgh, and took the regent with him. -He was perfectly satisfied with his campaign, and was meditating -fresh exploits of the same kind, when, at the very moment of his -saying ‘Peace and security,’ a fleet appeared at sea. Messengers came -suddenly to announce to the regent and the cardinal that a multitude of -vessels were entering the Firth of Forth, and were making for Leith and -Edinburgh. ‘It is the English,’ said most people, ‘and it is greatly to -be feared that they will land.’ The cardinal dissembled his anxiety, -affected to smile and to jest, and said, with a contemptuous air, ‘It -is but the island fleet; they are come to make us a show and to put -us in fear. I shall lodge the men-of-war in my eye that shall land in -Scotland.’[323] Then he went to his dinner-table, and talked with every -one as though no danger were threatening. All Edinburgh was eager to -gaze on the wonderful vessels, and great crowds assembled for that -purpose on the castle hill and on the heights near the town. ‘But what -then can it all mean?’ people said to one another. By a little after -six o’clock in the evening more than two hundred ships had cast anchor -in Leith roads. The admiral had a ship’s boat launched, which began -carefully to take soundings from Granton craigs to East Leith. All -sensible men understood what it meant, but if any one of them uttered -what he thought, the clerics shrugged their shoulders. All men went to -bed, just as if those ships had brought their broadsides to bear for -the defence of the sleepers. - -At daybreak on Sunday, May 4, Lord Lisle, who was in command of the -fleet, ordered the disembarkation. The pinnaces and other small vessels -approached as near as they could to the shore, while the larger vessels -discharged their men into the long-boats, and so they got to land. -By ten o’clock the operation was completed, and the spectators from -Edinburgh beheld, to their great astonishment, more than ten thousand -men under arms. The cardinal and the regent, dropping their false show -of calmness, appeared now very much alarmed, and, forgetting their -ridiculous bluster and bragging, jumped into a carriage and fled as -fast as their horses could carry them. They did not halt till they -had put twenty miles of country between them and the danger which -frightened them. Before starting they had given orders, for the purpose -of pacifying the English, that the earl of Angus, Sir George Douglas, -and two other lords, advocates of the English alliance, who had been -cast into prison at Blackness, should be set at liberty. This was done -that night, and Sir George said, merrily, ‘I thank King Henry and my -gentle masters of England.’[324] - -The troops which had landed entered Leith, under the command of -the earl of Hertford, between twelve and one o’clock, after having -dispersed a small body of men which resisted them. As they found dinner -ready in all the houses, and the tables loaded with wines and victuals, -they sat down and refreshed themselves. On Monday, May 5, two thousand -English horsemen came from Berwick to reinforce the infantry, and the -whole army, after taking one day’s rest, forced the gates of Edinburgh -on Wednesday and entered the town. People called to mind the terrible -threats of Henry VIII. The town was first pillaged and then burnt. The -palace of Holyrood, Leith and the environs shared the same fate. The -English were not able to take the castle, and after having satiated -themselves with pillage, burning, and eating, they carried off their -plunder to the ships. The English army returned to their own country -by way of Berwick, sacking and burning Haddington and Dunbar, castles, -country seats, and all the districts through which they passed. The -army had lost only forty men.[325] - -Henry VIII. had entertained the vastest projects. His aims were that -Scotland should renounce the French alliance; that the queen should be -placed in his own household; that the title of elector of the kingdom -should be given to him; that Lennox should be named regent in the place -of Arran; and that the Word of God should be preached, of course in his -own way. This appears from the instructions given by himself to the -governors of the marches.[326] But he felt it necessary to postpone his -scheme, and to content himself with the chastisement inflicted on the -capital. We have to encounter facts such as these in the history of -every people and of all ages. It is impossible to narrate or to read -them without horror. Happily, Scotland at this epoch offers to our -notice facts of a quite different kind, which are within the province -of Christian civilization. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - - WISHART: HIS MINISTRY AND HIS MARTYRDOM. - - (SUMMER OF 1544-MARCH, 1546.) - - -[Sidenote: GEORGE WISHART.] - -In the summer of 1544, shortly after the events of which we have -just spoken, a pious man, George Wishart, returned from England to -Scotland. He was a brother of the laird of Pittarow, in the county of -Mearns. While at Montrose, in 1538, he had read the Greek New Testament -with several youths whom he was educating, and had been cited by the -bishop of Brechin to appear before him. Wishart had then retired to -Cambridge, and there he devoted himself to study for six years. In -1544, the Scottish commissioners who came into England respecting -the treaty with Henry VIII. took him back with them, to Scotland. He -went first to Montrose, his old abode, and thence to Dundee, where he -wished to preach the Word of God. His personal appearance was entirely -prepossessing. He was amiable, unassuming, polite. His chief delight -was to learn and to teach. He was tall; his black hair was cut short, -his beard was long. His physiognomy was indicative of a somewhat -melancholy temperament. He wore a French cap of the best material, a -gown which fell to his heels, and a black doublet. There was about -his whole person an air of decorum and grace. He spoke with modesty -and with great seriousness. He slept on straw, and his charity had -no end, night nor day. He loved all men. He gave gifts, consolation, -assistance: he was studious of all means of doing good to all and hurt -to none. He distributed periodically among the poor various articles -of clothing, always ‘saving his French cap, which he kept the whole -year of my being with him,’ says the Cambridge student who drew this -portrait of Wishart just before the latter set out for Scotland.[327] - -Wishart’s reputation having preceded him, a multitude of hearers -gathered about him at Dundee. He expounded in a connected series of -discourses the doctrine of salvation, according to the Epistle to the -Romans, and his knowledge and eloquence excited general admiration. -But the priests declared everywhere that if he were allowed to go on, -the Roman system must inevitably fall to the ground. They therefore -sought the assistance of an influential layman, Robert Mill, who had -once professed the truth, but had since forsaken it. One day, just -as Wishart was finishing his discourse, Mill rose in the church and -forbade him in the queen’s name and the regent’s to trouble them any -more. Wishart was silent for awhile, with his eyes turned heavenward, -and then looking sorrowfully on the assembly he said--‘God is witness -that I never minded [intended] your trouble, but your comfort. But I am -assured that to refuse God’s Word and to chase from you his messenger -shall not preserve you from trouble, but shall bring you into it. I -have offered unto you the word of salvation, and with the hazard of -my life I have remained among you. But and [if] trouble unlooked for -apprehend you, turn to God, for He is merciful. But if ye turn not at -the first he will visit you with fire and sword.’ When he had thus -spoken, he came down from the pulpit and went away at once into the -western part of Scotland.[328] - -[Sidenote: HIS PREACHING.] - -Having arrived at Ayr, he preached there to large numbers of people -who gladly received his words. Dunbar, bishop of Glasgow, as soon -as he was informed of it, hastened to the town with a body of men -and took possession of the church in order to prevent Wishart from -preaching. The reformer’s friends were indignant at this step. The earl -of Glencairn, the laird of Loch Norris,[329] and several gentlemen of -Kyle went to Wishart and offered to get possession of the church and -to place him in the pulpit. ‘No,’ said the evangelist, wisely, ‘the -bishop’s sermon will not much hurt: let us go to the market-cross.’ -They did so, and he there preached with so much energy and animation -that some of his hearers, who were enemies of the truth till that day, -received it gladly. Meanwhile the bishop was in the church with a very -small audience. There was hardly anyone to hear him but some vestry -attendants and some poor dependents. They were expecting a sermon, but -he had forgotten to put one in his pocket. He made them the best excuse -he could. ‘Hold us still for your bishop,’ he said, ‘and we shall -provide better the next time.’ He then with haste departed from the -town, not a little ashamed of his enterprise.[330] - -Wishart persevered in his work, and his reputation spread all around. -The men of Mauchlin came and asked him to preach the Gospel to them -on the following Sunday. But the sheriff of Ayr heard of it, and sent -a body of men in the night to post themselves about the church. ‘We -will enter by force,’ said Hugh Campbell to Wishart. ‘Brother,’ replied -the evangelist, ‘it is the word of peace which God sends by me; the -blood of no man shall be shed this day for the preaching of it. I find -that Christ Jesus oftener preached in the desert, at the seaside, and -other places judged profane, than he did in the temple of Jerusalem.’ -He then withdrew to the country, saying to the people who followed him -that the Saviour was ‘as potent upon the fields as in the kirk.’ He -climbed up a dike raised on the edge of the moorland, and there, in the -fair warm day, preached for more than three hours. One man present, -Lawrence Ranken, laird of Shield, who had previously led a wicked life, -was impressed by what he heard. ‘The tears ran from his eyes in such -abundance that all men wondered.’[331] Converted by that discourse, -the laird of Shield gave evidence in his whole after-life that his -conversion was genuine. Wishart preached with like success in the whole -district. The harvest was great, says one historian. - -The reformer heard on a sudden that the plague had broken out at Dundee -four days after he left the town, and that it was raging cruelly. He -resolved instantly to go there. ‘They are now in trouble and they need -comfort,’ he said to those who would fain hold him back: ‘perchance -this hand of God will make them now to magnify and reverence that word -which before, for the fear of men, they set at light part.’ - -He reached Dundee in August, 1544, and announced the same morning that -he would preach. It was necessary to keep apart the plague-stricken -from those who were in health, and for that purpose he took his station -at the east gate of the town. Those who were in health had their -place within the city, and those who were sick remained without. Such -a distribution of an audience was surely never seen before! Wishart -opened the Bible and read these words--‘He sent his word and healed -them.’ (Ps. cvii. 20.) ‘The mercy of God,’ said he, ‘is prompt to fall -on all such as truly turn to Him, and the malice of men can neither eik -nor pair [add to nor diminish] his gentle visitation.’[332]--‘We do not -fear death,’ said some of his hearers; ‘nay, we judge them more happy -that should depart, than such as should remain behind.’ That east gate -of Dundee (Cowgate) was left standing in memory of Wishart when the -town walls were taken down at the close of the eighteenth century, and -it is still carefully preserved. - -Wishart was not satisfied with speech alone, he personally visited the -sick, fearlessly exposing himself to infection in the most extreme -cases. He took care that the sick should have what they needed, and the -poor were as well provided for as the rich. - -The town was in great distress lest the mouth from which so much -sweetness flowed should be closed. - -[Sidenote: ATTEMPT TO MURDER WISHART.] - -Nevertheless, at the cardinal’s instigation, says Knox, a priest named -Wighton took a sword, and concealing it under his gown mixed with the -crowd as if he were a mere hearer, and stood waiting at the foot of the -steps by which Wishart must come down. The discourse was finished, the -people dispersed. Wishart, whose glance was keen and whose judgment was -swift, noticed as he came down the steps a priest who kept his hand -under his gown, and as soon as he came near him he said, ‘My friend, -what would ye do?’ At the same moment he laid hold of the priest’s hand -and snatched the weapon from him. The assassin fell at his feet and -confessed his fault. Swiftly ran the report that a priest had attempted -to kill the reformer, and the sick who heard it turned back and cried, -‘Deliver the traitor to us, or else we will take him by force.’ And so -indeed they rushed on him. But Wishart put his arms round the assassin. -‘Whosoever troubles him,’ said he, ‘shall trouble me, for he has hurt -me in nothing.’ His friends however insisted that for the future one of -them, in arms, should accompany him whithersoever he went.[333] - -When the plague had ceased at Dundee, Wishart thought that, as God had -put an end to that battle, he called him to another. It was indeed -proposed that he should hold a public disputation. He inquired of the -bishops where he should be heard. But first he went to Montrose ‘to -salute the kirk there,’ and although sometimes preaching the Gospel, -he was ‘most part in secret meditation, in the which he was so earnest -that night and day he would continue in it.’[334] - -[Sidenote: HIS NIGHT OF PRAYER.] - -While there he received a letter purporting to be written by his friend -the laird of Kynneir, who being sick desired him to come to him.[335] -It was a trick of the cardinal. Sixty armed horsemen were lying in -wait behind a hill to take him prisoner. He set out unsuspecting, -but when he had gone some distance, he suddenly stopped in the midst -of the friends who were accompanying him and seemed absorbed in deep -musing. Then he turned and went back. What mean you?’ said his friends, -wondering. ‘I will go no further,’ he replied: ‘I am forbidden of -God. I am assured there is treason.’ Pointing to the hill he added, -‘Let some of you go to yon place, and tell me what they find.’ These -brave men reported with all speed what they saw. ‘I know,’ said he, -‘that I shall end my life in that bloodthirsty man’s hands, but it -will not be of this manner.’ Shortly after, he set out for Edinburgh -in spite of the entreaties of the laird of Dundee, and went to lodge -at Innergowrie at the house of a Christian man named James Watson. A -little after midnight two men of good credit who were in the house, -William Spalding and John Watson, heard him open his door and go down -stairs. They followed him secretly, and saw him go into the garden and -walk for some time up and down an alley. Wishart, persuaded that he was -drawing near to his end, and thinking of the horrors of martyrdom and -of his own weakness, was greatly agitated and felt the need of calling -upon God that he might not fail in the midst of the conflict. He was -heard sighing and groaning, and just as day began to dawn, he was seen -to fall on his knees and afterwards on his face. For a whole hour his -two friends heard confused sounds of his prayer, interrupted now and -then by his tears. At length he seemed to grow quiet and to have found -rest for his soul. He rose and went quietly back to his chamber. In -the morning his anxious friends began to ask him where he had been. -He evaded the question. ‘Be plain with us,’ they said, ‘for we heard -your groans, yea, we heard your mourning, and saw you both upon your -knees and upon your face.’--‘I had rather ye had been in your beds,’ -said he, ‘for I was scarce well occupied.’ And as they urged him, he -spoke to them of his approaching death and of his need of God’s help. -They were much saddened and wept. Wishart said to them--‘God shall -send you comfort after me. This realm shall be illuminated with the -light of Christ’s Evangel as clearly as ever was any realm since the -days of the apostles. The house of God shall be built into it: yea, it -shall not want, whatsoever the enemy imagine to the contrary, the very -cape-stone’ [top-stone].[336] Meaning, adds Knox, that the house of God -should there be brought to full perfection. Wishart went on--‘Neither -shall this be long to; there shall not many suffer after me, till -that the glory of God shall evidently appear and shall once triumph -in despite of Satan. But alas! if the people shall be afterwards -unthankful, then fearful and terrible shall the plagues be that after -shall follow.’ Wishart soon after went into the Lothians, i. e. into -the shires of Linlithgow, Edinburgh, and Haddington. - -A man like Wishart assuredly belongs to the history of the Reformation. -But there is another motive leading us to narrate these circumstances. -The great reformer of Scotland was trained in the school of Wishart. -Among those who followed the latter from place to place as he preached -the Gospel was John Knox. He had left St. Andrews because he could not -endure either the superstition of the Romish system or the cardinal’s -despotism, and having betaken himself to the south of Scotland he had -been for some time tutor in the family of Douglas of Langniddrie. He -had openly professed the evangelical doctrine, and the clergy in their -wrath had declared him a heretic and deprived him of the priesthood. -Knox, attracted by the preaching and the life of Wishart, attached -himself to him and became his beloved disciple. In addition to his -public discourses, to which he listened with eager attention, he -received also instructions in private. He undertook for Wishart a duty -which was full of danger, but which he discharged joyfully. During -Wishart’s evangelical excursions he kept watch for the safety of his -person, and bore the sword which his friends had provided after the -attempt of the Dundee priest to assassinate him. Knox was soon to bear -another sword, the sword of the Spirit, like his master. - -[Sidenote: HIS PREACHING.] - -The earl of Cassilis and some other friends of Wishart had appointed to -meet him at Leith, and as that town is very near Edinburgh, they had -advised him not to show himself until their arrival. After awaiting -them for a day or two he fell into a deep melancholy. ‘What differ I -from a dead man,’ said he, ‘except that I eat and drink? To this time -God has used my labors to the disclosing of darkness, and now I lurk as -a man that was ashamed and durst not show himself before men.’--‘You -know,’ said his friends, ‘the danger wherein ye stand.’ ‘Let my God,’ -he replied, ‘provide for me as best pleases him.’ On the following -Sunday, fifteen days before Christmas, he preached on the parable -of the sower.[337] From Leith he went to Brownston, Langniddrie and -Ormiston, and preached on the Sunday both morning and afternoon at -Inveresk to a large concourse of people. Two Franciscan friars came and -stood by the church door, and whispered something to those who were -going in to turn them back. Wishart observing this said to some who -were near the pulpit, ‘I heartily pray you to make room to these two -men; it may be that they be come to learn.’ Then addressing the monks -he said, ‘Come near, for I assure you ye shall hear the word of verity, -which shall either seal unto you this same day your salvation or your -condemnation.’ He continued his discourse, but the two friars, who had -taken up their places, did not cease whispering right and left, and -troubling all that stood near them. Wishart turned sharply to them and -said--‘O sergeants of Satan, and deceivers of the souls of men, will ye -neither hear God’s truth nor suffer others to hear it? Depart, and take -this for your portion; God shall shortly confound and disclose your -hypocrisy within this realm; ye shall be abominable unto men, and your -places and habitations shall be desolate.’ He then resumed his sermon, -and preached with so much power that Sir George Douglas, brother of the -earl of Angus, who was present at the meeting, said publicly after the -sermon, ‘I know that my lord governor and my lord cardinal shall hear -that I have been at this preaching (for they were then in Edinburgh). -Say unto them that I will avow it, and will not only maintain the -doctrine that I have heard, but also the person of the teacher to the -uttermost of my power.’ Those who were present greatly rejoiced at -these words, spoken by so influential a man. As for Wishart, it was -enough for him to know that God keeps his own people for the end to -which he calls them.[338] He preached in other places to large numbers, -and with all the more fervor for his persuasion and assertion that the -day of his death was at hand. - -After Christmas he passed into Haddingtonshire. The cardinal, hearing -of his purpose, had informed the earl of Bothwell, who immediately -let it be known, both in the town and in the country, that no one -was to go and hear that heretic under pain of his displeasure. The -prohibition of this powerful lord had its effect. The first day there -was a large gathering to hear Wishart, but the next day his audience -was very small. A new trial now came to afflict him. His friends in -western Scotland had promised to come to Edinburgh to discuss with him -the means of advancing the cause of the Gospel. Now on the third day -after his arrival in Haddingtonshire, when he had already entered the -church and was about to go into the pulpit, a messenger approached and -handed him a letter. He opened it. His friends at Ayr and other places -wrote to tell him that certain obstacles prevented them from fulfilling -their promises. Struck with sorrow, ‘he called for John Knox, who had -waited upon him carefully from the time he came to Lothian.’[339] ‘I -am wearied of the world,’ said he, ‘for I perceive that men begin -to be weary of God.’ Knox wondered that Wishart should enter into -conversation with him before sermon, which he was never accustomed to -do, and said to him, ‘Sir, the time of sermon approaches, I will leave -you for the present to your meditations.’ He then took the letter and -withdrew. - -[Sidenote: HIS LAST SERMON.] - -Wishart, left to himself, began to walk about slowly at the back of the -high altar. He paced to and fro, sadness depicted on his countenance, -and everything about him revealing the deep grief that was in his soul. -This lasted about half an hour. At length he passed into the pulpit. -The audience was small, as it had been the day before. He had not power -to treat the subject which he had proposed: his heart was too full, -and he must needs unburden it before God. ‘O Lord,’ said he, ‘how long -shall it be that thy holy Word shall be despised and men shall not -regard their own salvation? I have heard of thee, Haddington, that in -thee would have been at a vain clerk-play two or three thousand people, -and now to hear the messenger of the eternal God, of all the town or -parish cannot be numbered one hundred persons. Sore and fearful shall -the plagues be that shall ensue this thy contempt, with fire and sword -shalt thou be plagued. And that because ye have not known nor will -not know the time of God’s merciful visitation.’ After saying these -words he made a short paraphrase of the second table of the law. He -exhorted to patience, to the fear of God, and to works of mercy; and -impressed by the presentiment that this was the last time he should -publicly preach, he made (so to speak) his last testament, declaring -that the spirit of truth and judgment were both in his heart and on his -lips.[340] - -He quitted the church, bade farewell to his friends, and then prepared -to leave the town. ‘I will not leave you alone,’ said Knox to him. -But Wishart, who had his approaching end constantly before his eyes, -said--‘Nay, return to your bairns [his pupils], and God bless you. One -is sufficient for a sacrifice.’ He then compelled Knox to give up the -sword, and parted with him. The laird of Ormiston, who was at the time -with Wishart, had invited him to his house in the country. They set -out on their journey with several gentlemen of the neighborhood. The -cold was severe, and they therefore travelled on foot. While at supper -Wishart spoke of the death of God’s children. Then he said with a -cheerful smile--‘Methinks that I desire earnestly to sleep. We’ll sing -a psalm.’ He chose Psalm li., and struck up the tune himself:--‘Have -mercy upon me, O God, according to thy loving kindness.’ As soon as the -psalm was ended, he went to his chamber and to bed. - -[Sidenote: ARREST OF WISHART.] - -A little before midnight a troop of armed men silently approached, -surrounded the house that no one might escape, and demanded Wishart. -But neither promises nor threats could induce Ormiston to deliver up -his guest. They then went for the earl of Bothwell, the most powerful -lord of that region. Bothwell came, and said to the laird--‘It is -but vain to make him to hold his house, for the governor and the -cardinal with all their power are coming. But and if you will deliver -the man unto me, I will promise upon my honor that he shall be safe -and sound, and that it shall pass the power of the cardinal to do -him any harm or scathe.’ Ormiston, confiding in this promise, told -Wishart what had occurred. ‘Open the gates,’ replied he, immediately; -‘the blessed will of my God be done.’ Bothwell entered, with several -gentlemen who accompanied him. Wishart said to him, ‘I praise my God -that so honorable a man as you, my lord, receives me this night in -the presence of these noblemen; for now I am assured that, for your -honor’s sake, ye will suffer nothing to be done unto me besides the -order of law.’ The earl replied--‘I shall preserve your body from all -violence, neither shall the governor nor cardinal have their will over -you: but I shall retain you in my own hands till that either I shall -make you free or else restore you in the same place where I receive -you.’ Immediately after giving this promise, the earl set out with -Wishart for Elphinston. The cardinal, bent on getting possession of -Wishart’s friends, sent five hundred horsemen to Ormiston to seize the -laird, together with the lairds of Brownston and Calder. Brownston -fled through the woods, but the other two were carried off to Edinburgh -castle. Wishart was removed to the strong castle of Hailes on the banks -of the Tyne, the principal mansion of Bothwell in the Lothians.[341] - -That did not satisfy the cardinal, who wanted Wishart more than all. -The queen-mother, Mary of Guise, who was not on friendly terms with -Bothwell, promised him her support if he would give up the evangelist. -The cardinal, on his part, ‘gave gold, and that largely.’ ‘Gold and -women have corrupted all worldly and fleshly men from the beginning,’ -says Knox.[342] The earl raised some objections: ‘but an effeminate -man,’ adds Knox, ‘cannot long withstand the assaults of a gracious -queen.’ Wishart was first taken to Edinburgh castle, and at the end of -January, 1546, the regent gave him up to the cardinal, who confined -him at St. Andrews, in the sea tower. The assistance of a civil judge -was, it seems, necessary to give validity to the judgment. The cardinal -requested one of Arran, but one of the regent’s councillors, Hamilton -of Preston, said to him--‘What, will you deliver up to wicked men those -whose uprightness is acknowledged even by their enemies? Will you put -to death those who are guilty of no more crime than that of preaching -the Gospel of Christ? What ingratitude towards God!’ - -The regent consequently wrote to the cardinal that he would not -consent that any hurt should be done to that man without a careful -investigation of his cause. The cardinal, on receiving this letter, -flew into a violent passion. ‘It was only for civility’s sake,’ said -he, ‘that I made the request. I and my clergy have the power in -ourselves to inflict on Wishart the chastisement which he deserves.’ -He invited the archbishop of Glasgow, and all bishops and other -dignitaries of the Church, to assemble at St. Andrews on February 27 -to consult on the matter, although it was already decided in his own -mind.’[343] - -The next day the dean of St. Andrews went to the prison where Wishart -was confined, and summoned him in the cardinal’s name to appear before -the judges on the morrow. ‘What needed,’ replied the prisoner, ‘my -lord cardinal to summon me to answer for my doctrine openly before -him, under whose power and dominion I am thus straitly bound in irons? -May not my lord compel me to answer to his extorted power?’ On March -1 the cardinal ordered all the household servants of his palace to -put themselves under arms. The civil power, it is remembered, had -refused to take part in the proceedings, and therefore Beatoun took -its place. His men at once equipped themselves with lances, swords, -axes, knapsacks, and other warlike array. It might have been thought -that some military action was in hand, rather than a gathering of -priests who assumed to busy themselves about God’s Church. These armed -champions, putting themselves in marching order, first escorted the -bishops with great ceremony to the abbey church, and then went for -Wishart. The governor of the castle put himself at the head of the -band, and so they led the prisoner ‘like a lamb to sacrifice.’ As he -entered the door of the abbey church he threw his purse to a poor -infirm man lying there, and at length he stood in the presence of the -numerous and brilliant assembly. To invest the proceedings with due -formality, Beatoun had caused two platforms to be erected, facing -each other. Wishart was set on one of them, and the accuser, Lauder, -took his place on the other. The dean, Winryme,[344] then appeared in -the pulpit. This worthy churchman, who was charged to deliver the -customary sermon, was secretly a friend to the Gospel. He read the -parable of the ‘good seed’ and the tares (Matt. xiii. 24-30), and set -forth various pious considerations which told more against the judges -than against the accused, and which the latter heard with pleasure. -Winryme concluded, however, by saying that the tares were heresy, -and that heretics ought to be put down in this life by the civil -magistrate; yet in the passage he was treating stood the words, ‘Let -both grow together until the harvest.’ It remained to ascertain which -were heretics, the judges or the accused.[345] - -[Sidenote: PREPARATIONS FOR HIS TRIAL.] - -When the sermon was ended, the bishops ordered Wishart to stand up -on his platform to hear the accusation. Then rose the accuser, John -Lauder, a priest whom the chronicler calls a monster, and, facing -Wishart, unrolled a long paper full of threatenings and devilish -maledictions, and, addressing the guiltless evangelist in cruel words, -hurled pitilessly at him all the thunders of the papacy. The ignorant -crowd who heard him, expected to see the earth open and swallow the -unhappy reformer; but he remained quiet, and listened with great -patience and without a change of countenance to the violent accusations -of his adversary. When Lauder had finished reading at the top of his -voice the threatening indictment, he turned to Wishart, his face ‘all -running down with sweat,’ says the chronicler, ‘and frothing at the -mouth like a boar, he spat at Mr. George’s face, saying, What answerest -thou to these sayings, thou renegade, traitor, and thief, which we have -duly proved by sufficient witness against thee?’[346] - -Wishart knelt down and prayed for the help of God. Then rising, he made -answer with all sweetness--‘My lords, I pray you quietly to hear me, -so that instead of condemning me unjustly, to the great peril of your -souls, you may know that I have taught the pure Word of God, and that -you may receive it yourselves as the source from which health and life -shall spring forth for you. In Dundee I taught the Epistle of St. Paul -to the Romans, and shall show your discretions faithfully what fashion -and manner I used when I taught, without any human dread....’ - -At these words the accuser interrupted him, and cried with all his -might, ‘Thou heretic, renegade, traitor, and thief, it was not lawful -for thee to preach, ... and we forethink that thou hast been a preacher -too long.’ Then all the prelates, terrified at the thought that he was -going to set before that vast audience the very substance and pith -of his teaching, said one to another, ‘He is so crafty, and in Holy -Scriptures so exercised, that he will persuade the people to his own -opinion and raise them against us.’ Wishart, perceiving that he had no -chance of a fair hearing before that ecclesiastical court, said, ‘I -appeal from my lord cardinal to my lord the governor.’ ‘What,’ replied -Lauder, ‘is not my lord cardinal the second person within this realm, -chancellor of Scotland, archbishop of St. Andrews, bishop of Mirepoix -[in Languedoc], commendator of Arbroath, _legatus natus, legatus a -latere_...?’ He recited so many titles, says the chronicler, that -you might have laden a ship with them, much sooner an ass.[347] ‘Whom -desirest thou to be thy judge?’ cried Lauder. - -[Sidenote: THE TRIAL.] - -Wishart replied with meekness, ‘I refuse not my lord cardinal, but -I desire the Word of God to be my judge, and the temporal estate, -with some of your lordships mine auditory; because I am here my lord -governor’s prisoner.’ But the priests mocked him, saying, ‘Such -man, such judge!’ According to them, the laymen who might have been -appointed his judges were heretics also, like him. - -The cardinal, without further delay, was going to have sentence of -condemnation passed; but some who stood by counselled him to read the -articles of accusation, and to permit Wishart to answer to them, in -order that the people might not be able to say that he was condemned -without a hearing. - -Lauder therefore began--‘Thou, false heretic, renegade, traitor, and -thief, deceiver of the people, despisest the holy Church’s, and in like -case contemnest my lord governor’s authority; for when thou preachedst -in Dundee, and wert charged by my lord governor’s authority to desist, -thou wouldst not obey, but perseveredst in the same. Therefore the -bishop of Brechin cursed thee, and delivered thee into the hands of the -devil, and gave thee in commandment that thou shouldst preach no more; -yet notwithstanding thou didst continue obstinately.’ - -_Wishart_: ‘My lords, I have read in the Acts of the Apostles that it -is not lawful for the threatenings and menaces of men to desist from -the preaching of the Evangel.’ - -_Lauder_: ‘Thou, false heretic, didst say that a priest standing at the -altar saying mass was like a fox wagging his tail in July.’[348] - -_Wishart_: ‘My lords, I said not so. These were my sayings: the moving -of the body outward, without the inward moving of the heart, is nought -else but the playing of an ape, and not the true serving of God.’ - -_Lauder_: ‘Thou false heretic, traitor, and thief, thou saidst that the -sacrament of the altar was but a piece of bread baken upon the ashes.’ - -_Wishart_: ‘I once chanced to meet with a Jew when I was sailing upon -the water of the Rhine. By prophecies and many other testimonies of the -Scriptures I approved that the Messiah was come, the which they called -Jesus of Nazareth. He answered, You adore and worship a piece of bread -baken upon the ashes, and say that is your God. I have rehearsed here -but the sayings of the Jew, which I never affirmed to be true.’ At -these words the bishops shook their heads, spitting on the ground and -crying out, and showed in all ways that they would not hear him. - -_Lauder_: ‘Thou, false heretic and renegade, hast said that every -layman is a priest, and that the pope hath no more power than another -man.’ - -_Wishart_: ‘I have read in some places of St. John and St. Peter, of -the which one sayeth, He hath made us kings and priests; the other -sayeth, He hath made us the kingly priesthood. Wherefore I have -affirmed any man, being cunning and perfect in the Word of God and the -true faith of Jesus Christ, to have his power given him of God. And -again I say, any unlearned man, and not exercised in the Word of God, -nor yet constant in his faith, whatsoever estate or order he be of, -hath no power to bind nor to loose.’[349] - -These words greatly amused the assembly; the reverends and the most -reverends burst out laughing, mocking Wishart, and calling him an -imbecile. The notion that a layman should have a power which the holy -father had not seemed to them the very height of madness. ‘Laugh ye, -my lords?’ said the messenger of Christ. ‘Though that these my sayings -appear scornful and worthy of derision to your lordships, nevertheless -they are very weighty unto me and of great value, because they stand -not only upon my life but also the honor and glory of God.’ - -Some pious men who were in the assembly were indignant at the madness -of the prelates and affected by the invincible patience of Wishart. -But others cried aloud, ‘Wherefore let we him speak any further?’ A -man named John Scot, who stood behind Lauder, said to him. ‘Tarry not -upon his witty and godly answers, for we may not abide them, no more -nor the devil may abide the sign of the cross when it is named.’[350] -There was no due form of trial, nor any freedom of discussion, says -Buchanan, but a great din of voices, shouts of disapprobation, and -hateful speeches. The accuser thundered from his platform, but that was -all.[351] The bishops unanimously pronounced that the pious Wishart -must be burnt. Falling on his knees, Wishart prayed and said--‘O -immortal God, how long shalt thou suffer the wodness [madness] and -great cruelty of the ungodly to exercise their fury upon thy servants -which do further thy Word in this world. O Lord, we know surely that -thy true servants must needs suffer persecution for thy name’s sake, -affliction and troubles in this present life which is but a shadow; but -yet we desire thee, merciful Father, that thou defend thy congregation -which thou hast chosen before the beginning of the world.’ - -[Sidenote: THE SENTENCE.] - -The sentence must be pronounced, but the bishops were afraid to -pronounce it before the people. They therefore gave orders to have the -church cleared, and this could only be done slowly, as many of the -people who had a wish to hear Wishart were removed with difficulty. -At length, when the prelates and their colleagues found themselves -almost alone, sentence of death was passed on Wishart, and the cardinal -ordered his guards to take him back to the castle. Confined in the -governor’s room, he spent the greater part of the night in prayer. -The next morning the bishops sent to him two friars who asked him if -he did not want a confessor. ‘I will make no confession unto you,’ he -answered; ‘go and fetch me yonder man that preached yesterday, and I -will make my confession unto him.’ When Winryme was come, they talked -together for some time. Then the dean said, ‘Have you a wish to -receive the sacrament of the supper?’ ‘Assuredly,’ replied Wishart, ‘if -it be administered according to the institution of the Lord, with the -bread and the wine.’ Winryme then went to the cardinal and declared to -him that the man was innocent. Beatoun, inflamed with anger, said, ‘And -you, we have long known what you are!’ Winryme having inquired if he -might give the sacrament to the prisoner. ‘No,’ replied the cardinal, -‘it is not fitting to grant any of the benefits of the Church to a -heretic.’[352] - -The next morning at nine o’clock the governor of the castle informed -Wishart that the communion was refused him. Then, as he was going to -breakfast with his dependents and servants, he invited Wishart to join -them at the meal. ‘Right willingly,’ he answered, ‘especially because I -know that you and yours are good men and are united with me in the same -body of Christ.’[353] - -When the table was spread and the members of the household had taken -their places, Wishart said to the governor, ‘Give me leave, for -the Saviour’s sake, to make a brief exhortation.’ It was to him an -opportunity of celebrating the true Supper. He reminded his hearers -of the institution of the sacred feast, and of the Lord’s death. He -exhorted those who sat at table with him to lay aside all hatred, to -love one another and to lead a holy life. After this he gave thanks, -and then took the bread and brake it, and gave of it to such as he knew -were willing to communicate, and bade them feed spiritually on Christ. -Taking a cup, he spoke of the blood shed for the remission of sins, -drank of it and gave them to drink. ‘I shall no more drink of this -cup,’ said he, ‘no more eat of this bread in this life; a bitterer -draught is reserved for me, because I have preached Christ. Pray that -I may take that cup with patience, as the Lord’s appointment.’ He -concluded with further giving of thanks and then retired to his chamber. - -[Sidenote: FINAL PREPARATIONS.] - -On a plot of ground to the west of the castle and not far from the -priory, men were already busily engaged, some in preparing the pile, -others erecting the gallows. The place of execution was surrounded by -soldiers, and the gunners had their cannon in position and stood beside -them ready to fire. One would have thought that preparations were -making for a siege. The cardinal had ordered these measures fearing -lest Wishart’s many friends should take him away, and perhaps still -more for the sake of making a display of his own power. Meanwhile -the windows in the castle-yard were adorned with hangings, silken -draperies, and velvet cushions, that the cardinal and the prelates -might enjoy at their ease the spectacle of the pile and of the tortures -which they were going to inflict on that righteous man.[354] - -When all was ready, two of the deathsmen entered Wishart’s prison. One -of them brought and put on him a coat of black cloth, the other tied -small bags of powder to various parts of his body. Next they bound his -hands firmly behind him, put a rope round his neck and a chain about -his waist, and led him forth in the midst of a party of soldiers. When -he came to the pile he knelt down and prayed. Then he rose and said -to the people--‘Christian brethren and sisters, be not offended in -the Word of God for the affliction and torments which ye see already -prepared for me; but I exhort you that you love the Word of God, and -suffer patiently and with a comfortable heart, for the Word’s sake -which is your undoubted salvation and everlasting comfort. My doctrine -was no old wives’ fable after the constitutions made by men. But for -the true evangely, which was given to me by the grace of God, I suffer -this day by men, not sorrowfully, but with a glad heart and mind. For -this cause I was sent: that I should suffer this fire, for Christ’s -sake. This grim fire I fear not. Some have said of me that I taught -that the soul of man should sleep until the last day. But I know surely -and my faith is such that my soul shall sup with my Saviour Christ this -night (ere it be six hours), for whom I suffer this.’[355] Then he -prayed--‘I beseech thee, Father of heaven! to forgive them that have of -any ignorance or else have of any evil mind forged any lies upon me: I -forgive them with all my heart. I beseech Christ to forgive them that -have condemned me to death this day ignorantly.’ The hangman fell on -his knees before him and said, ‘I pray you forgive me.’ ‘Come hither -to me,’ replied Wishart; and he kissed him, and added, ‘Lo, here is -a token that I forgive thee. My heart, do thine office.’ He was then -bound with ropes to the stake, and said, ‘Saviour of the world, have -mercy on me! Father of heaven, into thy hands I commit my spirit.’ The -executioner lighted the fire. The cardinal and his accomplices beheld -from the windows the martyr and the fire which was consuming him. The -governor of the castle watching the flames exclaimed, ‘Take courage.’ -Wishart answered, ‘This fire torments my body, but noways abates my -spirit.’ Then catching sight of the cardinal at the window with his -courtiers, he added, ‘He who in such state, from that high place, -feedeth his eyes with my torments, within few days shall be hanged out -at the same window to be seen with as much ignominy as he now leaneth -there in pride.’[356] Some authors consider these words, reported by -Buchanan, to be an instance of that _second sight_ with which they -allege the Scots to be endowed. Wishart, however, did not need an -extraordinary revelation to teach him that ‘the wicked goeth away in -his wickedness.’ He had hardly uttered those words when the rope was -tightened about his neck, so that he lost the power of speaking. The -fire reduced his body to ashes; and the bishops, full of steadfast -hatred of this servant of God, caused an order to be published that -same evening through all the town, that no one should pray for their -victim under the severest penalties. They knew what respect was felt -for him by many even of the Catholics themselves. - -There are people who say that religion is a fable. A life and a death -such as those of Wishart show that it is a great reality. - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - - CONSPIRACY AGAINST BEATOUN.--HIS DEATH. - - (MARCH TO MAY 1546.) - - -[Sidenote: FEELING CONCERNING WISHART’S DEATH.] - -The death of Wishart excited in Scotland feelings of very diverse -character. The bishops and their adherents extolled to the skies the -cardinal who, without troubling himself about the regent’s authority, -and suppressing the insolence of the people, had constituted himself -the defender of Rome and of the priesthood. ‘Ah,’ said they, ‘if the -Church had formerly had such champions, she would keep all things under -her dominion by the very force and weight of her majesty.’ - -Simple-hearted Christians lamented the martyrdom without a thought of -revenge. But one part of the people, and with them several of the most -eminent men, condemned aloud at table and everywhere the cardinal’s -cruelty, and declared that the blood which had been shed called for -vengeance. Even those who, without sharing Wishart’s views, were -actuated by just and generous sentiments, asked themselves what hope -they could have of preserving their liberties under the most cruel of -tyrants; under a prelate who made war alike on men and on God; who -pursued with his enmity every one that possessed wealth or was animated -by piety, and sacrificed them to his caprice like beasts taken from -the stall;[357] who gave his sanction to connections with worthless -mistresses, and dissolved lawful marriages at his pleasure; who in his -own house wallowed in debauchery with prostitutes, and out of doors, in -his wrath, revelled in the slaughter of innocent men and in the blood -of heretics.[358] Such is the portrait of Beatoun drawn by Buchanan. - -The cardinal, who could not remain ignorant of these speeches, was -desirous of strengthening his power by means of new alliances. He -therefore gave one of his daughters, Margaret Beatoun--whose mother -was Mary, daughter of Sir James Ogilvy--in marriage to David Lindsay, -son of the earl of Crawford, with a portion of four thousand marks. -The nuptials were celebrated with a magnificence almost royal. That a -priest could celebrate with so much parade the nuptials of his daughter -showed that he was destitute even of that honorable shame which is -excited by the dread of anything that violates decency. He believed -himself to be stronger than all Scotland, and by his despotic measures -he was constantly adding to the number of his enemies. - -[Sidenote: CONSPIRACY AGAINST BEATOUN.] - -Among those who had served him with the utmost devotion was Norman -Lesley, brother of the earl of Rothes. On occasion of Lesley’s -reminding the cardinal of certain promises which he had made to him, -they got to high words and parted bitter foes.[359] Thenceforth -Lesley was head of the disaffected, and by setting before his friends -the intolerable pride of the cardinal he induced them to join in a -conspiracy against his life.[360] His uncle, John Lesley, did not -shrink from saying before them all, clapping his right hand at the -same time on his sword, ‘This hand shall draw this old sword, and they -two shall be the cardinal’s confessors,’ meaning thereby that they -should dismiss him into the other world. The saying was reported to -Beatoun, but he made light of it, fancying himself perfectly safe in -the blockhouse--a kind of fortress--which he had built. ‘I laugh at all -that noise,’ said he, ‘and I would not give a button for such bragging. -Is not my lord governor mine? Witness his eldest son their pledge at -my table. Have I not the queen at my own devotion? Is not France my -friend, and am not I friend to France? What danger should I fear?’ -Nevertheless Beatoun, for the purpose of cutting off those who troubled -him, ordered all his creatures, gentlemen of Fifeshire, to meet him at -Falkland on Monday, May 31. The Lesleys and a certain number of their -friends were to be taken prisoners and put to death. On the other side, -Lesley and his accomplices had no embarrassing scruples at all. The -right of the strongest was still frequently appealed to in that half -barbarian age. A _coup d’état_, with deeds of violence, was a quite -familiar occurrence. These nobles looked on Wishart’s death, without -the concurrence of the civil judges, which the lawful government -had refused, as a murder; and they considered that as Beatoun was a -murderer he ought to be himself put to death. They did not reflect -that they were making themselves guilty of the very crime which Beatoun -had committed, that of putting themselves in the place of the regular -judges. The right of war between feudal lords, which had not yet ceased -to be recognized, sufficed to justify them in their own eyes. It was -arranged that Norman Lesley, with his brother and four of his friends, -should go to St. Andrews, where the cardinal was residing, and that -they should take up their lodging in the hostelry at which they were -accustomed to stay, so as not to awaken any suspicion. They entered the -town accordingly, and without fear, although the place swarmed with the -friends, dependents, and creatures of the mighty primate. Some of the -inhabitants who shared their views held themselves in readiness at the -first signal to give them assistance. They agreed to seize the castle -at early morning, before the household were up. - -[Sidenote: SEIZURE OF THE CASTLE.] - -On Friday, May 28, in the evening, Norman Lesley arrived at St. -Andrews, where he found William Kirkaldy of Grange awaiting him. John -Lesley, on whom the cardinal’s suspicions chiefly fell, came last. The -conspirators took counsel in the night, and on Saturday, May 29, at -three o’clock in the morning, started on their enterprise, the capture -of a strong castle which was held by more than a hundred men prepared -for resistance. They came by various ways, and met in the churchyard of -the abbey, not far from the castle. Beatoun, well knowing the feelings -of indignation which his proceedings had aroused in the country, even -amongst his own flatterers, had determined to turn his place of abode -into a citadel fit to stand a siege.[361] The works were in progress, -and this circumstance facilitated the daring attempt now to be made -by his enemies. The primate pressed the work on so urgently that it -hardly ceased by day or by night. Consequently the gates were open -early in the morning, and the drawbridge was let down for the workmen -to bring in stone, mortar, and other necessary building materials. The -Lesleys, who with some of their companions were concealed in a small -house near the gates, had sent thence William Kirkaldy and six others. -These having passed the gates hailed the porter, and said to him, ‘Is -my lord cardinal waking?’ ‘No,’ replied he. Mary Ogilvy, the mother of -Margaret and of two sons, David and Alexander Beatoun, had spent the -night at the castle. She was seen going away early in the morning by -the private postern.[362] The cardinal, at the moment of the arrival -of the Lesleys and their friends, was in a sound sleep. While William -Kirkaldy was talking to the porter, and the latter was about to show -him the way, Norman and John Lesley came up one after the other with -arms. The porter, in alarm, would have put himself on the defensive; -but one of the conspirators broke his head, got possession of his -keys, and threw his body into the fosse. At that moment the workmen, -numbering more than a hundred, fled through the wicket-gate at full -speed, and William Kirkaldy took possession of the private postern, -‘fearing that the fox should have escaped.’ As the assailants were -only sixteen, they felt the need of proceeding with great caution. The -leaders sent four of their company, among whom were Peter Carmichael, a -tall, stout-hearted gentleman, and James Melville of Cumbec, to guard -the cardinal’s door and see that no one gave him warning of his danger. -Others of the company, who had some acquaintance with the place and the -people, were set to watch the bedrooms of the officers and servants of -the cardinal. Distributing themselves in small groups, they entered -the rooms successively, found the occupants half asleep, and said to -them, ‘If you utter the faintest cry you are dead men!’[363] Those men -therefore, in their fright, dressed themselves hastily and were led out -of the castle, no violence being done to any of them and no noise made. -The only person whom they left in the castle was the regent’s eldest -son. John Lesley, alone in this vast abode, knocked loudly at the -cardinal’s door. ‘What means that noise?’ said he. ‘That Norman Lesley -has taken the castle,’ was the reply; ‘open.’ At these words Beatoun -ran towards the postern, but seeing that it was guarded, he returned -straightway into his room, seized his two-handed sword, and bade his -valet barricade the door. ‘Open,’ they cried again. The cardinal -answered, ‘Who calls?’--‘My name is Lesley.’--‘Is that Norman?’--‘Nay, -my name is John.’ The cardinal, remembering John’s words, cried, ‘I -will have Norman, for he is my friend.’--‘Content yourself with such as -are here, for other shall ye get none,’ replied John. While the knocks -at the door grew louder, the cardinal seized a box of gold and hid it -in a corner. Then he said, ‘Will ye save my life?’--‘It may be that we -will,’--said John.--‘Nay,’ replied Beatoun, ‘swear unto me by God’s -wounds, and I shall open to you.’ - -Then John Lesley cried out, ‘Fire! fire!’ The door was too strong to -burst open, and they brought a grate full of burning coals. Just as -it was ready the cardinal ordered the door to be opened. Lesley and -his companions rushed into the chamber and found Beatoun seated on a -chair. Lesley threw himself violently upon him. ‘I am a priest! I am a -priest!’ exclaimed the cardinal. ‘Ye will not slay me!’ - -But Lesley struck him with his sword, and Carmichael, full of wrath, -did the same. Melville, a man of gentle and serious character, says -Knox,[364] seeing his comrades in so great a rage, checked them. He -said, ‘This work and judgment of God, although it be secret, yet ought -to be done with greater gravity.’ Melville and others, by reason of -the ignorance and the prejudices of the age, sincerely believed in -the legal virtue of the Mosaic system, abolished by the Gospel, which -conferred on certain persons the right of killing a murderer, but which -founded at the same time the cities of refuge in which the guilty man -should be safe from the vengeance of the pursuer.[365] - -[Sidenote: MURDER OF BEATOUN.] - -Melville forgot that there was no city of refuge for Beatoun. Regarding -him as a murderer, and not supposing that by killing him he did himself -incur the guilt of murder, he presented to him the point of his sword, -and said gravely to him, ‘Repent thee of thine former wicked life, but -especially of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of -God, Mr. George Wishart; which albeit the flame of fire consumed before -men, yet cries it a vengeance upon thee, and we from God are sent to -revenge it. Here before my God I protest that neither the hatred of thy -person, the love of thy riches, or the fear of any trouble thou couldst -have done to me in particular, moved or moveth me to strike thee.’ And -he struck him with his sword. - -The cardinal fell under repeated blows, without a word heard out of his -mouth except these, ‘I am a priest! I am a Priest! Fie, fie! All is -gone!’[366] - -It was very soon known all over the city that the castle had been -taken. The friends and the creatures of the cardinal rose very quietly -from their beds, says Buchanan, armed themselves, and presently -appeared in a crowd about the fosse. They shouted with all their might, -uttered threats and insults, and demanded shells and all the necessary -means for making the assault. ‘You are making much noise to little -purpose,’ said those in the castle to them; ‘the best it were to you to -return to your own houses.’ - -The crowd answered, ‘What have ye done with my lord cardinal? Let us -see my lord cardinal!’--‘The man that you call the cardinal,’ it was -replied, ‘has received his reward, and in his own person will trouble -the world no more.’ But his partisans only cried the louder, ‘We shall -never depart till we see him,’ still persuaded that he was alive. Then -one or two men took up the body, and bearing it to the very window -at which a little while before Beatoun had sat to contemplate with -gladness, and as if in triumph, the execution of the pious Wishart, -exposed it there to the gaze of all.[367] Beatoun’s friends and the -populace, struck with amazement and terror by the unexpected sight, and -remembering Wishart’s prediction, dispersed in gloom and consternation. - -The tidings of this murder were speedily spread over all the land, and, -while some angrily denounced it, others welcomed it as an event which -restored their country to liberty. There were indeed some who, like -James Melville, reckoned it a lawful act. But even among the enemies of -the cardinal there were men wise and moderate, who looked on the murder -with horror. It is remarked by one historian that of those who took -part in it few escaped the judgment of God, who punishes transgressors -by smiting them with the same stroke with which they have smitten -others.[368] - -The Lesleys and their friends remained masters of the castle, and -they kept with them James, Lord Hamilton, afterwards earl of Arran, -the regent’s eldest son, whom Beatoun had detained as his hostage, -and who now became theirs. One of the conspirators, who believed that -in delivering Scotland from the tyrant they had done a praiseworthy -deed, William Kirkaldy, went to London. He obtained from Henry VIII., -who considered the taking of the castle and the events which had -accompanied it to be a lawful revolution, a declaration that he was -prepared to take the party under his protection, on condition, however, -that the marriage contract between Edward and Mary should be carried -out. As communication by sea was easy between the castle and London, -English ships conveyed thither all supplies that were needful. - -[Sidenote: OPINIONS ON THE MURDER.] - -Hamilton, a bastard brother of the regent, was named by him archbishop -of St. Andrews, and was confirmed by Pope Paul III. This energetic -prelate immediately pressed on his brother the duty of besieging the -castle and of punishing all those who had taken it. He was strongly -supported by others. On August 23, 1546, the main body of the army -set out from Edinburgh to form the siege; but at the end of July, -1547,[369] the capture of the fortress being evidently hopeless, terms -were made with the besieged advantageous to them, but which neither -side had any intention of observing. This period forms an important -epoch, and we must suspend for a while the course of our narrative. - -We have now traced the history of the ministry and the martyrdom of -Patrick Hamilton and George Wishart. We shall have by-and-by to trace, -_Deo adjuvante_, the mighty action of the third and greatest of the -Scottish reformers, John Knox. - -The period, the history of which we have just gone over, was one of -active persecution. It remains for us to recount the events of the -contest with the papacy, into which the Scottish nobility energetically -entered, and the victory of the Reformation. Without entering at -present upon the narrative of facts, we shall cast a glance forward -in order to point out what was to give the victory to evangelical -Christianity. Assuredly it was not such actions as the capture of the -castle and the violent death of the persecutor. Such things are more -likely to ruin a cause than to save it. The Christian life and death -of Wishart contributed far more powerfully than the death of Beatoun -to the advancement of the kingdom of God. The history of the Scottish -Reformation serves to show the untruth of one assertion frequently made -by the enemies of the Reform. - -According to them, the Reform could triumph only in those countries in -which it had the protection of princes. This is a serious error. It was -not the bloodthirsty Philip II. who established the Reformation in the -United Provinces of the Netherlands. It was neither the feeble James -V. nor the popish Mary Stuart who secured its triumph in Scotland. -That worthy niece of the Guises sought only to crush it. A stronger -arm than theirs fought against those mighty ones and gave the victory -to the weak. The enemies of the Reformation made use in Scotland of -the very weapons which in Italy, in Spain, and elsewhere arrested the -movement of regeneration. The reformers were burnt also in Scotland, -but the Reform arose out of their ashes. It was neither to their -character nor to their strength that the Scots attributed the triumph. -They knew that Jesus is the king of the Church, and that it is he who -saves it. This is the feature which more than any other, as we shall -see, characterized the Scottish Reformation. Andrew Melville said to -James VI., ‘Sire, there are two kings and two kingdoms in Scotland. -There is King James, the head of the state, and there is Jesus Christ -who is head of the Church.’[370] To the king enthroned at Rome, the -Scottish Reformation opposed the king enthroned in heaven, and to him -it attributed the victory. - -[Sidenote: PRIEST AND PASTOR.] - -But in proclaiming this supreme authority, the reformation in Scotland -also established the duties and the rights of Christians. The charge -of leading the Church in conformity with the law of God was there -intrusted to general assemblies elected by the free choice of a -Christian people.[371] The clergy had ruled in Scotland throughout -the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and during the first part of -the sixteenth. The Reformation rescued the country from that clerical -domination, and gave to it the first of all liberties, the freedom of -faith. For centuries three powers had existed there,--the king, the -nobles, and the priests, and the last had kept the upper hand. After -the Reformation, two of these still remained, the king and the nobles; -but the people took the place of the clergy. It was under a popular -form, that of Presbyterianism, that the Church of Scotland constituted -itself. The feudal castles had for some time still a marked influence -on the destinies of the country; but the tide of national and Christian -life was steadily rising all round their walls and soon overflowed the -ancient battlements which crowned the summits of those old fortresses. -Laymen, the deputies of the people, obtained a voice in the presbytery, -in the synod, and in the general assembly. Thus, by successive steps, -the voice of the people became, through the influence of Reform, the -expression of the main force of the country. - -It is a grave error to attribute, as some have done, to the Protestant -pastors of Scotland an incomprehensible domination, ‘an authority -nowise inferior to that which they had exercised as Catholic priests,’ -and to represent them as ‘the most effectual obstacle to popular -progress.’[372] Nothing has in fact been less like the haughty Catholic -prelates of St. Andrews, Glasgow, and other dioceses, than a Scottish -minister. The Reformation gave to Scotland not only Christian truth, -but religious and political liberty besides. There, as everywhere, -it took from the priesthood its magic and its supremacy, which had -been its two main attributes in the Middle Ages. The ministers, whom -it substituted for the priests, having no longer the marvellous power -of transforming a bit of bread into God the Creator,--these disciples -of Jesus, no longer seated on the despotic throne of the confessional -to give pardon for sins, became simple heralds of the divine Word. -This holy Word has its place in every family and reigns supreme in -the Church. Thus, ministers have ceased to be masters and have become -servants. The real offence of these Scottish pastors, in the sight of -their detractors, is that they have always been a great obstacle, not -to the progress of the people and of civilization, as some have said, -but to the progress of unbelief and materialism. Now these mischievous -doctrines are mortal enemies to the freedom and prosperity of nations. - - - - - BOOK XI. - - CALVIN, AND THE PRINCIPLES OF HIS REFORM. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - CALVIN AT GENEVA AND IN THE PAYS DE VAUD. - - (1536.) - - -For years, and even for centuries, persistent and perilous endeavors -had been made at Geneva for a firm establishment of freedom. We have -already described some of the impressive scenes which marked the -successful close of these efforts at the beginning of the sixteenth -century, the noble principles and the mighty words of the energetic -laborers in this great enterprise.[373] It would certainly be going too -far to consider their labors and the truths which they announced as the -source whence our modern liberties have sprung. But it is impossible to -study the events of that epoch without emotion, or without recognizing -aspirations, principles, sacrifices, and actions worthy of admiration, -which were in fact the first great burst of light, the first noteworthy -manifestation of the politics and the virtues which must determine the -existence and make the prosperity of nations.[374] - -That small town was, however, to give to the world a higher lesson -still. It was to do for religion what it had first done for politics, -and to render to faith the service which it had rendered to freedom. -These two achievements are closely related to each other; and it is -one of the characteristics of this history, that while it attributes -transcendent importance to Christian truth and life, it recognizes -at the same time all that is great and salutary in freedom. If the -author, as some have thought, had erred in assigning too high a place -to the heroic struggles to which Geneva owed her independence, he would -assuredly regret that he had not more skilfully handled the pen of -the historian for the purpose of immortalizing the great men and the -heroic actions of which the smallest and humblest of states afforded -the spectacle. But he would count himself fortunate if he should, -nevertheless, have contributed to bring into clear light the great -maxim, that political freedom and Christian truth must advance hand -in hand for the salvation of nations and the salvation of souls. Of -course, a blind demagogy, the formidable rock of our age, is at once -contrary to freedom and hostile to religion. - -Geneva was fitted by various concurring conditions to play a part from -which the small extent of her territory seemed inevitably to shut her -out. Situated as this town was between Italy, France, and Germany, its -position formed the central point of the three great nations who were -distinguished in the first half of the sixteenth century for their new -or newly awakened love of letters, philosophy, and the arts. On several -occasions Frenchmen, Italians, and Germans came in large numbers to -settle at Geneva. By the reception of these three diverse elements into -her bosom she seemed to be called to blend them with each other and to -harmonize their opposing qualities. If any spark from the evangelical -fire which was then kindled should chance to escape from either of -those countries and to fall on the materials thus prepared at the foot -of the Alps, it might kindle a great fire, and might make Geneva a -hearth from which light, radiating far and wide, should contribute to -scatter the humiliating darkness which Rome and those princes whose -power was at her service then made to weigh heavily on the nations. - -[Sidenote: JOHN CALVIN.] - -This is what actually came to pass. To convert the spark into a pure, -vivid, dazzling light, there was need of an intellect of vast depth, a -will of vast energy, and a faith of vast power. - -God sent the man that was needed. - -A young stranger, a native of Picardie, had lately arrived at Geneva. -It had not occurred to him nor to his friends that he could be the -organ by whose agency and means God would bring about such great ends. -After his arrival Farel still continued to hold the first place in -the city. This young man, John Calvin, was naturally timid, and was -possessed by a dread of publicity which had already shown itself at -Basel and which led him to shun every occasion that would draw public -attention to himself. He was fond of study and of writing: and in that -path he believed that it was appointed for him to contribute to the -diffusion in the world of a truth which was already dearer to him than -life. He purposed to turn to account that one talent in retirement, -without quitting his study. That is what he was then doing at Geneva. -He was steadily engaged in translating into French his ‘_little book_,’ -the _Institution Chrétienne_, which he hoped ere long to send to his -friends in France.[375] The letter mentioned in the note shows clearly -that the _Institution Chrétienne_ was first written in Latin. - -Farel wished for more: he desired Calvin to become, at Geneva, -pastor, preacher, and doctor. The young man refused this threefold -function. The office of pastor would have required him to take part -in the government of the Church, and he was not willing to do so. As -to the office of preacher, we have the most positive testimony of his -contemporaries and of his most intimate friends that, in the fresh -glow of his faith, he had simply undertaken the task of an evangelist -in some districts of France. But the post which was offered to him at -Geneva would have compelled him to mix more or less in public affairs -and in the debates of the councils. He trembled at the thought, and -wished rather to confine himself strictly within the bounds of that -literary and theological life which he loved so well. He consented -therefore to dwell in the city, not for the purpose of preaching, but -to read in theology.[376] He went even further. ‘I would not,’ he said, -‘bind myself to undertake an official charge.’[377] He consented to -make trial of teaching, but without any title or any engagement, and -thus reserved to himself perfect liberty. Probably no one ever entered -as he did on a career at once painful and brilliant without suspecting -its results, and even rejecting it with his utmost energy. - -[Sidenote: CHURCH DISCIPLINE.] - -Calvin commenced his work as Reader in the Holy Scriptures at Geneva, -or, as he styles himself, Professor of Sacred Literature in the -Genevese Church. His lectures were delivered not in any house or in -any academic hall, but in the cathedral itself, a circumstance which -invested his teaching with an importance of which Calvin had certainly -not dreamed. The doors were opened for this novel service in the -afternoon, and the Genevese, who felt the need of substantial teaching, -crowded to hear the young doctor. He expounded several books of the -New Testament, particularly the Epistles. One characteristic of his -manner of teaching at Geneva from the first was the combination of -simplicity and solidity. A new light was then rising. It was not, -to be sure, the sun in its brightness. The timidity and the shyness -which Calvin attributes to himself may well have shown themselves in -his first attempts. The _Commentaries_ on the New Testament, which he -published at a later period, have a completeness which his earliest -expositions could not attain. But they are a sufficiently faithful -representation of the kind of teaching which he adopted at St. Peter’s -church. It was not grammatical and etymological explanation of the -text; nor was it, on the other hand, a pathetic discourse. Calvin set -forth in clear light everything in the Scriptures which characterizes -the Christian doctrine and life. He first meditated on his subject, -then delivered his lectures extempore; and the animated and powerful -individuality of the master imparted to them an influence which carried -away and multiplied his hearers. It was not in his nature to do a -merely intellectual task. He consoled, he exhorted, he censured. But -his chief aim was to illustrate the labor of love which Jesus Christ -had accomplished, and to make known its necessity and grandeur. Two -points in the Christian doctrine especially struck him, the one dark -and mournful, the other bright like sunshine. ‘Our souls,’ said he, -‘are an abyss of iniquity, so that we are compelled to have recourse to -the fountain of all good, which is Jesus Christ.’[378] - -[Sidenote: CHURCH DISCIPLINE.] - -The exposition, defence, and application of the great facts of -Christianity formed the substance of Calvin’s work at Geneva and in -Christendom. It is a mistake to suppose that his principal business was -the introduction and the maintenance of discipline in the Church. It is -not to be doubted that he wished for order: that he wished absolutely -for a Christian way of life; but it was not he who, as some believe, -first introduced measures of discipline, nor was the maintenance of -those measures the task of his life. Speaking of them,[379] he defends -himself from the charge of being their author. ‘I observe and do -whatsoever I have found,’ said he, ‘as one who takes no pleasure in -making any innovation.’ It was the magistrate, who, being in Geneva -head both of the Church and of the state, prescribed and enforced the -laws of discipline. Before Calvin’s arrival at Geneva, we have seen how -De la Rive was sentenced to banishment for having his child baptized -by a priest. The year before some men, women, and magistrates had -been condemned to the _crotton_ (black hole) for immorality. At the -moment at which this stranger, whose name even was hardly known, had -just crossed the threshold of the city--on the eve of the day on which -Farel was to introduce him to the magistrate (Monday, September 4, -1536)--a remarkable scene was taking place in the Council of the Two -Hundred, which seems placed at that epoch as if on purpose to resolve -distinctly the question which engages our attention. ‘Gentlemen,’ said -the syndics, ‘we have all pledged ourselves in public council to live -according to the Gospel, and nevertheless there are some here who do -not go to preaching.’ At these words the councillor and former syndic -Richardet, a fine, tall, and powerful man, but very passionate, rose -in wrath and exclaimed with loud voice, ‘Nobody shall lord it over my -conscience; and I will not go to sermon at the bidding of a Syndic -Porral.’[380] Porral, a man of highly cultivated mind and a very -active magistrate, had declared himself decisively for the Reform, -and he was even charged to prosecute certain classes of delinquents. -It had been enacted, on July 24, that those who refused to go to the -preaching must quit the city in ten days. Richardet was not alone in -his resolution. The question having been put to J. Philippe and two -other councillors whether they would attend the preaching of the Word -of God, ‘We will not be compelled,’ they said, ‘but will live in our -liberty.’ These citizens were right in maintaining their liberty, and -the magistrates were in the wrong. Calvin was far away from Geneva on -July 24; and, generally speaking, he was not of so peremptory a temper -as some imagine. There was a certain sphere in which he maintained -liberty, and maintained it even against powerful adversaries. ‘Touching -ceremonies,’ thus he wrote to the formidable lords of Berne, ‘they are -things indifferent, and the churches are free to adopt a diversity of -them.’[381] Still, we cannot deny it, Calvin thought--and these are his -own words--that since there is no house, however small it be, which -can be maintained in its proper state without discipline, it is much -more requisite in the Church, which ought to be better ordered than -any house. He went further. He asserted that the state has the right -and is bound to take notice of matters of discipline, and to punish -transgressors. It is to be regretted that the fine genius of Calvin did -not make an exception in this case to the rule adopted ten centuries -earlier by all Christendom, and that he did not convince the state that -its heavy hand must not intervene in matters of religion. It is however -fair to ask ourselves whether, in the sixteenth century, such an effort -would not have been a superhuman task. - -Calvin himself made known to us his own thought when he said, ‘THE -DOCTRINE OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST IS THE SOUL OF THE CHURCH.’[382] -He set forth that doctrine in the church of St. Peter just as it is -found in Scripture, and so diffused it in the world. Certainly it was -not by discipline that he made his conquests. He bore the torch of -truth. Devoid of ambition, having no designs reaching beyond Geneva, -without any secret policy such as the Jesuits are skilled in, and -armed with one weapon only, the truth, he triumphed over the greatest -difficulties. Farel, Viret, Beza would not have sufficed. In this man -of feeble constitution and humble aspect there were an unquenchable -resolution, an energetic will. _He held fast, as seeing him who is -invisible._ Established in this small town, he became God’s instrument, -first for the spread of the Reformation in the West, then for defending -it against the attacks of Rome and Loyola and Philip II. A new time was -born for the world. - -Nevertheless it was not Calvin alone, as some appear to believe, -who effected this great revolution. Had he come into the midst of a -people indolent and effeminate, such victories would not have been -won. But the Genevese had been preparing for centuries, by means of -the struggles which they had gone through, for the maintenance of -their liberty. A life of toil, incessant industry, and rude combats -had inured them to blows. Their souls had been elevated. They were -naturally keen and decisive; but that iron, already brilliant, had -acquired by tempering an inflexible hardness. The heroism of the -Huguenots of Geneva became one of the elements which contributed to -the triumph of the Reformation. The character of those strong men was -as essential to the work as coal is for the conversion of iron into -steel. It was not Calvin the individual, it was Geneva in its entirety, -that vanquished Rome. The energy of the Bertheliers, the Lévriers, -and of many others, was one of the ingredients of the moral energy -of which Geneva became the hearth, and which had almost disappeared -from history. The most earnest of the Genevese Huguenots joined the -reformer; the masses supported him; and some Frenchmen who had passed -through the sieve of persecution, worthy also to be called Huguenots, -gave the hand to the sons of Geneva. And when, after achieving its -triumph, the Reformation found itself attacked by a numerous and -powerful army, assembled under the banners of kings, of Ignatius -Loyola, and the pope, Geneva and the men of her school, who were found -in all parts of Christendom, were able to resist the hostile force, and -to say to it, ‘No further shalt thou go!’ - -[Sidenote: CALVIN RETAINED AT GENEVA.] - -There was, indeed, in the struggle for the renewal of Christendom, one -will which conceived, one personality which acted, one voice which -resounded with a force till then almost unknown, and in a thousand -directions: it was, next to Luther’s, that of Calvin. But while a great -general is indispensable in the day of battle, so also is an army -trained by him for energetic conflict. The part which Geneva played -in the sixteenth century is not explained by the character of one man -alone, but by many concurrent circumstances both moral and political. -That army, created by a vivifying breath from on high, was soon in -action wherever a struggle became necessary. Those soldiers went forth -into the world, braved danger, displayed their colors, and proclaimed -salvation, until at length Rome gave them the martyr’s death, and -God gave them the crown of immortality. CALVIN and the HUGUENOTS, that -is the great motto of the sixteenth century. - -Farel, as we have seen, had taken on himself the responsibility -of enrolling the young doctor and of opening to him the church of -St. Peter. Charmed with Calvin’s method of exposition of the Holy -Scriptures, that veteran champion of the Reformation expressed his -opinion on the subject to the magistrates. On Tuesday, September 5, -1536, the day after the famous altercation respecting religious liberty -had taken place in the Council of the Two Hundred, William Farel -appeared before the council and gave an account of the teaching of the -young foreigner, which some of the members of that body had probably -attended, and added--‘The lectures which this Frenchman[383] has begun -at St. Peter’s are very necessary. I therefore entreat you to retain -him and to make provision for his maintenance.’ The council determined -to advise that the stranger, whose name was not even uttered, should be -retained. Many had seen him. The pale countenance, the spare form, the -modest bearing, the timorous air of this refugee of twenty-seven, had -not given the impression of his being a person of note. The council did -not even make him a present of a dress or anything of the kind, as it -was customary to do. It waited, no doubt, to see whether it was worth -while. The man whose name was shortly to fill the city and the whole -Christian world, entered almost _incognito_ into Geneva. Every one was -at that time thinking of Farel. On September 8 that reformer, ‘having -addressed a remonstrance to the council,’ it was resolved ‘that since -the writings of the aforesaid Guillaume _are so divine_, he should -preach at six o’clock in the morning in the church of St. Germain, and -that the councillors should be bound to attend there, and pass thence, -at seven, into the council.’[384] - -Calvin’s lectures were soon interrupted. At the end of September, -Farel with his young friend as his assistant quitted Geneva to go to -Lausanne, whither an urgent duty called them. An important assembly was -going to be held in the chief city of the Pays de Vaud. - -Farel, Viret, and other evangelists, as already related, had introduced -the Reformation into such parts of that country as were subject to -the Swiss cantons; but the other parishes of that fair land had -still remained subject to the pope. Meanwhile Luther’s writings were -everywhere circulated, the eyes of the people began to be opened, -and several evangelists, particularly Jean Lecomte, a gentleman of -Picardie, had preached the Gospel in various places. The occupation -of the country by the Bernese, on occasion of the expedition which -delivered Geneva in 1536, hastened the fall of Roman Catholicism. When -the Bernese had taken Yverdon with the sword, they transformed the -church of that town in a somewhat soldierly fashion. They bluntly put -an end to the exercise of the Romish religion; appointed Malingre to -be minister; on March 15 had their religious ordinances published; -burnt, March 17, the images out of the churches in the market-place, -and ordered the ministers to preach in temples cleared of those -abominations. Lecomte, Tissot, Meige, and other evangelists introduced -the Reform, but by the spiritual means of preaching, at Cossonay, -Montagny, Yvonand, Sainte-Croix, and other places. Avenches and Lutry -showed themselves decidedly Catholic, and they determined that if by -any chance a minister should go there, they would not go to hear him. - -[Sidenote: THE GOSPEL IN THE PAYS DE VAUD.] - -In March 1536, as Viret and Fabry were passing near Yverdon during the -siege of that town by the Bernese army, some Lausannese officers who -were serving in it and who were acquainted with Viret, stopped him and -said, ‘When Yverdon is taken, we shall go to Lausanne: come with us -and preach the Gospel there in spite of the bishop.’ They did so. The -amiable and discreet Viret would have been ill pleased to see Lausanne -reformed by the military method, like Yverdon. He preferred the sword -of the Spirit to that of the Bernese soldiery. He would choose that, in -the sloping streets of that city and within its beautiful cathedral, -the still small voice should be heard, and not the hissing of the -tempest and the crash of thunder. He preached therefore the ‘glad -tidings of great joy,’ and preached them with success, in the church -of the convent of St. Francis. The Canons complained bitterly to the -council. ‘A strange thing this,’ they said, ‘to see in Lausanne _two_ -preachers at a time! A whole multitude of do-nothing monks, well and -good! But two preachers of Jesus Christ, what useless waste!’ ‘The less -preaching there is the better,’ said the friends of Rome. ‘The more -preaching the better,’ said the friends of the Gospel. If the Canons -did their duty, remarked some one, instead of two preachers we should -have thirty.[385] The burgesses, as usual, took a middle course which -must fail to satisfy either one party or the other. They resolved that -the evangelists should preach in the church of Mary Magdalene, but -without removing the altars, the fonts, the organs, the images, and -other decorations, ‘which did no harm to anybody,’ said the burgesses; -and that the friars of the Dominican order should also celebrate in the -same church the Roman Catholic service in the usual way.[386] That is -what the great Saxon reformer called ‘trying to bring together Luther -and the pope.’ - -[Sidenote: IMAGE WORSHIP.] - -Viret therefore preached in that church. But when Lent was come, the -Dominican Monbouson began to discourse in the cathedral, and maintained -their Romish traditions with violence and plenty of lying. Viret was -informed of it, and as he thought that the best way to refute the -papal doctrine was to make it distinctly known, he put in writing the -assertions of the friar and called upon him publicly to defend them, -announcing that he was prepared to reply to him. Monbouson felt strong -enough to maintain his thesis when he stood surrounded by a whole -phalanx of scholastic doctors and had nobody to contradict him, but he -grew pale in the presence of the young Viret. ‘Ah,’ said he, ‘I would -gladly do what you propose at Avignon, at Paris, or at Dôle; but at -Lausanne there is nobody capable of judging of the matter.’--‘You ought -then to preach only at Dôle, Paris, or Avignon,’ replied Viret; ‘but -since you have lied at Lausanne, it is at Lausanne that satisfaction -is due.’ Then the friar, anxious to get out of his embarrassment, -withdrew in the quietest manner and disappeared.[387] The reformed -Christians did not think, with those gentlemen of Lausanne, that -images, altars, etc., did nobody any harm. They believed that the -paintings did harm. They believed that the people, thanks to the -images, made for themselves many minor gods before which they bent -their knees in order to obtain this or that favor, or the healing of -this or that malady: that the visible made them forget the invisible: -that it was frightful to think that, every time some simple soul -came to worship God in his temple, those figures of saints became -occasions of falling or of scandal. ‘Alas!’ they said, ‘how many -poor creatures called to be children of God have been made by those -images children of the devil!’ Those, therefore, of the reformed of -Lausanne, in whose judgment the pictures of saints and angels seduced -and almost inevitably led astray the weak, began to stir in the matter. -Commencing with the church of the Magdalene, they removed the images -and the altars and broke or burnt them. Then betaking themselves -to the church of St. Francis, they did the same there, and counted -themselves happy in thus keeping the commandment, _Thou shalt have -no other gods before me_. The old folk of Lausanne, who were already -disconsolate at being left without a bishop, were still more distressed -when they found themselves deprived of their images and their masses; -and they sent deputies to Berne to complain of it. The Bernese council -listened to them with all politeness, and dismissed them with good -words. Lausanne then sent another deputation, consisting of twelve -persons of distinction. At Berne they were asked, ‘What is it that you -want?’ ‘Two masses weekly,’ they replied, according to a Lausannese -manuscript.[388] If the statement is true, the request was certainly -very moderate for zealous Catholics. The concession was made to -them, but it was coupled with the condition that they should provide -ministers for all the churches that asked for them. At the same time -they gave them to understand that it would be well to hold at Lausanne -a great disputation on religion, in order to decide between Rome and -Reform. That was a good deal to ask for the two masses which were -granted them. - -The Bernese, indeed, were anxious that the Vaudois, whose country they -had recently conquered, should attach themselves to the Reformation. -It was no doubt partly from a regard to political interests that they -wished this, but they did not overlook the interest of religion. -Be that as it may, the reformation of religion in that country was -a source of great prosperity both temporal and spiritual. The Pays -de Vaud was to offer the stranger, at a later time, not only those -beauties of nature which excite our admiration, but still more, -numerous examples of sincere and vital piety, which is far sweeter -and pleasanter than its lakes, and more sublime than its peaks and -glaciers. The seed which was scattered at the epoch of the Reformation, -in its valleys and on its mountains, was truly the Word of God; and one -cannot but see there the fulfilment of that ancient oracle, _He that -soweth to the Spirit shall of the Spirit reap everlasting life_. - -The conversion of Yverdon had been somewhat checked by the siege which -the town had sustained. The lords of Berne wished in general to employ, -like Viret, evangelical means; to reveal to their new subjects the -grosser superstitions under whose yoke they had been held, and to give -them the knowledge of the truth. For that end they resolved to appoint -first a public disputation such as had been held at Zurich, Berne, -and Geneva. As soon as the report was circulated in the country that -a great assembly for discussion on matters of faith was to be held at -Lausanne, the priests and their friends were alarmed. The excitement -extended to all the villages. The friends of the papacy expected to see -black clouds gathering on the horizon, and a violent storm presently -burst on the old ship which had carried their fathers, and make it -founder, thus engulfing in the depths of the sea all the traditions of -their doctrine and all the pomps of their worship. They determined to -do everything in their power to oppose such an assembly, and they wrote -to the bishop and to the council at Friburg, to the pope and to the -emperor. - -[Sidenote: A DISPUTATION APPOINTED.] - -The cry of distress which they uttered was heard. The council of -Friburg sent a deputation to Berne to oppose the projected meeting. -Charles V., who was then in Italy, addressed a letter to the council -of _his imperial city_, requiring it ‘to prevent that disputation as -well as any change in matters of faith, to restore everything to its -former state, to allow nothing contrary to the tenor of his edicts, and -to await quietly the council.’ This missive was dated from Savigliano, -July 3, 1536.[389] - -It was evident that the country had arrived at a critical pass, and -that it was necessary to find some way of escape. The remedy proposed -by the priests and the monks was,--to draw back. They assailed the -Reformation from the pulpit, and they hurried from house to house and -circulated in the streets the most outrageous reports against the -reformed and the Reformation. Some of them opposed the disputation by -asserting that ‘the ministers are magicians who have in their service -a multitude of demons by means of which they bewitch their hearers.’ -Other priests made up their mind to put a good face on the matter. -They blustered a good deal; they bragged of having already won many -a victory over their adversaries. ‘Let them only give us permission -to contend with them in a regular discussion,’ they said, ‘and we are -strong enough to beat them.’[390] - -The council of Berne no longer hesitated. Without awaiting the possible -decision of the emperor, they issued, July 16, an edict in opposition -to the orders of Charles. ‘We desire,’ the edict ran, ‘that the people -of our territories, (which by the grace of God we have justly acquired -by conquest,) should walk with all their hearts in the way which our -Lord has commanded. Nevertheless that has not been done, and even gross -insults have been offered to the preachers and to those who wished to -follow the Gospel. Desirous of putting in order all these confused -affairs, we enjoin all priests and monks, as well as the preachers, -to present themselves at Lausanne, on October 1 next, for the purpose -of proving what they believe, freely and frankly, by argument on the -grounds of Holy Scripture. We address this appeal not only to those -of our own territories, but to all comers and goers, of whatsoever -nation they be, and we promise them safe-keeping. We further order that -our priests and preachers attend the assembly from its opening to its -close, without default, and under pain of our indignation.’[391] - -A few days after the edict of Berne, some Savoyard ambassadors, on -their way to the diet of Berne, delivered the emperor’s letter to -the council of Lausanne. That body having laid on the table side by -side the epistle of his Catholic majesty and the edict of the lords -of Berne, found themselves, to their great dismay, placed between the -anvil and the hammer. Pressed thus by the two conflicting parties, -they foresaw nothing but calamity whether they resisted the one or -the other. The imperial document was read to the general council July -23. Its members, the majority of whom were attached to the Romish -Church, thought that the wisest plan was to obey the most powerful, -and therefore, sheltering themselves under the order of the great -potentate, they enacted that the parties should live peaceably -together, but that no innovation should be made until after the -decision of the council. At the same time a deputation set out for -Berne in order to prevent the disputation. But all was useless. Berne -was stronger than the Emperor Charles V. That prince was in Italy, and -the absent are in the wrong. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - THE DISPUTATION AT LAUSANNE. - - (OCTOBER, 1536.) - - -[Sidenote: THE DISPUTATION AT LAUSANNE.] - -The disputation of Lausanne inaugurates with a certain grandeur the -Reformation of the Vaudois. Some look upon it as merely a Bernese -project. But that imposing assembly, among whose speakers were all or -nearly all the reformers of western Switzerland; at which the great -evangelical questions were discussed; and by means of which some of -those who were present were converted; is evidence that the Reform -was truly the work of God. The Reformation had begun in that country, -obscurely and modestly, in some districts on the banks of the Rhone, -on the shores of the lake of Neuchâtel, and in others besides. It now -announced itself with power, and the mass of the people were going to -embrace it. Men discourse much in books about the beautiful. We find -true beauty, Christian beauty, evangelical, inward, more veiled perhaps -than that of the world, but more pure and more solid, in the doctrine -then proclaimed at Lausanne, and often in the manner in which it was -set forth, although we have to make allowance for the time. We find it -in the Farels, the Calvins, the Virets and other heroic men of that -epoch, who lived with God, who were unwearied in their work, and were -always ready to give their lives for the truth which they proclaimed. -That synod was a beautiful portico erected to lead men into a temple of -divine beauty. - -[Sidenote: PREPARATIONS AT LAUSANNE.] - -Farel was preparing for the disputation; and on the Roman Catholic -side there was much ado to find valiant champions. At Lausanne there -was no canon, no priest, no monk who came forward to defend the -doctrine by which till that day they had lived. It was necessary to -beat to arms elsewhere. They did so; and at the end of September -the Dominican Monbouson, Michod dean of Vevey, the vicars Drogy -and Berrilly, and others besides, arrived, in the town. Two laymen -alone represented Lausanne, the captain of the youth,[392] Fernand -de Loys, and the French physician Blancherose. The latter was ‘_un -homme tenant de la lune_’ (something of a lunatic), said the Catholic -Pierrefleur, ‘who blends in his discussions medicine and theology, and -excites boundless merriment.’ Viret, Marcourt, and Lecomte appeared -for the reformed. From Geneva came Chapuis, a former Dominican, then -pastor at Compesières, and Jacques Bernard, formerly superior of the -Cordeliers. But the man who chiefly attracted attention was Farel, who -was accompanied by a young man pale and modest, unknown by sight to -most, and who appeared to be his assistant. It was John Calvin. Farel -had urged him to come to Lausanne, but Calvin shrank from the thought -of speaking in that great assembly. Still he was deeply interested in -its proceedings. ‘The Senate of Berne,’ said he, ‘has declared that -everyone is at liberty to state his objections freely, without need to -fear being disturbed in consequence of it. That is the fittest means -of exposing the ignorance of those who set themselves against the -Gospel.’[393] These two men had set out in company with the Syndic -Porral, and they arrived with many others at the cathedral, in which -the disputation was to be held. An amphitheatre had been constructed. -The altars, pictures, statues, and rich ornaments of the Romish worship -still displayed their magnificence; and even the canons, who were -determined to keep silence, but nevertheless wished to do something, -had brought out of their hiding-places the image of the holy Virgin and -all those of the saints, trusting more, it would seem, to the eloquence -of those dumb figures than to their own. - -On the side of the Reformation there was no other preparation but -some simple evangelical theses drawn up by Farel, and affixed to the -doors of all the churches. They were entitled, ‘Conclusions which are -to be discussed at Lausanne, a new province of Berne.’ In the form of -ten articles it was declared,--that Holy Scripture teaches no other -justification than that which is by faith in Jesus Christ, once for -all offered in sacrifice--that it acknowledges no other head, priest, -saviour, or mediator of the Church than Jesus Christ, seated at the -right hand of God;--that it gives the name ‘Church of God’ only to -the assembly of those who believe in their redemption by Jesus Christ -alone. The other seven articles established the sacraments of baptism -and the Lord’s supper--the ministry of the Word of God--confession -made to God--absolution coming from God--spiritual service rendered -to God, such as is ordained by the Word, and without the infinite -mockeries which pervert religion--the civil magistrate ordained of God -to maintain the peace of the Republic--marriage a divine institution -for any class whatsoever--and the free use, so it be with charity, of -things indifferent.[394] - -On Sunday, October 1, all the bells were set a-going, and a great crowd -filled the cathedral. But the lords of Berne, in whose presence the -disputation was to take place, had not yet arrived. It was a great -disappointment. However, the opening took place on Sunday, although -the discussion only began on Monday. It was Farel, the senior of the -French reformers, the great champion of the Gospel in the district of -Geneva, Vaud, and Neuchâtel, that Christian man, at once so learned and -so pious, so devout and so active, who made the first speech, in which -his design was to prepare the minds of those present for a becoming -and Christian conference.[395] He said,--‘While Satan leads the sheep -astray in order to destroy them, our Lord seeks to bring them back -to his holy flock in order to save them. We shall never attain real -unity except by means of the truth. A safe-conduct has therefore been -given to all, to go and come, to speak and to hear, as shall seem good -to them, for the truth must not be hidden. May it be the truth that -wins the day! If I myself were wholly vanquished and put to confusion, -while the truth had its triumph, I should count that the greatest gain -and the best possible victory. Let all therefore, whether priests -or preachers, have respect to the great shepherd Jesus Christ, who -gave his body and his blood for the poor people. Let us prefer to be -nothing, if only the poor sheep, gone so far astray, may find the right -way, may come to Jesus and give themselves to God. That will be better -than if we should gain all the world and lose those for whom Jesus -died. If any man will exalt himself against Jesus, if any man will -light against the faith, it would be better for him if he had never -been born. Let us not despise our neighbor. Let us not mock him. Let -us not shut the door of the kingdom of heaven and take away the key of -knowledge. Let us be free from all hatred and rancor. Let us love all -men, pray for all men, do good to all men. Let us visit the poor and -the afflicted, that is the true pilgrimage. Those little ones are the -images of God, and it is to those images that we ought to resort, to -them that we should carry food and candles.... My dear brethren, when -you hear the bell ring, present yourselves here in God’s name, in peace -and unity, without disturbance or murmuring.’ This was indeed a good -and Christian address, and after hearing it the assembly dispersed. - -[Sidenote: FAREL’S DISCOURSE.] - -On Monday, October 2, at seven o’clock in the morning, the cathedral -was again filled, and ‘as soon as the shrill sound of the bell had -ceased, there appeared on the platform the ambassadors of Berne,’ J. -J. de Watteville, formerly _avoyer_,[396] J. de Diesbach, and the -_baillifs_ of Yverdon and Lausanne. They were easily recognized by -their red and black doublets, skirts, and hose. The council of Geneva -had sent as its representative the Syndic A. Porral, a warm friend -of Reform. Presidents were chosen from among the men of Berne and -Lausanne. Then Farel rose and read his first thesis, which treated of -man’s justification before God, developed and proved it. - -When he had finished, the vice-bailiff of Lausanne said aloud, ‘If -any man has aught to say against these first conclusions, let him -come forward and we shall willingly listen to him.’ The canons of the -cathedral then rose, who were determined not to carry on but to prevent -the discussion, and one of them, Perrini, said, ‘When doubts arise -respecting the faith, they must be resolved according to the true sense -of the Scriptures. Now, that is lawful only to the Church universal, -which is not liable to error. Therefore, we, the provost and canons of -this church, do solemnly protest against this controversy, and refer it -to the next council.’[397] - -This proposal not to proceed was inadmissible. The courageous Farel -opposed it. ‘It is nowhere asserted in the Scripture,’ said he, ‘that -any particular Church is liable to error and that the universal Church -is exempt from it. On the contrary, it is to a particular Church that -Jesus Christ addresses the words, _Where two or three are gathered -together in my name, there am I in the midst of them_. This promise -cannot fail. The Canons refrained from accusing by their protest all -the early doctors and the holy fathers, for whom they make pretence of -so much reverence. We find in fact, in the writings of those ancients, -only particular disputations, held for the purpose of examining -articles at that time controverted. There are ten such articles in -Cyprian, and twenty or thereabouts, in Augustine. If they accuse us, -who are now assembled here, how shall they defend their own provincial -councils, their monks’ chapters, all their schools and Sorbonnes, in -which they hold conferences for the research of truth? Most of those -whom they have condemned as heretics were not condemned in a general -council, but in some particular assembly. Paul, speaking with reference -to churches as they were, scattered in towns or villages, said, _Let -the prophets speak two or three, and let the other judge_. (1 Cor. xiv. -29.) - -‘And how do these reverend gentlemen prove that the Church general -cannot err? This is their pretty assertion, invented too by them, -according to their excellent custom. They say that our Lord prayed -for St. Peter that his faith might not fail. Who then has revealed -to them the fact, either asleep or awake, that Peter is the Church -universal? If it were indeed represented by St. Peter, then it would -follow that the Church universal may, in one single day, three times -deny Jesus Christ, as Peter did so after that word had been spoken to -him. If an assembly of the Church universal were the only body capable -of resolving doubts, then all the martyrs of Jesus Christ, who in the -first three centuries set the seal with their blood to the truth of the -Gospel, would have suffered death for things doubtful, for the Church -universal had not yet been assembled in general council. - -[Sidenote: THE DISPUTATION.] - -‘If there be now a universal council which pretends to infallibility, -let it then show us that it assembles _in the name of Jesus_! A holy -company indeed is that of the pope and his cardinals! Fair pillars of -the church are bishops and prelates! Great zealots for the faith are -the monks! It is greatly to be doubted whether, if all that multitude -were thoroughly sifted, one man among them would be found deserving to -be called a true member of the Church of Christ! It is of men who are -all trying to get the benefices and the dignities of the Church that a -general council consists, and this calls itself the Church universal. -Ah! to secure their wealth, their honor, and their gain, they would be -ready not only to trample in the dust the word of Jesus Christ, but -they would go further and put himself to death, if he were present -in his own person. Such is the fine band with whom, if we take their -word, the Holy Spirit dwells! If any man offer to contend with them on -reasonable grounds, proceedings will be taken against him to punish him -for his audacity, and, as was the case at the council of Constance, he -will be condemned and burnt.’[398] - -Thus spake Farel. We may perhaps think some of his remarks severe, but -if we take into account the time, the form of his speech is certainly -not amiss, and the substance of it is unanswerable. After that -discourse, the Dominican Monbouson and the reformer Viret argued on the -same subject till eleven o’clock. Then the call was heard, ‘Retire for -dinner,’ and the meeting broke up. In the afternoon the old priests and -monks of Thonon, who had bragged that they would put the ministers to -confusion, were in the assembly. Fabry, who was well acquainted with -Thonon and its clergy, invited them to speak. Not one of them did so. -Two of them declared that they believed the theses to be true, and most -of the others contented themselves with giving their adhesion to the -protest of the canons. - -On Tuesday, October 3, Dr. Blancherose (of whom it was said _il tenait -de la lune_) addressed the assembly. Even if the clergy were silent he -thought himself quite competent to maintain his cause. ‘Magnificent -and mighty lords,’ he began, ‘I am a physician; my profession is that -of medicine, not that of theology.’ To which Farel politely answered, -‘To be a physician does not at all clash with true theology. St. Luke -was a physician likewise.’--‘I have taught,’ said Blancherose, ‘in many -cities and universities of France; moreover, I was once physician to -the king, and afterwards to the princess of Orange.’ He then began to -set forth strange theories on what he called the _monarchies_ of the -Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Caroli was present. It is known -that this inconsistent and whimsical man was sometimes a Papist and -sometimes a Protestant. For the moment he was Protestant. So he raised -the cry, just as if he were with a hunting party, ‘A hare started out -of the Donatist warren!’ The priests themselves were not particularly -pleased with their lay companion in arms. Mimard, therefore, -schoolmaster of Vevey, and Jacques Drogy, vicar of Morges, hastened to -the rescue, hoping to retake from the enemy what he had carried off. -But their attempt had no great success. - -Drogy renewed his speech on Wednesday, October 4. He must have -known well what kind of life was led by many priests, monks, and -laymen, who at the same time that they were doing everything to save -themselves by legal works, found therein a support, and, so to say, an -indulgence, for giving themselves up unscrupulously to an impure life. -Nevertheless, he showed that he was greatly alarmed, and no doubt -sincerely, at the dangers to which the doctrine of justification by -faith alone would expose the work of sanctification. He therefore said, -‘If you say that a man is justified by faith and not by works, people -will not take the trouble to live well.’ Drogy was seeking light. The -sayings of the reformers had disturbed him, and all that he desired was -to see the truth clearly. - -[Sidenote: THE CHURCH AND THE SCRIPTURES.] - -Caroli, once Romanist and now Protestant, whose inconsistencies we -have seen and shall again see, spoke on this occasion with fairness. -As doctor of the Sorbonne and a man of intelligence, he was well -acquainted with the doctrine; only he did not walk according to its -teaching. He rose and said, ‘To allege that works must be partners in -justification is to enervate Jesus Christ; that is, to say that he -alone is not sufficient to justify us. If a man be absolved through -faith, it is certainly not in order that he may again begin doing evil. -Just as when a king grants a pardon, it is not that the man may repeat -his offence. God forgives all my offences only in order that I may do -good works. Are you not yourselves in the habit of saying to a dying -man, God is a greater _pardoner_ than man is an offender? The death of -Jesus is more effectual in the punishment of sin than the death of all -mankind.’[399] - -The laity were ashamed to see their cause so ill defended by their -priests. The captain of the youth of Lausanne, Fernand de Loys, -therefore entered the lists. He was a clear-headed man; he had learnt -carefully some theses of the Romish theology, and had a little of that -presumption which is frequently seen in the young men of whom he was -one of the chiefs. He came forward, with his baton raised, speaking -bluntly and without palliation. ‘The Church is before the Scripture, -worthier than the Scripture, and invested with higher authority. -Now the Church teaches justification by works.’ Farel, roused by -hearing such assertions, exclaimed, ‘Which is first, the Church or -the Scripture?... Certainly, the Scripture is before the Church. The -Church has its existence through the Word of God; and Jesus himself -proved what he said by reference to the Scriptures.’ Upon this the -physician Blancherose thought he must come to the aid of the captain of -the young men, and said to Farel, ‘In saying so much of faith, and in -making it the cause of all good, you are very much like the sorcerers -and enchanters, who, through the faith which they have in certain -words, pretend to do so many great and wonderful things.’ Farel, taking -little heed to these jests, said, ‘Jesus was beaten and wounded; he -bore the discipline for our sakes; for us he died.’ The master of the -Catholic school of Vevey, who was present, seems to have had a truer -Christian feeling than his colleagues, and, profiting by Farel’s words, -he said, ‘Precisely so; it is Jesus who justifies us, and not faith.’ -This was more serious. Farel therefore supported the first part of the -proposition. In opposing the second part, he said--‘Yes, it is Jesus -alone who justifies; but he justifies only those who receive him by -faith, and he dwells in those who believe. But as for those who do not -believe in him, he is for them only a stone of stumbling and of ruin.’ - -The truth began to be pursued more closely. The reverend Jean Michod, -of Vevey, who had studied at Paris and was acquainted with the -interpretations of Romish theology, rose and said--‘St. Peter tells -us that there are unlearned persons who pervert the Holy Scriptures -to their own destruction. I have often listened to wise doctors at -Paris, and they all declared that that passage of the Epistle to -the Romans--_A man is justified by faith without the works of the -law_--had reference exclusively to the Jewish _ceremonies_, such as -circumcision.’ Then turning to Caroli, ‘You, sir, our master,’ said -he, ‘I have heard you at Paris, at the College of Cambrai, expound -that passage in the same way.’ That was an _argumentum ad hominem_, -and Michod believed that the circumstances peculiar to the person -himself to whom he addressed it rendered it unanswerable. But Caroli, -who was not deficient in presence of mind, replied, ‘The fact is that -I was at that time one of those unlearned persons of whom St. Peter -speaks in the passage which you have just cited, who _pervert the -Holy Scriptures_. But God has now given me the true understanding of -the matter. I have changed, and it will be well for you to do the -same.’[400] - -[Sidenote: THE REAL PRESENCE.] - -In the afternoon of the third day they passed to the second thesis, -affirming that Jesus is the only pontiff. As no one raised an -objection, even in favor of the pope, which was a very significant -fact, they went on to the third proposition, respecting the true -Church. _That Church_, it was said, _Christ, who in his corporal -presence has been taken away from us, fills, governs, and vivifies by -his Holy Spirit_. The Roman Catholics took advantage of the thesis to -turn the discussion on the corporal presence. Blancherose, who was -always confident that he could answer everything, rose first, and -began to speak of the sun and of all sorts of things. He undertook to -prove the doctrine of transubstantiation by the example of an egg, -which is converted into a chick, which chick is afterwards eaten by -a man. Viret did not think that strange argument deserving of a very -grave answer. ‘That proof,’ he said, ‘reverses the order of things. -To make it applicable, it would be necessary for the priests to sit -on the object transformed, as hens sit on their eggs.’ Blancherose, -having offered other instances of the same kind, was invited to carry -on the discussion by the Scripture, and not by proofs taken from the -sun, which is everywhere at once, from hens, from their eggs changed -into chicks, and from chickens which are eaten, and from other natural -transformations. - -On Thursday, October 5, in the morning, the presidents, offended by -the extravagances of the doctors, and perceiving that the method till -then pursued would entail digressions and interminable prolixity, -announced that, instead of resuming the debate, and with the hope of -shortening the proceedings, the following alternative would be offered -to all canons, abbots, priors, monks, curés, and vicars in the whole -country, as well as to the ministers: ‘Argue, get some one to argue for -you, or subscribe the theses.’ All were then called by name, and those -who declared themselves willing to subscribe passed into the choir. -Megander, a minister of Berne, exhorted them to preach nothing but the -pure Word of God, and after that they were allowed to withdraw if they -wished. But those who declined to adhere to the theses were ordered to -remain to the close of the disputation. - -In the afternoon, Mimard appeared with a long manuscript of his own -composition, intended to vindicate the mass. The subject was treated -under thirteen heads, which did not seem to promise much for shortening -the business. Mimard was, at any rate, a serious speaker, although -a little dull and rather prolix. ‘Do you pretend,’ he said, ‘to be -wiser and more enlightened by the Holy Spirit than the holy doctors, -St. Augustine, St. Jerome, St. Ambrose, and St. Gregory, who all -believed in the real presence? If you reject them as unlearned, it is -merely because they are opposed to you.’ Farel replied on the thirteen -heads, without omitting one of them. What was said by each of the two -champions may easily be imagined. The subject has already been so -frequently brought forward that it is needless to spend more time over -it now. But there was present in the assembly one young theologian, -who rejoiced to hear his friends defending the true doctrine, and -who by reason of his youth and his modesty had been kept silent till -that time. It was Calvin. For four days he had sat there without -speaking, contenting himself with the part of a hearer. But he had a -brave heart. That Ambrose, that Augustine, those other doctors, he was -well acquainted with them. He knew their words by heart. They were -his friends, and he could not stand by and see them insulted by being -ranked with the pope’s army. He could not be silent any longer; his -heart burnt within him, and he felt impelled to defend the principles -which were brought to light by the Reformation. But he wished also to -restore to those great men of Christian antiquity, and above all to his -beloved Augustine, the honor which was due to them. This was the first -occasion on which Calvin took part in any of the great discussions of -the time, and it is worth while to listen to him. - -[Sidenote: SPEECH OF CALVIN.] - -‘I have abstained from speaking till this moment,’ he said, ‘and it -was my intention to abstain to the end, perceiving that any speech of -mine was unnecessary, because my brethren Farel and Viret have made -sufficient reply. But the reproach which you have uttered against us -with regard to the ancient doctors compels me to show again briefly how -grievously you err in accusing us on this point. - -‘We despise them and reject them altogether, you say, and that because -we find them opposed to our cause. Verily, all the world, we own, might -esteem us not only rash men, but arrogant beyond measure, if we held -in derision such servants of God, and considered them _asses_, as you -say we do. Those who make pretence of holding them in great reverence, -frequently honor them less than we do, and would not deign to employ -in reading their works the time which we gladly devote to it. But we -do not exalt their authority to such a height as to allow it to lessen -the dignity of the Word of the Lord, to which, exclusively, entire -obedience ought to be given in the Church of Christ. We should fear -being found rebels against that Word of the Lord which asks whether -his people ought not to be content with _his voice_, and which adds, -_without hearing either the living or the dead_. Yes, we do rest in -his sacred Word, and we fasten on it our hearts, our understandings, -our eyes, our ears, without turning aside to the right hand or to the -left. _If any one speak_, says Peter, _let him speak as the oracles of -God_; we therefore teach the people of Jesus not human doctrines, but -heavenly wisdom. With the ancient doctors, we seek for God’s truth, -with them we listen to it and keep it with all reverence, reserving to -the Lord this glory, _that his mouth alone be opened in the Church, to -speak with authority_. Let every ear then hear him, and let every soul -be ready to obey him! - -‘As to your assertion that we despise the fathers because they are not -on our side, it would be easy for me to show that whatever matters are -in controversy between us, that assertion is no more true than your -reproach. But, to confine myself to the subject before us, I will lay -before you only a small number of passages of such a character that -there will be nothing left for you to reply to.’ - -Calvin had not with him the voluminous works of the fathers; but his -memory was a library abridged. Tertullian, Chrysostom, and the writers -of his time, especially Augustine, came immediately to his aid. -‘Tertullian,’ said he, ‘when refuting Marcion, speaks thus, “Christ -in the supper has left us the _figure_ of his body.” The author of -the commentary on St. Matthew, contained in the works of Chrysostom, -says, “It is a far greater offence to defile ourselves, who are the -true vessels in which God dwells, than to profane the vessels in which -the supper is administered, since that _the real body of Jesus Christ -is not contained in them_, but only the mystery of his body.” St. -Augustine, in his twenty-third Epistle,[401] says, “The bread and the -wine, which are sacraments of the body and blood of Christ, _we call -them in a certain sense_ (_quodammodo_) his body and his blood.” And -in his book against Adimantus, he adds, “The Lord did not hesitate to -say, This is my body, when he gave the _sign of his body_.” Weigh all -these words, every syllable of them if you will, and see whether these -declarations in any way favor your error. When you taunt us with the -charge that the ancients are against us, everybody sees your rashness. -Assuredly, if you had read only a few pages you would not have been -so bold; but you have not even seen the covering of the book. The -foregoing testimonies, which may easily be pointed out, prove it.’ - -[Sidenote: DOCTRINE OF THE FATHERS.] - -At this point, Calvin, wishing to show fully how chimerical the Romish -opinion is, offered one or two considerations which, while they display -his fine intelligence, are not lacking in solidity. ‘It is not without -reason,’ he said, ‘that we reject the foolish opinion which the craft -of Satan introduced into the world. In the supper we certainly eat -the same body of Christ as the apostles ate at its institution, and -it must be either his mortal body or his glorified body. If it be his -mortal body, Jesus is then at this hour mortal and passible, while the -Scripture declares to us that he has laid aside all infirmity. If it -be his immortal and glorified body, Jesus, at the first supper, was in -a certain place (seated at the table) in his mortal and passible body, -and he was in another place (in the hands and mouths of his disciples) -in his immortal and glorified body. The dreams of Marcion were never so -fantastic!...’ - -Calvin, however, went further and, knowing the importance which Rome -attached to the letter, felt bound to show to what that method leads. -He has explained his own doctrine elsewhere in a more complete manner, -but we must not suppress what he said on this solemn occasion. ‘If you -tie yourselves to words,’ said he, ‘if you so rigorously insist on -these words, _Hoc est corpus meum_, you are compelled by such verbal -strictness to separate the body of the Lord from his blood. For he -said, _This is my body_, pointing to the bread, and when pointing to -the wine, _This is my blood_. Now, to imagine that the body of Christ -was separated from his blood is an abominable thing. I know that you -evade this by what you call the _concomitance_. But do not allege it, -for it is mere mockery. If the real body is in the cup, as you affirm -it to be, the Lord of truth then spoke falsely when he said, _This is -my blood_. - -‘No, it is neither the natural body nor the natural blood of our Lord -Jesus which is given to us in the holy supper. But there is a spiritual -communication, by virtue of which he gives to us all the grace that -we can receive from his body and his blood. _Christ makes us truly -participants, but altogether in a spiritual way, by the bond of his -Holy Spirit._ St. Luke and St. Paul write that Jesus said, _This is -the new testament in my blood_; that is to say, the new alliance which -the Father has made with us, blotting out our iniquities by his mercy, -receiving us into his favor that we may be his children, and writing -his law in our hearts by his Spirit; an alliance really new, and -ratified and confirmed by the body and the blood of Jesus Christ. - -‘Constrained by reasons so forcible, we interpret the Scripture -according to the true analogy of faith. We do not put glosses on it out -of our own heads, and we give no explanation which is not expressed in -itself.’ - -[Sidenote: CONVERSION OF JEAN TANDY.] - -Calvin was silent. The young man, whose face was unknown but full -of expression, had been listened to with astonishment, and people -recognized in him a master. Everyone felt the force of his words, -and no one raised an objection. ‘At this point,’ say the Acts of the -Disputation, ‘both the Mimards and the Blancheroses remained without -making any attempt to reply.’ The minds of the hearers seemed to be -enlightened by fresh knowledge. This was soon evident. - -A monk of the order of Cordeliers, the Franciscan Jean Tandy,[402] who -had been present at the disputation from its opening, listened with -eager interest to Calvin’s speech, and felt that its truth reached him. -His heart was affected, his understanding was satisfied. He embraced by -faith the sacrifice of the Saviour; and, according to the expression -of the Evangelist, he ate of his flesh and drank his blood. For awhile -he sat silent, awaiting the objections which might be offered. But -‘when he saw that those who had taken part in discussion till that hour -had their lips closed,’ he took courage, rose and said, the assembly -listening to him attentively--‘Holy Scripture teaches that there is -no remission for the sin against the Holy Ghost. Now this sin is that -of men who, through unbelief, willing to contend against the clearest -truth, choose rather to exalt themselves against God and his Word than -to humble themselves and obey him. As I desire now not to resist the -truth, but to receive it and confess it openly, I acknowledge before -you all that I have long been mistaken. While I thought that I was -living in a state of perfection, as they had given me to understand, I -have been, on the contrary, only the servant of men, submitting myself -to their traditions and commandments. Nothing is good but that which -God commands. I have heard the truth. I see that I must hold fast to -Jesus alone, must stand to his Word, and must have no other head, -leader, or Saviour, but him who by his sacrifice has made us acceptable -to the Father. I will henceforth live and die according to his Gospel. -I ask forgiveness of God for all that I have done and said against -his honor. I ask pardon of you and of all the people, so far as by my -preaching or by my life I have taught you amiss, or have given you a -bad example. And since, by following the rule of the Cordeliers and -assuming this garb of dissimulation, I have been led out of the right -way, at this moment in which I renounce all superstition, I abandon -also this garb full of all hypocrisy and trumpery.’ As he uttered these -words, Jean Tandy cast off his monastic dress, and then added-- - -‘Let no one be offended, but let each examine himself and confess that -if the state in which he has lived be contrary to the will of God, he -ought not to persevere in it, nor to reënter after quitting it. I will -live as a Christian, and not as a Cordelier; according to the Gospel of -Jesus, and not according to the rule of the monks; in true and living -faith in Christ, and united with all true Christians. To this God calls -us all, to the intent that, instead of being divided into so many -rules, we may be all one in Jesus Christ.’ - -This frank, noble, and affecting conversion gave great joy to those -who loved the Gospel, and Farel, as their spokesman, said, ‘How great -God is! how good and how wise! How he smites and heals, how he casts -down to hell and brings up again to heaven, we see with our own eyes. -What superstition is there equal to that of the Cordeliers, in which -the enemy has with so much skill colored his work that even the elect -are deceived! Let us rejoice, therefore, that the poor sheep which was -straying on the mountains and in the deserts, in the midst of wolves -and wild beasts, now, by the grace of the Lord, abandoning the barren -deserts, the vexatious thorns of human traditions, is entering into his -fold, and finds now his pasture in God’s holy Word.’ - -‘This done,’ add the Acts, ‘because it was late, everyone retired.’[403] - -The last theses were discussed during the remaining two or three days, -and for the most part by the same combatants, each of the champions -expressing himself well or ill, according to his character and the -spirit which actuated him. ‘The Lord,’ said the intelligent and -spiritual Viret, ‘commands Peter to _feed his sheep_, but according -to the well-known by-word, the Romish court want _no sheep without -wool_.[404] The true key of the kingdom of heaven is the Gospel of the -Lord, but the pope and his priests have devised others which close the -door instead of opening it. If the pope be willing to imitate Jesus and -Peter, let him then go about hither and thither in every place, seeking -and saving souls. The apostles had no holy see like the Romish pontiff. -They were not often even seated, except, indeed, it were in a prison. -And instead of a triple crown and a chain of gold, they had chains of -iron on their hands and their feet.’[405] - -[Sidenote: THE TRINITY OF BLANCHEROSE.] - -Dr. Blancherose, who unhesitatingly considered himself the most valiant -of the defenders of Rome, began now to lose heart. His only consolation -was in the thought that if he were beaten it was not for want of -talent, but because he stood alone; and quoting a word of the ancients, -he said, ‘The opponents (reformers) are too strong, and as some one -said, Hercules himself could do nothing against two.’[406] The two, in -his case, were doubtless Farel and Calvin. - -He continued to complain of his comrades in the fight. ‘Instead of -aiding me,’ he said, ‘the priests have begged me to begone. There are -six score of us, they added, who will be compelled, if the disputation -is to last much longer, to sell our gowns and hoods to pay our -hosts.’ Then, after this trifling, returning to his grand theses, the -fantastical doctor said, ‘The holy Trinity represents three monarchies. -The father represents the emperor; the Son represents the pope; and -the third monarchy, which is only now beginning, is that of the Holy -Spirit, and _belongs to physicians_.’ Thus he claimed a great part -for himself. This recalled him to his duty, and he applied himself to -matters within his grasp. ‘The time of Lent, in which people fast,’ -he said, ‘has been well regulated, because in the spring nature is -awakening, the blood is warm and impels to pleasure, and, moreover, -people have eaten a good deal during the winter.’ The energetic Farel, -who knew as well as the doctor how to be popular and sarcastic, met -him on his own ground, and replied in his medical language, ‘that, on -the contrary, the least fitting season had been fixed for Lent; for in -the spring the poor people work in the fields and the vineyards, and -after having crammed themselves with flesh in the winter, they give -them well-salted, fish, hot spices, etc. This method gives origin to -legions of maladies, so that the priests make their harvest of them and -the doctors their vintage. The sicknesses put money into the purses of -these two classes of men, especially into those of the Romish priests, -according to the anagram of _Roma_. If each letter of that word be -taken as the initial of another word, we get the sentence, _Radix -Omnium Malorum Avaritia_: Rome is avarice, the root of all evil. She -shows this in all kinds of ways, but above all in granting for a money -payment the liberty to eat flesh, which otherwise she prohibits and -declares to be a sin.’[407] It is clear that Farel knew how to profit -by that precept, _Answer a fool according to his folly_. - -The vicar of Morges, Drogy, a man more enlightened than the others, -and who saw clearly the weakness of the Romish teaching, apologized -in the best way he could for his comrades, and made excuse for their -defeat. ‘The poor priests are ignorant,’ he said, ‘and they deserve to -be pitied. It is no great glory for the ministers to have beaten them. -What they want is time given them for study, and a long time too; but -instead of that they have been pitilessly bantered.’ ‘Do not take as -insults,’ said the amiable Viret, ‘the charitable admonitions which we -have given them. So far from wishing them any harm, we are ready to -shed our blood for their salvation.’ ‘No doubt,’ added the reformer -Marcourt, who had not hitherto spoken, a man of much good sense, but -somewhat more severe than Viret, ‘no doubt the poor priests deserve -to be pitied, but still more the poor people. No man would intrust a -flock of sheep to a shepherd who was blind and dumb; why then are the -churches placed under leaders who are blind and unable to explain the -Word of God?’[408] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN AND HILDEBRAND.] - -Calvin then rose to speak again, and without stopping to argue with -the feeble apologists of Rome, who were sufficiently refuted, he -selected for his adversary the most illustrious and the most valiant -of the champions of the papacy, the man who was indeed its chief -founder, Hildebrand, made pope under the name of Gregory VII. These -two men were well fitted to contend with equal strength in the lists. -It is a pity that five centuries stood in the way of their measuring -their forces hand to hand. It was Hildebrand who had launched over -Christendom these stupendous assertions, ‘that the name of the pope -is sole in the world,--that the Romish Church never did err and never -will err,--that the pope may depose the emperor, and that all princes -must kiss his feet.’[409] Calvin frequently contended against these -presumptuous lies,[410] and he had done so before this time, at least -to some extent. On this occasion he made use of a document written -by a cardinal, a contemporary of Hildebrand, which relates, among -other things, that that pope, wanting for once _to get through his -incantations_, took the bread which he affirmed to be God, and threw -it into the fire.[411] An occasion for the natural exclamation, ‘Say -now that the bread is your God!’ This story, told by a cardinal at -the expense of a pope, appears to us to be apocryphal. But it is quite -true, as we know from the relations which existed between Gregory VII. -and Berenger, that the famous pontiff had doubts about the doctrine of -transubstantiation, and that he did not pronounce himself in support -of it until he perceived that his enemies would take advantage of his -doubts on the subject to strike a blow at his hierarchical rights and -supreme authority. - -When the debate on the ten theses had been brought to a close, Farel -entered the pulpit, in the afternoon of Sunday, October 8, and -delivered the closing discourse. We shall allow the orator to speak -his own language, although it be not always that of our age, for it -is essential that the Reformation should be set before us just as -it actually appeared. Farel was struck with the fact that a band of -ministers, feeble men and few in number, had been capable, in that -conflict of eight days, of filling mighty Catholicism with alarm and -vanquishing it. He remembered, too, how when he arrived at Aigle, at -Neuchâtel, at Geneva, poor, weak, and contemptible in the eyes of -many, he had seen the papacy reel and fall down before the Word of -God. ‘What is it then,’ said he, ‘which makes you tremble, you who are -a great multitude covering the whole land? What! a poor prophet makes -his appearance, alone in the face of so many rich men; unknown and -friendless before so many people who have powerful allies; he knows not -whither to go, has no one to speak to, while you are all comfortably -lodged, you all know one another, and fill the whole world with terror. -Of what then are you afraid? The prophet will not strike you, for he is -unarmed. When, for one reason or another, a whole city or even a whole -people revolts against you, you have no fear at all, and you act even -worse than usual.... Whence is this difference? Is one then more than a -multitude? The fact is this: With that poor prophet comes the truth, -the wonderful truth of God, which is mightier than all men, and which, -whenever it encounters enemies, pursues them, confounds them and puts -them to flight, while they are unable to make any resistance.’[412] - -[Sidenote: FAREL’S CLOSING DISCOURSE.] - -Farel did not confine himself to giving the solution of the enigma. -He desired above all to teach consciences and to lead souls to Jesus -Christ, while he rescued them from the pope. This was the great aim of -his long life. That is the reason why, in addressing a vast audience, -he cried out, ‘Come then to Jesus, to Jesus who hath borne our sorrows, -and trust wholly in him that you may be saved. Abandon the perverse -doctrines which the pope and his servants teach, the masses and the -confessions, the absolutions, indulgences, and pardons for life. Run -no more hither and thither to the broken cisterns. Trust no longer -in persons so impotent and so cruel; receive neither the pope nor -Mohammed, nor anyone who assumes to govern you by his own ordinances. -Hold fast to the sole head, Jesus, who when he entered into the great -sanctuary, offered to his Father his own blood, thus making peace -between God and us, so that Christians are made immortal. If you trust -in the pope you will be put to shame when you hear from the mouth of -God these words: Who commanded what you have done? You have had the -popes for your gods.... Go then, and let them save you if they can. -Then will come upon you great desolation. It is greatly to deceive -yourselves to seek Jesus Christ in the wafers of the priests, in bread, -in wine, in flesh, in tears, thorns, nails, wood, shrouds, cloths, and -all the other mockeries which Rome offers you, which lay low everything -that is of God. It is in another way, it is in his Spirit, it is by -faith, that you must seek the Saviour. A church of Jesus, governed -by its spouse, does not receive all these papal errors; it directs -poor sinners to God, that he may open their hearts, and that they may -implore his mercy. - -‘Then do not send your wives nor your daughters to those whom you know -so well. Do not give your souls up to the guidance of men to whom you -would hardly like to intrust your sheep. Let all go to God, go to him -with the heart, for it is the heart he asks for and not our money. To -sing a mass, to mutter prayers and _Ave Marias_ before a piece of wood, -to make so many journeys hither and thither; these are not what he -wants of us. He wants us to cling wholly to him alone, and he will save -us.’ - -Farel then turning to the priests, of whom there was a large number -present, said to them, ‘Leave off then, you poor priests, who till -now have been deceived, and have deceived others, leave off teaching -that without your confessions, your penances, your satisfactions and -absolutions, whether made in this world or in the world to come, it is -not possible to enter into paradise. Lead your sheep to the shepherd -who gave his life for them. The church of Jesus gets nothing out of all -your trash. God does not care how you muffle yourselves up, what sort -of shirts you wear under your gowns, whether your cloaks are bordered -in the proper way, or whether you keep in good condition the ornaments -and furnishings of your chapels and altars. To place salvation in these -outward things is to reverse the doctrine of Jesus, for _the kingdom of -God is within you_.’ - -[Sidenote: HIS APPEAL TO THE PRIESTS.] - -Farel, as he closed his discourse, raised a song of triumph, and -pointed out that the Reformation did not adopt the weapons of its -adversaries, but that its method formed the most striking contrast to -theirs. ‘Many,’ said he, ‘have tried to assail my propositions, but the -truth has been the strongest. Yet the priests and the monks have been -subjected to no secret interrogatories; they have not been forbidden -to speak; they have not been threatened with prison or with death; no -deathsmen have appeared on the scene to settle the questions before us -by fire or sword. All have been kindly invited. All those who wished -to dispute have been listened to, and no one has taken offence even at -their frequent repetitions. Receive then the holy doctrine of Jesus -which has been set before you, and let him alone suffice you. One -better, wiser, or more powerful, we cannot find. Be Christians; be no -longer papists. - -‘O priests, canons, and monks, if henceforth you have no more the -honors which you have previously enjoyed, if you should not be so well -treated and fed, do not on that account destroy yourselves and the poor -people. Better is it to enter into life eternal with the poor Lazarus -than go with the rich bad man to hell. Leave, then, your songs and -your masses, and follow Jesus. Instead of chanting Latin before the -people, preach to them the sacred Gospel. When some came like brigands -to kill us, we did not demand vengeance, but grace and forgiveness for -them. And now we ask that you may be joyfully and tenderly received, as -wandering sheep returning to the fold. - -‘And you, my lords,’ said Farel, addressing the delegates from Berne, -‘since God has led you to the conquest of this country, and has -committed its people to you as a child is committed to its father, see -to it that God be holily honored in the lands which are intrusted to -your rule. Let not Jesus be to you of less estimation than the poorest -man in the land. May God touch the hearts of all kings and lords, to -the end that the poor people may live according to God’s will, without -war and in peace; that human blood may not be shed; that a man who is -made in God’s image may not kill his fellow who is made in the same -image; but that each may love and aid his neighbor as he would that -his neighbor should aid him. And may all those who have suffered for -the faith in Jesus be strengthened to persevere even to the end, and -declare the goodness and the power of God, so that all the earth may -worship him.’[413] - - - - - CHAPTER III. - - EXTENSION OF THE REFORM IN THE PAYS DE VAUD. - - (END OF 1536.) - - -The assembly of Lausanne was a great event for the Vaudois; it was -talked of in every village. Berne, by her ordinance, ‘that all priests, -monks, and other people of the Church, whatever they might be, should -appear,’ had awakened universal attention. While there was one great -disputation at Lausanne, there were many little ones in the towns and -villages. They discussed the _pros_ and the _cons_, and they wondered -whether the priests on their return would be converted to the _new -faith_ or not. At Lausanne itself, hardly had a session closed, and -the crowd passed out of the doors of the beautiful cathedral, than the -debates were renewed in the streets and in private houses. - -[Sidenote: RESULTS OF THE CONFERENCE.] - -The results of the conference were not long in showing themselves. -Some, like the Cordelier Tandy, owned themselves convinced, took the -side of the Reformation, and became in their turn its missionaries. -Ministers and laymen were seen traversing all the land, reporting the -discussions, showing that the evangelical religion is indeed the true, -and intensifying the universal excitement. The two deputies sent by -the parish of Villette, Sordet and Clavel, were so much impressed by -the truths expounded by Farel and his friends, that they took Viret -back with them to Cully, that he might preach there. The whole country, -indeed, was not converted, but the light was penetrating from place to -place, even into the remotest corners. Not only was there the bright -flame in those fair regions, but there was also the warmth, which was -further diffused than the light, quickening and transforming hearts. - -At Lausanne itself the first effect of the disputation was remarkable, -and showed clearly that morals were quite as much as doctrine the -business of the Reformation, and that they were possibly its most -distinctive characteristic. Only two days after the close of the -disputation, on October 10, the council, very much engrossed by the -great event which had just taken place, resolved ‘to destroy once -for all the houses of ill-fame which existed in the town,’ to drive -away the foul women who lived in them, as well as all others who were -known to be leading an evil life. On Thursday, October 12, the order -given to those ‘unfortunates’ to quit the city and the bailiwick was -published with sound of trumpet in all the streets.[414] It has been -said that morals are the science of man.[415] The Lausannese edileship -thought that they were especially the science of the magistrate. -Those discussions, in which justification by faith had been the chief -subject in question, had for their first consequence works of Christian -morality. This proceeding of the magistrates gave great joy to those -who had taken part in the disputation. They saw in it the apology for -their doctrine. ‘When justification by faith is spoken of,’ remarks -one of them,[416] ‘the mind of man takes the matter the wrong way, -and is shocked, like a ship which, instead of keeping to the right -course marked out for it, drives on to strike first on one rock then -on another. The death of Christ is efficacious for extinguishing the -evil of our flesh, and his resurrection for originating in us a new -condition of better nature.’ - -The people drew from the disputation another consequence. The most -ardent even of the reformers had, while the debates lasted, tolerated -the images in the cathedral. Viret had shown that God prohibited -them, and that they turn men away from the true service of God. ‘The -priests,’ he had said, ‘for their convenience set in their own place -preachers of wood and of stone, the images, arraying them in rich -garments at the cost of the poor. And as for themselves, they sleep, -they make good cheer, and are free from care. These images are their -vicars, they do their work, and they cost nothing to feed. And the poor -people are stupefied and kiss the wood and the stone.’[417] No one had -answered Viret. It was in vain that the defenders of images had been -invited to come forward; not one appeared. For the reformed it seemed -therefore a legitimate course to remove them from the cathedral. A -sinister rumor of this project alarmed the canons, and they resolved to -do their utmost to resist the impious proceeding. They took the keys -of the cathedral and, running to the sacred edifice, closed the doors -that no one might be able to carry off the objects of their veneration. -In spite of all their precautions one of the images was removed. The -fact was immediately noised over the town. The most grievous blow had -just fallen on our great Lady of Lausanne! The reformed honored the -mother of the Saviour as a blessed woman, but they refused to make a -goddess of her. The clamor and threats of the priests recalled to mind -the cries of the worshippers of Diana at Ephesus, spoken of in the Acts -of the Apostles, who said, ‘The temple of the great goddess Diana is -in danger of being despised and her magnificence of being destroyed, -whom all Asia and the world worshippeth.’[418] The canons not feeling -themselves strong enough for the occasion, betook themselves to the -council, gave up to them the keys of the cathedral, and implored them -to protect the building and what it contained.[419] But the reformed, -who earnestly longed to see worship given to God alone, turned their -back on those figures of wood and stone: - - Dès maintenant, trompeuse idole, - D’un culte honteux et frivole, - Nous n’entourons plus tes autels. - -[Sidenote: BERNESE ORDINANCES.] - -It was the intention of the authorities to oppose the arbitrary removal -of images by private persons. But these same authorities lost no time -in suppressing them by their own act throughout the country. A few days -later, Thursday, October 19, the chief magistrate and the councillors -of Berne addressed all their trusty subjects of Vaud, and announced -to them by proclamation that being bound to govern them not only by -means of ‘corporal and outward ordinances, but also by exercising all -diligence to see that they walked according to the will of God, in -the true and living faith which brings forth good works; considering -that the ten conclusions which had been discussed at Lausanne were -based on Holy Scripture, they enjoined everyone to abstain from all -papistical ceremonies, sacrifices, and institutions; to cast down -all images and idols, as well as the altars, and this in an orderly -manner without disturbance; to hear the Word of God, to receive the -preachers with kindness, and not to molest and worry them, so that all -may dwell together in true peace, brotherly love and union.’[420] These -ordinances in the matter of religion and worship would seem strange in -our day; and we might wonder whether such would be tolerated even in -Japan. But they were in accordance with the spirit of that time, and -the rulers of Berne were doing their best. - -The Reformation achieved greater triumphs still than the abolition of -images. It could count souls won to the Gospel, not only among the -general population of the country, but also among the very champions -of Rome who had encountered Farel. The amiable captain of the youth, -Ferdinand de Loys, embraced the glorious promises of the Gospel, -and subsequently exerted himself with great earnestness to maintain -Protestantism in France. Moreover, a brilliant testimony to his zeal -was given him. Soubise sent him grateful acknowledgment, as well on his -own behalf as on behalf of the prince of Condé, the Admiral (Coligny) -and other princes and lords.[421] By arrangement with the lords of -Berne, Valais, and Neuchâtel, he had sent to him some men; these men -(_gens_), however, we must add, appear to have been not evangelists but -soldiers. A priest who had taken part in the defence of the papacy, but -who had been convinced by the powerful words of the reformers, Dom Jean -Drogy, also embraced the evangelical faith. He became afterwards pastor -at Bevay in the territory of Neuchâtel. Megander, too, wrote on October -19, to the ministers of Zurich, ‘The disputation of Lausanne has had -the happiest results.’ - -[Sidenote: CAROLI AND VIRET.] - -These successes encouraged the friends of the Reform, and the Bernese -government demanded of the authorities of Lausanne the definitive -establishment of the evangelical faith and worship. The canons opposed -the measure with all their energy, alleging that reverence is due to -all old customs and religions; they conjured the rulers of Lausanne -not to allow their city to be faithless to Rome. At the same time they -sent deputies to Berne. But the council was already treating with the -lords of Berne, partly swayed by conviction and partly by prudence. -The Bernese were disposed to grant various rights, advantages, and -privileges to their new subjects, on condition of their renouncing the -foreign authority of the pope, with which they well knew that it was -impossible to be on good terms, and of their receiving the Gospel, -which enlightens the mind, gives peace to the soul, and promotes the -prosperity of nations. They knew also that in order to persuade men, it -is necessary to act kindly towards them. Consequently, on November 1, a -contract was concluded at Berne, by virtue of which their excellencies -conceded to the burgesses of Lausanne the higher, middle, and lower -jurisdiction in civil and criminal causes, various convents and abbeys, -the châlet and the mill of Gobet, and certain vineyards. With these -gifts the Bernese coupled the promise that, as soon as ‘popery and -its mummery should be abolished,’ their excellencies would exercise -generosity towards the priests. This _grande largition_ was read on the -5th of the same month in grand council at Lausanne, and was solemnly -ratified. Meanwhile the chiefs of Berne presented, November 5, to the -chiefs of Lausanne, as first pastor, Caroli, who was a doctor of the -Sorbonne, and whose fluent talk and engaging manners prepossessed men -in his favor. At this choice the friends of the Gospel were indignant. -Viret, who had for so many years labored for the diffusion of the -light in his own country, and had done so with perfect earnestness, -wisdom, and self-renunciation, at the risk of his life--Viret, the -true Vaudois reformer--saw this new man, unfit as he was for the work -to be done, preferred to himself. The pastors of Geneva wrote to -Lausanne--‘Everyone knows the labors, the faith, the zeal of Viret, -and we are astonished to learn that they are treating him in that -way. We cannot endure it without complaining. If ever it becomes us -to be indignant, surely it is on this occasion.’[422] The Bernese -lords settled Caroli comfortably in the house of the canon Benoît de -Pontareuse, which had beautiful gardens in which he might philosophize -and entertain himself as Epicurus did of old. They assigned him, -besides, an annual salary of five hundred florins. His wife displayed -a degree of luxury which was offensive. Viret was joined with him -as second pastor, but no tithe was assigned to him, nor any means of -living. De Watteville contented himself with requesting him to show -respect for the great merit of his colleague. The Bernese, however, -very soon discovered that they had been mistaken in this matter. They -therefore wrote to Viret, December 1, that since he was already well -acquainted with the country, and Caroli was a sort of novice, they -advised him to give Caroli a gratuity, ‘advancement and service, -and this by way of charity.’[423] This was not giving Viret a sort -of guardianship of Caroli, as has been said. On the contrary, Farel -complained a few days later that it was difficult to say whether the -Bernese or the Lausannese cared least for Viret.[424] The Bernese -merely admitted that the Vaudois reformer, being a native of the -country, had more experience of its customs, ‘of the popular way of -doing things.’ Viret subsequently received a lodging in the Franciscan -convent, with a salary of thirty florins and a certain allowance of -wine and wheat. It was not one-third of the pay of Caroli. Some of the -reformed lent furniture to the humble minister for his room, because he -had no means of buying any.[425] - -[Sidenote: REFORM AT VEVEY.] - -Of all the districts of the Pays de Vaud, Vevey, a town situated in -that lovely region which, at the extremity of the lake of Geneva, is -so rich both in grace and in brilliancy, appears to have been the most -inclined to embrace the Reform. For eight years past Aigle and the -surrounding villages had heard the Gospel by the ministry of Farel. -The ministers who came and went from Berne to Aigle, and from Aigle -to Berne, passed through Vevey, and left light behind them in their -passage. Moreover, there was frequent intercourse between the people of -the government of Aigle and the people of Vevey. One historian worthy -of credit is even led to believe that the dean Michod and the regent J. -Mimard returned from Lausanne to their own town convinced of the truth -of the theses which they had at first attacked.[426] Even if they were -not themselves much troubled, they might by their narrations awaken -in the people the desire to become acquainted with the Gospel which -had been proclaimed with so much life by Farel, Viret, and Calvin. At -that epoch of the Reformation there was no other public disputation at -which so large a number of the champions of papal dogmas passed over to -the banner of the Gospel. The men of Vevey spontaneously asked for a -pastor; and one was sent them, November 24, whose name was Daillé. This -name became distinguished in the seventeenth century as that of one of -the most learned ministers of the Reformed Churches. - -The Gospel met with opposition in the district of La Vaux, which lies -between Vevey and Lausanne. At a consultative meeting, held October -15, the deputies of La Vaux had demanded a general assembly, and had -declared that they would oppose ‘any innovation in the churches.’ Those -of Lutry, a small town bordering on Lausanne, were of the same mind. -But when the bailiff of Lausanne came three days after to dine there, -the wind began to change. The magistrates, flattered with this visit, -offered him with high compliments the wine of honor (_vin d’honneur_); -and all their zeal was limited to getting the papacy buried in the most -decorous manner possible. When the bailiff presented himself, November -2, to burn the images and destroy the altars, the municipal officers -demanded permission to remove them themselves, desiring to do it with -more delicacy. They caused the _Corpus Domini_ to be carried into the -_Grotto_, where they gave it an honorable position, and lighted lamps -just as if it were in the church. They also put there the vessel of -holy water, covering it up carefully. Some weeks later, January 16, -1537, there appeared, on the part of Berne, one Matthieu de la Croix, -a converted monk, a man of discretion and benevolence. He said to the -council, ‘I offer to preach, if you approve it, and even to preach -every day if you will assent to it; and further, when any one dies I -will deliver a sermon for the consolation of the family.’ Anxious still -more powerfully to work upon their hearts, he added, ‘I propose that a -request be addressed to the lords of Berne in favor of the poor.’ One -might fancy that De la Croix did nothing more than put in practice the -proverb, _More flies are to be caught with honey than with vinegar_. -But there is nothing to show that his gracious way did not proceed -from a sincere charity. This zeal for their commune touched the hearts -of the Lutry people, and they accepted the ministry of this man of -goodwill, and at the same time added to their acceptance the express -request to Berne to maintain the poor. On February 8, 1537, the church -was cleansed, and the stones of the altar were removed to a place -apart.[427] - -[Sidenote: SEARCH FOR MINISTERS.] - -The great transformation was being effected in the whole country. The -lords of Berne, understanding, doubtless, that their hands were not -the right ones for the task, had wisely intrusted to Farel the care -of providing for the spiritual wants of the people. Unfortunately it -was not a very easy matter. ‘He looked round on all sides for faithful -ministers, but could hardly find any.’ The nomination of Caroli by -the Bernese magistrates had annoyed him. He was afraid that men who -preached in its purity the cross of Christ would not be accepted. -‘They do not care much for those who preach Jesus Christ purely, and -they praise to the skies braggarts and hypocrites.’ However, he was -not disheartened. ‘Write,’ said he to his friend Fabri, ‘beseech, -come to our aid; send us competent men.’ One circumstance, unhappy -in itself, facilitated Farel’s work. Persecution was driving many -evangelical Christians out of France; and these men, full of love for -the faith which they had confessed in their native land, rejoiced -in the opportunity of preaching it in the beautiful valley of the -Leman. Farel, who was at that time the real bishop of these churches, -was indefatigable in his inquiries. As soon as he had found any -pious ministers, he recommended them to the lords of Berne, and the -bailiffs settled them in the various parishes. But as there were not -ministers enough for all, the same pastor had frequently to preach in -three different churches. A few priests were called to the ministry, -who did not seem to be mere deserters, with Christ on the lips only. -These were, in addition to those already mentioned, Tissot, Gredat, -Goudot, Meige, Malingre de la Molière, Motin, and Jacques d’Yverdon. -Some others also took charge of souls. Dubois was sent to Payerne, Du -Rivier to Moudon, Le Coq to Morges, J. Vallier to Aubonne, Melchior -d’Yvonant to Rolle, Morand to Nyon, Furet to Coppet, Colomb to Concise, -Masuyer to Cossonay, Epilon to Yvonant, and Eustache André (also named -Fortunat), to Cully.[428] For the most part they were foreigners. Some -of them had attended the disputation, and had been gained over by the -Christian eloquence of Farel, Viret, and Calvin. But whether they came -from the battle of Lausanne or from the ruder battles of France, they -all desired to publish the good news of the Gospel; and some of them -were inflamed with a zeal so ardent that ‘that one passion swallowed -up all others.’ They were well aware that they would have to face a -keen opposition; but ‘they were going willingly to offer their heads, -to receive all the obloquy which evil-minded men cast on God.’ The -following is the formula, somewhat free in character, which the lords -of Berne usually employed in their letters to these evangelists:--‘Have -ordered that thou, forthwith on receiving these presents, go to our -bailiff of ----, who will present thee to our subjects of ----, and then -thou wilt exercise the office of minister of the Gospel, according to -the grace which God has given thee.’ The bailiffs, for the purpose -of preparing people’s minds, went frequently beforehand with Viret -and other ministers into parishes that were to be provided for. They -preached and endeavored to make evident the great benefits of the -Reformation. But there was many a village in which the curé endeavored -to keep the people away from the sermon, excited his friends, who threw -stones at those who were hearers, and did the worst they could.[429] - -[Sidenote: TRIALS OF FABRI.] - -Farel persevered in his exertions, exhorting and consoling. Fabri, -pastor at Thonon, in the Chablais, had to pass through trials of -special severity. He wrote to Farel, ‘I cannot tell you how cruel are -the crosses which so violent an opposition lays upon me.’ Farel was -prompt to offer him consolation, and he shows in his answer how well he -had himself learnt to profit by the blows struck at him by the enemies -of the Gospel. ‘There is no ground for dejection,’ said he, ‘although -so many distresses weigh on you. It is in this way that the Lord -teaches us to depend entirely on him, and to call down by our sighing -the favor of our heavenly Father, which we are so backward to do.’ At -the same time Farel communicated to his friend his own experiences, and -made fresh allusion to the case of Caroli and Viret, which appears to -have greatly troubled him. ‘I am bidden,’ he said, ‘to call ministers -from all quarters, but where to find them I cannot tell. People slight -those who are the fittest, and who always breathe Jesus Christ; but -they exalt to the skies those who are mere masks, and breathe nothing -but arrogance. Some ministers, of too fastidious taste, are unwilling -to come into this country; they would rather bury themselves in the -tombs of Egypt than eat manna in the desert and be led by the pillar of -fire.’[430] At the same time that Farel wrote to Fabri at the foot of -the Alps, he wrote also to Hugues, pastor of Gex, at the foot of the -Jura. ‘Act with firmness,’ he said to him, ‘but with wisdom and without -passion. Put forward weighty proofs drawn from Scripture, and let your -words always be accompanied with the moderation of Christ.’[431] He -wrote likewise to many others. Calvin began at this time to exercise -the functions pertaining to the government of the Church. A minister, -Denis Lambert, formerly a monk, but who having been since 1534 pastor -in the country of Neuchâtel, had been chosen almoner to the little army -which marched in 1534 to the aid of Geneva, and fought the battle of -Gingins, had been settled by the Bernese as pastor in the neighborhood -of that town. He had remained full of monkery (_moinerie_), and he -had a wife of sorry reputation; so that their life and their manners -might ruin, but could not build up the Church. Some better ministers, -particularly Henry de la Mare, having been preferred to him, he flew -into a great rage at a colloquy held at the beginning of December, -1536. ‘Everybody persecutes me,’ he exclaimed; ‘it is not on the part -of men that I am sent!’ And he loaded his colleagues with insults, -threats, and innumerable calumnies. ‘Truly,’ said Farel, ‘the man -speaks like a Mars or a Bacchus.’[432] ‘It is not I,’ Farel said to -him, ‘that made you a preacher; I always suspected you too much.’ -‘No,’ replied Denis, ‘I was sent by the Bernese, and we shall see -whether you dare resist them.’ Calvin then rose to speak, and we must -notice it as the first occasion of his taking part in the government of -the Church. He entreated Denis in the name of them all to resign the -holy ministry, promised that he should be provided for. Denis cared -nothing for this young doctor, and refused to comply with his request. -Farel desired to separate him from the population to which his life was -a scandal. The Bernese bailiff of Thonon thought that Denis was monk -from head to foot, and that he ought to be relegated to the convent of -the Augustinians of that town. - -Although they were influenced quite as much by political as by -religious motives, and made some mistakes, as in the case of Caroli, -the lords of Berne neglected no means of enlightening the Vaudois, and -of leading them to accept with their heart the evangelical doctrines. -They enjoined on all fathers and mothers, all pastors and bailiffs, -the duty of seeing that children were well instructed according to the -Gospel. Without going so far as to say, as some have alleged, that -education is everything, the Bernese did believe that _if a child be -trained up in the way he should go, he will not depart from it_.[433] - -[Sidenote: BERNESE EDICT OF REFORMATION.] - -To crown its work, the council of Berne made, on Christmas eve, -December 24, 1536, a complete edict of reformation for its new -territories; and at the beginning of 1537 it caused proclamation to be -made in all the country that the ministers were to preach purely the -Word of God; that they were to celebrate only two sacraments, baptism -and the supper; that it was lawful to eat flesh at any time; that -ecclesiastics were not forbidden to marry; that all popish ceremonies, -masses, processions, lustrations, pilgrimages, and ringing of bells -for the dead and for bad weather, were abolished. These were followed -by many ordinances against gluttony, drunkenness, impurity, adultery, -blasphemy, gaming, military service abroad, and dancing. Three modest -dances for marriage festivals were, however, conceded.[434] Priests -and monks were at liberty to remain in the country, where they -received fitting allowances, or if they preferred it, to withdraw -into a Catholic country. The canons of Lausanne having no wish to be -witnesses of such a reform, took the latter course. They crossed the -lake and settled at Evian. The sisters of Sainte-Claire of Vevey did -the same.[435] - -Calvin and the other ministers of Geneva and its neighborhood watched -with interest the changes which were taking place in the Pays de Vaud. -But they did not conceal from themselves how much there still remained -to do. On October 13, Calvin, before he started for Berne, whither -he was summoned, wrote from Lausanne to one of his friends--‘Already -in many places the idols and the altars of the papacy have begun to -totter, and I hope that ere long all the superstitions that still -prevail will be abolished. The Lord grant that idolatry may be -altogether uprooted in all hearts.’[436] These words characterize the -condition of the Pays de Vaud at that epoch. - -On November 21, 1536, a conference was held at Geneva, at which the -pastors of the surrounding districts appear to have been present. Those -of the Pays de Gex and of the Chablais undoubtedly attended.[437] A -letter addressed by the conference to their brethren of Lausanne and -of Vaud sufficiently refutes the calumnies cast upon the Reformation, -and shows to what extent the reformers took heed of the purity of -the Church. ‘The pontifical tyranny has been overthrown,’ they said; -‘silence has been imposed upon the monks, because of their doctrines -and their unchaste lives. Brethren, take heed lest another tyranny -erect itself in place of the former. See that order and discipline be -maintained among you, and everything that becomes a holy assembly. To -that end seek your directions, not from any pontiff, nor in the rites -of the pope, but from Jesus Christ and in his Word.... Examine with -the utmost care the brethren whom you accept as pastors; see that -their doctrine be pure and their lives spotless. Inform yourselves -even of their family and the family of their wives, as St. Paul -enjoins. Without such care you will prepare your own ruin and that of -your people. As for ceremonies, let them be wholesome. Exercise your -Christian liberty, but in such a way as to cause offence to no one.’ -The pastors of Geneva, they said, had received two letters in which -they found no Christian charity or moderation at all, but which savored -of pontifical authority. This passage doubtless refers to Caroli. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - - THE REFORM AT GENEVA.--FORMULARY OF FAITH AND OF DISCIPLINE. - - (END OF 1536-1537.) - - -[Sidenote: LIBERTY AND AUTHORITY.] - -Calvin had displayed at Lausanne a steadfastness in the faith, and -a faculty of unfolding his views, which attracted more and more -attention to him. Bucer and Capito, in reading his _Institution_, -had already recognized the lofty reach of his intellect, and they -eagerly desired to have a conference with him on the evangelical -doctrine. They both wrote to him on December 1. ‘We acknowledge,’ said -Bucer, ‘that it is the Lord’s will to make use of you abundantly for -the good of our churches, and to make your ministry greatly useful. -We desire to be in agreement with you in all things, and we will go -to meet you wherever you please.’[438] Thus, then, the Strasburgers -acknowledged in Calvin a vocation for all the churches. They saw in him -the reformer. The author of the _Institution_ had in fact conceived -an ideal of a Church which was to take the place of the papacy--an -ideal difficult, perhaps impossible of realization in this world, but -to which he desired that Geneva should make as near an approach as -possible. Luther had announced with power the doctrine of remission of -sins, without concerning himself much about the constitution of the -Church. That doctrine, by penetrating the hearts of men, was to form -the congregation of the Lord. The great aim of Calvin was certainly to -proclaim before everything, like Luther, the redemption accomplished -by Jesus Christ, and the salvation which it gives; but he sought also, -more than the German reformer, to found a faithful Church, which, being -quickened and sanctified by the virtue of God’s word and the grace -of the Holy Spirit, should truly be the body of the Lord. Zwingli -had also busied himself with this subject; but there is an important -difference between the labors of the reformers of Zurich and Geneva. -At Zurich, Zwingli had looked downward: it was the people, so far as -they believed in the Scriptures, who were the foundation of the Church. -Calvin, on the other hand, looked upward, and placed the origin and the -subsistence of the Church in God himself. At Zurich, the Church existed -by the will of the reformed majority of the nation; at Geneva, it was -the will and the Word of God that formed it. At Zurich, the _fulcrum_ -was in liberty; at Geneva, in authority. Both of these are salutary; -but each has its own danger. The best system is that in which authority -and liberty are combined; but this is not always easy to realize. - -After Calvin’s return from the disputation of Lausanne, he resumed -his lectures and expositions of St. Paul’s Epistles in the church of -St. Peter. These lectures were well attended, and created an interest -which continually increased. Ere long, the superiority of the young -doctor and of his teaching, at once so profound and so animated, -excited in the Genevese the desire that he should definitely settle -among them. Towards the close of the year 1536, the office of pastor -was added to that of doctor. ‘He was elected and declared such in that -church by regular election and approbation.’[439] Calvin, at a later -period, felt bound to insist, in his letter to Cardinal Sadoleto, -on the regularity of that call. ‘In the first place,’ said he, ‘I -discharged in that church the office of reader, and afterwards that of -minister and pastor. And as far as regards my undertaking the second -charge, I maintain for my right that I did so lawfully and by a regular -call.’[440] - -Calvin had not forgotten France, and he never did forget her. He had -himself just instigated an intervention of several German and Swiss -towns in favor of the French Protestants. It was doubtless on this -subject that he wrote from Lausanne to his friend François Daniel, -October 13, 1536: ‘To-morrow, if the Lord will, I am going to Berne, -respecting a business of which I will speak to you another time. I am -afraid that it may even be necessary for me to go as far as Basel, -notwithstanding the state of my health and the present ungenial -season.’[441] But nevertheless, without forgetting his old country, he -attached himself to his new one. That republic appeared to suit his -taste. Having become pastor at Geneva, he gave his attention to what -he had to do in order to substitute for the Church of the pope a real -evangelical Church. - -[Sidenote: THE INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY.] - -Farel, Viret, and Froment had begun the work at the right end. In -building a temple the first process is the cutting of the stones one by -one. Science has sometimes disparaged the individual. She has said, ‘An -individual, of whatsoever species it be, is nothing to the universe; -a hundred individuals, or a thousand, they are still nothing.’[442] -It is not so with individuals that have souls. Christ anticipated -and refuted these audacious assertions when he said, ‘What shall it -profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul?’ It -was by the conversion of individuals (Cornelius, Lydia, &c.) that the -Apostles established the Christian religion in the world; and it was -by proceeding in the same way that Farel and his friends laid the -foundations of Reform. Calvin, while appreciating this work, felt -nevertheless that another was necessary. After analysis must come -synthesis; and after the individual, society. Catholicism neglected -the individual, and concerned itself almost exclusively with society. -The Gospel proceeds otherwise. Farel had been everywhere, enlightening -minds one by one with the torch of the Word. It was now needful to bind -together the souls thus enlightened. The Christian individual must -first be created, afterwards the Christian Church. The Reformation -had begun in Geneva with the law of life. Another law, the law of -unity, must now be fulfilled. Calvin was alarmed when he considered -the state of Geneva. ‘When I first came into this town,’ said he, -‘there was as it were nothing--no morals, no discipline, no life. -Preaching went on, and that was all. To be sure they burnt the idols, -but there was no reformation at all.’[443] This judgment is perhaps -too severe. It was twenty-eight years after the time referred to that -Calvin thus expressed himself; and the ‘wonderful conflicts’ which he -had been engaged in may possibly have led him to depict in too dark -colors the church which Farel had left to him. Be that as it may, -Calvin, while attaching the utmost importance to individual conversion, -was profoundly convinced that a task of another kind remained to be -achieved. We find that the same conviction possessed Luther when he -returned to Wittenberg after his confinement in the Wartburg. It is the -conviction that upon the revolutionary principle (and the revolution, -we must admit, had been necessary and admirable) the conservative -principle must erect itself. - -[Sidenote: DIVISION AMONG THE HUGUENOTS.] - -When a brilliant victory is won, we usually find, both in the world -and in the Church, that a number of men gather around the victor who -have indeed something in common with him, but who have at the same -time characters and propensities opposed to his own. All who muster -and fight under the same flag, however, have not always the same -thoughts and the same affections as the brave warrior who hoists the -flag. The Genevese, who were designated by the name of Huguenots, -had declared for the Reformation because it attacked the abuses and -the superstitions of popery, and because, in bidding them prove all -things, it restored to them those privileges of free men of which Rome -had robbed them; many had also been attracted by the love of novelty, -others by the prospect of a new career opened to their ambition. There -were doubtless a certain number of citizens who sincerely agreed with -the Reformation, with the faith which it professed, and with the morals -which it prescribed; but they did not form the most numerous class. In -any expedition of great daring, and which exposes to many toils and -privations, we know that many of the soldiers quit the standard under -which they first ranked themselves; so it was inevitable that a large -number of the Genevese would abandon the flag around which they had -rallied, and would place themselves in opposition to the leaders whom -at first they had followed. Calvin was not long in observing this. -‘The abomination of papistry,’ said he, ‘is now cut down by the power -of the Word.[444] The senate has decreed that its superstitions, with -all their _paraphernalia_, shall be suppressed, and that religion -shall be regulated in the city according to the purity of the Gospel. -However, the form of the Church does not appear to us to be such as the -legitimate exercise of our office requires. Whatever others may think, -we for our part cannot imagine that our ministry ought to be anything -so slight as that when once we have preached our sermon, we have -nothing to do but to fold our arms, like people that have done their -task.’ - -Calvin’s first thought for insuring a prosperous state of things in -Geneva--and this deserves to be noticed--was that it was essential to -pay great attention to Christian instruction. He had no sooner returned -from his journey than he began to draw up a catechism, to which he -added a confession of faith.[445] Although his own word was full of -force and authority, it was to the understanding, to the conscience, -and to conviction that he appealed. The Holy Scriptures possessed in -his eyes an infallible authority to which every soul of man is bound -to submit. Nevertheless, he did not mean that men were to submit in a -slavish manner, as Rome required; He would have them understand the -Holy Scriptures in order that they might grasp their truth and beauty. -‘It is mere nothing,’ said he, ‘that words are thrown out, until -our minds are enlightened by the gift of intelligence. If we cannot -comprehend with our own understanding and know what is right, how -should our will suffice to obey?’[446] - -It was not difficult for the author of the _Institution Chrétienne_ to -compose, according to the same notions, a book designed for religious -instruction. Calvin therefore prepared a catechism in French, which was -not divided into question and answer. It seemed, from the way in which -it was drawn up, less fitted to be placed in the hands of children than -of masters, as a clue; or rather in the hands of adults, to aid their -attempts after self-instruction. It appears, nevertheless, that the -book was also used by children. It has hitherto been found impossible -to discover a single copy of it. It is conjectured that the leaves of -the book were used up, being torn out with the wear and tear of daily -lessons, as frequently happens still with school-books.[447] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN’S CATECHISM.] - -A Latin translation of the catechism appeared at Basel in 1538.[448] -This catechism reveals in its first lines the true thought, the real -mind of Calvin. We say the real mind, because it is very different -from that attributed to Calvin by so many men who are filled with -prejudices, and for whom the word _Calvinism_ is like a scarecrow set -up on the top of a pole in the fields to frighten timid birds. ‘There -is not a man in existence,’ said he, ‘no matter how uncivilized he be, -no matter though his heart be altogether savage, that is destitute of -the religious sentiment. It is certain that the end for which we were -created is to know the majesty of our Creator, and to embrace him when -known, and to adore him with all fear, love, and reverence.’[449] Of -course this declaration does not show that Calvin was blind to the -evil that is in humanity. It does not prevent his declaring that ‘the -heart of man, which the poison of sin has penetrated to its inmost -depths, sins, not because it is constrained by necessity, but because -the will impels him to it.’ Calvin afterwards expounds, with the hand -of a master, the three great articles of the Christian Church--the -Decalogue, the Apostles’ Creed, and the Lord’s Prayer. But this is not -the place for a copy of his exposition. - -Calvin, at the same time that he provided instruction for the young, -interested himself warmly in the character of the men and women who -were called to become members of the Church of God. As he longed for -a pure Church, his first care was to ascertain the purity of faith -and life of those who composed it. The great diversity of religious -opinions which then prevailed in Geneva troubled him, for he knew -that _every house divided against itself shall not stand_. ‘How,’ -said he, ‘can we receive into a Church of the Gospel people who, -for all we know, may not have renounced papistical idolatries and -superstitions?’[450] The members composing a Church ought, in his -judgment, to be united by a bond both holy and strong. As Geneva had to -contend against the Goliath of the papacy, her strength must be found -in faith and union. Sound doctrine must be imprinted on the hearts -of the Genevese, in order that neither mysticism, nor infidelity, -nor a fanatical enthusiasm might approach to enfeeble and lead them -astray. Christians must ‘lean upon the promises of God with trust and -certainty, that they may stand firm against all the artillery which -might threaten the destruction of their confidence.’[451] - -Before Calvin’s arrival, Farel had spoken to the council about the -necessity of preparing the edicts for establishing unity in matters -of religion at Geneva, but nothing had been done. Now that Calvin was -come, he conversed with his old colleague on the means of _making the -people live in the faith of God_. The two friends agreed to prepare a -confession of evangelical faith, and the author of the _Institution -chrétienne_ was in reality charged with the task of drawing it up; -not however without consulting Farel, who was better acquainted with -Geneva, and more clearly understood what was expedient, than the -newly arrived teacher. The biographers of Calvin, who were also his -friends and knew his labors better than any one, speak of this matter. -‘When he was named pastor,’ says one of them, ‘he prepared a brief -formulary of doctrine and discipline.’[452] ‘Then (after the Lausanne -disputation),’ says another, ‘a formula of Christian faith was published -by Calvin.’[453] It has been asserted that Calvin’s formula is lost, -but that Farel had at the same time prepared another, and that the -latter is preserved. In this assertion there are two statements highly -improbable: first, that separate confessions of faith were drawn up at -the same time by Calvin and Farel, for the same purpose: second, that -it is Calvin’s which is lost, and Farel’s that is preserved. - -[Sidenote: THE CONFESSION OF FAITH.] - -Whatever the fact may be, Farel, on November 10, presented the -Confession to the council; and that was quite natural. He had stood -for years in close relation with that body, and was recognized by it -as the chief leader in the Church: while Calvin, a new-comer, and -somewhat shy, was not fond of showing himself, and least of all of -appearing before the Council of the Two Hundred. Farel, therefore, -having been introduced into the hall of the great council, communicated -the document to them. He stood in the presence of the deputies of the -people of Geneva, who were invested with large powers and whom it was -dangerous to offend. But, although he took into consideration the -religious state of those whom he addressed, he laid before them the -purport of the Christian dispensation with that freedom, clearness, and -courage which were characteristic of the epoch of the Reformation, and -which appear strange to a generation more enervated, more unbelieving, -and more timid. ‘The rule of our faith and our religion,’ said he, ‘is -Holy Scripture alone, without admixture of anything invented by the wit -of man. We worship one God only, not putting our trust in any creature, -whether angel or saint, or men still living on the earth. Man, who is -by nature full of corruption, stands in need of enlightenment from God -that he may attain to the true knowledge of his salvation; and all that -is lacking in ourselves we receive from Christ. By his righteousness -we obtain remission of our sins. By the shedding of his blood we are -cleansed from all our stains. By his Holy Spirit we are born again in a -new spiritual nature. By our communion with him, the works which we do -are made acceptable to God.’[454] - -It has been observed that this confession of faith, in twenty-one -articles, does not set forth the Christian doctrines in so complete -and didactic a manner as Calvin subsequently did. From this -circumstance it has been inferred that it was composed by Farel. A -reply to this reasoning is furnished in the statement of Theodore -Beza,--that the confession was adapted to the wants of the Genevese -Church, which had then hardly escaped from the corruptions of the -papacy. Calvin and Farel had given especial prominence to those -truths which stood in opposition to papal errors, and had not felt -it necessary to establish the doctrines which the Romish Church -had retained: for example, the doctrine of the Trinity. At a later -period, when these doctrines were controverted by men who professedly -adhered to the Reformation, Calvin felt the need of formally avowing -them; and this he did in his _Sommaire de la doctrine chrétienne_. -Further, we would willingly admit that there may have been, as some -competent judges suppose, a confession of faith prepared by Farel, -and that it was that which was presented to the people, if the two -contemporary writers whom we have cited were not silent about such -a document, and did not insist on that of which Calvin was author. -But there is stronger evidence still. Calvin himself, when speaking -of the publication of his catechism, says, ‘that he annexed to it _a -confession which was sanctioned_ (_editam_, published) _by the solemn -oath of all the people_.’[455] To us this appears to be decisive. -We shall presently see that the spirit pervading that confession is -exactly the spirit which at that time animated Calvin. If anyone -asserts the contrary, he must have forgotten the dispute which took -place between Calvin and Caroli. The best reception was given to the -work from the moment of its presentation to the government. The council -resolved, say the registers, that the articles proposed by Farel should -all be adopted.[456] - -[Sidenote: FREQUENT COMMUNION.] - -If the rule of faith were Christian, the rule of morals must be pure. -At the beginning of the year 1537, Calvin, doubtless in conjunction -with Farel, prepared a memoir on the subject of order in the Church. -On January 15 Farel stated the fact to the council; and the next -day the articles ‘presented by Master Guillaume Farel and the other -preachers’ were read before the Two Hundred.[457] The ministers -said,[458]--‘Considering what trouble and confusion prevailed in our -city before the Gospel was received by common consent, it has been -found impossible to bring everything into good order at once. But now -that it hath pleased the Lord to establish his rule here somewhat more -perfectly, we have thought it good and profitable to confer on these -matters; and we have decided to lay before you these articles.’ - -There was no ground of objection to this introduction. - -‘It would be desirable,’ continued Calvin and his friends, ‘that the -holy supper of Jesus Christ should be celebrated every Sunday at the -least, since we are _made, in it, partakers of the body, the blood, the -life, the spirit, and all the benefits of Jesus Christ_, and because -it is an admonition to us to live as Christians in brotherly unity. It -was not instituted for commemoration two or three times in a year, but -for frequent observance. Such was the practice of the ancient Church, -until the abomination of masses was introduced, the effect of which was -the entire abolition of the Lord’s supper. However, as we foresee that -by reason of the infirmity of men, there might be some danger of that -sacred mystery falling into contempt through so frequent a celebration, -we have judged it well that the holy supper should be observed once a -month.’ - -It was natural that such good Christians as these reformers should -desire frequent communion. But the lesser council was of opinion that, -for the majority, the supper would be more solemn and more beneficial -if it were less frequent. It was therefore resolved to propose to the -Council of the Two Hundred that it should be celebrated not more than -four times in the year.[459] The reading of the memoir of the pastors -was continued. - -‘But the main point is that the supper, which was instituted for the -purpose of uniting Christians in one spirit with their head and with -each other, should not be defiled and contaminated by any persons -whose evil life shows plainly that they do not belong to Jesus Christ. -We must not associate, says St. Paul, with those who are notoriously -profligate, covetous, idolatrous, railers, drunkards, or thieves. Care -must therefore be taken that only those come to the supper who are -approved members of Jesus Christ. To this end, our Lord established in -his Church the correction and discipline of _excommunication_. This -discipline existed in the Church until wicked bishops, or rather say -brigands assuming the title of bishops, converted it to an instrument -of tyranny, and abused it for the gratification of their own evil -lusts, to such a degree that, at the present day, excommunication is -one of the most cursed things to be seen in the realm of the pope. It -has therefore seemed to us expedient that this discipline should be -restored in the Church, according to the rule laid down in Scripture. - -[Sidenote: EXCOMMUNICATION.] - -‘Choose ye therefore certain persons of good report, belonging to all -quarters of the city, who may have an eye on each man’s life, in order -that, if they discover open vice in any one, the latter may be exhorted -by one of the ministers in a brotherly way to amend his life. If he -will not listen to the exhortation, then let the minister report to -the assembly what he has done for the reclamation of the sinner. If he -still persist in evil, then the time will be come to excommunicate -him; that is, to treat him as cast out of the society of Christians. -Should there be any who only laugh at your excommunication, it will be -for you to consider whether, in the long run, that contempt for God -and his Gospel is to be suffered.’ After thus insisting on a moral -life, the reformers required that the confession of faith which they -had presented should be put in force. ‘It is much to be suspected,’ -said the ministers, ‘if it be not even plainly apparent, that there -are many of the inhabitants of this city who have not by any means -submitted to the Gospel, but still cherish in their hearts all manner -of superstitions. It would be a highly expedient course to begin in -the first place to ascertain who are willing to avow themselves of the -Church of Jesus Christ, and who are not. If those who are in agreement -with us in respect to the faith are to be excommunicated solely because -of their vices, much more ought those to be excommunicated who are -wholly opposed to us in religion; for there is no division greater than -that which is made by the faith. As yet it has not been ascertained -what doctrine each man holds; but this is _the real beginning of a -church_ (_le droit commencement d’une Église_). The remedy which has -occurred to us is that all the inhabitants of this city should be -bound to make confession and give a reason for their faith. And you, -Gentlemen of the Council, make you confession in your council, and -thus, by example show what each man will have to do.’ - -We have said that before Calvin’s arrival at Geneva, rules of -discipline were in existence and in force. There is here however -something new, as is evident from the language of the pastors. It is -_excommunication_. This is a point of great importance, for it was -on this subject that violent conflicts soon after began in Geneva. -It does not however appear, from the official records, that the -articles met with any opposition in the council. Surely a Christian -life and a Christian faith ought to characterize a Christian society. -If profligates and drunkards ought not to be admitted to what the -world calls good society, much more, they thought, ought they to be -excluded from a religious society. Moreover, they were _laymen_ of good -report who were to watch over moral order, and even those laymen were -appointed by other laymen, members themselves of the council. This -fact made a great difference between the Romish discipline and that -which the reformers desired. In this case there was no suggestion of a -reign of clericalism; and this doubtless contributed to the adoption -of the rules. Calvin was convinced that morality ought to distinguish -the reformed Church from the deformed (_l’église réformée de l’église -déformée_). Was it not dissolute living, both on the part of the laity, -and still more on the part of the monks and the priests, which had -called forth in the Church the sharpest rebukes? It was not possible -to purify the faith without purifying the life. That would have been -a flagrant contradiction. If the Reformation made light of morality, -it would destroy itself as Rome had done. With regard to doctrine, no -one supposed that the reformed Church could hold in its bosom either -Roman Catholics or pantheists who believed neither in God nor in the -immortality of the soul. Why then should it tolerate impure persons or -robbers? All this is true: but nevertheless there is something in the -system that does not work smoothly. Calvin was right, and he was wrong -too. We shall have to say wherein lay his truth and wherein his error. - -The articles presented to the senate dealt also with the spiritual -songs of the Church. If only the minister speak, worship remains cold: -but the singing ‘has power to raise our hearts to God,’ said Calvin, -‘and to stimulate us to exalt his name.’ He urged the education of -children, ‘in order to correct the wonderful rudeness and ignorance in -which they were left through the negligence of their parents, and which -is not by any means allowable in the Church of God.’ Then he treated -of the order of marriage, ‘a subject involved in much confusion by the -pope, who undertook to establish degrees at his own pleasure.’ Calvin -closed his articles with an eloquent exhortation to the council. ‘Take -not these admonitions,’ said he, ‘as coming from us, but from Him who -gives them in his Word. And should any one allege the difficulty of -putting them in practice, let it not trouble you; for we must cherish -the hope that whenever we are willing to do what God has commanded, His -goodness will prosper our enterprise and bring it to a good end, as you -yourselves have found by experience to this day.’ - -Calvin thus set about his task like a great master. A catechism which -bore at once the impress of genius and of piety: a confession of faith, -pure and living: a Church order which had for its aim the removal of -vice and the quickening of piety:--these formed the threefold labor -with which the illustrious reformer began his work. - -[Sidenote: THE ARTICLES APPROVED.] - -The articles, after being sanctioned by the lower council, were carried -the same day before the Council of the Two Hundred, and were allowed. -The council further decreed that no shops should be open on Sundays -during the time of divine service: that all persons who had images and -idols in their houses should destroy them or bring them to be burnt: -that no one should sing foolish songs nor play at games of chance: and -finally that the syndic Porral and Jean Goulaz should be commissioned -to see to the maintenance of good morals in the city, and that people -led lives conformed to the will of God.[460] The choice of Porral was -very good: that of Goulaz, who was personally no enemy to play or to -taverns, was not so good. The council showed by these measures with -what seriousness it meant to proceed in the accomplishment of the -Reformation. Soon after it adopted another resolution. Many children -of Geneva were sent away to various places and intrusted to foreign -governors. The council decreed, January 30, that those persons who had -children at schools not in Geneva, should have them brought into that -town or placed in other _Christian_ schools; that otherwise the said -children would be deprived of citizenship.[461] This was a rigorous -measure; but it shows what spirit actuated the council, and its zeal in -the cause of sound education. - -These important acts met with no opposition even from the citizens who -subsequently so sturdily resisted the rules of discipline. There was -however a certain show of opposition, but it was in mere sport. The -high-spirited youth of the town, easily excited, indulged in laughter -and sarcasm. They were especially annoyed at the zeal of the syndic -Porral, which crossed them in their pastimes; and when new syndics -had been elected, February 4, and Porral went out of office, these -youngsters began the next day to _play at Picca-Porral_. They wore in -the hat, as a badge, a leek (_porreau_), and served at their feasts a -dish of leeks. Each of them would prick the _porral_ with abundance -of jests. ‘Légier Beschaut and some other young men of the town’ were -imprisoned, February 5, for this sport.[462] Porral requested Farel to -accompany him to the prison, for the purpose of admonishing them. But -the young folk did not profit by it. Some have called them frolicsome, -others dissolute. We think that the former term is the most fitting. -As the council saw in the proceedings of the young culprits, says a -contemporary,[463] more of youth and foolishness than of malicious -intention, they set them at liberty four days after their arrest, -under promise to appear again when required. It is very likely that -Porral had acted with a little too much rigor in this affair. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN’S REQUIREMENTS.] - -The Genevese people testified their hearty acceptance of this -Christian constitution by electing, February 5, syndics devoted to -the Reformation. Other candidates of note were rejected. It was -acknowledged that the equality of the citizens was established by -this constitution, the rules applying to all alike, ‘and families of -the highest distinction being bound to submit like other people.’ -This gratified the commonalty. Calvin, however, did not indulge in -illusions. He was afraid that a certain number of citizens, and even -some of the highest eminence, would oppose the Reform; and he urgently -required that all should be called upon to profess it. ‘In default -of this,’ he said, ‘he would stay no longer at Geneva.’[464] What he -had presented was for the benefit of all. If all would not accept it, -he would go away, for he had no intention of invading or usurping by -force or by fraud. On March 13, the council resolved to see to the -Lord’s Supper, and to the observance of the other articles.[465] On -April 17 it was decreed that a syndic, the captain of the quarter, -and the tithing men (_dizeniers_) should visit all the houses of the -tithings (_dizaines_) to propose the articles respecting the faith. -On the 27th of the same month it was resolved to print the confession -of faith, and to furnish a sufficient number of copies to the tithing -men for the inhabitants of their tithings, in order that when the -people should be visited they might be better instructed and well -informed.[466] Each man should know what he was going to do; there -must be no surprise. Calvin, indeed, was not content with the mere -instruction of the Genevese in accordance with the confession. It -would have sufficed Saunier, who saw with regret, at least at this -time, that adhesion to the formula of the confession was required of -every Genevese.[467] But it was not enough for Calvin that the document -should be officially recognized by the council as an expression of the -faith of the Genevese, a course which had been deemed satisfactory in -other places. He demanded that each individual should accept it. He -did not believe that the state was in this case responsible for the -people. Every Genevese was responsible before God. He did not want -religion in the mass. Does not Christ say, _Whosoever shall confess me -before men_? Whosoever--that is, each individual. This is perfectly -true; but the mistake is to suppose that, in order to confess Christ, -it is necessary to sign a theological confession. ‘If thou believest -in thy heart, thou shalt be saved,’ says Paul. We are reminded of a -poor woman who desired participation at the supper, and whose pastor -subjected her to an examination on the three offices of Christ, as -prophet, priest, and king. ‘Ah, sir,’ she replied, ‘I know nothing -of those things, but I am ready to die for him.’ ‘That will do,’ -said the minister, with some sense of shame. Theology is necessary -to theologians; it must not be demanded of simple folk. The three -leading ministers, Farel, Calvin, and Courault, the latter blind and -old, being of the same mind on the subject, appeared before the Two -Hundred, presented their formula, and earnestly pressed the council to -give glory to God by confessing His truth. ‘It is right,’ said Calvin, -‘that in so sacred a duty you, who are bound to set an example of all -virtue, should go before the people.’ But that was not enough for him. -‘Then,’ he added, ‘assemble the country by tithings, and let every man -swear to this confession.’[468] The council adopted the views of the -reformer, which Saunier himself had embraced. All the tithing men were -summoned to give first their own adhesion; and the council charged them -to exhort those over whom they were set to follow the commandments of -God, and to bring their men (_leurs gens_) to St. Peter’s, tithing -by tithing (there were twenty-eight of them), to adhere to the -confession. The adhesion was given through the medium of the tithing -men, successively, and not simultaneously. A principle, from which -there was no deviation, excluded women from the general council. But in -this instance the assembly was of a religious rather than a political -character. It was well known how great the influence of woman is in -the family as regards religion. It is therefore possible that both men -and women were summoned together to St. Peter’s, distributed in groups -by their tithing men. The decree which we have just cited directs them -to bring their _gens_, a word which may include both sexes. However, -we have found no positive evidence on this point. One single fact -appears to indicate that women were present. On September 28, 1537, the -council dealt with the case of _Jeanne la Gibescière_, who would not -swear to the new reformation, and banished her on that account. But -more than a month earlier, on August 21, this same Jeanne, belonging -to a particular sect (_the Spirituals_), on its being proposed to -her to swear to the new reformation, had refused to do so, and had -consequently been placed under arrest. That case, therefore, cannot be -alleged as an absolute proof that women also swore to the confession at -St. Peter’s. - -[Sidenote: CONVOCATION OF THE PEOPLE.] - -Accordingly, on Sunday, July 29, the council assembled in the -cathedral, and the tithings passed in successively. Young people who -had attained their majority, and old men with white hair, perhaps women -as well as men, came forward. Rozet, secretary to the council, read the -confession of faith. Next came the oath of fidelity and obedience, -which each in his turn took by lifting up his hand.[469] ‘The people,’ -says Calvin, ‘show no less alacrity in taking the oath than the senate -had shown diligence in publishing it.’[470] A large number of the -Genevese professed with all their heart the evangelical doctrines. - -Nevertheless, the opinion of Saunier might be supported by weighty -reasons. If he was opposed to the imposition of a personal engagement, -it was because he knew that the confession was not the exact expression -of the faith of each individual; that some of those who would swear to -it did not understand it either wholly or in part; and that others, -while understanding it better, had only an intellectual belief, which -might fail when assailed by captious objections. Individuality did -not appear to be at that time adequately respected. But the public -profession of faith of July 29 had been so solemn a proceeding that -many rejoiced at it. There were however many people who abstained from -joining in it, because they were still attached to Roman Catholicism. -There were also a certain number who were unwilling to submit to moral -discipline. George Lesclefs and his servant said that they could not -bring their minds to swear to keep the ten commandments, because they -were so difficult.[471] Others refused to take the oath from a spirit -of political independence. - -Nevertheless, we may assert in a general way that the people gave -their adhesion to the confession; and that was a glorious day for the -Reformation on which those hands were lifted up for the Gospel in the -old cathedral of St. Peter. The sky, indeed, was afterwards clouded, -but that day was clear and serene. - -[Sidenote: THE OATH REFUSED BY MANY.] - -Calvin might well rejoice in having obtained results so large in so -short a time; and his colleagues rejoiced with him. The aged Courault, -persecuted in France, had been compelled to take refuge in Basel; and -Calvin, knowing that although deprived of sight, ‘he was clear-sighted -with the eyes of the mind,’ had called him to Geneva. Courault was -happy to find himself a witness in that city of the triumph of the -Reformation, which had been so rudely assailed in his native country. -Farel, on his part, saw that God was crowning the work that had cost -him so much labor. He displayed at all times unwearied zeal and heroic -courage; and his continual prayers in behalf of the Reformation were -so fervent, that those who heard them felt themselves lifted up to -heaven, says Beza. Farel had cast the seed into the ground, and had -seen the stalk spring up. Now, to the time of sowing succeeded the time -of harvest. The ear had appeared, the grain was formed in the ear, and -another laborer, a robust harvestman, had come to cut the wheat and -bind the sheaves. But this excited no envy in him. On the contrary, -his Christian soul acknowledged with thanksgiving the precious gifts -bestowed on Calvin. The superiority of his intellect, the extent of -his acquirements, the accuracy of his judgment, and his faculty for -organization, filled the old pioneer with admiration and respect. He -was delighted to see a constantly increasing auditory thronging into -the cathedral to hear Calvin expound the Holy Scriptures. Thenceforth -the old man sat almost a disciple at the feet of the young doctor. -On all subjects he desired Calvin’s opinion, and he looked on him as -the man chosen of God to complete the Reformation. Calvin on his part -gave to Farel the honor which was due to him. ‘After you had begun to -build up this Church of Geneva, with great labor and danger,’ he said, -‘I came in unexpectedly in the first instance as _conductor_, and -afterwards I remained as your successor, to carry on the work which -you had well and happily begun.’ This cordial relation between Calvin -and Farel, in spite of the difference of their ages, is among the -most beautiful instances of the kind in history. Calvin subsequently -extolled what he called _their sacred friendship and union_, and said -affectionately, ‘You and I are one.’[472] There was between them, says -Calvin on another occasion, a good understanding and a friendship -which, consecrated by the name of Christ, was profitable to his Church. - -The school, placed under the direction of Saunier, likewise flourished. -Lessons began at five o’clock in the morning.[473] The pupils were -instructed ‘in the three most excellent languages, Greek, Hebrew, -and Latin, in addition to the French, which, in the opinion of the -learned, is by no means to be despised.’ Mathurin Cordier, formerly -Calvin’s teacher, soon devoted himself to this task. Numerous scholars, -attracted to Geneva by the great work which was being achieved there, -came from Basel, Berne, Bienne, Zurich, and other places, to study -there. These messmates lived at the College, with Saunier, whose house -was ordered in a Christian manner. ‘Daily, before they sat down to -meat, one of them read aloud a chapter of the Bible and all the rest -listened. While seated at the table, they each repeated a sentence -of Holy Scripture.’[474] Thus were fashioned the strong men of the -sixteenth century. The system which excludes from the school the Bible -and even religion, that is to say, the regenerative and training -element, will never form the like. - -[Sidenote: DISCIPLINE.] - -The reformers, whose intercourse with each other was pleasant and -refreshing, enjoyed in addition the approval of the majority of -the people, and particularly of the magistrates. Receiving so much -encouragement in their ministry, they were brave, active, and -unwearied in their calling. Far from being weighed down with their -great task, they appeared rather to grow stronger under the burden; -and this is a distinctive mark of great men. If any difficulty arose, -if any village were in need of a preacher, Farel and Calvin applied -with confidence to the council, which usually acceded to their request, -and acted even with generosity.[475] When a good citizen pointed out, -February 13, that Calvin had not yet received anything, the council -decreed to present him with _six écus_.[476] The next day, Farel, with -his brother and Saunier, applied for the grant of citizenship; it was -resolved that they should receive it free of charge. Calvin did not -become a citizen of Geneva till a later period. Nor was he the only -one who deferred that matter. Other celebrated Frenchmen declined the -citizenship of Geneva, their city of refuge, on the ground that they -could not renounce France. That love for the old country was probably -one of the motives which led Calvin to put off for three-and-twenty -years becoming a citizen of the city of which he was the very soul. On -February 27 they presented to Saunier thirty measures of wheat; and, on -June 6, _six écus_ to Courault. The gifts were not large, but every age -has its own measure. - -The council, which concerned itself about the wants of the ministers, -watched likewise, in conformity with the constitution, over the wants -of the Church and the purity of morals. Letters were written, February -7, at the request of Farel, to Besançon and to Neuchâtel, respecting -Olivétan’s Bible.[477] The lay magistrates were severe. On the 23d of -the same month, a player and sharper, who was cheating the people -out of their money, was sentenced to be exposed for an hour, with his -fraudulent cards hung round his neck. The ‘_grand Francois_,’ guilty of -impurity, had to give as a fine a halter, eighteen feet long, such as -is used for tying up cattle. A man and woman guilty of adultery, were -banished, June 1, for a year. On March 13 the council, intruding even -into the spiritual domain, determined to make arrangements about the -Lord’s Supper and other things.[478] - -Thus Geneva took an important place both as a Church and a school. -Foreigners resorted to it, or sent their children there. The beauty of -its situation formed also a powerful attraction. Of all descriptions -of Geneva, the following is doubtless one of the most ancient. ‘Do -not imagine,’ said Saunier, ‘that Geneva is some frightful, almost -uninhabitable town, in the midst of barren and solitary rocks. The -streets, with a few exceptions, are broad and in good condition, and -there are several large public places. Encircled by a continuous chain -of mountains, it has nevertheless on all sides a tract of level country -extending round it in the form of a great theatre. As for the lake, it -is difficult to say in what respect it is of most value to the city, -whether for profit, for defence (_parement_), or for beauty. The water -is not at all muddy or turbid, but to the very bottom is clear as fine -glass, so that people take a wonderful pleasure in looking at it. To -sum up, the said town is situated on the frontiers of three great -countries, to wit, Gaul, Germany, and Italy, as it were a place marked -out (_députée_) for gatherings of merchants.’[479] Geneva was going to -be marked out for other gatherings. ‘Already Mathurin Cordier,’ says a -contemporary, ‘a man more skilful in training schools in the French -tongue than any man of our time has been, brought with him a large -number of learned men.’[480] We have already spoken elsewhere of the -arrival of young Englishmen at the foot of the Alps, for the sake of -enjoying intercourse with Calvin. Saunier’s description shows that the -reformers were not unobservant of the beauties of nature. They loved -them, and contemplated them at Geneva in the height and perfection of -their majesty. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - - CALVIN CONTENDS WITH FOREIGN DOCTORS, AND IS ACCUSED OF ARIANISM. - - (MARCH TO JUNE, 1537.) - - -[Sidenote: ARRIVAL OF FOREIGN DOCTORS.] - -[Sidenote: THE SPIRITUALS.] - -The peace and satisfaction which were the fruit of the settled order, -and even of the beauty of the places in which these great changes had -been effected, did not long remain undisturbed. Some foreign doctors -came to Geneva, Herman of Liége and Andrew Benoît, the latter also a -native of the Netherlands, both of them belonging to that enthusiastic -sect, some of whose leaders Calvin had previously encountered -in France, and who called themselves the Spirituals.[481] These -sectaries had found their way into western Europe, but Germany and the -Netherlands were, above all, their proper countries. The German mind -has a philosophical and even mystical tendency, which gives rise to a -longing to penetrate deeper than the Bible itself into the knowledge -of divine things. The central position of Geneva, the important -revolution in politics and religion which had just been accomplished -there, excited in those sectaries the hope of establishing themselves -in the city for the purpose of spreading themselves afterwards over -France, Italy, and other countries. These new doctors, from the time of -their arrival, had labored to diffuse their opinions, and had gained -partisans. Among these were some members of the council.[482] Proud of -this first success, they expected to substitute in Geneva their dreams -for the Gospel. The claim set up by these Spirituals, of penetrating -further into the truth than the reformers did, gave them a certain -attractiveness for minds eager for novelties. They boldly announced -that they were willing to dispute with the preachers. As early as March -9 they were called before the council, and were invited to communicate -in writing the articles which they intended to maintain.[483] Herman -and Benoît complied with this request, and delivered their theses to -the council. The council took them into consideration on March 13. In -calling themselves the _Spirituals_, these men meant to assert that the -spirit alone acted in them. Their doctrine was a more or less gross -kind of Pantheism. They did not think, in general, ‘that the soul was -a substance, a creature having essence; it was merely, in their view, -the property which a man has of breathing, of moving, and of performing -other vital actions.[484] They said that in place of our souls it is -God who lives in us, and does in us all the actions pertaining to -life. God became the creature,’ adds Calvin, ‘and the latter was no -longer anything.’[485] An assassination having been committed at Paris, -Quintin, a leader among the Spirituals, replied to some who asked him -who committed it, ’Tis thou, ’tis I, ’tis God, for what thou and I -do, ’tis God that does it.’ They had also peculiar ideas respecting -Jesus Christ. They did not hold that he had been very man, but made -him a kind of phantom, as to his body. They held similar errors about -baptism, excommunication, the magistrate, oaths, and other matters. -We are not in possession of the articles which they presented to the -council, and it is probable that they did not put forward the most -offensive points of their system. But the majority of the council -‘believed that it would be dangerous to discuss those articles in -public, on account of the weakness (_tendrité_) of men’s minds. They -therefore determined to give them a hearing on the following day, March -14, but only in the Council of the Two Hundred.’[486] - -The sensation created in the city by the presence of Herman and Benoît, -and the eagerness with which certain citizens were pleased to listen -to them, had not escaped the notice of the reformers. If these doctors -were not refuted, Geneva, withdrawn from the errors of the papacy, -might fall into the dreams of Pantheism. The reformers therefore asked -permission to attend the sitting. Herman and Benoît expounded their -system. The council wished to hush up the affair; but Farel, confident -in the force of truth, requested that it might be publicly discussed. -His entreaties were complied with, and the debate was fixed for the -next day, March 15.[487] - -The disputation took place in the grand auditory of Rive, on March -15, 16, and 17, and on each occasion lasted the whole day. No report -of these debates has come down to us. But some notion may be formed -of them from the two tractates which Calvin devoted to the exposition -and refutation of the system.[488] The discussion was very animated. -The reformers so forcibly confuted, by the Word of God alone, the -doctrines advanced by the two Spirituals in the public disputation, -that the whole tribe thenceforth disappeared from that Church.[489] -The Council of the Two Hundred having assembled, March 18, declared -that the assailant was not _sufficient_, that is to say, that -his opinions were erroneous. But they remarked that this disputation -might beget differences, and that the faith might be imperilled. The -reformers were therefore forbidden for the future to engage in such -discussions. Then Herman and Benoît being called in, the syndics said -to them, ‘We have been quite willing to hear you, for we listen to -everybody, but _seeing that you are not able to prove the truth of -your propositions by Holy Scripture_, we have pronounced them to be -_contrary to the truth_. Are you willing to retract, and to return to -God and ask his forgiveness?’ ‘We submit to the will of God,’ they -replied, ‘but we will not by any means retract our words.’ - -[Sidenote: EXPULSION OF THE SPIRITUALS.] - -Those of the Genevese who had taken them from the time of their coming -for good evangelical Christians had called them _brethren_. But these -foreigners had shown themselves very quarrelsome; and having refused -even to pray with the Christians of Geneva--an offensive sign of their -sectarian spirit--they were no longer called by the name of brethren. -However, no penalty was at that time imposed on them, in the hope -that they might be brought to more Christian sentiments. But that was -indulging in a mere illusion. It was therefore decreed, according -to the custom of the age, that these doctors, and every member of -their sect, should be banished for ever from Geneva, under pain of -death. ‘The most admirable feature of this business,’ said the early -biographers of Calvin, ‘is, that if some churches of Germany have been -delivered from these doctors, they were so by mere rigor of justice; -while at Geneva _the magistrate had no hand in it_.’[490] Certainly, -he did not employ against them either imprisonment or torture; Calvin -endeavored only to convince them by argument. But banishment, under -pain of death, is nevertheless a very palpable act of the magistrate. -On the other hand, it is also a mistake to say that the Registers -knew nothing of Calvin’s victory.[491] On the contrary, the decree of -the council was expressly based on the fact that the doctors had been -unable to prove the truth of their propositions by Holy Scripture. - -These were not the only attacks which the reformers had to sustain at -the outset of their career. There were certain restless spirits who saw -with vexation Calvin, Farel, and Viret at the head of the Reformation -in French-speaking lands, and who wished to deprive them of their -position, that they might occupy it themselves. These new troubles, -caused by jealousy and ambition, were of a sharper kind, and lasted -longer.[492] Their originator was that doctor of the Sorbonne, Caroli, -whom we saw arrive from France at Geneva at the time of the great -disputation of 1535.[493] Caroli was a sort of theological adventurer. -He did not at heart care for the sacred end which the Reformation had -in view. An incurable levity, which would not allow him to adhere -to any party, a liking for anything which seemed to him new and -fashionable, a burning thirst for glory and for fortune, a craving for -liberty to satisfy his vicious inclinations, these were the feelings -which actuated him, and threw him into a camp which he soon abandoned -to seek in another the gratification of the same evil desires. Vain, -proud, cringing, and inconsistent, he appeared as an assailant of the -monks when a sort of reformation was in vogue in France. Next, when -the era of persecution had begun, he made his escape to Geneva. The -object of his dreams was to become a sort of bishop, to govern the -reformed churches in French Switzerland; and he proposed to establish -a doctrine which should hold a middle place between the Gospel and the -pope. He had made acquaintance with the principal cities of his future -diocese. From Geneva he had gone to Neuchâtel, and there he had become -pastor, and had married. We have seen him appointed first pastor at -Lausanne. ‘In every place that he visited he left some traces of his -baseness.’[494] He tacked before every breeze. In a little while he -passed from the Romish camp into the Protestant; then, because the -reformers remonstrated with him, he returned to his vomit, according -to the Scripture phrase; quitted the papal hierarchy a second time, -to associate with the evangelicals; and finally ended his roving and -wretched life at Rome. Caroli is one of the most despicable characters -of that epoch--one of those ecclesiastical Don Quixotes who boast of -smiting all their enemies. Besides vainglory, he had another passion -quite as intense--hatred. He detested Farel, who had known him at Paris -and had rebuked him for his vices. He detested Viret, who had once -preached on impurity before him; a sermon which Caroli, convicted by -his own conscience, thought was meant for him. In vain Viret assured -him that he had preached for everybody: Caroli never forgave him. And -lastly, the high esteem in which Calvin was held filled this Parisian -doctor with envy and jealousy. He was hardly settled at Lausanne when, -eager to realize his dreams, he demanded at Berne the oversight of -a certain number of pastors and of churches. The Bernese refused -this, and at the same time begged Viret to aid with his advice a -foreigner who did not perfectly know the country, and decreed that no -innovation should be introduced among the people by any pastor without -a preliminary deliberation of all the brethren.[495] - -[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF CAROLI.] - -Caroli was not at all inclined to submit to this rule. A fantastic -schoolman, he was fond of putting forward strange paradoxes, and -of raising discussions which irritated men’s minds and gave him an -opportunity of showing off his cleverness. That sort of thing was a -remnant of the Middle Ages; but the age of the Reformation demanded -a different method. Caroli was an anachronism. His rank as doctor -of the Sorbonne ought, in his view, to set him at the top of the -ecclesiastical hierarchy, before which the rude herdsmen of Helvetia -must bend. He meant to make a reformation _sui generis_, to advance -views peculiar to himself, and to set up doctrines to which no one -had before attained. An opportunity soon presented itself. Viret, -his young colleague, having gone to pay a visit to his friends at -Geneva, Caroli took advantage of his absence, and, ascending the -pulpit, read a series of theses tending to prove that prayers ought -to be made for the dead. ‘I have no intention,’ he said as he closed, -‘of taking lessons from a young man,’ thus pointing to Viret. It was -plain, from his gestures, his voice, his words so arrogant and so full -of tartness, that he was over-excited.[496] Viret, being informed by -one of his friends, soon returned, and rebuked him for his freak. But -Caroli, proud of what he impudently called his discovery, replied--‘I -do not believe in purgatory, nor do I suppose that the dead can be -comforted by the prayers of the living; those things are mere fictions. -But I believe that we ought to ask God to hasten his judgment for -the happiness of his saints and of all the members of the Church, -the Virgin, the prophets, and the apostles, who will be the first to -profit thereby.’[497] Caroli thus pitched his tent between Rome and -the Gospel, being neither with the one nor with the other, but being -merely himself. That was his wish. Had he only urged the Church to -say to the Lord, ‘Come quickly,’ he would have spoken in conformity -with Holy Scripture. But his intention was that the prayer should be -offered in favor of the dead, a pretence which finds no justification -in the Bible. Viret replied to him--‘You know that we ought not to -preach any merely private views without having first communicated -them to one another. If you have found in Scripture any instruction -which is unknown to me, I will freely embrace it; but if you preach -some erroneous doctrine, allow me, as your colleague, to make some -observations on it.’[498] That was just what Caroli did not want. He -answered Viret haughtily, and proudly maintained his doctrine. - -[Sidenote: CAROLI AT LAUSANNE.] - -Many friends of the Gospel looked to Calvin, who enjoyed their entire -confidence, and begged him to go immediately to Lausanne. This he did. -Farel would have liked to accompany him; but the Bernese requested -him to look after his own church and not after theirs. Delegates from -Berne were sent to Lausanne, and a kind of consistory was thus formed, -in which Calvin, it appears, stated the case. But the proud Caroli, -who thought it beneath his dignity to make any defence, refused in the -haughtiest manner to give the least explanation of his conduct. He was -greatly annoyed to find himself accused by Calvin, whose superiority -was so troublesome to him. He immediately formed his plan. He resolved -to turn against the reformer the sword with which the latter had -threatened him, and to plunge it into him up to the hilt. ‘If the -minister of Geneva,’ he exclaimed, ‘has shown so much zeal in bringing -this business before your assembly, it is a shameful conspiracy, the -only object of which is to ruin me completely.’ Viret then spoke, and -so clearly set forth the subterfuges and calumnies of Caroli, that -the assembly condemned him to make a retractation, regardless of his -_amour propre_. Astounded by a sentence so severe, this man, who so -easily passed from one extreme to another, humbled himself, and with -lamentings and tears asked for pardon. Calvin was touched by this -demeanor, and in the abundance of his moderation prayed the assembly to -spare Caroli the act which wounded his pride. Viret did the same. Their -request was granted. The doctor of the Sorbonne had then nothing better -to do than to retire quietly to his own house, with a grateful feeling -towards his two noble adversaries. But their well-meant interposition -had not really softened him; his humility was a mere feint. He was -determined at all cost to reach his end and become the foremost man in -the Church. Jealous of the influence exercised by Calvin, Farel, and -Viret in Switzerland, he said to himself that in order to get firmly -seated in the saddle, the man already riding must first be dismounted. -The ruin of these three doctors was the task which he had to undertake. -He felt sure of the secret support, at least at Geneva, of some of the -leading men; and he flattered himself that he should be able to involve -Calvin in hopeless embarrassment.[499] He resolved therefore to assume -the character of accuser, and to reduce his enemies to play the part of -the guilty and the accused. - -People thought that they had done with this man, and the assembly was -on the point of breaking up, when he suddenly rose, with a preoccupied -look, as if he had some burden on his conscience of which he was -anxious to be rid. ‘For the glory of God,’ said he, speaking in a -declamatory tone, ‘for the honor of the lords of Berne, for the purity -of the faith, for the safety of the Church, for the public peace, and -for the relief of my own conscience, I have now to set before you, -my honorable lords, a matter on which I have long kept silence. The -silence must now be broken. I must speak. There are in the city of -Geneva, as well as in your country, many ministers who are tainted with -the Arian heresy.’ Putting himself forward like a second Athanasius, he -named a great number of ministers, good men, whom he declared guilty -of the error of Arius, but without giving any evidence at all.[500] -Calvin was among the first in this catalogue of heretics. To accuse him -of being an Arian required an audacity and a passion carried to the -pitch of madness. It appears that he was even accused, in common with -his friends, of maintaining the errors of the Spaniard Servetus.[501] -The Genevese theologians had very recently encountered and defeated an -Arian at Geneva, Claude of Savoy. There was something more than passion -in this attack; there was absurdity. Calvin leaning towards Deism, -indeed! The Reformation was not a beginning of Deism, with which stupid -enemies have charged it: it was a reëstablishing of Christianity. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN ACCUSED OF ARIANISM.] - -The reformer was struck with astonishment. ‘It had never entered into -my imagination,’ he wrote, ‘that we had to fear being accused on this -point.’[502] Calvin perceived the scope of the attack which Caroli had -just made. If he were to remain under this charge, his ministry would -be compromised, his zeal suspected, his labors fruitless. Discord would -be thrown into the evangelical camp, and Rome exult to see the most -devoted champions of the Reformation accused of denying the divinity of -the Saviour. The reformer immediately rose; and without any exhibition -of violence, with which his enemies are always ready to reproach him, -he pointed out with much spirit the inconsistency of his opponent. -‘Only a few days ago,’ he said, ‘Caroli invited me to his table. I was -at that time a _very dear brother_. He bade me present his compliments -to Farel; he treated as Christians all those whom he looks on to-day as -heretics, and protested that he wished to maintain for ever a brotherly -union with us. Where, at that time, was the glory of God, where the -purity of the faith and the unity of the Church?’ Then, turning towards -the doctor of the Sorbonne--‘How could you,’ he said, ‘conscientiously -celebrate the holy supper on two occasions with an Arian associate? -From what source have you learnt that I am tainted with that heresy? -Tell me, for I will clear myself of that infamy.’ As Caroli brought -forward no evidence, the reformer appealed to the catechism which he -had recently published. ‘This is the faith,’ said he, ‘which I have but -lately professed. We confess that we believe in the Father, in the Son, -and in the Holy Spirit; and when we name the Father, the Son, and the -Spirit, we do not imagine to ourselves three gods. But we believe that -Scripture and the experience of piety show us the Father, the Son, and -the Spirit in simplest divine unity.’[503] - -Caroli was not by any means satisfied. The words in his view essential -were missing. Calvin thought it advisable, in works of a practical and -popular character, to avoid the use of expressions which are not found -in holy Scripture. Therefore he had avoided the use, in the passage -cited, of the terms _Trinity_, _substance_, or _persons_. Luther had -done the same. ‘This term, _Trinity_,’ said he, ‘is nowhere to be -found in holy Scripture; it was invented by men. Moreover the word -is frigid, and it is far better to say _God_ than _Trinity_.’[504] -Calvin, who was full of spirit and life, was afraid that by the use of -these theological terms Christianity should be placed solely in the -understanding of the man and of the child, and not in his conscience, -his heart, his will, and his works. He had employed them the year -before in the first edition of his _Institution_, which was intended -for professed theologians:[505] but he had excluded them both from his -_Confession_, prepared chiefly for the laity, and from his _Catechism_, -composed for children. All this did not pacify Caroli, who, if he was -orthodox, was only orthodox in the head. He alleged that if Calvin -was innocent of Arianism, he was guilty of Sabellianism. ‘You will be -under suspicion on that matter,’ said he, ‘until you have subscribed -the Athanasian creed.’ ‘My practice,’ replied Calvin, ‘is not to -approve of anything as in conformity with the Word of God until after -due consideration.’ Caroli, thinking that the Athanasian creed was -compromised by this reserve, flew into a passion and cried out, ‘that -this avowal was unworthy of a Christian.’[506] - -[Sidenote: CONVOCATION OF A SYNOD.] - -Up to this moment Calvin had restrained himself; but he felt deeply -the injustice of the doctor’s accusations. When he had received an -unmerited blow, he not seldom replied by striking another himself. The -blow was just, but sometimes rather sharp. ‘You will not find any one,’ -he said to Caroli, ‘more earnest than I am in maintaining the divinity -of Jesus Christ. I think that I have given a sufficiently clear account -of my faith. My works are in everybody’s hands, and all the orthodox -churches approve my doctrine. But as for you, what evidence have -you ever given of your faith, except possibly in public-houses and -the haunts of vice? For it is in such places that you have hitherto -practised.’ - -Caroli, knowing all that could be told of his abandoned life, and -as cowardly as he was rash, trembled when he found that Calvin was -approaching that subject. In order to break the force of the blow, he -retracted his charge, and declared that the writings of his opponent -were good; that he had always spoken well of the Holy Trinity; and that -no accusation could be drawn up against him, ‘provided that he did not -support the cause of Farel.’ Caroli feared Farel less than Calvin, and -hated him more. Viret then spoke, and compelled the presumptuous doctor -to retract what concerned himself (_Viret_). ‘These retractations are -not sufficient,’ said the two reformers; ‘we mean to defend likewise -the cause of Farel and of our other absent brothers, whom you have -unjustly accused.’ The delegates of Berne, when they saw what an -important character the debate was assuming, declared that it was -necessary to carry it before a general assembly, and undertook to get -one held. The meeting then broke up.[507] - -These circumstances occurred in February. Calvin, on his return to -Geneva, fearing that the Bernese delegates might be slow to fulfil -their promise, and perceiving moreover that this affair concerned the -Church rather than the state, persuaded the ministers of Geneva to -write to the ministers of Berne, pressing them to take the matter in -hand.[508] He wrote himself to Megander, the chief among the Bernese -pastors. ‘I cannot find words,’ he said, ‘adequately to express the -imminent peril to which the Church will be exposed if this business -be indefinitely postponed. The influence which your position gives -you lays on you more than any one else the obligation to use all your -efforts to promote an early meeting of the assembly. You cannot imagine -how severely the blow struck by Caroli has shaken the foundation which -we have laid. People are saying, especially, even in country places, -that we ought to begin by agreeing among ourselves before we think of -converting others. Let us not allow the coat of the Gospel, woven in -one piece, to be rent by wicked men. Do all that is possible to secure -the meeting, before Easter, of all the French-speaking ministers who -live under the government of your republic.’[509] Easter fell in that -year on April 1. - -As the reformer received no satisfactory reply, he set out for Berne -in the first fortnight in March, and implored the magistrates, the -councillors, and the pastors to convoke the synod immediately. This -was refused him, probably on account of the business which accumulates -during the weeks preceding the feast of Easter; but they promised him -that the assembly should be convoked immediately after Easter.[510] -We see what courage and activity Calvin displayed; this was one of -the signs of his genius. Farel, on the contrary, was worn out by the -distress of mind which this affair had occasioned him. His condition -was afflicting to his friends. ‘I should never have believed,’ said -Calvin to Viret, ‘that with his iron constitution he could have been so -pulled down.’ Farel’s age and his immense labors, however, accounted -for his state. Calvin, alarmed at the prospect of losing so invaluable -a fellow-laborer, wrote to Viret: ‘It is indispensable that you should -return to us, unless we are prepared to see Farel die of grief. If we -allow a breach to be made in the Genevese Church, I am afraid that -schism will tear it to pieces.’[511] Instead of diminishing, the -energy of Calvin appeared to increase, for he felt the justice of his -cause. ‘I am ready,’ he said, ‘to maintain the contest with the utmost -energy. The charges, first of Arianism, and then of Sabellianism, have -not greatly disturbed us; our ears have been long accustomed to such -calumnies, and we are confident that they will all end in smoke.’[512] -The valiant champion therefore awaited fearlessly the convocation of -the synod. The council of Geneva, on receiving the letters from the -lords of Berne respecting this gathering, invited the _preachers_ to -go thither; and on May 11 the treasurer placed in Farel’s hands fifty -florins, to cover the expenses of the journey.[513] - -[Sidenote: SYNOD OF LAUSANNE.] - -The assembly met at Lausanne. On May 13[514] there were seen entering -the church of St. Francis the banderet Rodolph de Graffenried, Nicholas -Zerkinden, secretary of state, the pastor Grosmann, commonly called -Megander, and another deputy from Berne. From Geneva came Calvin, -Farel, and Courault; about twenty ministers from Neuchâtel, and a -hundred pastors from the Pays de Vaud, among the latter, Viret. Caroli, -it seems, came with a bag such as barristers are accustomed to carry, -containing the brief of his proceedings.[515] Megander was president. -He stated that the assembly had met in consequence of the charge -brought by Caroli against several ministers, of not believing in the -Trinity, nor in the divinity of Jesus Christ. Then addressing Viret, a -subject of Berne, he inquired what was his opinion on that doctrine. -‘When we confess one only God,’ replied the pastor of Lausanne, ‘we -comprehend the Father, with his eternal Word, and his Spirit, in one -single and divine essence. Nevertheless we do not confound the Father -with the Word, nor the Word with the Spirit.’ Caroli rose and said -with bitterness, ‘This profession is too short, too dry, too obscure. -No mention is made in it of the _Trinity_, nor of _substance_, nor -of _person_.’ Then taking a declamatory tone, he began to recite the -Nicene creed, afterwards the Athanasian creed, making undignified -gestures with his hands and arms, and moving his head and his body -about in such an extraordinary way that the grave assembly could not -refrain from laughter. In closing his speech, he said to his adversary, -‘Nothing can clear you from the charge of heresy except your signing -the three œcumenical creeds.’[516] - -[Sidenote: CAROLI UNMASKED.] - -Calvin listened to him without interrupting him; but he could no longer -keep silence. A justification on his part was almost superfluous. He -had fully professed the doctrine in his popular writings; he had even, -as we have seen, employed the terms of the school in his theological -_Institution_. But the point of importance for the safety of the Church -was to make his adversary known, to tear the mask from his face. That -man, of dissolute life, destitute of convictions, destitute of faith, -whose only thought was how to get possession of the highest place, -and who was endeavoring to conceal the licentiousness of his evil life -under the pretence of religion, dared to accuse, with hypocritical -lips, the faithful servants of God. A course so revolting roused -Calvin’s indignation; and from his lips fell such earnest words as -were inspired by the fraud, the vices, and the shamelessness of his -adversary. He completely stripped the man. ‘What wickedness this is,’ -said he, ‘without any cause but mere lawless passions, to disturb the -Church and to check the progress of the Gospel by bringing atrocious -accusations against persons entirely innocent, who have rendered the -most conspicuous services to the truth! Caroli sets up a quarrel with -us about the distinction of the persons in God. I am going to examine -him in turn, but I take up the subject at a higher point, and I ask -him if only he believes in God. I declare before God and before men, -that he has no more faith in the divine Word than the dog and the swine -that trample under foot holy things.’ Some will perhaps exclaim against -this language, but it must be remembered that Calvin took these two -words from holy Scripture, where they are used to mark two different -characters, of both of which we must equally beware.[517] ‘Give not -that which is holy unto the dogs,’ said Jesus, ‘neither cast ye your -pearls before swine.’ The swine represent men defiled by debauchery, -and the dog is the beast that barks, pursues, and bites. These two -kinds of excess precisely characterized Caroli. - -But Calvin did not stop there. He did not mean that people should be -able to say that the ministers were not cleared of the charges brought -against them. He therefore made a confession which had been beforehand -approved by his colleagues. ‘When we distinguish the Father, his -eternal Word, and his Spirit,’ said he, ‘we believe, in common with -ecclesiastical writers, that in the simple unity of God there are -three hypostases or substances, which, although they be one sole and -identical essence, are nevertheless not confounded with each other. -With respect to Jesus Christ,’ he added, ‘before taking on himself our -flesh, he was the eternal Word, begotten of the Father before time was, -very God, of one same essence, power, and majesty with the Father, -Jehovah himself, who has ever existed of himself, and gives to others -the property of existing.’[518] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN AND THE EARLY CREEDS.] - -This declaration baffled Caroli; and now, after having very strongly -asserted that Calvin was not orthodox enough, he began to cry out that -he was too much so. ‘What,’ said he, ‘you attribute to Jesus Christ -the name and the nature of Jehovah; you say that he has of himself -the divine essence!’ Calvin replied, ‘If we attentively consider -the difference between the Father and the Word, we must acknowledge -that the Word proceeds from the Father. But if we concern ourselves -with the essence itself of the Word, so far as the Word is God with -the Father, all that is said of the one must likewise be said of the -other.’[519] Caroli, giving up the matter, took refuge in the words. -‘In your confession,’ said he, ‘there is not the word _Trinity_, there -is not the word _person_.’ Then, wishing to compel Calvin and the other -ministers to adopt the confessions made by men,--‘I demand,’ said he, -‘that you sign the three ancient creeds.’ Calvin and the ministers -who were with him would have given their signature under other -circumstances, but they now refused it for very wise reasons. ‘Caroli,’ -they said, ‘by compelling us to sign, wishes to throw suspicion on our -faith. We do not consider it fitting to show him so much deference. -Moreover, we will not, by our example, promote the introduction into -the Church of a _tyranny_ which would brand every man as a heretic who -will not express himself in terms dictated by another.’[520] Herein -Calvin gave proof at the same time of a magnanimity and a fidelity -which do him honor. Every Church, in his opinion, ought to confess its -doctrine, but he would rather that the confession should be the product -of the life and the faith of those who make it; and not a mere return -to ten or twelve centuries back, in order to seek the truth in the -antiquated phrases of another age. He professed with all his heart the -doctrine enunciated in the early creeds, the Nicene and the so-called -Athanasian, which set forth, perhaps with superfluity of words, but -nevertheless with much force, a faith which is dear to Christian men. -But he felt that these writings were wanting in evangelical simplicity. -The phrases ‘God of God, Light of Light’ (Θεὸς ἐκ Θεοῦ, Φῶς ἐκ Φωτὸς), -used in the Nicene creed, appeared to him less apostolic than Oriental -in their character. It shocked him that the _Quicunque_, better known -under the name of the Athanasian creed, just at the time when it is -going to make subtle distinctions, such as the faith of a simple -Christian man cannot comprehend, should begin by asserting--‘Whosoever -will be saved, before all things it is necessary that he hold the -Catholic faith (that of the creed). Which faith, except every one do -keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.’ -Caroli’s ignorance as to this profession of faith was so great that -he believed it was drawn up at Nicæa in A.D. 325, and by -Athanasius. This was startling to Calvin. The creed appears, in -fact, to have been formed gradually in the African church, some of -its formulæ being met with towards the close of the seventh century; -but it did not exist as a whole until the age of Charlemagne, nearly -five centuries after the council of Nicæa. That was an age in which, -if the doctrine of the divine nature was truly stated, the doctrines -of justification by grace and of the new birth by the Spirit were -obscured. Semi-Pelagianism was more and more invading the Church; -literary and scientific culture, decried by the monks as belonging to -paganism, was becoming rare; the state, not content with deciding on -the exterior relations of the Church, published edicts on the articles -of faith or of doctrine; miracles were alleged to be wrought by relics; -the bishops of Rome assumed the title of universal bishop, a title -branded by Gregory the Great as antichristian; the controversy about -images was especially agitating men’s minds; both the Church and the -state were in the utmost confusion; the bishops took up arms against -the lords; the clergy, both regular and secular, were without culture -and without discipline; and, in one word, Christianity had lost the -life which was peculiarly its own. It was, doubtless, the existence -of this melancholy condition of society at the period in which the -_Quicunque_ was formed that induced Calvin to make reservations, and to -declare that it was to the belief in one only God that he made oath, -and not to the belief of Athanasius, whose creed no genuine Church -would have accepted.[521] - -[Sidenote: SYNOD OF BERNE.] - -The synod, having heard both parties and maturely considered the -matter, acknowledged the confession of the Genevese ministers to -be good and orthodox; and they condemned Caroli, and declared him -henceforth unworthy to fulfil the functions of the ministry. ‘We -have, by our refutation,’ said Calvin, ‘exhausted all that bag of -Caroli’s;[522] with regard to ourselves there now remains not the -slightest suspicion.’ Caroli appealed from the sentence of the synod -to the lords of Berne. Who was right? Who was wrong? Calvin or -Caroli? Judgments have differed on the point. Some have said, ‘The -denunciation by Caroli was not altogether unfounded; it is no wonder -that he declared himself dissatisfied and maintained his charge.’ -Others have added that Calvin fell on his adversary with a violence -which made the assembly tremble, and which afforded the first instance -of that fearful anger with which so often afterwards he struck down -those who were against him.[523] This is not our opinion. As to his -expressions, Calvin’s defence is not so terrible, so passionate, if we -call to mind the sort of man with whom he had to deal; and as for the -hardest words of the reformer, they are, as we have seen, two which he -adopted from the Saviour himself. As to the substance of the defence, -he would not bring forward, as Roman Catholics do, human authorities; -he preferred to hold fast to the Word of God. That is his chief glory, -and therein does he show himself a genuine reformer, as Luther did. His -adversary was an immoral character, and the Reformation would make no -covenant with immorality. Who would blame him for that? Calvin could -not consent that a dissolute man, whose hand was stained with the -blood of the saints, should pass for an Athanasius, one of the noblest -of the ancient doctors of the Church. He was, above all, profoundly -afflicted by the thought that the blow struck by that man was shaking -the foundations of the spiritual building which was being erected to -the glory of God. - -These debates made a great noise in other lands. All kinds of rumors -were current at a distance, and evil reports were circulated about the -Genevese reformers. People were asking one another what this contest -between Caroli and Calvin was about, and they waited impatiently for -the issue of it. French vivacity had been offensive to some theologians -of German Switzerland. Megander himself complained to Bullinger of the -annoyance which those turbulent Frenchmen had caused him.[524] People, -however, were as easily agitated in German Switzerland, and even in -the land of Luther. Some Catholics began to attach importance to these -struggles, and to take advantage of them. Letters were exchanged on -the subject. Bucer and Capito wrote from Strasburg, the former to -Melanchthon, the latter to Farel; and Myconius wrote from Basel to -the assembly itself. This must needs invest with more solemnity the -judgment on the appeal which was about to be heard at Berne. - -‘On May 24, Guillaume Farel requested of the council of Geneva to send -to that city Master Cauvin (Calvin) for any battle (_journée_) there -was to be, to take part in the disputation. Upon which it was resolved -that he should go.’[525] Berne had shown a certain favor towards -Caroli. It might therefore be feared that the judgment pronounced at -Lausanne would not be confirmed. We cannot tell what the sentence would -have been if it had been pronounced by the state authorities. But the -council, finding that it was a question of doctrine, had convoked at -Berne the synod of the Bernese Church for the end of May. The debate -was opened in the presence of the great council, which doubtless took -part so far in the cause. The would-be Athanasius supported his charge -with confidence and a haughty spirit, assuming to play in the sixteenth -century the part which the great bishop of Alexandria had played in the -fourth. Calvin completely justified both himself and his colleagues. -Consequently the reformer was once more entirely acquitted, and -declared free not only from all fault but also from all suspicion. As -for Caroli, he was pronounced a slanderer, and as such condemned. - -[Sidenote: CONDEMNATION OF CAROLI.] - -When that was over, the lords of Berne inquired of Calvin, Farel, and -Viret whether Caroli was, so far as they knew, guilty in any respect, -either in his private life or especially in his ministry. As soon as -he heard these words, the doctor of the Sorbonne, seeing that his own -turn was come, was terror-struck, and vehemently opposed the inquiry. -‘Those whom I have just accused of great crimes,’ said he, ‘cannot be -allowed to bring formal charges against me.’ ‘You have indeed accused -them,’ replied the Bernese, ‘and without being able to substantiate -your charges. Why then should they not be allowed to accuse you?’ And -the doctors were enjoined to communicate anything they knew with regard -to him. Thereupon this man, who had no heart, no moral sentiment, -was disconcerted; and as he dreaded above all the revelations of his -adversaries, he fancied that the best way to avert them was to accuse -himself. He began therefore to confess the faults with which he knew -that Farel and his friends were well acquainted--the debaucheries to -which he had addicted himself in France, the meanness with which he had -dissembled his sentiments in matters of religion, and the cruel perfidy -which had prompted him to deliver to death two young Christians whose -way of thinking he himself approved. It was a strange sight! Here was a -singular penitent, without repentance and without scruple, assuming a -contrite air and confessing his faults solely because he hoped in that -way to secure exemption from punishment. ‘A devil’s penitent!’ said -Tertullian in such cases. - -Farel had let him speak; nevertheless he did not think that he was -thereby discharged from the injunction which had been given him. He -was acquainted with certain traits of Caroli’s life which might give -the lords of Berne the intelligence of which they were in need. He -narrated the shameful licentiousness of the man, who had lived at Paris -with women of the vilest reputation, and had actually been accused of -keeping five or six at a time. He showed how two young men, carried -away by their zeal against images, had taken it into their heads to -hang some of them; and how that same Caroli, who at that time professed -that the worship of images diverts men from the knowledge of the true -God, had caused these youths to be kept in the prison into which they -had been cast until two judges arrived, who had them delivered over to -the executioners. Viret related the discussion which he had held with -Caroli on the subject of prayers for the dead; and, at the request of -the Bernese, reported various details of his conduct, among others his -drunkenness, which had more than once exposed him to the derision of -the public. - -[Sidenote: BERNE PROMOTES THE REFORMATION.] - -In consequence of these debates, Caroli was deprived of his functions -by the synod. The great council of Berne confirmed this sentence; -pronounced Farel, Calvin, and Viret innocent of the charges brought -against them; condemned Caroli to banishment as guilty of slander -and other excesses; and remitted the cause to the consistory to be -formally terminated. As the presumptuous doctor was unwilling to -submit to that authority, the parties were summoned before the civil -magistrates (_avoyers_) and the councils. Calvin, Farel, and Viret -accordingly presented themselves, June 6, but Caroli did not appear. -An usher, sent by the lords of Berne to seek him, brought word that he -had disappeared.[526] He had in fact fled early in the morning, and had -taken the road to Soleure. From that place he withdrew into France, to -the cardinal of Tournon, the great enemy of the Reformation. The latter -obtained absolution for Caroli from the pope. The wretched man had -hoped that, by returning into the Roman Church, he should get a good -benefice; but he found that he was held in equal contempt by Catholics -and Protestants. To close the affair, it was agreed to approve the -terms Trinity, substance, and persons (Calvin himself had made use of -them); but at the same time that if any pious man declined to employ -them, ‘he should not be cast out of the Church, nor should be looked on -as one who thought wrongly as to the faith.’[527] - -This episode in Calvin’s life shows us not only his firm attachment -to the truth, which everyone acknowledges, but likewise a spirit of -freedom which is ordinarily denied to him. It is clear that with -him the Word of God stood before all, and that the faith, the life, -and essence of Christianity had more value in his eyes than mere -traditional terms, which are not to be found in the Scriptures. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - - CALVIN AT THE SYNOD OF BERNE. - - (SEPTEMBER, 1537.) - - -This was not the only triumph which Calvin achieved, nor the only synod -of Berne in which he took part. Keen debates were at that time going -on in the evangelical Churches of Switzerland. They had gradually -arisen after the disaster of Cappel in 1531. In the canton of Soleure -the Reformation had indeed been crushed by the intervention of the -Catholics, although the majority in the country and a minority in -the town were Protestants. But other cantons had remained faithful -to the Reform. In Bullinger, Zurich had found a worthy successor to -Zwingli; and Oswald Myconius happily filled the place of the amiable -Œcolampadius at Basel. Berne, not satisfied with having adopted the -Reformation herself, eagerly promoted its establishment everywhere. -The great question which was then under discussion was this--Should -the Swiss Churches unite themselves with the Lutheran Churches or not? -Bucer, at Strasburg, warmly advocated the union; and the magistrates, -above all those of Berne, were not at all opposed to it. They had -political skill enough to perceive that the Church of the Reformation, -then so formidably threatened, had need to combine its whole forces. -The pastors of Berne, Haller, Megander, and Kolb, were desirous of -extending a friendly hand to Luther; but those free Swiss, disciples -and friends of Zwingli, disliked the equivocal formulæ of Bucer. The -Zuricher Megander, in particular, a learned professor and an eloquent -preacher, but of rash character, violent and somewhat domineering, -designated by his opponents the _ape of Zwingli_,[528] had set himself -the task of maintaining at Berne the theology of the Zurich reformer. -As Haller and Kolb were then enfeebled by age and ill-health, Megander -exercised a powerful influence over the country pastors; and the -magistrates themselves, aware of his abilities, committed to his hands -the most important affairs. The Zurichers had drawn up a confession on -the Lord’s supper in conformity with Bucer’s wishes. Basel, St. Gall, -and Schaffhausen had approved it; but Megander induced his colleagues -to reject it. The French diplomatists also, who were anxious to obtain -the assistance of the Swiss and German Protestants against Charles -V., said--‘All the Swiss towns agree with Luther except these Bernese -blockheads, who walk backwards like crabs, and stick obstinately to an -opinion which they cannot possibly defend.’[529] - -[Sidenote: THE ZWINGLIANS AT BERNE.] - -The Bernese magistrates, however, were not willing to break with their -allies. The war against Savoy, which they had undertaken in 1536, -for the defence of Geneva and the occupation of the Pays de Vaud, -had convinced them of the need of their support. Consequently, they -sent delegates to the four colloquies which were held that same year -at Basel, to take into consideration the agreement with the doctors -of Wittenberg. But the council, so far from breaking with Megander, -put him at the head of these theologians. So the confession which was -prepared at the first of these colloquies, in January 1536 (the second -conference of Basel and the first of Switzerland,) when speaking of -eating the body and drinking the blood of Christ, added that this -took place only in a spiritual sense. This displeased Bucer. The -Zwinglians, in turn, called him ‘a doubled-faced man,’ and said that -this pretended peacemaker brought division into the Helvetic Churches. -It was to no purpose that his defence was undertaken by Myconius, who, -since 1532, had presided as overseer of the Church at Basel, and the -learned professor Grynæus. The Zwinglian party would not hear a word -about an agreement with the _Strasburg trimmer_. Various circumstances -occurred to bring about a change in this state of things. The Swiss -and the Bernese themselves were touched by the beautiful letter which -Luther had written to the burgomaster of Basel, in which he spoke -approvingly of the confession drawn up in that city. The aged Kolb, -pastor of Berne, had died at the end of 1535; and on February 25, -1536, Haller also had passed into the unseen world. A great change -then took place in Berne. Kunz, a man of a very different spirit from -Zwingli and Haller, became pastor in the place of Kolb. Having studied -at Wittenberg, he was a passionate admirer of Luther and of his -doctrine. Of ardent temperament, Kunz longed to promote the triumph of -his master’s doctrine, and so much the more as he was his inferior in -respect to the living faith of the Gospel. Sebastian Meyer, a former -Franciscan, who from the beginning of his ministry had been remarkable -for the violence of his discourses, and who was a friend of Bucer, had -taken the place of Haller. The council had probably been influenced in -the election of these men by the Strasburg doctors, with whose projects -the members were more and more pleased. Thus it seemed likely that in -Berne the Lutheran party would succeed the Zwinglian. The new pastors, -however, did not immediately set up their claim; they rather applied -themselves to the preparation of men’s minds, and their conquests -were very numerous, especially among politicians. But Megander, the -inflexible Zwinglian, still kept the upper hand; and it was he who -spoke in the name of Berne in the Swiss assemblies. Bucer, doubtless, -had him in mind when he complained to Luther ‘of those untractable -heads which are found in Switzerland, which for every trifle make so -much ado.’[530] - -[Sidenote: A PATCHED-UP PEACE.] - -The new pastors of Berne, encouraged by their friends abroad, threw -off the restraint which they had at first imposed on their speech. -Sebastian Meyer, in particular, giving way to his natural disposition, -thoroughly headlong and incautious, taught publicly that in the supper -the body of Christ is truly eaten and his blood truly drunk, but took -care to add, _by faith_. Kunz supported him. The conflict thus began. -Megander and Erasmus Ritter started up to oppose this doctrine; and -Meyer did not hesitate to say in the colloquies that the doctrine of -the supper had never been rightly taught in the canton of Berne. The -Bernese council convoked a synod, at which three hundred ministers -of the German and French cantons of Switzerland were present. Meyer, -together with Kunz, vividly depicted the evils which would be involved -in a rejection of the agreement. Erasmus Ritter, with Megander, replied -that an agreement was certainly very much to be desired, but that the -truth must not be sacrificed to it. The Zwinglian party had the best -of it. They agreed to stand by the second confession of Basel, and to -avoid the use of terms which gave origin to the disputes; such as, -_corporal_, _real_, _natural_, _supernatural_, _invisible_, _carnal_, -_miraculous_, _inexpressible presence_. But this patched-up peace was -of short duration. The secret correspondence between Bucer and Luther -having been published, the Zwinglians were scandalized, people’s minds -were thrown into agitation, and the edifice of concord, which they had -toiled to rear, threatened to crumble away. Bucer then applied to the -council of Berne, and requested it to convoke a synod at which he might -be allowed to vindicate himself. ‘This whole business of the supper,’ -said he, ‘is a mere dispute about words, but it is of the utmost -importance to put an end to it; and I appeal to the justice of the -Bernese magistrates, who cannot allow a man, whoever he may be, to be -condemned before he is heard.’ Another synod was consequently convoked -at Berne, for the month of September.[531] - -Everybody was aware of the importance of this assembly. Bucer and -Capito arrived in the city, provided with a letter of introduction -from the magistrates of Strasburg, and accompanied by two theologians -from Basel, Myconius and Grynæus, who though sincerely adhering to -the reformed party, earnestly desired the union. Almost at the same -time, three ministers from the French cantons, who had been specially -invited, entered Berne; they were Calvin, Farel, and Viret. Those who -knew that at Geneva they allowed neither unleavened bread nor baptismal -fonts, nor the feasts and rites to which the Lutherans were strongly -attached, could entertain no doubt that these bold champions would -take the side of the Zwinglians. The pastors of the canton of Berne -were represented only by delegates of classes. The government, fearing -lest the spirit of discord should mar the meeting, requested Bucer -and Capito to confine themselves to their own justification, and not -to meddle with other matters. They were not even permitted to preach, -except on condition that they did not introduce disputed topics in -the pulpit. The assembly met at the Town Hall, in the presence of the -two councils of the republic, and under the presidency of the mayor -(_Schultheiss_) de Watteville. After the customary formalities, this -magistrate invited the Strasburgers to begin. ‘Union in matters which -concern the glory of God and the benefit of the Church,’ said Bucer, -‘is already established in a great number of kingdoms, duchies, and -principalities; and the churches of the Swiss confederation form almost -the only exception, it is thus that Satan opposes the kingdom of God. -Yes, it is to Satan that are owing those suspicions which are prevalent -respecting the agreement which we are striving to bring about. We -demand that passion should be silenced, and that God should be regarded -rather than men. You have lent one ear to calumny, lend the other now -to the voice of truth. If you condemn us, you will condemn many other -Churches, and particularly that Church whose representatives met at -Smalcalde, and which includes within its pale many learned and pious -men.’ Bucer next, desirous of clearing himself from the reproaches -which had been addressed to him, pointed out that Zwingli and Luther -had set out from two different points of view; Zwingli striving to keep -as far away as possible from the Roman dogma of transubstantiation, -and Luther endeavoring to maintain that there is nevertheless some kind -of real presence in the bread. In making afterwards his own confession -of faith, he said, ‘No, the bread and the wine are not mere signs; -the presence of Christ by faith is not a mere logical presence, not -imaginary, such as that which I have when I say, for instance, that I -now see my wife at Strasburg.[532] Faith requires something higher than -that. When I say with you, Christ is present in a celestial manner, -and with Luther, Christ is present in an essential manner, I express -fundamentally one and the same faith.’ On the following day, Capito -coming to the support of his colleague, preached a sermon in which he -endeavored to show that Zwingli and Œcolampadius were in agreement with -Luther. They were so on the essential point of seeking and finding in -the supper a true communion with the Saviour. - -[Sidenote: BUCER’S VIEWS.] - -Megander had been charged with the duty of speaking on behalf of the -synod. Brevity and moderation had been recommended, lest any imprudent -word should give rise to a dispute. For him this task was not an easy -one. In fact, the next day he attacked Bucer and Capito with some -vehemence, upbraiding them for being with Luther rather than with the -Swiss, and with having, in other places, signed _certain acts_ which -the Swiss could not sign. ‘I have,’ said he, in drawing to a close, -‘some letters in which Bucer is spoken of. However, I think better -of him than those letters, and I should be pleased if we could agree -with him.’ Unhappily, they were far enough from such agreement. The -discussion grew warm. ‘You teach children in your catechism,’ said -Bucer, ‘to receive a sign in the supper, without reminding them of the -thing signified.’ ‘How then,’ exclaimed some of the Bernese ministers, -‘can you pretend that we hold the same faith?’ ‘Let Bucer speak,’ -said Megander; ‘we will reply to him in the afternoon.’ But, in that -afternoon sitting, Bucer began anew to discourse to the Swiss about the -sacrament. ‘Enough of these homilies,’ said Megander, impatiently. ‘You -shut our mouths,’ said Bucer. ‘Let all those,’ said Megander, ‘who have -anything to say speak freely.’ But not one of the Bernese pastors rose. - -A good understanding seemed impossible. The leaders on both sides -were angry and provoked each other. The vessel of concord, built by -the careful toil of the pastors of Strasburg, was violently tossed -and was going to founder in the Helvetic waters. Disagreeing in -doctrine, said one of those who were present on this occasion, there -was nothing between them but debate, a deadly plague in a Church. Where -were they to find the last plank, the desperate resource for escape -from shipwreck? They must founder, or be saved as if by miracle. A -young man, of only eight-and-twenty, but known for his love of the -Holy Scriptures and his slight respect for tradition, was sorrowfully -contemplating these discussions. It was John Calvin, he who called the -discussions ‘a deadly plague’ for the Church. His convictions were free -and spontaneous. They did not proceed, as with others, from a desire -for compromise, but from a perception of what is the essence of the -faith. He would not at any price have sought some expedient for the -union of minds by a sacrifice of truth. But he knew by experience the -power of the Holy Spirit; and he was the man called to stand between -the two armies, to get the sword returned to its sheath, and to found -unity and peace. - -[Sidenote: INTERVENTION OF CALVIN.] - -We almost hesitate to report his words, because they will be difficult -to comprehend. He spoke, for the faithful, of a complete union with -Christ, even with his flesh and his blood, and nevertheless of a -union which is effected only by the Spirit. Calvin’s speech was of -so much importance that we cannot think of suppressing it. Vulgar -minds insist on comprehending everything as they do the working of a -steam-engine; but the greatest minds have acknowledged the reality -of the incomprehensible. Descartes said that ‘in order to attain a -true idea of the infinite, it is not in any sense to be comprehended, -inasmuch as incomprehensibility itself is contained in the formal -definition of the infinite.’ ‘Infinity is everywhere, and consequently -incomprehensibility likewise,’ said Nicole.[533] The Christian -however comprehends to a certain extent the mystery which we are now -considering, and above all he experiences its reality. ‘If, as the -Scriptures clearly testify,’ said Calvin at the synod of Berne (1537), -‘the flesh of Christ is meat indeed, and his blood is drink indeed, it -follows that if we seek life in Christ, we must be thereby veritably -fed. The spiritual life which Christ gives us consists not only in his -making us alive by his Spirit, but in his rendering us, by the power of -his Spirit, partakers of his life-giving flesh, and by means of this -participation, nourishing us for eternal life.[534] Therefore, when we -speak of the communion which the faithful have with Christ, we teach -that they receive the communication of his body and his blood, no less -than that of his Spirit, so that they possess Christ wholly. - -‘It is true that our Lord has gone up on high, and that his local -presence has thus been withdrawn from us. But this fact does not -invalidate our assertion, and that local presence is by no means -necessary here. So long as we are pilgrims on the earth, we are not -contained in the same place with him. But there is no obstacle to the -efficacy of the Spirit; he can collect and unite elements existing -in far separated places. The Spirit is the means by which we are -partakers of Christ. That Spirit nourishes us with the flesh and the -blood of the Lord, and thus quickens us for immortality. Christ offers -this communion under the symbols of bread and wine to all those who -celebrate the supper aright and in accordance with his institution.’ - -Such was Calvin’s speech. ‘I embrace as orthodox,’ said Bucer, ‘this -view of our excellent brothers Calvin, Farel, and Viret. I never held -that Christ was locally present in the holy supper.[535] He has a real -finite body, and that body remains in the celestial glory. But in -raising us by faith to heaven, the bread which we eat and the cup which -we drink are for us the communication of his body and his blood.’ - -Calvin wrote down his view. Bucer appended to it the words last -reported. Capito signed them. Bucer even succeeded, by dint of -moderation and kindliness, in _taming_ Kunz; and the latter showed -in this instance some goodwill. ‘But,’ said Calvin at a later time, -‘that single moment was soon past, and he became worse than himself.’ -The synod acknowledged the Strasburgers as justified, as faithful, -as Christians, and their confession of faith as not in any respect -contrary to the Helvetic confessions. Megander was invited to modify -his catechism to a small extent so far as it treated of the doctrine -of the supper, and this he agreed to do. The deputies of the pastors -of the canton went to the hostelry where Bucer and Capito lodged, and -requested their co-operation in putting an end to the difficulties -which existed between the ministers of the city. The council itself -exhorted these pastors to concord and peace. Such was the force of -the speech of a single man, that at the moment when the waves were in -stormiest agitation, there was suddenly a great calm. - -God was in the midst of us, said one of the attendants. The divine -power had employed the speech of the reformer to appease the tumult and -establish agreement and unity.[536] - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - - GENEVA.--THE CONFESSION OF FAITH SWORN AT ST. PETER’S. - - (END OF 1537.) - - -[Sidenote: GENEVA.] - -It was not only in his relations with those Christian men, Megander and -Bucer, or with the wretched Caroli, that Calvin’s efforts were crowned -with success. Happy presages seemed to announce to him a blessed and -powerful ministry at Geneva. His reformation, as we have seen, was -not only doctrinal but moral, a fact of the highest importance for -the Church and for the people. But, as happens in all human affairs, -a few spots sullied this beautiful aspect of his work. Rules were -introduced which were too circumstantial, and a mode of repression -which was too legal. Calvin found at the time a sympathy on the part of -the magistrates which was pleasant to him, but which at the same time -intruded the civil power into matters for which the moral influence of -the Church ought to have sufficed. All his requests were complied with. -He asked, together with Farel, for four preachers and two deacons, and -they were granted. He represented that there was a preacher, a good -man from Provence, who would fain retire to Geneva; and they gave him -a place.[537] One of the most violent politicians, Janin, surnamed -Colony, a great lover of novelties, after ardently embracing the -Reformation, had thrown himself with his natural impetuosity into the -notions of the _Spirituals_ or Anabaptists, and was uttering everywhere -audacious speeches on matters of faith. The council requested him -‘not to grieve the preachers,’ and added grave menaces in case he -should refuse to be corrected.[538] Another citizen, a hosier, who -was suspected of holding the same views, having been exhorted by the -pastors and the magistrates, declared that his doubts about baptism had -vanished, and took an oath, says the Register, ‘to live as we do.’[539] -On October 5, Farel and Calvin announced that they would administer the -supper, but ‘that there were some who kept aloof, holding the opinions -of Benoît and Herman; and others who still kept their beads, which are -implements of idolatry.’ Thereupon the council determined ‘to take away -all the beads.’ That was far easier than to take away the faith of -which the beads were a sign. - -[Sidenote: PARTIES AT GENEVA.] - -Nothing could check the zeal of Calvin. On October 30 he presented -himself to the council, and set forth various grievances. ‘The -hospital,’ he said, ‘is very poorly furnished, and the sick are -suffering in consequence. Geneva has a Christian school, and -nevertheless some children go to the school of the papacy. Lastly it -is to be feared that dissensions will arise between the citizens, for -while some have taken the oath as to the manner of living, others have -not done so.’ The sick, the young, and peace among the citizens, these -were the matters which occupied the mind of the reformer, subjects well -worthy of his attention. The council decreed--‘The hospital shall be -supplied; all children shall be bound to go to the Christian school, -and not to the papistical; and the confession shall be required of all -who have not yet made it.’ This last point must inevitably be the most -difficult. A conflict was about to begin, and what would be its result? -We have just seen that there were in Geneva two parties, more or less -considerable, who set themselves in opposition to the evangelical -Reformation--the Roman Catholics and the Spirituals or Anabaptists. -But there was yet a third party, more respectable and therefore more -formidable. The Genevese people were naturally restless, and delighted -in freedom and in pleasure. At first they had warmly embraced the -Reformation, merely thinking that they should thereby be delivered from -their bishop and from the practices which they disliked. But as soon as -the Reformation demanded a Christian faith and life, the ardor of the -Genevese rapidly diminished. The severity of Calvin and his colleagues -chilled the violent ebullition of their zeal. They felt the ordinances -imposed on them to be troublesome and exorbitant. Moreover, it was not -only the jolly fellows, the lovers of pleasure and the libertines as -they are called, who were refractory. It would be a great mistake not -to acknowledge that in the ranks of the opposition there were other -motives and other men. - -We have already related the heroic struggles which had restored to -Geneva her freedom and her independence.[540] We did so, less on -account of their intrinsic interest than because they exercised a -powerful influence, whether for good or for evil, on the Reformation. -We have seen how political emancipation permitted and was favorable to -religious emancipation. We have now to observe the obstacles raised -up by those who, while they rejected popery, did not embrace the -Gospel. The Huguenots (that is, as our readers will recollect, the -name which was given to the partisans of the alliance with the Swiss -Confederation) were divided after Calvin’s arrival. Some of them were -friendly to and supported the Reformation; others pronounced themselves -against him, and opposed his work. The opposition did not consist -merely of men of the lowest rank, vulgar and dissolute. There were on -both sides, in the great national party, some generous characters, -some honorable citizens. Unfortunately, as the State and the Church -were at that time not only united but blended with each other, these -two parties were at the same time both right and wrong. The political -Huguenots were right with respect to the State, and in error respecting -the Church; and the evangelical Christians were right with respect -to the Church, and in error with respect to the State. To make the -confusion greater still, the true principles of Church and State were -at that period very little understood. Many of the eminent citizens -who had exposed themselves to famine, pillage, and death for the sake -of being free, who had resolved not to have for their master either -their bishop, or the Duke of Savoy, or the King of France, or even -Berne; who had marched in the van for the political emancipation of -Geneva; now asserted their right to enjoy in peace the liberty for -which they had so long fought. We have admired them in their heroical -struggles. We will not brand them in this new opposition. Politically -they were right. In a certain sense they were also right religiously. -The religion of Jesus Christ will not be imposed by force, and it -rejects all compulsion. In the attempt to establish itself in any town, -it refuses alike the intervention of the martyr-fires of the Holy -Office and the decrees of a council of state. Jesus Christ said, _Wilt -thou be made whole?_ This is not the place for an inquiry into the -aids which this will of man receives from on high: we hold simply to -the declarations of the Saviour, and we say that man ought to feel the -want of the Gospel, and if he does not want it, no one has any right -to impose it on him. To act as the syndics then did was to ignore the -divine spirituality of the kingdom of God, and to make of it a human -institution. Another motive may possibly have contributed to arouse -opposition. Farel, Calvin, Courault, Saunier, Froment, and Mathurin -Cordier were foreigners, Frenchmen. They had drawn around them their -brothers, their cousins, and some of their friends. These foreigners -appeared to be taking the upper hand in Geneva, and this hurt the -feelings of the old citizens. They wished that Geneva should belong to -the Genevese, as France did to the French and Germany to the Germans. - -[Sidenote: FAITH BY COMPULSION.] - -Calvin having pointed out to the council, October 30, the danger to -which the republic was exposed by the existence within it of two -opposing parties, it was decreed that those citizens who had abstained, -on July 29, from swearing to the evangelical confession, should be -called upon to do so without delay; and November 12 was appointed for -that purpose. Calvin, Farel, and their friends, who assuredly knew the -worth of a voluntary adhesion, did what they could to induce opponents -to receive the Gospel with all their heart, and not to separate -themselves from their fellow-citizens in a matter of such moment. They -urged them with kindness to listen to the good tidings of salvation, -and affectionately exhorted them to peace and union.[541] There were -indeed some vexatious proceedings. A tithing man (_dizenier_) having -in his district two young lads who refused obstinately to answer to -the summons, gave them legal notice of the order of the council, and -cited them to obey it. Thereupon these two opponents flew into a rage -and assaulted him, and for this they were imprisoned. But this was the -only case of the kind. Kindliness, however, had little more effect than -violence. In vain mild persuasion flowed from the lips of the ministers -and their friends; it repelled instead of attracting. - -At length November 12 arrived. Each tithing man having called together -those of his quarter who had not yet taken the oath, they were -conducted to St. Peter’s in groups, tithing by tithing. The looks of -the people were fixed on these late comers. They were counted, but the -whole number was not large. Many did not come at all; ‘and likewise, -of those who lived in the Rue des Allemands, not one came.’[542] This -was a blow for the friends of the Reformation. The Rue des Allemands -(of the German Swiss) was chiefly inhabited by those who had early -declared themselves for liberty, and afterwards for the Reformation, -and who had adhered to the Helvetic confessions. When the Genevese -Catholics, March 28, 1533, had attacked this party by force of arms, it -was in the Rue des Allemands that the reformed were drawn up in order -of battle, five in a row. It was there that the most pious had said, -‘There is not one single drop of comfort assured to us except in God -alone.’ It was there that all had exclaimed, ‘Rather die than give way -a single step.’[543] And now, of all those who inhabited that street, -not a single man came! Doubtless some of them had already sworn to -the confession. But there were probably some also who objected to the -doctrine, and others who, like Desclefs, felt the divine commandments -too hard for them to pledge themselves to keep them. But what chiefly -repelled these Huguenots was the fact that an act was commanded which -they knew they were free to do or not to do. They were determined not -to bend under that yoke. After having dared all kinds of hardship for -the sake of winning their freedom, they did not intend that, when they -had gained it in the state, it should be snatched away from them in the -Church. They were more in the right perhaps than they imagined; for it -is hardly likely that they fully understood this great principle, ‘The -power of the magistrate ends at the point at which that of conscience -begins.’ The difficulty was still more increased by the circumstance -that ‘those who had refused to swear to the confession, whether -Catholics or Huguenots, were among the most influential persons in the -city.’ Such is the testimony of Rozet, the secretary of state, who is -assuredly a witness above suspicion. But the syndics and their council -were no more disposed to give way than their adversaries. They thought -that they had as much right to impose that act as to order a military -review. On the same day the council decreed ‘that those who will not -take the oath to the Reformation must go and dwell in some other place, -where they may live according to their fancy.’ Two days later the Two -Hundred confirmed the decree, expressing themselves somewhat bluntly, -‘that they must quit the city, since they will not obey.’[544] The -bow was tightly bent, and no one was willing to unbend it. The crisis -became more violent; a shock and a catastrophe were inevitable. The -only question was, who would be the victims. - -[Sidenote: OPPONENTS OF COMPULSION.] - -The citizens thus lightly banished from their native land by the -council could hardly believe their own ears. What! they had delivered -Geneva, ‘and will Geneva drive them away?’ Is it resolved that they -must forsake their homes, their families, their friends, to go and -eat the bread of the stranger? They murmured aloud and stoutly stood -out against this strange edict, confident in their strength and their -number. ‘There was no obedience at all;’ no one thought of packing -up. ‘The hostile band was of such a character that the lords dared -not execute their own decree.’ Complaints and threats grew louder -from day to day. The most influential men exclaimed--‘The present -syndics were elected by means of underhand dealings and intrigues. -They have violated our franchises and made an attack on our liberties. -There are three or four among them who do just as they will with the -ordinary council, and even with the great council. We must take the -government of the republic out of the hands of these two councils, and -henceforth everything must be managed by a general council. These -gentlemen want to reign over us as princes; but it is the people, it -is we ourselves, who are princes.’ These powerful malcontents, among -whom De Chapeaurouge distinguished himself, sought even to gain over -those of their friends who had already taken the oath, and addressed to -them the most vehement reproaches. Many of the latter were shaken, and -sought to excuse themselves. They laid the blame on the secretary of -the town. They reprimanded him (_l’impropéraient_) and blamed him for -getting them to swear without knowing what they were doing. Some even -of those who had sworn ‘adhered to the rebels.’ All these malcontents -excited one another more and more, and they thought of nothing but of -securing for themselves at the next election the place of the syndics. -The authoritative act of the council was to bring about the revolution. - -Ambassadors of Berne were at Geneva at the time on some question of -jurisdiction, and the opposition party endeavored to gain them over -to their cause. This was not difficult. Calvin and Farel had adhered -to the confession of Basel, which was likewise received at Berne. Now -adherence to another confession was in their eyes a violation of the -first oath. One day, at an entertainment at which the Bernese deputies -were present with the magistrates and the notabilities of Geneva, one -of the ambassadors said with a loud voice that all those who had taken -the oath to the confession of Calvin and Farel were perjured persons. -One of the leaders of the opposition, Jean Lullin, who was there, was -delighted to hear it and did not fail to publish the rash remark. It -seemed to be a giving up of the cause to the opposition, which, proud -of finding the Bernese on its side, believed its victory secured. The -people began to be restless; and many, whom the council registers -call _the mutineers_ cried out in the streets that ‘everything was to -be settled in a general council.’ These signs of resistance greatly -afflicted the reformers and, says a chronicler, ‘put Calvin about -(_pourmenait_) in a strange way.’ Within the walls of Geneva the -agitation increased. The day grew dark, and a storm appeared ready to -burst forth.[545] - -[Sidenote: THE GENERAL COUNCIL.] - -The council was deeply moved. Its members were accused of having -obtained their seats by illegal practices, and appeal was made to the -people. It seemed indeed as if it would be needful for the general -council to decide between them and their adversaries. The syndics -therefore, on November 23, convoked the Two Hundred to deliberate on -the matter. The latter showed themselves determined to support the -government. The magistrates in office must not think of resigning, -they said, nor attach so much importance to these clamors. ‘All this -noise is made by certain people who have no mind to amend their -ways and who want to take the place of the syndics.’ Nevertheless, -everyone perceived that it was impossible to refuse the convocation -of a general council. It was necessary, besides, to name a deputation -to Berne to treat of important business. The day fixed was Sunday, -November 25. It was agreed to prepare some fair ordinances to be read -to the assembled people. The opposition were aiming at getting rid not -only of the magistrates but of the reformers. What took place in the -council is therefore of great importance. It was the beginning of the -counter-reformation. - -On the day appointed, the Two Hundred, in order to impart more -solemnity to their proceedings, assembled at the Town Hall and thence -accompanied the syndics and the council to St. Peter’s church. These -magistrates felt keenly the accusations which were spread abroad -against them by the opposition; and having a good conscience they -wished the people to decide between them and their calumniators. -Consequently, when the assembly had been formed, the following -_remonstrance_ was addressed to the people in the name of the syndics -and the councils. - -‘Magnificent, discreet, most dear and honored lords,-- - -‘The lords syndics whom you have elected according to your custom, as -likewise their ordinary council, that of the Sixty and that of the Two -Hundred, feel hurt by the talk of some private persons, who speak as if -they had charge of the general council, alleging that the said councils -were elected by intrigues and have violated the franchises; that it -is they (the opponents) who are princes, and that they wish that for -the future everything should be transacted in a general council. The -syndics and councils desire to learn from you, gentlemen, before they -proceed further in the investigation of the matter, whether you allow -that. You know whether or not your magistrates were elected by the -intrigues of three or four citizens, as they are alleged to have been. -You know that the four syndics were chosen by you in general council; -and while in time past the ordinary council was chosen by the four -syndics, this election, since 1530, has been made by the Council of the -Two Hundred. - -[Sidenote: PROCEEDINGS AT THE COUNCIL.] - -‘Elected thus, the councils ask you whether you will not acknowledge -them as your magistrates, that they may continue to exercise the power -which God has given them by your general election. They are prepared -to submit to punishment with all legal rigor, if it be found that they -are in fault; but if it be otherwise, they demand that those who defame -them should suffer chastisement, so that God may not be angry with us, -nor take away the spiritual lordship and liberty which he has given us -by his Son Jesus Christ. Assuredly he has shown us more favor than he -ever did to the children of Israel. But it might happen to us as it did -to the Romans, who by civil discords of this sort lost little by little -the empire which they had acquired over the world, and fell into the -bondage in which they still remain. - -‘We ought to pray God to send us well-instructed and Godfearing men to -administer justice. But if we will treat them with contempt, we shall -by-and-by find no one to serve us. Well may the heart of a citizen ache -when, after laying aside his private affairs to serve the community, he -gets for his reward the censure of those who dread correction and will -not obey the lawful authorities. - -‘Come then, gentlemen, one after the other, peaceably to give your -opinion, _yes_ or _no_, in order that all things may be done well and -orderly, to the glory of God and our own great benefit.’[546] - -One might have expected that, after this declaration, the leaders of -the opposition, De Chapeaurouge and his adherents, would state in -due form their alleged grievances. They remained silent. This was an -acknowledgment that their accusation was unfounded. They would have -found it difficult to assert that the election of the magistrates had -been due to the intrigues of a few individuals, in the presence of the -people who had themselves made that election freely and honorably. -Moreover, ten weeks only had to elapse before the regular renewal of -the council; and the opposition did not think that they ought to unmask -their batteries so long beforehand. It would be better to employ the -time in preparing the change which they wished to bring about. Thus, -therefore, after the address of the syndics there was a long silence. -After some time De Chapeaurouge rose; but instead of speaking as a -tribune who seeks to draw the people after him, he made a remark on -acoustics; ‘We cannot hear well,’ said he, ‘the place gives a dull -sound.’ There are none so deaf as those who will not hear. In fact, the -chief of the opposition pretended that the challenge and invitation -of the council had not reached his ears, and that this excused his -making a reply. ‘Is a second reading desired?’ said the first syndic; -no one demanded it. As the leaders were silent, the youngest and most -blustering of their followers began to speak. The opportunity was too -tempting not to cry out, and instead of the great piece which was -looked for, a little one was produced. Men destitute of culture and -acquirements attacked the chief magistrates. One man, who had just -come out of prison, flung in the face of the reformers the most absurd -accusations. There was an ebullition in the assembly; a tempest in a -teacup. The young people caused this first outbreak of excitement, -which they show in their pursuit of pleasure and which they easily -transfer to public affairs. Claude Sérais, a tailor, one of those -who in February had played at _Picca-Porral_, came forward and laid -a complaint against Ami Perrin, who enjoyed great respect. It was he -who had accompanied Farel the first time that he preached (in 1534) -in the convent of Rive. He had not heartily embraced the Reformation, -but he was still associated with the reformers. ‘Perrin,’ said Sérais, -‘said that there are traitors at Geneva, people who speak ill of the -preachers. He said that Porral was a good man.’ As Porral was a great -friend of the Reformation, he was at least as hateful to these people -as Farel and Calvin. ‘I replied to him,’ said Sérais, ‘that if he were -so, he had no occasion to bring Farel to the prison, to preach to -us as if we were thieves who were to be prepared for death.’ ‘Yes,’ -cried one of those who had been in prison with Sérais, Jacques Pattu, -‘yes, they brought Farel to prison and he told us that he would sooner -drink a glass of blood than drink with us.’ Scarcely had he let fall -these strange words, when Pierre Butini mounted on a bench and cried -out, ‘The franchise has been taken from us by the Porrets (Porral’s -friends), for we were seized, many good men, without informations and -without plaintiffs.’--‘I complain,’ resumed Pattu, ‘that they gave me -the halter without cause,’--‘I complain,’ said Sérais, further, ‘that -Claude Bernard told me that I would not go to hear Farel preach.’--‘Let -the others speak now!’ cried Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, annoyed at -Sérais beginning over again. But the friends of Sérais cried, ‘And we, -we will have Baudichon hold his tongue.’ Then Etienne Dadaz, resuming -the series of grievances, said, ‘I complain that I have been sent to -prison and accused of meaning to sell the town.’--‘Thou oughtest to be -silent,’ said the syndic Goutaz, ‘for thou hast brought from France -articles designed to make us subjects of the king.’ On which Dadaz -replied, ‘It is not I who made them, it is M. de Langey who gave them -me.’ This was certainly not justifying himself, for Langey was a -minister to the king.[547] - -[Sidenote: CONFUSED COMPLAINTS.] - -The most reasonable of the leaders saw that they must put a stop to -these turbulent complainings, which were ruining their interests. The -former syndic, Jean Philippe, a friend of freedom and courageous, but -also rash and leading a loose life, began to speak, and, addressing -the secretary of the council, Rozet, accused him of having caused the -confession to be sworn which he declared he had not sworn. This was not -escaping from the question, but plunging into it. This was the master -grievance of the opposition, and the matter to be investigated. ‘We -did ill to swear it,’ said Jean Lullin. ‘The ambassadors of Berne have -told us that we were perjured.’ De Chapeaurouge himself, who at first -had kept silence, getting enraged with the secretary of the council, -Rozet, who had caused the confession to be sworn, accused him of being -‘a witness of Susanna’ (that is to say, a false witness). ‘Gentlemen,’ -said the respectable Rozet, with much feeling, ‘I have served you -long, and I have neither done wickedly nor borne false witness; and -here is De Chapeaurouge making me out to be a _witness of Susanna_!’ -Chapeaurouge replied, ‘You told me, before the syndic Curtet, that -you had no conscience at all.’ Curtet answered, ‘I never heard that;’ -and everyone began to laugh. Jean Philippe, a clever man, then made a -proposition which he thought likely to satisfy the opponents. He wished -to place the syndics under guardianship. ‘Gentlemen,’ he said, ‘it -would be a long task to listen in this place to all these plaintiffs -and to provide for them. It seems to me better that we should -choose, in general council, twenty-five men.’ These were twenty-five -superintendents whom he wished to set over the syndics and the council, -as representatives of the people. ‘That done,’ continued Philippe, -‘these gentlemen will hold their Little and Great Councils, and the -plaintiffs shall be heard before all.’ Naturally, Philippe wished -these twenty-five to be of his party. The syndics understood and were -indignant. ‘Do you mean, then,’ said they, ‘to have men set over us?’ -The crafty Philippe did not lose the thread. ‘Not _men_ over you,’ he -said, ‘but the general council is over all.’ Then, like a very tribune, -he turned boldly to the people. ‘Gentlemen,’ said he, ‘do you not -intend that the general council should be supreme over all?’ Instantly -the cry was heard from all sides, ‘Yes, yes!’ The opposition succeeding -thus in getting the people on their side, the days of the party in -power were numbered. The syndics hastened to cut short. ‘Now then,’ -said the syndic Curtet, let us talk of business.’[548] - -It then occurred to them that the general council had to appoint -deputies to go to Berne. The three leaders of the opposition, Jean -Philippe, Ami de Chapeaurouge and Jean Lullin, were proposed by the -council itself, which would much rather see them at Berne, where -they might support the cause of the republic, than at Geneva, where -they were making war on the government. But the three opponents saw -through the trick. ‘For my part,’ said Lullin, ‘I have an excuse -which prevents my going.’ ‘I hold to what was decreed,’ said Philippe, -‘that those who have begun the business should go thither to complete -it.’--‘I say the same,’ added De Chapeaurouge. The three conspirators -(if we may give them such a name) will therefore spend the winter at -Geneva, and they will not be idle there. - -[Sidenote: VINDICATION OF THE REFORMERS.] - -The angry recriminations, the rash charges, and the turbulent movements -of this council came to the ears of the reformers, and the report -gave them much pain. The next day therefore, November 26, when the -Council of the Two Hundred assembled, Farel and Calvin appeared before -them. The former said, ‘Sérais accuses me of having said that rather -than drink with him, I would drink a glass of _his_ blood. Now what -really passed was this. One of them having said to me, You wish us -no good, I answered, I wish you so much harm that I would willingly -_shed my blood for you_.’ Then coming to the essential point; ‘I have -heard,’ continued Farel, ‘that they call those _perjurers_ who have -sworn the confession. If you examine carefully its contents, you will -find that it is made in conformity with God’s Word, and is adapted to -unite the people. You have not sworn to anything else than to hold -fast faith in God, and to believe in his commandments.’ One of the -members said, ‘It is not we, it is the deputies from Berne who spoke -of perjury.’--‘We should very much like to know when they did so,’ -replied Farel, astonished. ‘They spoke of it at table, in the presence -of people,’ said the syndics Curtet and Lullin. ‘We offer to maintain -this confession at the cost of our lives,’ replied the reformers. The -syndics, beginning to fear lest the murmurs of the people should be -excited, entreated the preachers to be careful that this business might -end well. - -The discovery that the lords of Berne blamed them in the affair of the -confession was a very heavy blow to the reformers. If that powerful -city should unite with the party of the opposition, the Reformation -would be in great danger. They were not long in finding that their -fears were not unfounded. The Bernese, who intended to act as if they -had the superintendence of the Church of Geneva, wrote to Farel and -Calvin--‘It has come to our knowledge that you, Calvin, have written to -certain Frenchmen at Basel that your confession has been approved by -our congregation, and that our preachers have ratified it, which will -not be proven (_ne constera pas_). On the contrary, it is you and Farel -who have been consenting parties to sign our confession made at Basel, -and to hold to it. We are amazed that you should attempt to contravene -it. We pray you to desist from the attempt, otherwise we shall be -compelled to have resource to other remedies.’[549] - -It was supposed at Berne that the two confessions differed, while in -fact they were fundamentally the same; and the lords of that city -believed that if Geneva had a confession of her own, their ascendancy -would be risked. That young Frenchman, who had arrived only the year -before, had a soul, as they thought, too independent. He was ready to -break the ties which bound Geneva to the Swiss Churches. Calvin saw how -matters stood. He felt that it was necessary to enlighten the Bernese -about the confession of Geneva, and therefore set out immediately with -Farel for Berne. The two reformers represented to the council that the -confession which they had prepared, so far from making them perjurers, -confirmed the confession of Basel. At the same time they presented it -to the Bernese senate. That body had it examined, and it was pronounced -to be very good. ‘We are going to send ambassadors,’ said the Bernese -lords, ‘and they will declare to your general council that the words -spoken by our deputies were not uttered in our name.’ The satisfaction -made was brilliant. The reformers had gained their cause.[550] They -returned to Geneva without delay; and having been received, December -10, in the ordinary council, they communicated to it the happy issue of -their journey.[551] But there were at Berne certain persons who desired -to see the Church of Geneva placed in subordination to that of Berne. -The projected embassy might baffle their schemes, and they resolved to -prevent it. For that purpose they did not shrink even from blackening -the reformers. They asserted that the Genevese preachers had said in -their sermons that _all the mischief_ came from Germany! (that is to -say, from German Switzerland, from Berne). The Bernese changed their -mind, and wrote to Geneva, ‘that they would not send ambassadors.’[552] - -[Sidenote: THEIR VINDICATION AT BERNE.] - -Calvin and Farel were struck with astonishment. The letter from Berne -had arrived on December 13. On the morning of the 14th they went to -the council and asked that the Two Hundred might be convoked for -the afternoon. Before that assembly they repeated that after having -heard them, the Bernese magistrates had declared that ‘the thing (the -confession) had been well done.’ As to the charge of having said -that _all the mischief came from Germany_, they pointed out, that as -ambassadors were about to be sent to Berne, they ought to be instructed -to ascertain who it was that had reported such things. The council -determined that Farel himself should go to Berne with the ambassadors, -and should make inquiry.[553] - -The deputies of Geneva, charged with the defence before the Bernese -government, of certain interests of state, were Claude Savoye, -Michel Sept, Claude Rozet, secretary of the council and father of -the chronicler; all of them true friends of the reformers and the -magistrates; and Jean Lullin, who had at last consented to form part -of the embassy, and who was the only member of the opposition.[554] -They went to Berne with Farel; and the latter having given satisfactory -explanations, the Bernese magistrates wrote, December 22, to Geneva, -‘that they and their preachers had found the Genevese confession to -be according to God’s will and the Holy Scriptures, and thereby in -conformity with their own religion.’ They added, ‘Set then these -matters in good order. May dissensions cease, and may the sinister -intrigues of the wicked be confounded.’[555] - -Would the passions which actuated one part of the Genevese people allow -them to follow such good counsel? They were not to wait long for an -answer to this question. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - TROUBLES IN GENEVA. - - (JAN. AND FEB. 1538.) - - -[Sidenote: AGITATION IN GENEVA.] - -Six days later, December 28, Farel and Calvin appeared before the -council, and stated that they were about soon to celebrate the Lord’s -supper, and requested to be sustained in their _admonition to those -who were leading evil lives_.[556] An exhortation to live well had -nothing revolting about it. If a man is living ill, it becomes a duty -to entreat him to live well. That is most of all the duty of faithful -pastors, especially on the approach of the supper. But what need had -the ministers of being _sustained_ by the magistrate? This request -transformed a religious act into a matter of civil business, and thus -totally altered its nature. The answer to be made to the reformers -was put off until the return of the delegates sent to Berne. This -step of the reformers was irritating to those who supposed they would -be among the subjects of the admonition. Claude Sérais, who had a -free tongue, that source of all debate, said daringly in the presence -of a numerous company, ‘Farel is a bad man.’[557] Others took part -with him in censuring the ministers. They indulged in detraction, in -aspersions, in cutting speeches; they cast about in all directions -for anything which might be taken amiss. It was but a small fire at -first, but little by little it spread far and wide. On January 1 and -2 (1538) the council was occupied with the affair, and resolved that -‘those who had circulated insults against the preachers about the -town should be taken before the lieutenant, at the instance of the -attorney-general.’ ‘We shall see,’ they said, ‘who is bad, and the bad -shall be punished.’[558] The preachers made no complaint; but it was -their unfortunate application to the council which had given occasion -to these insults. This agitation would certainly not have arisen had -each pastor, in conformity with the precept of Jesus Christ--‘Go and -tell him his fault between thee and him alone’--addressed those who -were blameworthy kindly and privately. One fact, however, exonerates -the preachers: they were not at liberty to act otherwise than they -did. The state had resolutely placed itself above the Church, and was -intermeddling with matters which pertained only to the pastors. If the -latter had rebuked some citizens without the consent of the council, -they would certainly have been liable to rebuke themselves. The fault -was above all with the magistrate. Geneva sailed for some years on a -high tide of _Cesaropapia_ (government of the Church by the state).[559] - -On January 3 the reformers presented themselves again before the -council. They did not come to complain of the insults to which they had -been subjected. They proposed a nobler object, the union of all the -members of the Church in the same faith and the same charity. They drew -a vivid picture of the discord which was increasing day after day, and -of the divisions which were fomented in the republic by restless and -factious spirits; and they represented that one of the best methods of -applying a remedy would be to keep the disturbers away from the supper. -‘As it is determined to celebrate it on Sunday next,’ they said, ‘we -are of opinion that, those persons should not be admitted. On this -point we desire the opinion of the council.’[560] - -[Sidenote: THE CHURCH AND THE STATE.] - -This exclusion proposed to the senate is one of the gravest facts in -the reformation of Geneva, and it kept up excitement in the city for -nearly a whole generation. Wherein then were the reformers right, and -wherein were they wrong? A society is a collection of men who, while -differing on some matters, are in agreement on the subject which is the -very essence of their union. A society of financiers is not composed -of people who know nothing of money matters. It is not the unlearned -who are admitted to a learned faculty. A regiment is not recruited -with one-armed men. Men who know nothing of French are not elected -to form the Forty of the Academy. It is just the same with Christian -society. Its members may differ in many respects--political, literary, -social, etc.--but Christian faith must actuate them all. A Jew or a -Mohammedan does not belong to the Church of Jesus Christ; and a man who -rejects the facts, the doctrines, and the duties of Christianity is -not a Christian. ‘Birds of a feather flock together,’ says a common -proverb. Ought the reformers to ignore such an elementary truth? There -were still some Roman Catholics at Geneva; there were the so-called -_Spirituals_, many of whom did not believe even in the immateriality -of the soul; there were also a great number of citizens who did not -consent to the faith as set forth in the confession made at St. -Peter’s. Should such a confused mass, in which it would be impossible -to know where one was, form the Church of Geneva? Should that Church be - - ‘De tant d’objets divers le bizarre assemblage?’[561] - -Would it not in such a case remind one of certain monsters, which are -spoken of by the ancients, possessing a conformation which was against -nature? The reformers were with the truth when they answered No. But -where they were wrong was in requiring all the citizens to take an oath -to their confession. Was it possible for them to fancy that the act by -which Geneva had broken with the pope had transformed, as by the stroke -of the enchanter’s wand, all the Genevese, so that from that moment -they all believed heartily, and ought all to make confession with their -lips? _Nascitur homo, fit Christianus_, said Tertullian in the second -century. One _is born_ a man, but one _becomes_ a Christian. To pretend -that all those who belonged to the state belonged at the same time to -the Church was irrational. To decree that those who would not take the -oath to the confession should depart from the city and go elsewhither -was iniquitous. What, drive from Geneva the men to whom Geneva owed -her independence! Such an enormity could not fail to lead to a -revolution. The fusion of the Church and the state in a single society -is the origin of those blemishes which in some instances disfigured -the otherwise glorious work of the Reformation. But how to settle the -dilemma? how admit two contradictory propositions? How to exclude and -to keep at the same time? - -The early Church accomplished this. It had its ἀκροώμενοι, _audientes_, -hearers. Instead of excluding those whose faith was not yet formed, -it invited them lovingly to hear the preaching of the Word. They -attended the service and joined in the prayers, without taking part -in the mysteries of the Lord’s supper, which they shrank timidly from -approaching. And when in their experience that great process of the -Christian life was accomplished of which St. Paul speaks--_Faith cometh -by hearing_--they shared the communion at the sacred feast. Perhaps -Geneva was not yet ripe for this order of things.[562] - -The council assembled the Two Hundred to consider what answer should -be made to the reformers. Since the scenes which had taken place in -the council of November 25, the syndics had become more timid. They -dreaded whatever might provoke the people and drive them on to any -rash proceeding, and they felt less inclined to support the reformers. -A letter was read from Berne which bore approving testimony to the -confession, and exhorted to concord. Three of the members who had not -sworn the confession--De Lesclefs, Manlich, and Ameaux--were urged to -do as others had done. The first two took the oath required; Ameaux -alone refused. The council then believing that they had gone far -enough, recoiled from a measure which might have grave consequences, -and determined ‘not to refuse the supper to any one.’[563] - -Thus did the magistrates give a flat refusal to the ministers. It -was a lesson for Calvin and his friends. This decision was contrary -to their convictions; but as they knew that the council was at heart -friendly to the Reformation, they did not feel bound to oppose its -will. They gave proof of moderation, conciliation, and patience. Some -will perhaps say that they pushed these virtues too far. They yielded. -That is not the crime of which they are commonly accused. The supper -was celebrated, and there was no disturbance. - -[Sidenote: DISORDERS.] - -But although the communion passed off in an orderly manner, troubles -arose afterwards. The opposition party looked on this general admission -as a triumph for them; and as they saw that the representations of the -ministers were no longer listened to by the councils, their audacity -increased. Again were seen bands of men, consisting of the least -respectable classes of the people, parading the city with green flowers -in their hats. They indulged in acts of violence; they annoyed those -who had sworn to the Reformation; ‘they drew their swords and terrified -others into flight.’ The taverns were thronged with these people, who -ate and drank to excess. Puns and sarcasms were showered on all sides. -Even holy things were turned into ridicule. Just as St. Paul addressed -his Epistles to his _brethren in Christ_, so the evangelical Christians -of the Reformation gave each other that title. The wags had noticed -it, and did not fail to laugh at it. ‘A party of drunken men,’ say -the Registers of January 16, ‘went in the night through the town and -to the wine-shops, mocking the preachers and saying to each other, -‘_Thou art one of the brethren in Christ_,’ and other things of the like -kind. These mockers having come to the Lord’s supper, to which all -were admitted by order of the Council, gave themselves in jest the name -of _brethren_. Jean d’Orbe said to Claude Jaccard, ‘Art thou of the -_brethren in Christ_?’ and swearing a great oath, he added, ‘Thou wilt -repent of it.’ Many persons, alarmed at these disorderly proceedings, -trembled for the general council which was to be held fifteen days -later. ‘Many a sword-thrust will be given there,’ they said, ‘so -that we shall not wish to go.’ The discord which prevailed in Geneva -agitated also the neighboring country districts. The Council of the -Two Hundred was deeply affected by all these reports, and determined -to have inquiry made and to punish the guilty. The measure which the -council adopted in order to prevent disturbances was precisely that -which actually gave rise to them.[564] - -All these things greatly afflicted Calvin, and he had at the same time -other sorrows to bear. A man of mild disposition, with a spirit given -to contemplation, on which the incessantly renewed struggles to which -the reformer was called made a most painful impression, was at that -time living in intimate friendship with him. Louis du Tillet, canon -and archdeacon of Angoulême, had been first won to the Gospel by the -lively piety of Calvin, whom he had followed to Switzerland, to Italy, -and to Geneva. But by slow degrees a perceptible difference grew up -between the master and the disciple. In Du Tillet’s view the doctrine -of the Church was the essential matter, and the re-establishment of -the apostolic Church ought to be the aim of the Reformation. ‘Let us -protest,’ said he, ‘against the abuses of the Roman Church, but let -us re-establish the Catholicism of the first centuries. It is there -that lies hidden the Christian germ; let us beware of arresting its -developments. The Reformation, unless it is to disappoint the fair -hopes which it has excited, must re-establish in the world the one -holy, universal Church. The only way open to us for accomplishing the -work which the state of Christendom claims at our hands, is to go -back to the beginning, and to re-establish the Church of the first -ages. Alas! fatal discords are already threatening to make division -in the new Church. May the hand of God recall her from this error, -and establish her on the foundation of the apostles and the fathers. -The Reformation must not, while highly exalting Jesus Christ, too much -abase the Church. Let us take care that the torrent which we turn -into the stables to cleanse them do not carry away the walls and the -foundation. The reform of the Church must not become its annihilation. -Assuredly the Catholic Church is the pillar of the truth, and the -consent of this Church is the infallible support and the full assurance -of the truth.’[565] - -[Sidenote: LOUIS DE TILLET.] - -Calvin was at no loss for an answer to his friend, the Old Catholic. He -pointed out to him that where falsehood reigns there can be no Church; -that the state of the papacy, although it might still hold some remains -of truth, was such that those who abandoned it did not create a schism. -He added, that we could not wait until the papacy reformed itself; that -the councils assembled in the fifteenth century, and even earlier, for -the purpose of working out that the reform, had all failed. He insisted -that it was not to Catholicism of the first five or six centuries -that we must return, but to the Gospel--to the sacred writings of -the apostles--in which the truth was taught in its purity. Calvin -maintained his thesis with energy, nay, as he said, with rudeness.[566] -Driven from point to point, hesitating between the doctrine of the Holy -Scriptures and that of the councils and the fathers, melancholy and -pining, Du Tillet secretly quitted Geneva, adopted the resolution of -re-entering the Catholic Church, and told Calvin so. - -The reformer wrote to him, January 31, 1538, with moderation and -humility, but at the same time firmly. ‘What afflicts me most of all,’ -he said to him, ‘is the fear of having hurt your mind by my imprudence, -for I confess that I have not exhibited in my intercourse with you -the modesty which I owed to you. I cannot, however, conceal from you -that I was greatly astonished on learning your intention and the reason -which you assign in your letters to me. This change, so suddenly made, -seemed very strange, considering the constancy and the decision which -you displayed. It is separation from the Church to join ourselves to -that which is contrary to it.’[567] This did not prevent Du Tillet from -again becoming and remaining a Roman Catholic. - -[Sidenote: THE TWO PARTIES.] - -However, Calvin’s attention was at this time attracted and absorbed by -other objects. The disturbances which were agitating Geneva did not -arise exclusively from religious doctrines. The opposition wanted to -get into power; and if it succeeded, the days of the Reformation were -apparently numbered. The leaders acted prudently, but they could not -restrain the restlessness of their adherents. There were two entirely -distinct parties in the republic. The one aimed at any cost to take the -government out of the hands of the syndics and councillors who favored -the reformers, and to occupy their place; the other wished to appoint -magistrates who would persevere in the course on which the council had -entered. The two parties were now face to face. The attacking party -marched to the assault with decision and much noise, determined to come -to blows if necessary. ‘Insults and outcries were multiplied throughout -the town, both by night and by day.’[568] Excitement was daily becoming -more intense. ‘Next Sunday syndics are to be appointed,’ it was said; -‘there will be strife; we must go to the election in arms.’ One of the -most furious of the opponents, who carried leeks in his hat, cried out, -‘To-day we are wearing _green_ gillyflowers, but the day will make -plenty of _red_ heads.’[569] These symptoms alarmed not only the aged -and the sick, but also moderate men, who are sometimes a little timid. -To make use of menaces in order to keep citizens of the opposite party -from voting, is commonly enough the practice of a blind demagogy. It -gained its end. These violent speeches greatly grieved the pastors. -Fearing that blood would be shed, they appeared, February 1, two days -before the election, before the Council of the Two Hundred, and made -a wise (_belle_) remonstrance. The lieutenant of police, Henriod -Dumolard, one of the champions of freedom, who enjoyed general respect, -confirmed these fears ‘from good information.’ The council determined -to imprison those who had threatened to shed blood, and to take other -measures for the purpose of preventing on the appointed day either -tumult or conflict. - -But if the violent members of the opposition injured their influence, -the abler men dealt effective blows at the order of things established -by the reformers and the magistrates. They called to mind the ancient -franchises of Geneva and the battles fought in their defence. They -showed that the bishop himself had not required of them so positive an -adhesion to doctrine, nor imposed on them ordinances so harassing in -respect to morality. Under the pretext of aiming at the maintenance -of freedom, these men acquired high esteem among the people.[570] -They wished, nevertheless, so they said, for reform. Doubtless they -did. But if we may judge by their opposition to the confession and -to discipline, they wanted a reform without either faith or law. -Such was not that of Calvin; and this alone, in the grand crisis of -the sixteenth century, and in the midst of attacks so numerous and -so varied, could make Geneva a strong and invincible city. The vital -doctrines of Christianity, which are the salvation of the individual, -are likewise necessary to the prosperity of nations. This is proved -by great examples. Geneva without the Gospel, without Calvin, would -not have won the sympathy of the evangelical nations, nor would she -have possessed the moral force to surmount great perils. Weakened, -enervated, and corrupted, this city would soon have lost her -independence, as all those free cities of the Middle Ages in Italy -and elsewhere did. These were one after another compelled to stoop -under the sword of their neighbors and under the yoke of Rome. A free -people must have a religion of high quality (_de bon aloi_). To invite -the nations to cast Christianity out of their bosom, as some rash -or criminal voices did, is to invite them to put to death liberty, -morality, and prosperity. It is to preach suicide to them. - -[Sidenote: ELECTION OF SYNDICS.] - -Was Geneva, then, going to make trial of it? February 3, the day of -election, at length arrived. The opposition, which was at the outset a -minority, but a minority of the inflexible kind which generally wins, -had succeeded in persuading the people that if they wished to keep -their liberties they must change the government. The council general -assembled in the cloisters of St. Peter’s, and the first syndic said, -after the customary formalities--‘The election of syndics is a matter -of so great importance, that it will be enough to occupy us to-day -without any other business. Let everyone give his vote peaceably, and -let no one be so rash as to stir up disorders, either by word or by -sword. Any man who does so will be sent to prison, and will afterwards -be punished according to his desert.’ The Two Hundred, according to -custom, presented eight names, and the council general was to retain -four of them. Two secretaries were at hand to enter the votes; and -presently the citizens, coming forward group by group, gave their -votes. Of the eight candidates the people chose three who had put -themselves at the head of the opposition, and whom the impartiality of -the Two Hundred had led them to present with the others. These three -were Claude Richardet, who, with furious gesture, had declared that -they would not get him to go to prison; Jean Philippe, who had proposed -in the council general to name twenty-five citizens to watch the -syndics; and Jean Lullin, who had accused the council of violating the -franchises. These three enemies of the new order of things were named -syndics. But there must be four of them. The opposition intended that -the fourth should likewise be one of their party, but it did not find -another set down in the list of the council. Regardless of the rule on -that point, they chose a citizen who had not been proposed by the Two -Hundred--De Chapeaurouge--who had greatly compromised himself by the -vehemence of his speeches against the reformers. On February 4 and 5 -the election of councillors as assistants to the syndics was conducted -in almost the same spirit. - -The victory of the opposition was complete. A great revolution had -been wrought in this small city. The citizens had come to a decision -of such a character as must excite disturbances and prepare the way -to their ruin. This soon became apparent among the lower classes. -The election was followed, especially at night, by noisy promenades, -licentious songs in the taverns, insults and blasphemies. At Geneva, -as in France, the song was one form of opposition. The people feasted, -drank, and made songs on their enemies. Thus these lawless subjects -had their triumph after their own fashion. But Calvin and Farel did -not hesitate to present themselves before the council in which their -antagonists sat, and to demand the suppression of these disorders. -The new syndics were the most decided of the citizens in the sense -opposed to the reformers; but they were intelligent men, and they -had no wish that the mischief should run to an extreme. History, -moreover, gives us many examples of a change effected in individuals -by accession to power. Sometimes an ecclesiastic vehemently opposed -to the encroachments of the Roman see has been made pope, and he has -thereupon become the most thoroughgoing papist. The magistrates had -no wish to compromise themselves at the outset by making common cause -with the libertines; they therefore ordered that justice should be -done at the demand of the pastors. The sound of the trumpet was heard -in the streets, and the officer of the council cried, ‘No one shall -sing indecent songs containing the names of the inhabitants of Geneva; -no one shall go into the city without a candle after nine o’clock at -night; no one shall create excitement or strife, under pain of being -imprisoned on bread and water, for three days for the first offence, -six days for the second, and nine for the third.’[571] Immediately -after its election the new council had given a proof of moderation and -impartiality. Jean Jacques Farel, a brother of the reformer, having -replied to the threats of the opposition that he would go armed to the -council general, had been sent to prison by the council formed of his -own party. After the new election Farel interceded for his brother, and -the new council, in its session of February 5, released him, because he -had, according to the Registers, already remained three or four days -in prison. The blustering fellows thought it very strange that the -magistrates, who set Farel’s brother at liberty, should reward them, -the men who had placed them in office, by prohibiting songs at their -tables, in the midst of their cups, which were so delightful to them. -But notwithstanding these appearances, the revolution was none the -less profound and decisive; and it is doubtful whether, even after the -trumpet-blast, the disorders ceased. - -[Sidenote: MONTCHENU AT GENEVA.] - -The conduct of the syndics with regard to those who had preceded them -showed immediately that they did not lose sight of one of the chief -objects of their election. A Frenchman, the Seigneur de Montchenu, -being at Geneva, caused letters to be sent to three Genevese -councillors, Claude Richardet, Claude Savoye, and Michel Sept, in which -it was stated that if the Genevese would become subjects of the King -of France, he would leave to them their usages and liberties, would -fortify their city, and answer for them when attacked. Berne took alarm -on hearing this, and cautioned the Genevese to be on their guard. When -the councils met they ordered answer to be made to the French agent -that Geneva would no more entertain such projects, and decreed that -every Frenchman found wandering on the territory of the republic should -be expelled. It was not easy to treat the letter which had been written -to them as a crime on the part of the three Genevese, especially as the -first to whom it was addressed was Claude Richardet, then syndic, the -fierce enemy of the ministers and the priests. Nevertheless they found -means of employing these letters without taking Richardet into account. -He, however, was not only compromised, like the other two, in having -received a letter, but there was one grave fact against him. Montchenu -having presented himself by night, with some horsemen, at the gates of -Geneva, Richardet, syndic at the time, went to them at their request, -ordered the great gate to be opened, and introduced the Frenchmen into -the city. Montchenu having proposed to Richardet to go to supper with -him at the Tête-Noire, he declined. When he was subsequently called -upon by Claude Savoye to explain this circumstance in the council, -Richardet stated that he had thought that Montchenu was going on an -embassy into Germany to bring soldiers for the king. If this adventure -had happened to either of the other Genevese who had received the -letter, Claude Savoye, for instance, what would not have been said? -But Richardet was as innocent as his compatriots. A Genevese does not -betray his country. For the rest, he assured the council that he had -had no intention but to please it. - -Whatever the fact may have been, on the proposition of Monathier, one -of the most violent members of the party then in power, the council -suspended Claude Savoye and Michel Sept from their functions until -this business should be cleared up. It has been remarked that, to take -advantage of their ascendency in order to get up any bad case against -their antagonists, was a traditional propensity which Genevese parties -had too long indulged.[572] Similarly, three of the former syndics and -a councillor were suspended on account of charges brought by people -of doubtful respectability. In this way the new government secured a -majority in the Council of the Two Hundred.[573] A pitiful victory of -party spirit! Everyone was eagerly hunting up grievances against the -fallen magistrates. - -[Sidenote: CONFUSION OF CHURCH AND STATE.] - -It appears that Calvin blamed this proceeding, and, holding it to be -contrary to justice and to truth, called it the work of him whom the -Scriptures name _the father of lies_. Hereupon it was determined to -warn the preachers that they must not intermeddle with the business of -the magistrate, but preach the Gospel.[574] Calvin felt this deeply. -Is not justice also in the Gospel? Ought not a minister to demand it? -So much hostility was at that time exhibited against the reformers by -the majority of the Genevese, that the Bernese themselves, when they -came to Geneva to oppose Montchenu, undertook their defence. Farel was -accused of having said at Berne, ‘There is strife at Geneva because one -party wants the mass and another the Gospel.’--‘Farel never said such a -thing,’ said the Bernese to the general council; ‘we beg you to treat -him with favor, for he has freely made known the Gospel.’ Certainly -Calvin, Farel, and all the pastors ought to set an example of respect -for the authorities. But the state and the Church were then so closely -united that they were almost confounded with one another; and as the -magistrates themselves dealt with religion in their councils, it is not -to be wondered at that the ministers should speak of the proceedings -of the councils in their sermons. The independence of the temporal and -the spiritual was as yet far off. It must not be forgotten that it was -for Geneva a creative epoch. Magistrates and reformers were working -at the organization of the State and the Church. Moreover, in this -business morality was in question, and no wonder that the ministers -of God thought that morality was within their province. But the -magistrates looked on the matter in another light, and did not intend -that anyone should give them a lecture. Calvin was fettered not only in -his preaching but still more in the discharge of his pastoral duties. -‘In general,’ he wrote to Bullinger, February 21, ‘we are looked on -here as preachers rather than pastors. We cannot have a Church that -will stand unless the discipline of the apostles be restored.’ However, -he had not lost hope. ‘There is much alteration which we earnestly -desire,’ he further wrote to his friend at Zurich, ‘but which can be -effected only by our applying ourselves to it with faith, diligence, -and perseverance. Oh, that a pure and sincere agreement might at length -be established among us! Would there be any obstacle in the way of the -meeting of a synod, at which everyone might propose what he believed to -be useful to the Churches?’[575] - -Having lost all hope in the institutions of the state, the reformer -turned his attention to those of the Church. So long as sincere friends -of the Reformation had been in power, Farel and Calvin had displayed -a spirit of concession even on important points. When the council, -for instance, had determined that the supper should not be refused -to anyone, they had yielded. But now, when they saw at the head of -affairs men who were opposed to order in the Church, they no longer -felt it their duty to yield. They will not allow the state authorities -to organize the spiritual body at their will. They will contend against -notions contrary, as they think, to the Word of God. They will contend -against them by their prayers and efforts, and by their resistance. The -moment is come for them to say with Luther, I can do no otherwise (_Ich -kann nicht anders_). There was enough in such a resolution to arouse -a storm. But other blasts, not less impetuous, and blowing from other -quarters, were soon to assail the reformers. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - - STRUGGLES AT BERNE.--SYNOD OF LAUSANNE. - - (1538.) - - -The state of affairs at Berne had changed since the synod of September -1537, at which Calvin, appearing on the scene as the messenger of -peace, had brought in concord after strife. Megander, Erasmus Ritter, -and Rhellican complained of the progress of _Bucerism_, and their -adversaries complained of them as disturbers. Megander, it may be -recollected, had agreed at the time of the synod to amend his catechism -to a small extent. Now Bucer himself had in his zeal undertaken the -task, and the council, without consulting Megander, had printed the -revised and amended catechism. This was an act at once imprudent and -wanting in respect. The lords of Berne were accustomed to play to -some extent the part of autocrats. Megander was deeply wounded; and -presenting himself before the council with Erasmus Ritter, he declared -that he was fully determined not to become a Lutheran, and that -consequently he could not allow the corrections of Bucer. Kunz and -Sebastian Meyer on the other hand stoutly defended the catechism as -revised by the Strasburg doctor. - -[Sidenote: STRUGGLES AT BERNE.] - -The State, when it intrudes into theological discussions, is wanting -in the necessary tact, and is too often influenced by considerations -foreign to religion. The council replied magisterially that the -catechism was in conformity with Scripture; and it added despotically -that Megander and Ritter must accept it as it is, or they would be -immediately deprived of their offices. Ritter, who did not find in the -catechism anything which at bottom imperilled the Christian faith, -submitted. But Megander raised objections more or less well founded. -He was wounded in his _amour-propre_ as author, and observing the -eagerness of his adversaries to annoy him, he perceived that his -position at Berne had become untenable. Therefore he held his ground -and received his _congé_: a measure in which, however, they showed -a certain consideration. It was the end of the year 1537. He then -withdrew to Zurich, which received him with open arms.[576] - -This proceeding of the Bernese government excited a great sensation. -Zurich addressed to Berne a sharp remonstrance. The country pastors -of the canton of Berne complained loudly of the government and of -the ecclesiastical councillors, and inquired whether these gentlemen -meant to abjure the Reformation. A meeting was held at Aarau, January -22, 1538, at which it was resolved to make representations to the -council; and the dean of Aarau, Zehnder, named chief of the deputation, -presented the complaint. February 1 was fixed for the hearing of the -two opposing parties. But while Kunz and his colleagues were admitted -into the council chamber and took their places by the side of the -president, the dean and the country ministers waited at the door. No -sooner were they admitted than Kunz addressed them with a haughty air, -and rebuked them in a loud and stern voice. The country deans replied -that they did not mean to be ruled by the city ministers as boys are by -their schoolmaster. The discussion grew warm,[577] and even the members -of the council took part in the quarrel. - -Theological motives, as we may see, were not the only cause of the -opposition raised by the country ministers. There were, besides, the -rule which the city ministers assumed to exercise, and the power which -the council arrogated to itself in the Church, and by virtue of which -it had despotically deprived Megander. The country party did not want -an aristocracy of the city clergy; the city party, lay and clerical, -understood this. Little by little, therefore, they both lowered their -tone, and instead of quarrelling they sought reconciliation. The city -members assented to two alterations in the catechism revised by Bucer, -and they declared that the country deputies had acted honorably. The -latter on their part acknowledged that their colleagues of Berne had -not become faithless to the Reformation. Apologies were made for the -sharpness which had been imparted to the discussion. The city ministers -paid visits to those from the country; they conducted them to the house -of the provost, the first ecclesiastic of the canton, who gave them the -warmest reception; they ate and drank together; and at last these good -Swiss parted on the best terms with each other.[578] The cordial letter -which Luther had written to the Swiss, December 1, 1537,[579] soothed -their minds still more. The doctrine set forth by Calvin at the synod -of September, to which Bucer and Capito had given their adhesion, was -recognized at Berne as the true doctrine. Erasmus Ritter, above all, -was heartily devoted to it. There was some hope of finding in it a -basis of union; and by its means the petty divisions of Protestantism -were to disappear. - -[Sidenote: EXILE OF MEGANDER.] - -Unfortunately, Luther has always had some disciples who were more -Lutheran than himself. Kunz and Sebastian Meyer were of that number. -Dissatisfied with Calvin’s confession, which to them was an irksome -yoke, they were eager to shake it off. A new minister, just then called -to Berne, joined them; but as he was endowed with a quiet, prudent, -and tractable disposition, he constantly sought, although a decided -follower of Luther, to moderate his two violent colleagues. This was -Simon Sulzer. He was an illegitimate son of the Catholic provost of -Interlaken, and had spent his earliest youth in the châlets and on -the magnificent Alps of the Hasli. Haller had afterwards found him in -a barber’s shop where he was earning a living in a humble way; and -discovering his great abilities, he had recommended him to the council. -In 1531 Sulzer became Master of Arts at Strasburg. The council of Berne -had then intrusted to him the task of directing the establishment -of schools in all the places of the canton which had none. He had -afterwards applied himself to theology; had gone to Saxony for the -purpose of holding intercourse with Luther, and on his return had been -named professor of theology at Berne, as successor of Megander. Step by -step he became the most influential representative in Switzerland of -the system which aimed at union with the German reformer.[580] - -Kunz, whose aim was the same, was not only a votary of tradition, in -opposition to the Scriptural spirit of the Genevese minister, but he -was also a man actuated by strong personal enmities. Calvin, although -he did not wholly approve of Megander, had emphatically signified the -pain which he had felt at his deprivation. ‘What a loss to the Church,’ -he wrote to Bucer, January 12, 1538, ‘and how the enemies of the Gospel -will exult when they see that we begin to banish our pastors; and -that instead of considering how to overcome the powerful adversaries -in whose presence we stand, we are inflicting mortal wounds on one -another. This news of the deprivation of Megander has struck us as -sharp a blow as if we had been told that great part of the Church of -Berne had fallen down.[581] I admit that there was a mixture of what -is human in his cause. But would it not be better to retain such a man -and forgive him that trifling weakness, than to deprive him of his -ministry, to the dishonor of God and of his Word, to the great injury -of the Church, and with serious risk for the future? True, Sebastian -Meyer and Kunz remain; but what can the former do except ruin the cause -of the Gospel by his extravagances,[582] and by the violent outbreaks -in which, when he is no longer master of himself, he indulges? As for -Kunz, I can hardly trust myself to say what he is. Farel tells me that -when he had lately to do with him, he never saw any beast more furious. -His countenance, his gestures, his words, and his very complexion, said -he, reminded him of the Furies.’[583] It is true that Calvin wrote -thus to a friend, to Bucer. He said to him, ‘If I speak so freely to -you, it is because I know to whom I am writing.’ But it was hardly -possibly that Kunz should not hear from some one what Calvin thought -of him. He became his mortal enemy, and he cherished the like hatred -towards the other ministers of Geneva.[584] He let no opportunity -escape him of opposing them. It was to no purpose that the Genevese -sought to show him that they were not his enemies, and to appease him -by their moderation. It was gratifying to him to appoint ministers in -the Bernese territories about whom Calvin had expressed himself in the -severest manner;[585] and when competent men had been examined and -approved at Geneva, he would not receive them until after they had been -re-examined by the Bernese classes.[586] Calvin however knew better -than Kunz. ‘What do such beginnings forebode?’ exclaims Calvin; ‘while -he fancies that he is inflicting lashes on us he is in fact preparing -his own ruin. Assuredly, if that be the will of God, he will fall into -the pit which he has digged, rather than continue to be the cause of so -great troubles to the Church of Christ.’[587] - -[Sidenote: RELATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE.] - -In addition to the question of Lutheranism, there was also that of -the relations between the Church and the State, which was a subject -of difference between Berne and the Genevese reformers. At Berne the -magistrate was considered, according to the views of Zwingli, the -representative of the members of the flock; he was the bishop; the -Church was a State Church. Calvin on the contrary, who had seen in -France how the state treated the Reformation, wished for the autonomy -of the Church. He did not indeed demand the complete separation of -Church and State, but he desired that each of these two societies -should have its own government. This was the end for which he was -striving, and Kunz, when once aware of it, was still more enraged. To -these two questions was added that of worship. On this matter, as on -others, Kunz was the ape of Luther, as Megander was of Zwingli. Calvin -was no imitator of either the one or the other, but adopted generally a -middle course. With respect to worship he wished for great simplicity. -Berne had retained certain Catholic usages. They baptized as formerly -in a baptistery; at Geneva they put away the font and made use of a -simple vessel. Berne, at the supper, used wafers and unleavened bread; -Geneva used common bread. Berne had retained several festivals, even -that of the Annunciation of the Virgin; Geneva celebrated none but the -Lord’s day, the Sunday.[588] Farel having found these usages, at least -in part, among the Vaudois, in the visit which he made to those valleys -in 1532, had introduced them at Geneva, and Calvin, finding them there, -had made no change. - -Kunz detested these practices, and directed attention to them at Berne. -The Lords of Berne saw these differences with regret, either because -they intended to exercise a certain supremacy over the Church of -Geneva, which they thought was indebted to them to a great extent for -its reformation, and because they desired to see it in all respects -like their own: or because they were afraid that these diversities -would furnish the Catholics with weapons: or because the Churches of -the canton of Vaud seemed inclined to adopt the order of Geneva and -not that of Berne, which in the eyes of those gentlemen was almost an -act of rebellion. The Bernese bailiffs forbade the Vaudois pastors of -their department to receive Calvin and Farel at their colloquies, or -to attend themselves those which were held at Geneva.[589] Farel, who -had rendered signal services to Berne and to Vaud, was now forbidden -to appear in the canton, into which, nevertheless, the fanatic -‘Spirituals’ had free admission. The reformer was indignant. ‘The -Lord reward Kunz according to his deserts,’ he wrote to Fabri. ‘Yes, -the Lord destroy those who go on destroying the Church.’[590] These -expressions are, as we think, more in the spirit of the Old Testament -than of the New. - -[Sidenote: SYNOD AT LAUSANNE.] - -The Bernese magistrates, in order to establish an outward unity, to -which they attached great importance, as politicians generally do, -determined to convoke a synod at Lausanne, and they wrote on the -subject, March 10, to the magistrates of Geneva. The Council of the -Two Hundred were quite inclined to adopt the usages of Berne as far as -regarded ceremonies. Calvin and Farel having expressed to the council -a desire to attend the proposed assembly, it was decided to send -them, but at the same time to associate with them the councillor Jean -Philippe. - -The synod met at Lausanne, March 31. The temper of the Bernese was more -dictatorial than conciliatory. The lords of Berne had indeed requested -that Calvin and Farel should go to Lausanne; but instead of expecting -of the assembly a work of conciliation, they had positively stipulated, -in a letter to the council of Geneva, that the Genevese preachers must -pledge themselves beforehand to adopt the order of worship established -at Berne; and that on this condition only would they be allowed to take -part in the deliberations of the synod. If their adhesion were not -given before the meeting, they should be heard afterwards and should -be separately treated with. The Genevese reformers, therefore, were -invited neither to a free assembly nor a free discussion. No other -right was conceded to them but that of submission. The Bernese added -that the motive of this strange proceeding was to avoid giving their -neighbors an opportunity of slandering the reformed religion, and to -promote the union of the Churches. But the latter object, and through -it the former, too, would probably have been more promptly attained by -treating the ministers of Geneva in a brotherly and not in a despotic -spirit. ‘The Bernese,’ according to Rozet, ‘inquired in a friendly -way of Farel and Calvin on their arrival, whether they accepted their -ceremonial.’ The reformers replied ‘that the subject was well deserving -of discussion.’ Discussion was refused to them.[591] - -The Bernese senate had named Kunz one of the presidents of the synod. -Associated with him were the ministers of Erasmus Ritter, and two -members of the great council, Huber and Amman. Kunz was one of those -overbearing characters which inspire awe in other men, and whose -influence is almost irresistible. His colleagues, moreover, were in -agreement with him. The affair did not encounter any difficulty. The -synod, which opened on March 31, unanimously accepted the usages of -Berne,--the baptisteries, the unleavened bread at the supper, and the -festivals, including that of the Annunciation of the Virgin. - -Did Calvin and Farel attend the synod or not? It seems hardly probable -that they would be willing by their presence to give a kind of sanction -to an assembly from which they were virtually excluded. The letter -of Berne to Geneva seems, moreover, to indicate clearly that unless -they humbly received the ecclesiastical decisions of the magistrates -and councils of Berne, they would only have a hearing apart. A highly -partial biographer[592] states that they were seen in the town and -even that they ‘went outside of it for pleasure.’ There would have -been no great harm in their taking walks on the surrounding hills and -on the banks of the Aar, enjoying the beauties of Swiss scenery, while -they waited till it should please the lords of Berne to permit them to -speak. But they would have been open to blame for not attending the -synod if the order of Berne had not absolutely prohibited them. History -therefore has been guilty of an error in that, while she mentions their -absence from the synod, she has not reported the fact which justifies -it; that is to say, the strange requirement of Berne,--a grave -omission, which we would fain think was unintentional.[593] - -[Sidenote: ABSENCE OF CALVIN AND FAREL.] - -The conference between Calvin and Farel and the delegates of Berne -took place. The ministers of Geneva, while they objected to the use -of baptisteries and unleavened bread, had no intention of causing -division on account of such things. They adhered more firmly to their -views respecting festivals. ‘On what ground,’ said Calvin, ‘will you -honor the day of the circumcision more than that of the death of the -Redeemer?’ In fact, Good Friday was not celebrated at Berne. Kunz was -silent.[594] Calvin and Farel wished that questions of this kind should -be settled, not by delegates of the government but by the Church in -its assemblies. They demanded therefore that the decision should be -referred to a synod of the whole Reformed Church of Switzerland, which -was to be held without delay at Zurich. All appearance of compulsion -would thus be avoided; liberty and order would be equally respected, -and the Church would be spared much grievous dissension. ‘There was an -excellent remedy,’ Calvin wrote afterwards to the Zurichers, ‘by means -of which danger might have been obviated; it was that we should be -invited to your synod. But this we could not obtain.’[595] - -When the lords of Berne found that their delegates had failed in their -conference with the Genevese ministers, they resolved to write, on the -same day, April 15, two letters: one to Calvin and Farel, the other to -the council of Geneva, having no doubt that this clever contrivance -would succeed. Their two missives were very nearly alike. They urged -the ministers to accept the decision of the synod, without waiting for -the assembly at Zurich, in order that the two Churches, united in the -fundamentals of the faith, might likewise be in conformity in matters -of ceremonial. And to the council they addressed entreaties to accept -the same decision, ‘in the hope that Masters Farel and Calvin, although -they had raised some difficulties, would advise for the best.’[596] - - - - - CHAPTER X. - - THE COUNTER-REFORMATION PREVAILS.--CALVIN AND FAREL REFUSE TO - GIVE THE LORD’S SUPPER.--THE PULPIT IS CLOSED TO THEM. - - (APRIL 15 TO 20, 1538.) - - -[Sidenote: RESISTANCE OF CALVIN.] - -The very circumstances which inspired the confidence of Berne were -exactly those which roused the resistance of Calvin. Those powerful and -magnificent lords could not believe that so dignified an intervention -would fail to secure submission; and Calvin could not consent that -the interests of the Church of Christ should be regulated by the -magistrate, like those of the highways and the soldiery. Besides, -in the present case, the question was about foreign magistrates. To -their intervention the citizen and the Christian could not but be -equally opposed. Calvin wished to maintain the principle of religious -liberty, and he requested that time should be allowed him to come to -an understanding with the other Churches. However, if the letter to -the ministers was unsuccessful, that sent to the council had a success -so abundant that it not only surpassed the hopes of the Bernese, -but crossed their desires and threw an obstacle in the way of their -projects. The syndics who had been named in a spirit hostile to the -reformers, and all the citizens who had placed them in office, were -delighted to see variance between Berne and Calvin and Farel. For them -it was a piece of real good fortune, although for the ministers it was -a grievous event. The two states, Berne and Geneva, acting in unison, -would soon get the better of two poor ministers. Further, the council -was at this time in a bad humor. The third preacher, the aged and -energetic Courault, who had remained at Geneva, had blamed the syndics -in one of his sermons, and it was resolved to reprimand him. It is safe -to rely, in this matter, on what the Registers state. It is not right -to receive, as some have done, the burlesque and lying imputations of -the notorious slanderer Bolsec, who, ‘after the example of Herostratos, -chose to pass down to posterity branded with infamy.’[597] The council -forbade Courault to preach. This was the state of things when the -letters from Berne arrived. The council immediately gave orders that -Calvin and Farel should appear before them on Friday, April 19. It -was the Holy week, and that day was the day of the Passion. This -consideration caused no hesitation on the part of the enemies of the -Reformation. As the holy supper was to be celebrated two days later on -Easter Sunday, they were anxious to hurry forward the business. The -ministers then found themselves between the anvil and the hammer; they -must submit or fall, and do which they would, they would be weakened -and lowered. The secretary having read the letter from Berne, the first -syndic declared to the reformers that the council was determined to -accede to the demand of that city, and to conform to the usages there -established with respect to ceremonies. Then he asked them if they -would themselves observe them, and requested them to answer Yes or No. -Calvin and Farel demanded the time necessary, not merely, as has been -asserted, for reflection on the subject, but also and especially, that -the question might be settled by the competent authorities, the Swiss -synod, which in ten days (April 29) was to be held at Zurich. Meanwhile -they begged that no innovation should be made until the next supper. In -making this request Calvin pledged himself to accept whatever should -be decreed by that legitimate authority. This was on his part a large -concession. To his Scriptural and just judgment it did not appear -consistent, after separating from Roman Catholicism, still to retain -any part of the system, even were it only a trifle, such as unleavened -bread, baptisteries, and festivals. To one of the latter, especially, -he felt great objection. He knew that small concessions lead on to -large ones, and he feared that Rome would act according to the proverb, -and if you gave an inch would take an ell. It is needless to repeat how -decided and firm Calvin was, and yet, out of love for peace and for -unity, he conceded to his adversaries what he might justly have refused -them. All he asked was that they would wait for ten days the decision -of the synodal authority. This, assuredly, was not saying No in an -absolute manner.[598] It was quite the reverse; and the adversaries -of Calvin ought rather to have wondered at his compliance than have -blamed him for his inflexible obstinacy. His request was fair, and it -ought to have been granted. But they would not listen to it. It was -ordered that the supper should be celebrated conformably to the Bernese -usage; and the council appointed the magistrates who were to take care -that it was thus celebrated in the churches of St. Peter, St. Gervais, -and Rive. It may be asked how it was that men who were by no means -remarkable for their attachment to traditional observances should be so -obstinate in sacrificing the ritual of Geneva to the ritual of Berne. -Impartial judges have said, ‘The Council had taken this resolution in -order to win over the Bernese and to implicate them in the opposition -to the reformers.’[599] We confess that this explanation appears to us -very probable. - -[Sidenote: DISTURBANCES AT GENEVA.] - -This decision was despotic, and in that very quality was in accordance -with the order which the councils intended to establish at Geneva, that -of _Césaropapia_, in which the prince and the magistrate, taking the -place of the pope, settle everything in the Church. The inflexibility -of the council on the one side and the firmness of the reformers on -the other came into collision, and the result was a shock to the -people which troubled their everyday life and could not, but lead to -a conflict. Those who formed the lowest section of the opposition, -excited and agitated, began to cry out against the resistance of the -ministers, and they thought that if the latter would not obey with a -good grace, they must be compelled to yield by terror and by force. -If the people were to express their will with energy, if they took up -arms, and filled the streets and massed themselves like roaring waves -in front of the houses of Farel, Calvin, and Courault, those men, no -matter what their strength might be, would have no choice but to give -way before that impetuous torrent. ‘Thereupon,’ says the chronicler -Rozet, ‘great excesses and blasphemies were committed. Dissolute men -went about the town by night in dozens, armed with arquebuses, which -they discharged in front of the ministers’ houses. They shouted, _The -Word of God!_ and after that, _The word of Andrew!_ They threatened -to throw them into the Rhone if they did not come to some agreement -with the magistrates respecting the ceremonies in question; and these -proceedings, all open and notorious, went unpunished.’[600] It is not -easy to ascertain what the cry, _The word of Andrew_, meant.[601] -The cry, _To the Rhone!_ was invariably heard at Geneva when popular -risings took place. Froment was greeted with it when he began to preach -the Gospel there; and some women would have thrown him _over the -bridge_ (_du pont en bas_) if a party of men had not rescued him. They -did not, indeed, fling every one into the Rhone whom they threatened; -but these cries could not but seem to Farel and Calvin a mournful -return for their great and severe labors. - -[Sidenote: INDIGNATION OF COURAULT.] - -These disorderly deeds had lamentable consequences. Neither Farel -nor Calvin complained of them. They had now at heart interests more -important than their own, more precious even than their lives. They -did not return evil for evil. But the former preacher to the Queen -of Navarre, the blind and aged Courault, was not so forbearing. He -likewise had heard these insults. A man of integrity and devoted to -duty, he had at the same time a heart easily wounded, and he knew how -to speak hard words. The night between Friday and Saturday, during -which these cries had resounded in the city, was not a pleasant or a -peaceful one for him. He was more irritated, perhaps, on account of -the indignities which were heaped upon Calvin and Farel than for what -concerned himself. Chagrin, disquietude, and anger kept him sleepless. -His blood was heated, his heart was incensed, his imagination inflamed. - - ‘Je me tourne et m’agite et ne peux nulle part - Trouver que l’insomnie, amère, impatiente, - Qu’un malaise inquiet et qu’une fièvre ardente.’[602] - -The state of poor old Courault seems to be described in these lines. -To him these disorders were intolerable, and he said that if men -should hold their peace the very stones would cry aloud. He would cry -out, and cry out in the pulpit. True, that was forbidden him; but no -matter, in spite of the prohibition of men he would preach. He rose -very early and went to St. Peter’s church to perform the service of -six o’clock A.M., with no other preparation, alas! than the -distress and bitterness which had preyed on his mind through the -night. The character of his preaching was not such as was wanted for a -people so sensitive as the Genevese. His eloquence somewhat resembled -that of the monks to whose order he had belonged, which consisted, -for the most part, in making a noise and in shouting.[603] His mind -was not cultivated, but he had a glowing imagination, which animated -his discourse and enabled him to hit hard blows. Although he was of -a more serious turn, he shared, to some extent, the faults of the -most illustrious orators of the preceding period, Barletta, Maillard, -and Menot; and he sometimes attacked, as they did, the vices of his -hearers by satire occasionally delicate and occasionally coarse, but -always prompted by a good and grave intention. He would now discharge -his conscience. Let them put him in prison, banish him, or beat -him soundly; his soul, wearied with grief, must burst its bonds. -He uttered, doubtless, some excellent things, some true and pious -words; but, agitated as he was, he allowed himself to indulge in that -intemperate mode of speech which was then so common. With his spirit -still disturbed by those noisy and tumultuous crowds collected under -the windows of the reformers, from the midst of which came redoubled -shouts, jesting songs, insults, accusations, and menaces, he likened -them to the ‘kingdom of the frogs,’ that from the bosom of the marshes -croak and make a loud noise. Then recalling a vulgar phrase, the old -Frenchman, hardly escaped from the rough life of persecution, inquired -of the Genevese what they complained of,--they who were ‘like rats in -straw,’ that is to say, were folk greatly at their ease, possessing -everything they could wish and in want of nothing.[604] In another -passage, rising to a higher strain, and recalling the image of -Nebuchadnezzar, with its head of gold and its feet part of iron and -part of clay, fragile and broken by a little stone, he predicted to the -syndics and councils that as intrigue had placed them in office they -would not long retain their power. ‘You, gentlemen of the government,’ -said he, ‘you have feet of wax.’ These feet, in his opinion, would soon -melt in the sunshine of their victory and prosperity. This comparison, -imitative of Biblical style, was not unbefitting to a preacher, and -the prophecy which it contained did not fail of accomplishment. At the -news of this minister preaching in defiance of the prohibition, and -at the report of his sayings, which were most likely misrepresented, -the government felt that they were insulted, and determined to act -rigorously. Officers of state went to the old man’s house, arrested -and took him to prison. It was the eve of Easter Day. It was customary -to make presents at that period; and this was the present which was -bestowed on the aged, noble, but free-spoken minister and confessor of -Christ, who had already experienced treatment too rough at the hands of -the adherents of the pope in the kingdom of France.[605] - -[Sidenote: PROTEST AGAINST HIS IMPRISONMENT.] - -The news of the imprisonment of Courault rapidly spread through Geneva, -and deeply affected the friends of the Reformation. A pastor in prison! -Yes, and justly, if he were guilty of any common offence. But he had -done what he believed to be his duty. From the Christian pulpit he -had rebuked scandalous excesses, and on that account he was committed -to prison, while those who were really guilty of them were let alone -and went unpunished.[606] It appears from the protocol of the 19th, -that two men, forming part of the band which had gone about singing by -night and had made disturbances at Rive, had been themselves placed -in confinement. But the place and the date of that affair prove that -it was on a quite different charge. The incarceration of Courault -filled Calvin and Farel with sorrow, for they esteemed their old and -venerable colleague, and they knew how much he had already suffered -for the truth’s sake. Some of the councillors and citizens friendly -to the Reformation resolved to protest against the imprisonment of -their pastor. Claude Savoye, Michel Sept, Lambert, Chautemps, Domaine -d’Arlod, Claude and Louis Bernard, Deserts, Claude Pertemps, and many -others joined Calvin and Farel, and they all went together in a long -procession to the Hôtel de Ville. They entered the hall of the council, -and found there two out of the four syndics, and these the men who were -most against them, Richardet and de Chapeaurouge. - -Farel spoke first. He complained that they had acted ‘ill, wickedly, -and unjustly in putting Courault in prison,’ and demanded that the -Council of the Two Hundred should be assembled. The laymen thought -it strange that their adversaries should not be satisfied with -announcing, like Richardet, that they would not go to the preaching, -but should seem to intend also to deprive their fellow-citizens of -it by committing the preachers to prison. The notion that a syndic -should presume to hinder him from hearing the Word of God especially -irritated Michel Sept. ‘They shall preach!’ he said, vehemently. -Farel, remembering all that he had done and borne through long years -for this city of Geneva, to the emancipation of which he had probably -contributed more than any other man by his teaching, his courage, his -prayers, and his deeds, said to the magistrates, ‘Without me you would -not be what you are.’ - -The syndics replied that, as the pulpit had been interdicted to -Courault, and he had nevertheless preached that very morning, and had -announced that he should continue to do so, they would not set him at -liberty. The magistrates wished to see if this incident would furnish -them with an opportunity of attaining the end which they had set before -them. ‘Will you,’ they said to Farel and Calvin, ‘submit to the letters -and ordinances of the lords of Berne? In that case we might restore -to you your colleague.’ This bargain, which consisted in the release -to them of an innocent prisoner if they on their part would do what -they held to be wrong, appeared to the ministers a piece of shameful -trafficking. ‘We will do, in such matters, what God commands,’ they -replied. However, they were not willing to abandon their colleague. -They offered to give bail, that he might under that guarantee be set -at liberty. This proposition was a usual one in such cases, but the -magistrates declined to accept it, and the reason which they gave -for their refusal aggravated the harshness of the act. ‘Courault,’ -they said, ‘is not a _citizen of Geneva_, and he is imprisoned _for -contempt of justice_.’ The members of the council were thoroughly bent -on getting rid of Courault, who was less prudent than his colleagues. -It appears from authentic documents, that they even offered Calvin to -wait, as to the question of ritual, for the decision of the synod of -Zurich, if he would consent that Courault should be deprived of his -office of preacher. This Calvin refused.[607] The petitioners withdrew, -much pained by the severity of the council towards their friend, and -some of the laymen, especially Lambert, complained aloud as they -quitted the Hôtel de Ville. They spoke of ‘_false witnesses_ who had -been examined; of _traitors_ in the general council; and it is well -known,’ they said, ‘who they are.’[608] - -[Sidenote: FAILURE OF THE INTERVENTION.] - -The council met after the departure of the reformers and their friends, -and again decided that the Lord’s supper should be celebrated the -next day, Easter Sunday, according to the rites established at Berne, -and not according to those of Geneva; and it decreed that, if the -ministers still refused to celebrate it, they should be forbidden to -preach. One cannot but be astonished at this decision, and at the -mean spirit which it displays on the part of the council. Simple and -evangelical usages had been established in Geneva: the citizens had -been called upon to take an oath in St. Peter’s church to a confession -of faith which in its spirit is entirely in agreement with those -practices; and now, in a matter which but little concerns it, in order -to gratify the lords of Berne, whom it could easily resist when it -chose to do so, the council determined to compel the ministers to -observe a ceremony essentially Judaic,[609] even at the risk of seeing -worship suspended and the Church overthrown. This looks very much like -a pretext, good or bad, which they laid hold of for the purpose of -getting rid of the reformers. The chief-usher went in the afternoon -to the pastors to communicate the decree to them. He did not find -Farel, but Calvin, learning from the officer that the civil magistrate, -without waiting for the resolution of the synod of Zurich, was himself -deciding this ecclesiastical question, just as if it were an affair of -military orders to give to an officer, refused to accept the order. -Thereupon the chief-usher, in the name of the council, prohibited his -preaching.[610] - -What to do? This was the question which Calvin put to himself. He -longed for unity and peace in Geneva. He appealed afterwards to the -Genevese themselves. ‘We take God to witness,’ said he, ‘and your own -consciences, in the light of his countenance, that while we have been -among you all our exertions have been directed towards preserving you -in happy union and pleasing concord. But those who had a mind to form -a party by themselves have separated from us, and have introduced -division in your Church and in your city.’[611] Lambert’s exclamation, -when he spoke aloud of _traitors_ and _false witnesses_, is sufficient -to show us what was the state of Geneva at that time. Concord was -nothing more than a lovely dream. The most violent passions were called -into play. One would have said that God was giving up the inhabitants -of the city to the unruly motions of their own hearts; and that is the -most terrible chastisement which he ever employs in the punishment of -men. Not, indeed, that these motions showed themselves violent alike in -all. The lower classes were agitated, like their lake when the north -wind, blowing impetuously, lifts up the waves and dashes them furiously -on the rocks, the walls, and the banks. But among other classes -appearances were better kept up. Nevertheless, if any reason were still -left, it was too often only passion that made use of it for its own -ends. - -[Sidenote: CONFUSION.] - -The confusion that prevailed in Geneva at this period is attested -by contemporaries. ‘Popery had indeed been forsworn,’ says Theodore -Beza,[612] ‘but many had not cast away with it those numerous and -disgraceful disorders which had for a long time flourished in the city, -given up as it was for so many years to canons and impure priests. -Some of the families which stood in the highest rank still kept alive -those old enmities which grew up at the period of the wars with -Savoy.’[613] ‘The mischief had gone to such a length that the city, -owing to the factious temper of some of the citizens, was divided into -various parties.’[614] ‘Nothing was to be heard,’ says Michel Rozet, -‘but informations (_dénonces_) and quarrels between the former and -the present lords (the former and the new councils), some being the -ringleaders, others following in their steps; the whole mingled with -reproaches about the booty taken in the war, or the spoils carried off -from the churches.’[615] - -‘There was nothing but confusion.’[616] - -Neither the mild admonitions which were at first tried, nor the more -rigorous reprimands to which recourse was afterwards had, produced any -effect on the disturbers of the peace, and they failed to put an end to -their disorderly proceedings.[617] - -‘I have lived here,’ says Calvin himself, when speaking of this period, -‘engaged in strange contests. I have been saluted in mockery, of an -evening, before my own door, with fifty or sixty shots of arquebuses. -You may imagine how that must astound a poor scholar, timid as I am, -and as I confess I always was.’[618] - -Such was the melancholy condition of Geneva according to men who, -on questions of fact and of public fact, are the most respectable -authorities that history can produce. She has but few witnesses endowed -with the moral courage of Michel Rozet, Theodore Beza, and Calvin.[619] - -[Sidenote: PERPLEXITY OF THE REFORMERS.] - -The reformers were in great perplexity. The synod of Lausanne, at -which the Bernese had opposed the hearing of the representatives of -the Genevese Church, could not bind the latter. Their resistance to -the introduction of new usages, which was ordered by the council -without awaiting the decision of the synod of Zurich, was legitimate. -If matters of that kind are left to the decision of the civil power, -the natural order of things is inverted, the autonomy of the Church is -disowned; and who knows whether, in a turbulent democracy, religion -may not fall into the hands of an excited people who will, according -to the saying of a celebrated but scoffing writer, take it up ‘to play -at ball with it, and make it bound upwards as readily with the foot -as with the fist.’[620] However, Calvin could not help asking himself -whether the actual question, the acceptance of unleavened bread which -the Jews used to eat at the time of the Passover, was of a sufficiently -weighty kind to put an end to his ministry at Geneva. He did not -think it was. ‘If we have at heart,’ he said, ‘union and peace, let -us seek after a unity of minds in doctrine, rather than insist in a -too scrupulous manner on a conformity of the most exact kind to this -or that ceremony. There are some points on which the Lord leaves us -freedom, in order that our edification may be the greater. Not to be -careful about this edification, and to seek instead of it a slavish -conformity, is unworthy of a Christian.’[621] Such were Calvin’s views -on the question about leavened or unleavened bread. - -But the question was about a quite different matter. The reformer had -before him a town in agitation and division, its parties, quarrels, -hatreds, scoffings, cries, disorders, and scandals. Is this the temple -in which the festival of peace is to be celebrated? ‘No,’ said he, -‘the aspect of the Church is not at present such as the legitimate -administration of our office requires.[622] Whatever people may say, -we do not believe that our ministry ought to be confined within such -narrow limits that when once we have delivered our sermon we have -nothing more to do except to rest as if we had accomplished our task. -It is more than that; it is that we must with greater vigilance take -care of those whose blood will be demanded at our hands if they should -perish through our negligence. This solicitude fills us with distress -of mind at all times, but when we have to distribute the Lord’s supper, -then it fiercely consumes and cruelly torments us.[623] While the faith -of many of those who wish to take part in it is in our opinion doubtful -and even open to suspicion, we see them all rushing headlong and -pell-mell to the sacred table. And one would say that they are eating -greedily the wrath of God rather than partaking of the sacrament of -life.’[624] Calvin, as these words show, had still before his eyes that -riotous communion of January, previous to which the council had decreed -‘that the supper _should not be refused to anyone_.’ He recollected the -disposition, the look, the deportment, with which many had taken part -in it; he still felt the heaviness of heart which he had experienced -when giving the bread of life to such men. Now all had grown worse. The -evil which had then shown itself, bursting the few chains which kept it -down, now broke forth with violence. The population was excited, angry, -rebellious. It was no longer merely the profligacy of some individuals; -there was general perplexity, disturbance, and confusion. The agitation -was not confined to the coarser minds; some of the most cultivated were -going beyond all bounds. The saying of a celebrated writer with respect -to another city might be applied to Geneva, ‘The devil is let loose on -this town: within the memory of man so frightful a time has not been -seen.’ - -[Sidenote: VIOLENCE OF PARTIES.] - -Was this the moment for celebrating the feast of peace? In the judgment -of every sensible man it would have been an absurdity. If a feast is -to be held on board ship, is it to be just when the whirlwind of the -tempest strikes the vessel, when the sea-waves lift themselves up, when -those on board shake and totter like a drunken man, while they go up to -the heavens and down to the abysses? Is that the time for the dance to -begin, and for the passengers gracefully to execute measured paces, to -the sound of musical instruments? Or would anyone choose for attendance -at a sweet and harmonious concert the moment when the hall is on fire? -And yet it was proposed, in the midst of burning lawless passions, -to have by force, by the decree of the magistrate, a display of holy -things which would be nothing but a profanation. - -It cannot even be said, as is usually said, that the subject of -excommunication was in question here. Not to give the supper at -present did not mean that it should not be given afterwards. Calvin -had given it. But it was not the time for it. _Non erat hic locus._ -The reformer acted with the wisdom of a physician who will not give -leave to impatient sick folk to take a mountain journey; he will do -so afterwards, when they have regained their strength, but not now. -Perhaps there may be individuals among them who will never scale the -rocks because they will never have the power to do so. But that has -nothing to do with those who are whole. For the physician there will -be no more lovely day than that on which, at the head of his party, he -shall be able to breathe with his friends the keen and healthful air of -the heights, which at an earlier period would have killed them. That -joy, we say again, Calvin had once tasted. - -Calvin and Farel, having considered everything, took such a resolution -as circumstances demanded; they would not give the supper on the -following day, which was Easter Day. Having adopted this resolution, -they communicated it to the authorities. ‘Farel and Calvin,’ says -Rozet, ‘informed the council that they could not administer the supper -_in the midst of these divisions, gangs, and blasphemies, and with -profligacies multiplying around them_.’[625] Such was their motive -clearly expressed. But they would do more than that. They had been -prohibited from preaching. What! on this Easter Day should the doors -of the churches be closed and the pulpit be dumb! Moreover, since -they had refused to celebrate the supper, they owed to those whom God -had confided to their ministry to give them their reasons. That was -not for their harm but for their good, and they were bound to do it. -Nevertheless, to occupy the pulpit on that day in defiance of the -prohibition of the government, which was supported by the majority of -the people, would be a grave affair for these two men, both feeble -in body, the one in consequence of his labors, and the other by -constitution. ‘But,’ said Calvin one day, recalling a saying of David, -‘though _a camp, an army_, that is to say, everything which is terrible -and appalling in the world, should rise up against us, though all men -should conspire to destroy us, we have no fear of all their might, for -the power of God is far greater. We shall not be entirely free from -fear; if we were, it would rather be from stupidity than from courage. -But we shall hold before us the shield of faith, lest our hearts should -faint or fail through the terrors which beset us.’[626] A victory which -the court of Turin, with the aid of Spain and of the pope, failed to -gain over the senate and people of Geneva, these two feeble men attempt -and win. Here was one of the most beautiful triumphs of which the cause -of religious liberty engaged in a conflict with the despotism of the -state can boast. It was more than that. It was Christian heroism which -prefers the fulfilment of the will of God, with exile, to a comfortable -abode in one of the fairest countries in the world, with a conscience -sacrificed and a slavish submission to Cæsar in things pertaining to -God. It was in this character that the two principal witnesses to -Calvin’s life regarded it. ‘Thenceforth Calvin,’ says one of them, ‘as -he was of a spirit essentially heroic, stoutly and steadily resisted -the seditious, together with the aforesaid Farel.’[627]--‘Farel and -Calvin,’ says the other, ‘each endowed with a noble and heroic spirit, -openly declared that they could not celebrate in a religious manner the -Lord’s supper, among citizens who were so miserably at variance with -each other, and so opposed to all discipline in the church.’[628] The -decay of Christian principle is the only possible explanation of the -fact that some should have ventured a judgment on them, contrary to -that which was pronounced by contemporaries. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - - CALVIN AND FAREL PREACH IN SPITE OF THE PROHIBITION BY THE - COUNCIL.--THEY ARE BANISHED FROM GENEVA. - - (EASTER, 1538.) - - -[Sidenote: APPROACH OF THE CRISIS.] - -The crisis was approaching. The danger was increasing. Geneva was -in one of those perilous but decisive moments in which some sudden -change takes place, whether for better or for worse. The population -was getting more and more excited. The news that the ministers would -not celebrate the supper in Geneva raised irritation to the highest -pitch. All explanations were useless; many people would not listen to -anything; anger had stopped their ears. It is said that in the evening -the streets were in an uproar, and that bands of factious men were -shouting against the ministers. It is even added that a masquerade had -been organized for the purpose of presenting a parody of scenes from -the Gospel. We are not sure that the libertines went to that length; -but there was during the evening a great agitation in the town, as the -next day too plainly showed. These scenes of tumult greatly grieved -Calvin. If he turned his thoughts to the past, the great sorrows -which he had already borne in Geneva appeared to him again; and he -foresaw that those which were approaching would be more bitter still. -Interfered with in the preaching of the Word, in the administration of -the sacraments, in the maintenance of apostolical discipline and in -the organization of the Church (the council refused its consent to the -division of the town into parishes, a measure which would have greatly -facilitated the discharge of pastoral duties, and have promoted the -good of families), what was he to do? ‘I confess,’ he wrote, ‘that the -first letters by which the senate endeavored to turn aside my will -from the right path struck me a heavy blow.[629] I saw that I was thus -again plunged into the distresses from which I had hoped that I was -delivered by the great goodness of God. When I accepted the government -of this Church, in conjunction with my excellent and most faithful -colleague Farel, I applied myself in all good conscience to seeking -out the means by which it might be maintained; and although it was for -me a very laborious charge, I never thought of abandoning the place. -I considered myself as set by the hand of God at a post from which -I could not withdraw. And nevertheless, if I were to tell the least -part of the cares, or rather of the miseries, which we were forced -to endure throughout a whole year, I am sure that you would think it -incredible.[630] I can assure you that not a day has passed in which I -did not ten times wish for death.’[631] This Easter eve, when he was on -the point of exposing himself to the greatest griefs, while giving unto -God the honor which is due to him, was doubtless one of those days. He -must drink the cup of the people’s wrath. He, the timid scholar, as he -declares that he always had been, must now face these furious men. But -one thought gave him strength; it is the will of God, and his will must -be done. - -[Sidenote: EASTER SUNDAY.] - -Easter Sunday dawned. From early morning great agitation prevailed -in the town. The adversaries and friends of the reformers were both -troubled, but in different ways. The former were impatient to see -if they would really preach notwithstanding the prohibition of the -council, and to hear what they might have to say. The latter also were -eager to go to divine service, either from a sentiment of piety or in -order to defend the ministers in case, as some expected, there should -be any disturbance in the churches. The movements of the multitude, -the groups which were forming at various points, the violent speeches -which were uttered from time to time, all were calculated to inspire -fear. In timid souls there was also an inward trouble, an anxiety, and -a heart-ache, inevitable under circumstances so grave. Men, women, -and children, the roar of the crowd, and the confused voices of the -people, filled the streets. Strange things were fancied, evil reports -were circulated. One would almost have said, seeing the general stir, -that some one was going to be led to execution. The crowd was drifting -towards the places of execution. The inhabitants of the right bank -betook themselves to the church of St. Gervais, in which Farel was to -preach; those of the left bank and of the upper part of the town to the -cathedral of St. Peter, where Calvin would preach. They entered the -doors and filled the churches. The friends of the reformers took their -places in general about the pulpit. Their adversaries, distributed -over all parts of the building, and exchanging bold words with each -other, asked themselves whether it was not their duty to aid the -magistrate and prevent the ministers from speaking. The district on the -right bank was that in which most of the opponents of the ministers -lived. Probably some of their most violent enemies had come from -other quarters to hear Farel, whose presence was less imposing than -Calvin’s, and with whom they were more familiarly acquainted. The brave -evangelist had not ceased for some years lavishing his powers for the -good of Geneva, and for this they meant to pay him on this day. Farel -appeared, entered the pulpit, and at the sight of him considerable -excitement was manifested by the audience. No attempt, however, was -made to close his mouth. The preaching of this popular orator at the -present moment was a spectacle which interested them as much as or even -more than any other. The prayer and the hymns being over, the discourse -began. Farel, with his intrepid heart, his fervent spirit, his strong -convictions, and his power of impressing and carrying away his hearers, -did not conceal the truth. Without dwelling on the question of bread, -which he declared was a secondary matter, he spoke of the holiness of -the supper. He remonstrated with the people, as if they intended, in -his opinion, to defile the holy sacrament,’[632] and he declared that, -to prevent such a profanation, the holy supper would not be celebrated. -These words moved the whole assembly, and roused a great part of them -to indignation. Adversaries became disorderly, friends were in alarm. -Imaginations were heated, anger burst forth, and outcries were heard. -_In the morning a disturbance was got up against Farel in the church of -St. Gervais._[633] But the preacher’s habit was to brave danger; and, -above all, he knew no fear when unworthy men - - Voulaient du Dieu vivant braver la majesté. - -[Sidenote: DISTURBANCE AT ST. GERVAIS.] - -He therefore went on. His popular eloquence, his animated movements, -his imagery so well adapted to make his ideas more lively and more -obvious, his energetic gestures, his voice like thunder, the resounding -of which, according to Theodore Beza, made his hearers tremble, made -him the most captivating of the orators of France and Switzerland. -Farel, who generally spoke extempore, could not but be struck at the -spectacle which presented itself to him, for the congregation in such -circumstances always reacts on the preacher. He was standing in the -presence of a stormy sea, the surging waves of which appeared about -to engulf him. But he felt that he stood on a rock, and he had learnt -long ago to brave the tempest. He then courageously unfolded the act of -accusation. He set forth those things which would profane the supper. -He enumerated ‘those divisions, those bands, those blasphemies, those -profligacies which were multiplying, and which made it impossible for -the ministers to administer it.’[634] For a long time people could -not listen to him without being charmed, but it was quite otherwise -at this moment. Men’s minds were more and more agitated, hearts were -rebellious, the opposition burst forth, voices changed by passion -were heard, and the disturbance of which the chronicler tells filled -the church of St. Gervais. Farel, however, kept the upper hand. His -character and his action awed the rebels. His friends protected his -departure, and he succeeded in reaching his own house unharmed. - -Meanwhile Calvin was preaching at St. Peter’s. What was passing there? - -[Sidenote: CALVIN’S MORNING SERMON.] - -The worship appears to have been quiet and dignified; the scenes of -St. Gervais, at any rate, were not repeated here. The quarter in which -the cathedral stood, its imposing and solemn aspect, the composition -of the congregation, the magistrates, who doubtless were present in -large numbers, the grave countenance of the reformer, partly explain -this decorum. But the character of his speech, calm, simple, rich -in thought, luminous, and illuminating all the subjects of which he -treated, concise, awe-inspiring, and convincing, without the vivid and -popular flashes of Farel, doubtless contributed thereto to a great -extent. Nevertheless Calvin kept back nothing. ‘We protest before -you all,’ he said, ‘that we are not obstinate on the question about -bread, leavened or unleavened; that is a matter of indifference which -is left to the discretion of the Church. If we decline to administer -the supper, it is because we are in a great difficulty which prompts -us to this course.’ Then he spoke of the divisions, the bands of men, -the blasphemies, the profligacies, disorders, abominations, mockery of -God and his Gospel, the troubles and the sects which prevailed in the -town. ‘For,’ he said, ‘in public, and without any kind of punishment -being inflicted for it, a thousand derisive speeches have been uttered -against the Word of God and likewise against the supper.’[635] He then -stated unreservedly the motives which deterred him from celebrating -the communion. But he does not appear to have gone further. He had -doubtless more than once in his discourses transgressed the limits -of moderation; but it seems that the solemnity of the occasion and -the dignity of the pulpit led him to suppress those violent phrases -with which his speech sometimes bristled. He had a difficult task -to accomplish. He was bound to make these people understand the -obligations imposed on them by the profession of Christianity. Every -member of a society has, in fact, certain duties to discharge, which -are essential to the very existence of the community; in the same -way, every member of the Church owes to it an edifying and blameless -life. Christians form but one body, and it is a matter of concern to -each of its members that God should be honored in them all. Evident -hypocrisy and shameless depravity, in any man making profession of -being a Christian, are an injury to the whole Christian society. Union -with God is incompatible with a state of sin; vice and virtue are two -things which never go together. To regard as a trifle and a matter -of indifference the implacable opposition which exists between truth -and falsehood, between holiness and licentiousness, so that the one -or the other may be pursued without any ground for preference, is the -degradation of humanity and the scandal of scandals. If this mode of -thought prevail, the Christian Church is in a state of suffering; -it must be defended, it must be saved; and a Church unwilling to be -defended would be in a very unhealthy condition. More than that, and -Calvin frequently called it to mind, to maintain the necessity of a -life conformed to the Word of God is of importance even to the man -whose conduct is in opposition to his commandments. This necessity is -insisted on not to destroy but to save him. ‘It is maintained in such a -manner,’ said Calvin, ‘as to bring him back into the way of salvation, -and the Church is quite ready to receive him as a friend. She must not -exercise a too rigorous severity; she must not proceed strictly to -extremities and show herself inexorable, but must rather come forward -with gentleness. If this moderation be not carefully adhered to, there -is danger that from correctors we should become executioners.’[636] - -These were Calvin’s principles. His discourse has not been handed down -to us, but it is impossible to suppose that he did not speak according -to his deepest convictions; and if he did so, that would partly account -for the calmness with which he was listened to. He was, however, -mistaken on one point, and this we cannot too fully acknowledge. At -that time the Church and the state were everywhere almost confounded, -so that ‘the state did not hesitate to intermeddle in many subjects -which were within the province of the Church.’[637] This was -particularly the case at Geneva. Of all the reformers, Calvin was the -one who had it most at heart to establish the autonomy of the Church, -and thereby a certain independence of the two societies. But, like his -contemporaries, he adhered to the opinions of his own age and of those -which had preceded it. The elements of Judaic discipline had, from the -first century, trenched on the ground of Christian discipline. The -Reformation doubtless effected everywhere a great change in this state -of things; but still the state was seen, even at Geneva, thrusting its -iron arm into the midst of the Christian societies for the purpose of -striking the guilty. That is a coarse and fatal error, one which every -true Christian must energetically cast from him. Fortunately there -could be no question on this point in the great conflict of Easter -1538. The state was then for the moment separated from the Church, and -the reformers did not and would not make use of any other weapons than -those of the Spirit. - -[Sidenote: HIS EVENING SERMON.] - -If the reformer had been able to preach with tranquillity in the -morning, it was to be otherwise in the evening. The most furious of -his adversaries thought that they owed him something, and in their -wrath meant to discharge the debt. So long as they had had to do -only with the good-natured Farel, matters had gone on pretty well, -notwithstanding his lively sallies; but this young man from Noyon was -a spirit of a different stamp, and since he came to Geneva everything -had changed. He had a methodical intellect and the faculty for -organization. Had he not prepared a fundamental law of the Church, to -which they had been obliged to take the oath at St. Peter’s? He wanted -to regulate everything, and this was not convenient. Since Farel had -been attacked, it was not fair to let Calvin escape. An uproar had -been made in the morning at St. Gervais; another shall be made in the -evening at the church of St. Francis at Rive. It was in that convent -that Farel had for the first time appeared in the pulpit, March 1, -1534; and there Calvin was to preach, April 21, 1538. The quarter in -which this convent stood was situated in the lower part of the town, -not far from the shores of the lake, and it was probably less quiet -than the neighborhood of the cathedral. The church was speedily filled, -and Calvin arrived. He began his sermon. Knowing that Farel had been -treated worse than himself, it is possible that, to leave no ground -for reproaching himself, he might think it his duty to put a stronger -emphasis on his words, and to lay stress on certain things, in order to -make them observed and felt. For the rest, had he spoken like an angel, -he would not have escaped the tumult. Men’s minds were irritated; the -thought of resisting this inflexible man had seized on many, and made -them frantic; they had even taken their swords, and had come to church -as to a military parade. Violence often remains at first smouldering, -silent, and makes no sign. It appears to have been so in this case; but -at some word uttered by the preacher, it revealed itself in a sudden -explosion. One would have said that a stormy wind passed over that -crowd, and impressed on it a passionate movement. In the church of -Rive there were violent speeches and threatening gestures. This was not -all. In sight of that orator, whose dignity and power irritated them, -the most furious drew their swords, and the flash of steel was seen in -the sanctuary of peace. No one, it is true, directed the fatal edge at -the throat of the orator. It appears, however, that a struggle took -place between the friends and the enemies of the Reformation, and that -arms were crossed; for the great magistrate of Geneva in the sixteenth -century, Michel Rozet, felt bound to say in his chronicle that the -affair passed off _without bloodshed_.[638] The syndic Gautier, too, -looks on this fortunate circumstance as _a kind of miracle_. Thus, -after having heard the firing of arquebuses, fifty or sixty times in -the course of the evening, against his own house, the reformer at this -hour saw glittering swords brandished against him in the very house of -God. Luther and other reformers were also tried by such tribulations, -but in their case they came from the pope and his adherents, not from -people of their own Church. Was Calvin agitated, or did he remain calm -in the presence of this outbreak? We do not know. It is probable that, -while inwardly agitated, he preserved an outward calmness. While some -of his friends gathered around the pulpit to defend him, there were -happily found a few moderate men, belonging to both sides, who exerted -themselves to restore peace, to check the outbursts of passion, and -to bring to reason those excited men who were dishonoring by their -violence the temple of the Lord. Gradually feeling calmed down, speech -became less violent, swords were returned to their scabbards, and -the storm was laid. The friends of Calvin accompanied and conducted -him safe and sound to his abode, which was not far off. ‘And in the -evening, at Rive,’ says the syndic Rozet, ‘a disturbance broke out -against Calvin. Swords were drawn; but it was all quelled.’ - -[Sidenote: DISTURBANCE AT RIVE.] - -The same day, after the services, the council met to deliberate on -the occurrences of the day. Twelve members were present, and these -were fully determined to punish, not the factious, but the reformers. -Desirous that their resolutions should be passed by the highest -authorities of the state, they decreed that the Council of the Two -Hundred should assemble the next day, and the general council on the -following day. They could hardly proceed more speedily. - -On April 22 the syndics set forth the facts before the Two Hundred, -dwelling particularly on the subject of the bread, although the -ministers had stated that that question had nothing to do with their -resolution. The _bread_ seemed, therefore, to be merely used as a -pretext. The syndics inquired of the Two Hundred whether they wished -to adopt the ritual used at Berne. They replied in the affirmative. -We have seen that the dominant party had obtained a majority in this -council, and by what means they did so. The syndics next complained -that the ministers had preached on Easter Day, although the magistrate -had forbidden it, and they inquired whether they ought not to be -committed to prison. The Two Hundred would not hear of imprisonment; -but, with no less severity, they resolved to interdict the three -ministers, Calvin, Farel, and Courault, from occupying the pulpit in -the churches of the republic, and to order them to leave the city -immediately upon the appointment of their successors. It is remarkable -that, according to the Registers of the council, no mention was made -either of the charges of licentiousness and blasphemy which Farel -and Calvin had made in the pulpit, or of the refusal to celebrate -the supper which had been the consequence. It is easy, however, to -understand this silence. Those charges, were, undoubtedly, the most -important fact in the conflict, and the magistrates, in omitting -them, were straining at the gnat and swallowing the camel. Calvin -said subsequently, but not with reference to this special instance, -‘Hypocrites, while they do not hesitate to give themselves up to -indulgence in the grossest vices, are all the more austere and rigorous -in matters which are of comparatively slight importance; and while -they make pretence in that way of humbling themselves before God, they -proudly insult him to his face.’[639] Licentiousness and blasphemy were -very unpleasant topics, and on them the council was not at all inclined -to dwell. Besides, had these grievances been spoken of, there must have -been an investigation, evidence must have been taken, and witnesses -called; and all this would have been very troublesome, and have taken a -long time. Even if the government had commenced proceedings against the -pastors, to punish them for making those charges, it is very doubtful -whether they would have gained their cause, at least in the judgment -of impartial men. It was a far more simple and expeditious plan to -insist on this single fact, that preaching had been prohibited to the -ministers, and that nevertheless they had preached. This required no -proof, for all the town had seen and heard them. It is quite evident -that it was on this ground they were punished. The council stood on its -right, but it was assuredly a case to which the saying applies, _Summum -jus summa injuria_.[640] - -[Sidenote: DENIAL OF JUSTICE.] - -After these disorders, these stormy scenes, and the banishment of the -reformers, what was likely to happen? The bond of religion, so powerful -to keep in check criminal desires and actions, being once broken, -would not confusion, already so great, overrun the unhappy city? Would -not the evangelical faith be trampled under foot? Should we not find -Protestants themselves willing to join the mass with the Gospel? -Would not Rome conspire to reintroduce in Geneva ‘the old religion’? -Would not political independence itself be endangered? Would not the -enemies of the Reformation attempt to make some compact with Savoy, -and would not Berne itself, to whose influence Calvin seemed to be -sacrificed, imperil the Genevese liberties? These fears, alas, were -only too well founded! Calvin, who had so rigorously resisted Farel -when the latter pressed him to settle at Geneva, could not now make up -his mind to abandon the place. He wished to remain there to contend -with all his might against the dangers which he saw besetting the -city. ‘We perceived very clearly,’ he said, ‘that in this extremity, -the safety of the Church required that she should not be deprived of -her leaders. We therefore labored to retain our ministry as if it -had been a struggle for our own existence.’[641] Calvin was anxious -at all cost to prevent any overturn or convulsion in the Church and -in the State. He felt the necessity of enlightening the people, of -making them understand the importance of moral conduct, Christian -faith, and cordial union. ‘It appeared to him,’ said he, ‘far easier -to uphold the Church at the moment when she was ready to fall, than -to re-establish her when once she had fallen, and was as good as -lost.’[642] He therefore claimed, and claimed instantly, to be allowed -to give an account of his reasons to the general council. He would -explain everything, and the right side would win. It is unjust to deny -a man accused the opportunity of setting forth the reasons of his -conduct. But all was fruitless. Were the syndics afraid that Calvin -would convince the people, or that the people would insult Calvin? We -cannot decide the point. However it might be, they refused him what -was due to him. It was a denial of justice. They preferred to condemn -him without a hearing. Neither his own representations nor those of his -colleagues were of any avail. Party spirit went so far as to close the -mouth of the most eloquent, the most profound, the most learned, the -most sincere, and the most able man of the age.[643] - -The next day, April 23, the general council met in the cloisters of St. -Peter’s to decide the fate of the reformers without having heard them. - - Le pire des états, c’est l’état populaire,-- - -said great men of the seventeenth century.[644] We think -otherwise in the nineteenth. It is nevertheless true that the people -frequently disappoint the expectation formed of them, and deceive -themselves. Every age has presented terrible examples of this. The -people allow themselves to be easily influenced, and they rush headlong -in the footsteps of those whom they have chosen for guides. This was -what took place at Geneva. The syndics inquired of the people whether -they wished to make use of unleavened bread at the supper, as was done -at Berne, ‘without further dispute.’ The majority was in favor of -unleavened bread, although they probably did not very clearly know what -it meant. The syndics then informed the general council ‘that Farel, -Calvin, and their colleagues had refused to obey the command of the -magistrate; and inquired whether they would dismiss them or not.’ The -‘greatest voice,’ that of the majority of the people, in accordance -with the resolution of the Little and the Great Councils, determined -that they must leave the city within the next three days. ‘Thus was -it ordered, the greater number in the council overcoming the better -part.’[645] Such a course adopted against the most eminent men at that -time in Geneva, the only ones whose names have come down to posterity, -and carried out without giving them a hearing, was one of those violent -measures to which bad governments sometimes have recourse--a _coup -d’état_. - -[Sidenote: ORDER OF EXPULSION.] - -Further, this same council deposed the secretary who had read the -articles of reformation. This secretary was Claude Rozet, who had -received the oath to the confession of faith on the famous day of July -29, 1537. While banishing the three ministers, they wished to inflict -a blow on at least one layman, and they made choice of the man who, -in his official capacity, had established in Geneva the _articles of -reformation_.[646] - -Orders were given to make known to the reformers without delay the -decree of the people, and the head usher was appointed, without further -ceremony, to discharge that office. This man, having reached Calvin’s -house, told him that he was enjoined by decree of the general council -‘to preach no more in the town, and to take his departure within the -next three days.’[647] The reformer calmly made answer, ‘If we had -served men, we should certainly be ill repaid; but happily for us we -serve a greater master, who pays servants even what he does not owe -them.’[648] The usher went next to Farel’s house. His reply to the -announcement was, ‘Well and good; it is well, it is from God.’ In -these words of the reformers there is a peace, firmness, and grandeur -of soul which immediately strike those who read them, which some -historians have called heroic,[649] and which no one has a right to -call feigned.[650] Meanwhile the council was busied with other matters. - -The sorrow of Calvin, however, was deep. Feeling how great had been the -goodness of God to him, he desired to be grateful for it. ‘Assuredly,’ -he said, ‘no small honor has been conferred on us, in that a leader so -mighty--Jesus Christ--has placed us in the ranks of his servants. We -are therefore the most unthankful of men if we do not devote ourselves -entirely to his service.’[651] He had devoted himself to that work, -and the voice of conscience told him that he must give account of -every soul lost. Successes had from time to time gladdened his soul. -‘Nevertheless,’ he said with sadness and alarm after his banishment, -‘seditions occurred in the town, one after another, which caused us -grief and agitation of no light order. And however timid, weak, and -spiritless I confess myself to be by nature, I had, nevertheless, from -the first beginnings to bear up against those impetuous waves.[652] I -cannot express what trouble and distress filled my heart night and day; -and every time that I think of it I still inwardly tremble.’ It was not -only the recollection of the past that was grievous, but still more the -prospect of the future; of the evils which might fall on Geneva, and of -the great injury which might be done to the Reformation if the torch, -which ought to cast its rays all around on France, on Italy, and on -other lands, should be miserably extinguished. This was burden enough -to weigh down the strongest soul. - -On April 25th Courault was set at liberty, and on the following day, -probably, the three pastors quitted Geneva. - -[Sidenote: A PREDICTION OF BONIVARD.] - -[Sidenote: JOY AND GRIEF.] - -Thus was fulfilled a prophecy of Bonivard, uttered ten years before. It -will be remembered that in 1528 some of the Genevese, who were desirous -of the Reformation only that they might get rid of the priests, with -their vices and their superstitions, having declared to the prior -of the depraved ecclesiastics of St. Victor that they wished to put -in their place ministers of the Gospel who would introduce a true -Christian Reformation, Bonivard replied to them, ‘If you wish to reform -others, ought you not in the first place to reform yourselves? Animals -that live on the same meat naturally hate one another. It is just the -same with us. We are unchaste; so are you. We are drunkards; you are -the same. We are swearers, blasphemers; so are you. You want to drive -us away, you say, to put Lutheran ministers in our place.... Gentlemen, -take great care what you undertake to do. According to their doctrine, -a man will be prohibited from gaming and from giving himself up to -debauchery, and that under a heavy penalty. How that will vex you! You -will not have had them for two years before you will regret us.’[653] -Bonivard spoke candidly and even rudely, but his words fully confirm -the testimony and the complaints of Calvin, of Farel, and of Rozet. -It is all true, even to the time fixed by the prior--_not two years_. -Farel and Calvin undoubtedly showed themselves in this business subject -to human weaknesses. As they were both men of strong character, they -easily stimulated each other to an inflexibility to which they were -naturally inclined. Calvin himself tells us that the prudent Bucer, -at a later period, wished that they should not live together, lest -the influence which they had over each other should be hurtful to -them.[654] They have said themselves that they might have displayed -more gentleness. But it is impossible not to acknowledge that they did -what fidelity to the Gospel demanded of them. The question about the -bread was a little pennant raised by the councils, in opposition to -the great evangelical banner courageously borne by Calvin and Farel. -The two classes of combatants in this warm affair were representatives -of two systems which not only bore no resemblance to each other but -were diametrically opposed. If the reformers had given way, the great -cause of religion and of morals would have been injured, the dignity -of their ministry lowered, and their activity for the extension of -the kingdom of God in Geneva fettered, perhaps rendered impossible. -Their compliance in such a case would have been not only blameworthy, -it would have been blamed. It was for them the question of ‘To be or -not to be.’ They were bound to strive to win the victory; and if they -failed to conquer, then they were bound to suffer as witnesses to the -rejected truth. They had neglected no means of scaling the citadel, -and of planting on it their noble flag. They had failed, and it only -remained for them to retreat, conquered and yet in reality conquerors; -for they had not drawn back one step in the battle, and had thus -prepared the day of triumph. Leaving behind them the city, with its -tumult, its menaces, insults, and deeds of violence, Farel and Calvin -set out for Berne. It was at the end of April. As they passed along -the shores of the lake in the midst of the beautiful and peaceful -scenes of nature, they felt greatly relieved. Escaped from those narrow -walls within which their hearts had been torn with grief and broken -with sadness, they once more breathed freely. A pure and keen air was -around them instead of that heavy and thick atmosphere, and it gave -them new life. ‘When, on occasion of certain troubles, I was driven -away,’ said Calvin, ‘I did not find in myself such magnanimity as not -to rejoice more than was meet--that then and by that means I was at -liberty.’[655] There was in him, however, no murmuring, no bitterness. -He had learnt many lessons in the midst of that agitation, especially -that of self-renunciation. ‘As soon as one becomes a self-seeker,’ he -said at that period, ‘contests begin: the true principle of action -for a soldier is to lay aside all pride, and to depend entirely on -the will of his chief.’[656] The will of his chief was that he should -quit Geneva, and he quitted it; in this very dependence realizing the -highest independence. Stripped and wounded, like the man who went -down to Jericho, he felt the Lord near him, who bound up his wounds -and poured in oil and wine. ‘Let us remember,’ said he further, ‘that -declaration of Jesus Christ, that no one can inflict a wound on one of -his little ones but he regards it as inflicted on himself.’[657] Then -glancing towards the friends to whom they were going, ‘We have turned -towards you, brethren,’ said he, ‘towards you who have been set to feed -the churches of Christ, under the influence of the Holy Spirit. Ah! if -it be under the guidance of the same prince, against the same enemy, -in the same war, and in the same camp that we fight, shall we not be -greatly stimulated in our endeavor after agreement and harmony?’[658] -He did not lose courage even with respect to the Reformation. ‘The -Church,’ he said, ‘is not wearied, distressed, or overthrown by -these struggles and fightings; on the contrary, she derives strength -from them, she begins to flourish, she is consolidated by new -developments.’[659] Such, indeed, was the fruit borne by this great -trial. ‘Events have shown,’ said Theodore Beza, ‘that the providence -of God appointed these dispensations, to the end that his servant, by -means of various experience, might be fitted for greater things; and -that while seditious men destroy themselves by their own violence, the -Church of Geneva might be purified from all stains.’[660] - -Poor blind Courault did not feel strong enough to follow his two -colleagues, and therefore took refuge with Fabri, who was pastor at -Thonon, on the lake of Geneva. - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - - GREAT CONFUSION IN GENEVA.--THE COUNCIL OF BERNE MAKES A FRUITLESS - INTERVENTION. - - (END OF APRIL, 1538.) - - -Meanwhile, the friends of the Gospel in Geneva had received a very -severe blow, which had fallen on them in an unexpected way. Many were -plunged into excessive grief; some lost all hope of ever seeing the -Gospel honored in that turbulent city. Some mourned silently, others -spoke their grief aloud. The most pious of them undoubtedly expected -from the faithfulness of God that restoration of faith, order, and -prosperity for which they longed so ardently. But ‘all good men,’ says -Beza, ‘saw with great pain their three pastors, in obedience to the -edict of banishment,’[661] depart from that town to which they had -desired to do so much good; and with regretful eyes, or with tender -thoughts, they followed them as if they could not part with them. - -[Sidenote: GREAT CONFUSION IN GENEVA.] - -The vulgar and mischievous demonstrations by which the most lawless -part of the population celebrated its triumph still further aggravated -the grief of serious men. The discomfiture of the pastors was laughed -at and turned into ridicule. Professional jesters have almost all a -false and superficial wit, and in every country it rains insects of -this kind.[662] They were not wanting at Geneva. We do not know whether -they went on the stage, but they played in masquerades. Large bodies of -these jesters were seen parading the streets, laughing, brawling, and -making disturbances. One of them, and he was the principal personage, -was holding a fryingpan by its long handle; and in the fryingpan were -lamp-wicks, which were called in the patois of the country _farets_. -Those who surrounded this standard-bearer exclaimed that they had -fricasseed _Farel_ (and his colleagues with him) like chickens or -turnips which are cut in pieces and then cooked in a stewpan. These -poor wretches were at bottom right: the ministers had in fact been -burned over a slow fire. _Bons mots_ and sarcasms gave a relish to this -strange dish; and there were persons in those days who would have been -glad to see the ministers who left Geneva ‘fall out of the fryingpan -into the fire’--from one state of vexation into another still worse. -Insults and derision were showered from all quarters. ‘Processions -of this sort usually end in debauchery. The citizens took license,’ -says Rozet, ‘for impurity, dancing, games, and drunkenness.’ ‘Nothing -was talked of but masquerades, gallantries, and excesses in wine and -good cheer.’[663] Thus did the mass of the population celebrate the -departure of the pastors. ‘The wicked travaileth with iniquity, and -hath conceived mischief, and brought forth falsehood.’ - -As for the members of the councils, they let things take their course. -If they did issue any proclamation for the purpose of repressing these -disorders, little attention was paid to it. Besides, they did not -insist on its being obeyed. They attempted, however, to establish a -Church of some kind. The minister, Henri de la Mare, had not dared, -in spite of the order which he had received, to preach and administer -the supper on Easter Day, for fear of offending Farel and Calvin. -But, like the former superior of the Franciscans Jacques Bernard, -he had abstained from joining in their protest. These two men were -intrusted by the council with the functions of the three banished -ministers. At the same time the lords of Berne were requested to send -the ministers Marcourt and Morand, who did not come till afterwards. -The magistrates also ordered the restoration of the baptismal fonts -which had been taken down, and which were thenceforth to be used at -the baptism of children. Then they had proclamation made, with sound -of trumpet, that everyone would have to conform to what had been -decreed touching the supper, baptism, festivals, etc. But De la Mare -and Bernard were not men powerful enough to fill the place of Farel -and Calvin. They were far from enjoying high consideration, and were -frequently exposed to the criticism and even to the rebukes of their -hearers. Porral especially made loud complaint of their preaching. The -council took their part; and one Groli having accused Bernard of not -preaching according to the Word of God, the critic was condemned ‘to -beg for mercy at the hands of God and of the law, _with both knees on -the ground_.’ Had this happened in the time of Calvin, it would have -been a very godsend for those who delight in slandering that great -man; but the punishment was inflicted by his adversaries on one of -his partisans. The question, however, remains ever the same; and this -act of compulsion in the sphere of religious opinion was even more -censurable because it was the act of the very men who had driven away -the reformers for having attempted to infringe on their liberty. There -were, however, some cases more quietly settled. An influential citizen, -the former syndic Porral, having also criticised the preachers, the -council did nothing more than threaten him with its _indignation_; he -had not _to go down on his knees and beg for mercy_. - -[Sidenote: THE REFORMERS AT BERNE.] - -The exile of the two great reformers and this lamentable state of -things, which rejoiced the men of the Romish party, everywhere filled -the friends of the Reformation with sorrow. They wept over ‘the great -joy of the Pharisees and of the enemies of God’s holy name.’ There were -groans, prayers, and exclamations. ‘How is it that this town, which the -Son of God had chosen as his abode and his sanctuary, was nevertheless -as deeply sunk in its pollutions as before, just as if no single -drop of God’s grace had ever fallen upon it?’[664] People thought -of Capernaum, which was at first lifted up to heaven and then cast -down to hell! Calvin perceived that the causes which had led to his -exile endangered not only the progress but the very existence of the -Reformation. Terrified at the peril, he was resolved to do his utmost -to prevent such a calamity. - - Où le danger est grand, c’est là que je m’efforce. - -Will not the Churches and even the States of Switzerland sympathize -in their trials? Will they not help them to save Geneva? If Roman -Catholicism were reëstablished there and if by that means Savoy should -become predominant, the Reformation in Berne and the other cantons -would be more or less menaced, and the Pays de Vaud might return to -its former lords. Calvin, assuredly, might have elsewhere a more -peaceful and comfortable life than at Geneva; but he had decided to -‘lose his life,’ and had given it up for God and his kingdom. This -town, in which he hoped to raise the standard of the Gospel, might have -become one day a fortress whose formidable front would have repelled -the combined attacks of the enemy. And now he has to abandon it. He -hastened to Berne, where he expected to obtain assistance, as formerly -the Bertheliers and the Besançon Hugh had done, when threatened by the -forces of Savoy. - -[Sidenote: THE COUNCIL OF BERNE.] - -The arrival of the two reformers created a sensation in that town. At -the sight of that Farel whose labors in French Switzerland had been -for ten years crowned with such signal success; of that Calvin who -was already hailed as a master-spirit; of those two men banished, -driven away, having no refuge, men’s minds were struck and their -hearts touched. The Bernese magistrates themselves had not anticipated -measures so extreme. Admitted to the council April 27, the reformers -said,--‘We have been falsely accused. The Genevese (_Messieurs de -Genève_) have brought forward two charges: the one that we have -rebelled against their commands, and the other that we have refused -to conform to the ceremonies in use at Berne. These accusations are -both false; for we have done all that we could to obey them, and never -did we directly refuse such conformity, but on the other hand we have -rather protested our willingness to consider in what manner it could -best be arranged for the edification of the church. Further, it is -evident that these accusations are a mere cloak, for these gentlemen -were prepared to consent that this affair of ritual should be postponed -till the assembly at Zurich, on condition that we would consent to -our colleague Courault being deprived of his office as preacher. But -to this, as contrary to the express word of Scripture, we refused to -agree. On Easter Day we protested that if we did not administer the -supper it was not on account of the unleavened bread, the use of which -is in itself a matter of indifference, but for fear of profaning a -mystery so holy,--unless the people were better disposed. The reason -we gave was this,--the disorders and abominations prevailing at this -time in the town, as well execrable blasphemies and mockings of God and -of his Gospel, as disturbances, sects, and divisions. In public, and -unrepressed, a thousand derisive speeches are uttered against the Word -of God and even against the supper. And, more than that, the members -of the council have all along refused us leave to state our reasons; -and, without hearing us, they have stirred up against us both the Two -Hundred and the people, making charges against us which are not true -either in God’s sight or in the sight of men. By acting thus they show -plainly that they are only seeking for slanders and scandals to defame -the Gospel. And it is a fact that, six months ago, there was a rumor -at Lyons and at other places in France of such a nature that some -merchants were desirous of selling goods for large sums _payable when -we should be expelled_!... From this it appears that there are secret -intrigues of long standing. Likewise they are not content with loading -us with ignominy, but they have several times exclaimed that we should -be thrown into the Rhone.’ The reformers having thus spoken handed in a -memoir in which the same grievances were set forth.[665] - -This discourse was severe; but the evil was great. It is useless to -deny it; the evidence is too positive. All the people, indeed, were -not guilty of these disorders and mockeries; but it happened then, as -it too often happens, that the agitators took the upper hand and good -men held their peace. We must also observe what Calvin said, that he -feared a profanation of the mystery of the supper, _unless the people -were better disposed_. He allows, therefore, a better disposition of -the people; he desires it; and then, he is certainly ready to celebrate -the sacred feast. As to his assertion that his colleagues and he -_had done all that in them lay_ to obey the magistrates, he indicates -clearly thereby that something _did not lie in their power_; to wit, -to act against their conscience and the command of God. Many in their -own time blamed them for this; but who now will make it a matter of -reproach? The most strenuous upholders of the union of church and state -say themselves, ‘That no state authority ought to interfere with any -man’s religious belief. If such a principle were really involved in -the maintenance of an established church, I should probably have been -found on the other side.’[666] No man, in our days, will censure the -reformers. In maintaining the independence of the faith, they did what -they were bound to do. - -The council of Berne, which was not swayed by passion, like that of -Geneva, saw clearly into these matters, and was impressed with a sense -of the danger which was impending over their allies. Without loss of -time, they wrote the same day to their ‘singular good friends and -loyal fellow-citizens’: ‘Masters G. Farel and Calvin have this day -appeared before us and made the complaints comprised in the enclosed -schedule. We heard them with much sorrow of heart, for if these things -have actually taken place, they cause great offence and will turn _to -the dishonor of the Christian religion_. For this cause we earnestly -beg you, and in brotherly affection admonish and require you, to -abate the severity with which you deal with Farel and Calvin, for the -love of us and to avoid scandal. What we wrote touching conformity in -matters of ceremonial, we wrote from affection and not by any means -to constrain you. But you must know _that the troubles which exist at -the present time in your town, and the rigorous treatment which you -adopt towards your preachers, have been very offensive to us, and -that our enemies are greatly rejoiced at it_. Herein you will do us -a most welcome favor.’[667] This was the view of the lords of Berne, -themselves opponents of Calvin; and they might have a grudge against -him, particularly in this business, on the subject of unleavened bread. -But their views were loftier, wiser, and more profoundly religious and -politic than those of Richardet and his friends. - -[Sidenote: REPLY OF THE GENEVESE COUNCIL.] - -On receiving this letter the council of Geneva was still more excited -than that of Berne had been. The angry feelings which actuated its -members and which had led them to banish the reformers were not yet -soothed; and, as it has been remarked, their reply was of such a nature -as was to be expected from men dominated by passion.[668] They wrote -to Berne that they considered ‘very strange’ the complaints which were -sent to them; that they ‘could not imagine how Farel and Calvin were -so bold as to make untrue statements to their Excellencies; that there -was no great discord in their town, for on the previous Sunday the -supper had been observed, according to their own ceremonial, by a great -number of people, all of one mind.’ Which amounted to this--that the -pastors having been driven away without a hearing, their hearers being -intimidated, and the party opposed to the Gospel triumphant, uniformity -prevailed by means of violence and of fear. This is, indeed, the usual -result of a _coup d’état_. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - - SYNOD OF ZURICH.--THE BERNESE AMBASSADORS CONDUCT CALVIN BACK - TO GENEVA.--HE CANNOT ENTER THE TOWN. - - (END OF APRIL TO END OF MAY, 1538.) - - -[Sidenote: FAREL AND CALVIN AT ZURICH.] - -Farel and Calvin did not allow themselves to hesitate by reason of the -obduracy of their enemies. They were determined to do all they could -to save the Church and likewise the town of Geneva from the calamities -which, in the opinion of good men in Switzerland, must certainly fall -upon them. The synod of the reformed Churches of this country, to the -decision of which they had appealed, was now sitting at Zurich. They -went thither without delay, to inform the assembly of the important -events which had taken place at Geneva, and to claim its mediation. The -deputies of Basel, Berne, Schaffhausen, St. Gall, Glaris, Mulhausen, -and Bienne, in conjunction with the doctors of Zurich, constituted the -assembly, which sat from April 29 to May 3. Bucer and Capito had also -come from Strasburg to be present at it. The principal business of the -synod was the union with Luther, who at that time showed a conciliatory -disposition. All the members, except Kunz, the Bernese deputy, received -the two exiles with true Christian cordiality. It appears that Farel -and Calvin found relief and relaxation in this meeting of brethren. -From their life at Geneva, constantly in the presence of violent -adversaries, they had probably experienced a kind of moral tension. But -the loyal affection of the Swiss allowed their minds to unbend, and -their souls expanded in the sunshine of charity. After being engaged -on matters relating to the _Concordia_ of Wittenberg, the synod passed -on to the subject of rites, and decided that with respect to them the -Churches ought to retain full liberty--a resolution favorable to Calvin -and Farel. After settling this point, the synod took into consideration -the state of Geneva. Calvin laid before it the divisions and troubles -which afflicted the Church, the forlorn condition to which the good -Christians were reduced, and the dangers to which the Reformation was -there exposed. He displayed no obstinacy with respect to subordinate -points, but immovable firmness on those which he believed to be -indispensable to the prosperity of Geneva. He readily assented to the -use of baptismal fonts; and also, he added, the introduction ‘into -our Church of unleavened bread; but,’ said he, ‘we desire to request -of the Bernese that this bread should be broken.’[669] The act of -_breaking bread_, according to the institution and the practice of the -apostles, appeared to him essential to the symbol which was intended to -commemorate the body of the Lord offered in sacrifice. He felt somewhat -perplexed about the question of the festivals; but he gave his consent -to four of them, on condition that any persons who might desire it -should be at liberty to work after the service. He was anxious not to -open the door to the uproar and licentiousness which characterize the -Roman populations during the latter part of those festival days.[670] -He continued: ‘If there be any thought of reëstablishing us at Geneva, -we demand first of all that we should be allowed to clear ourselves -of the calumnies which have been heaped on us. We have been condemned -unheard, and that,’ said he, ‘is an inhuman, a barbarous proceeding, -not to be tolerated.[671] Next, it will be essential to establish -discipline, for want of which all that we may restore would soon be -overthrown. We demand that the town should be divided into parishes, -for no order is possible in the church unless the flock be near its -pastor, and the pastor near his flock. We demand that a seasonable use -of excommunication should be allowed; and that, for this purpose, the -council should select in the several quarters of the town upright and -wise men to whom, by common consent, its control should be intrusted. -We demand that in the institution of pastors legitimate order should -be maintained, and that the authority of the magistrate should not -supersede the laying-on of hands, which ministers ought to receive. We -demand a more frequent administration of the supper; that it should be -celebrated, if not according to the custom of the early Church,[672] -at least once a month. We demand that with the public preaching should -be joined the singing of psalms. Finally, we demand that, as our own -townsmen bring forward the example of the countries which are subject -to Berne in justification of lascivious songs and dances,[673] the -Bernese should be entreated to put an end to such profligacy in their -own states, in order that our people may not take advantage of it to -justify themselves in similar excesses.’ - -[Sidenote: THEIR MODERATION.] - -The above articles, fourteen in number, were in Calvin’s handwriting, -but they were read to the synod by Bucer.[674] Calvin and Farel were -probably unwilling to put themselves too forward, and preferred to have -the question settled on its merits, independently of their personal -leaning; and they selected the most moderate of the theologians of -the period to be its exponent. Calvin was not a man to exalt himself -in the feeling of his own righteousness; he knew by experience that -‘in many ways we offend all.’ ‘We know,’ he said afterwards to Farel, -when speaking to him of what had just taken place, ‘we know that -our adversaries cannot calumniate us to any further extent than God -permits, and we know the end which He has in view in permitting it at -all. Let us therefore humble ourselves; unless we choose to contend -with God because He humbles us;[675] but let us not cease to wait on -Him. “The crown of pride, the drunkards of Ephraim, shall be trodden -under foot,” said the prophet (Isaiah xxviii. 3). Let us acknowledge -before God, and before his people, that it is to some extent owing to -our incompetency, indolence, carelessness, and mistakes that the Church -committed to our care has fallen into so lamentable a condition. But -let us also maintain, as it is our duty to do, our own innocence and -purity against those who by their fraud, malignity and wickedness have -certainly caused this ruin.’[676] Calvin, in charging himself with -indolence, assuredly went too far. But it was not to his colleague only -that he spoke in this way; he did not hesitate to express the same -views before the synod. While depicting the dangers of Geneva, ‘the -destruction which seemed to threaten’ the edifice reared by Farel and -himself, ‘We openly acknowledge,’ he said to the deputies of the Swiss -Churches assembled at Zurich, ‘that in some things we have perhaps been -too severe, and on those points we are ready to listen to reason.’[677] - -The synod did not censure the reformers. It advised them, indeed, -to use ‘moderation and Christian gentleness, necessary with that -uncultivated people;’[678] but it acknowledged that, far from -displaying obstinacy in unimportant matters, the reformers in their -fourteen articles demanded only what is just, legitimate and important. -It is true that a Christian ought not to be appointed minister by the -mere decree of a council of state, but, after examination, by the -laying-on of hands of the elders or pastors. It is true that a more -frequent celebration of the Lord’s Supper was according to the Word of -God. The subject of greatest delicacy was excommunication. But could -not the Genevese commit the management of it _to upright and discreet -laymen_, elected by the councils, themselves an elected body? The good -sense of the Swiss told them that men entirely destitute of Christian -character ought not to form part of a Christian society. - -[Sidenote: THE JUSTICE OF THEIR CAUSE.] - -Not one of the theologians present at the synod seems to have taken -the cause of Calvin more to heart than the man who, with Melanchthon, -was perhaps the most cautious of the reformers, Capito. A man of -naturally gentle spirit, he had nevertheless displayed courage in -recalling Luther to moderation, and in doing the same afterwards with -respect to his colleague of Strasburg, Mathias Zell. He approved of -the course of Farel and Calvin; he even set himself to console them. -‘There is nothing disgraceful,’ he said to them, ‘in your banishment, -and we have no fear that it will prove hurtful to the Church. Your -enemies themselves only reproach you with too much warmth of zeal. -Unhappily, there are not wanting ministers who teach the Gospel without -discipline; who prefer to hold an office which they treat as nothing -more than an office that yields profit. This leads to license instead -of the liberty of Christ.[679] Discipline is necessary to the Churches. -Some persons fancy that what each man may do is no concern of ours; -as if Christ had not said that if a man has a hundred sheep, and only -one of them go astray he must go in search of it. What! because the -authority of the papacy has been cast off, must the power of the Word -and of the ministry be treated as likewise abolished? Some one may -say, I know enough of the Gospel; I can read; what do I want with you? -Preach to those who wish to hear you! Ah! discipline is a thing to -which our Churches are not accustomed, a thing which flesh and blood -detest. Ought we then to wonder that you have not been able, you two -alone, to reform at once a town so large?’[680] - -The assembly therefore approved the fourteen articles presented by -Calvin and Farel, and then ‘declared the causes of their banishment -from Geneva to be not legitimate.’[681] In the eyes of these Swiss -Christians assembled at Zurich, these two exiles were the glory of -the Reformation; doctors whose praise was in all the Churches; two -of the prime movers in the great transformation which was being -effected in Christendom. The honor, the duty of the Christians of -Switzerland, demanded that these pious and illustrious men, victims -of passions hostile to the Gospel, should be restored to the position -in which God had set them. The synod, therefore, wrote to Geneva, and -earnestly requested measures adapted to raise the Church up again, -and particularly the recall of the pastors. At the same time, it -recommended the Bernese, and especially Kunz, to support this request; -and Kunz accepted the charge. Zurich being desirous likewise of doing -something, Bullinger wrote on the subject, May 4, to the provost de -Watteville. Farel and Calvin then returned to Berne, disposed to endure -with patience and meekness, but at the same time full of hope.[682] - -A man of whose ill-will they had already had experience was soon to -disturb their joy. Kunz, who had been first a pastor at Erlenbach, -had contributed to the Reformation in the lower Siebenthal. He was, -so far as we can learn, born of a well-to-do family of peasants -of those parts,[683] and had retained a certain rusticity and -coarseness. A partisan, of energetic character, passionately earnest -for everything that concerned the cause which he had embraced, blind -and unjust towards the opposite opinions, with no kindly feeling for -his adversaries, he fell easily into the indulgence of animosities, -jealousies, and quarrels; and had sometimes as much trouble to get -on with those of his own party as to endure those who belonged to -the other side. With reference to the matter in hand, his hostility -had to his mind an excuse. If he warmly opposed Calvin and Farel, -it was because the slight interest which they felt in the question -about unleavened bread and in other analogous questions might, in -his opinion, annoy the Germans, whose indefatigable champion in -Switzerland he had constituted himself. He had appeared to share the -sentiments expressed to Calvin and Farel by the synod of Zurich, which -was unanimous in their favor. He had no wish, in the presence of so -considerable an assembly, to give way to his personal hatred. But the -reformers were to lose nothing by this reserve. He awaited them at -Berne. There Kunz would be on his own ground, and let the adversaries -of human traditions beware! - -[Sidenote: HOSTILITY OF KUNZ.] - -Calvin and Farel, when they reached Berne, did not find Kunz there. -They had to wait for him eight days.[684] He was at Nidau, at a meeting -of pastors before whom, forgetting the solemn promise which he had made -at Zurich,[685] he had said, ‘I have been requested to go to Geneva -to restore those exiles; but I would much rather renounce my ministry -and quit my country than assist those men who, I know, have treated -me frightfully.’ This delay, considering the present position of the -two reformers, put their patience to the proof. They waited, however, -convinced that the blame would be thrown on them if the business failed -in consequence of their departure. When at length they heard of the -arrival of Kunz, they went to his house, and found him in company with -Sebastian Meyer and Erasmus Ritter. There, in his own house, he let -himself out at his ease. He began with long complaints and finished -with violent insults.[686] Calvin and Farel, who had not anticipated -this outburst, received it, however, quietly; for they knew that if -they answered him with any sharpness, the only effect would be to throw -the hotheaded Kunz into a great fit of rage.[687] Ritter and Meyer -joined with them in the endeavor to pacify him. When he was a little -calm, he said to them, ‘I wish to know whether you ask me to interfere -in your business; for I foresee that if it should end otherwise than -as you desire, you will blame me for it.’ They assured him three times -over that they had no intention of changing anything in the mission -with which the synod had charged him and which he had accepted. But -they talked to no purpose. Kunz, who was very desirous to be freed from -that duty, went on incessantly harping on the same string. At last, -exhausted with his passion and wearied with the noise that he had made, -‘I will do,’ said he, ‘what I ought to do.’ They then parted, agreeing -to discuss the subject on the following day. - -[Sidenote: HIS WRATH.] - -The next day, then, at the hour appointed, Calvin and Farel went to the -Hôtel de Ville. They had to wait two hours. Then word was brought to -them that the ministers had too much business in the Consistory to be -able to attend to them. After dinner the two Genevese reformers again -presented themselves; and, the assembly having taken up the matter, -they were very much surprised to hear that the first thing to do was to -examine carefully the fourteen articles already approved by the synod -of Zurich. They suppressed the feelings which this indignity excited -in them and consented. There was hardly a syllable in the articles to -which objection was not taken;[688] and when they came to the question -of unleavened bread, Kunz lifted up his voice, and apostrophizing the -two reformers, said, ‘You have disturbed all the Churches of Germany, -which were till then at peace, by your unseasonable and passionate -innovations.’ Calvin replied that it was not they who had introduced -the use of leavened bread; that the practice existed in the early -Church, and that traces of it were found even in the papacy. But -Kunz would listen to nothing, and grew more and more violent.[689] -His colleagues, wishing to put an end to this dispute, begged that -they would pass on to the third article, which related to festivals. -Thereupon matters became much worse. Kunz did not confine himself to -loud talking; he rose violently from the table, and his whole body -shook with rage, so that his colleagues attempted in vain to restrain -him.[690] ‘It is false,’ said he, ‘that the articles have been approved -at Zurich.’ ‘On that point we appeal,’ replied Calvin, with firmness, -‘to the testimony of all who were present at the Synod.’ When Kunz had -come a little to himself, he accused the two doctors of intolerable -craft; the articles, he said, being full of exceptions. ‘We thought, -on the contrary,’ Calvin very justly replied, ‘that we gave evidence -of sincerity in thus plainly and openly making exceptions where they -ought to be made.’ The two reformers withdrew with deep feeling from -the strange scene which they had just witnessed. Two years afterwards, -Farel still wrote to his friend, ‘Every time that the recollection of -Kunz returns to my mind, I am filled with horror at that Fury who had -no consideration for the Church, but whom the devil made beside himself -with hatred against me.’[691] Kunz pretended that the two reformers -wished to withdraw, and not to keep the promise made at Zurich. Calvin, -on the contrary, said, ‘We are ready to do anything sooner than not try -all means of providing for the wants of religion, and of acquitting -ourselves of our duty towards the Church.’[692] As Kunz and his friends -declined their mission, there was no one else to take the matter in -hand but the senate of Berne. - -A few days later, Farel and Calvin were received by that body. The -representations which the Bernese were to make at Geneva, in conformity -with the decisions of the synod of Zurich, could not but be very -disagreeable to those who wished to introduce the Bernese rites into -that town. Must Berne plead against Berne? Did ever any one hear of -such a thing? No state whatever voluntarily undertakes to discharge -such a duty; and least of all a state which, like Berne, had the -reputation of being positive and inflexible in its views. The council -therefore attempted to induce Calvin and Farel to renounce their -fourteen articles, but this they refused to do. They were then asked -to retire. When they were recalled the same attempt was again made, -three times over, within an hour.[693] ‘It belongs to the Church,’ they -replied, ‘to establish uniformity in a lawful manner.’ It has already -been established, said the council. ‘Yes,’ they answered, ‘but by a -handful of seditious men, who at the same time cried that we should be -thrown into the Rhone.[694] We are resolved to endure everything rather -than seem to approve the measures adopted for securing uniformity.’ -Farel and Calvin could not answer otherwise: one cannot yield to evil. -The Bernese council gave way; thus displaying on this occasion an -independence and a sense of justice that were most honorable. - -[Sidenote: AGITATION IN GENEVA.] - -Having once more called in the reformers, the council announced to -them that two envoys from the senate should accompany them, and that -when they came within four miles of Geneva, Calvin and Farel should -stop, while the Bernese lords go on their way. The place named by the -Bernese was below the village of Genthod; this was perhaps at that time -on the frontier. The deputies of Berne were to require of the council -of Geneva the return of Farel and Calvin; and in case they obtained it -they were to conduct them into the town, and to see to it that they -were reinstated in their ministry. Farel and Calvin represented that -if this course were taken they would seem to be restored only because -they acknowledged themselves to be in the wrong, which they could not -do. They complained also that no minister formed part of the embassy. -The council, consequently, adopted a new resolution, according to -which the two reformers should immediately enter the town, and the -Bernese envoys should present to the people the fourteen articles -of Zurich, in the presence of Farel and Calvin, in order that, if -any objection should be raised, the latter might reply to it without -delay. The reformers should then set forth their cause, and, if their -justification were accepted, they should be restored to their offices. -Two ministers, Erasmus Ritter and Viret, were to accompany them. ‘We -are now setting out on our journey,’ wrote Calvin to Bullinger; ‘may -it please the Lord to prosper it. To him we look to guide us in our -goings, and it is from his wise disposal that we expect success.’[695] -The delegation set out, and was joined by Viret at Lausanne. - -Meanwhile it had become known at Geneva that Calvin and Farel were -returning, under the conduct and the patronage of delegates from the -state of Berne. This news created much astonishment. What! these two -ministers were banished for having refused to adopt the ritual of -Berne, and now Berne takes them into her favor and brings them back! -Berne appreciated the grandeur of the Reformation and the worth of -the reformers. But there were some of the Genevese who could not -see beyond their own walls, and who seemed to have no apprehension -whatever of the great change which was renewing all Christendom, and -of which Calvin and Farel were two of the most illustrious agents. The -confirmation of the tidings caused a great stir in men’s minds. The -council determined to refuse the reformers permission to enter the -town, and the most violent of their adversaries resolved to oppose -their return by force. An ambush was laid at some distance from the -ramparts, and twenty gladiators, as Calvin calls them, were posted -in arms at the very gate of the city, as if the repulse of a hostile -force were intended.[696] The deputation was not more than a mile from -Geneva when a messenger of the council met them.[697] He handed to -the Bernese ambassadors a dispatch from the council, in which it was -written, ‘To prevent a scandal, do not bring back Farel and Calvin, for -it would be in violation of the decree passed by the community, and -of the will of the same.’[698] But their conscience bore them witness -that their cause was good, and they desired to get this acknowledged -on the part of those whom God had committed to their care. They were -therefore willing to pursue their journey, not suspecting what awaited -them. But the Bernese delegates, who had doubtless been informed by -the messenger of the excited state of the people, strongly urged them -to give it up. ‘We should have gone on our way calmly,’ said Calvin -to his friends, when he had heard of the violent measures taken to -stop them, ‘if the delegates had not forcibly resisted our intention; -and this saved our lives.’ The fact that their lives were in danger, -attested by Calvin in a letter addressed to Bullinger a few days after -the event, cannot be called in question. True, it is easy to invent, -more than three centuries later, contrary hypotheses; but the state of -agitation prevailing in Geneva, far from invalidating the testimony of -the reformers, confirms it. - -[Sidenote: THE BERNESE EMBASSY.] - -The two Bernese ambassadors, accompanied by Viret and Ritter, entered -Geneva alone, and were immediately received (May 23) by the council. -They stated that the deputies of the cantons who met recently at Zurich -had been unanimously of opinion that it was just to allow Farel, -Calvin, and Courault to re-enter the town in order to explain and -defend themselves from the accusations made against them; and that if -their justification were accepted, their restoration to their offices -could not be refused. ‘Do you not owe this mark of gratitude to them,’ -they said, ‘and especially to Farel, who has undergone so much labor -and suffering for the good of this people? In short is it not essential -to deprive the enemies of the Reformation of an occasion for rejoicing, -as they would rejoice at the banishment without hope of returning of -the men who established it in Geneva?’ The council replied that it -could not accede to this demand, because the ministers had been sent -away by the decision of the Council of the Two Hundred and of the -general council; the Little Council having only required that they -should be committed to prison. In consequence of this the Council of -the Two Hundred was convoked for the next day, May 24. The attendance -was not at all numerous, only fourteen members being present, doubtless -because the meeting appeared to be a mere formality, and because -the battle had to be fought and decided in the general council. The -members present, among whom were the most thoroughgoing enemies of -the reformers, decreed that the resolutions previously taken must be -maintained; and for the rest, they referred the deputies of Berne to -the assembly of the people.[699] - -On Sunday, May 26, the general council of the citizens met. Louis -Amman and his colleague, Viret and Erasmus Ritter, appeared as -advocates for the two banished ministers. Amman spoke first. He showed -the great injustice involved in the banishment of these excellent -men. They had to do with Farel, who was justly designated the apostle -of French Switzerland, and with Calvin, the greatest theologian of -the age. He earnestly requested that they should be recalled, and -that, according to the rules of equity, their justification should be -heard, for it was not usual for any man to be condemned unheard. He -reminded them of the distinguished services of Farel, of the labors -and hardships which he had undergone for the good of that people. Was -it not Farel who, in 1532, standing in the midst of the council of -priests, had seen them rush at him and knock him down with their blows, -crying, ‘Kill him! kill him!’ One of their attendants had discharged -his arquebuse at him, and he had been driven from the town with threats -of being thrown into the Rhone. Since that time to what tribulations -had he not been exposed! Was it not incumbent on the people of Geneva -to testify their gratitude to him in some other way than by exile? -Then Amman spoke of the joy which the adversaries of the Reformation, -the subjects of the pope, would feel, and did already feel, to see -Geneva banishing her reformers, and he conjured the citizens not to -give them such an occasion of triumph and exultation. Next Viret spoke, -in his own name and in the name of his colleague Ritter; and we know -how well adapted the mild eloquence of this pious pastor was to soothe -exasperated spirits. The union of the pastors and the seriousness of -the ambassador in pleading the cause of the reformers did not fail to -make an impression. A large assembly is always susceptible of wholesome -impressions: there is in it a contagion of good. Hearts were moved, and -the disposition of many was changed. It was possible for the deputies -to suppose that the battle was won. As they were not to attend the -deliberations of the general council, they went out full of hope.[700] - -[Sidenote: THE GENERAL COUNCIL.] - -But Kunz had spared no pains that this hope might be disappointed. It -appears that Pierre Vandel, one of the leaders of the party hostile to -the reformers, had been at Berne. Kunz had possession of the fourteen -articles proposed by Calvin and approved at Zurich, which doubtless -had been intrusted to him because the conduct of the business was -especially placed in his hands. Some expressions made use of in them -had seemed likely to irritate the people of Geneva. Kunz had placed -the articles in the hands of Vandel without the knowledge of the -council.[701] Vandel was a man of good family, and one of the most -violent opponents of the reformers. ‘I believe,’ said Bonivard, ‘that -he was possessed with a demon while yet in his mother’s womb; as is -said of St. John with regard to the Holy Spirit. He was not so tall -as a spindle when he committed homicide, not with his own hand, but -through malice. He and another man killed likewise the bastard son of -a canon. He was a great rake, a glutton and a drunkard, talking and -acting rashly in his drunken fits. His father, a highly respectable -man, had said a hundred times, “Pierre! Pierre! he will never be worth -anything; and would God that immediately after his baptism he had been -dashed against a wall, for he will bring disgrace on our house.” He was -very vainglorious, dressed himself like a nobleman, and was fond of -bragging (_usait de braveries_); for this reason his companions called -him _Bobereau_.’[702] Vandel was very proud of possessing the fourteen -articles; and when he met on his way anyone who took an interest in -the exile of the reformers, and who asked him what was likely to -happen to them, he answered boastfully, according to his wont, but -without entering further into details, ‘I have in my pocket a poison -which will be the death of them.’[703] The ambassadors of Berne were -themselves the bearers of these articles, but they had been instructed -not to read them to the people except in the presence of Calvin and -Farel, that they might have the opportunity of at once setting aside -the mischievous inferences which would be drawn from them.[704] Vandel -was at his post in the general council. Hardly had the deputies of -Berne gone out, when he rose, drew the paper from his pocket, and -began to read the articles of Zurich,[705] as an important piece of -evidence which must cause the rejection of the demand of Berne. When -he had read the document he began to comment on it, putting forward -ill-natured interpretations, and fastening especially on three points -fitted to excite hatred against the two reformers.[706] ‘See,’ said -he, ‘how, in speaking of the Church of Geneva, they dare to speak of -_our_ Church, as if it were their property. See how, in speaking of -the lords of Berne, they call them simply the Bernese, without the -honorary formula,[707] thus with the utmost arrogance putting contempt -on princes themselves. See how they aspire to tyranny, for what else -is excommunication but a tyrannical domination?’ The first two charges -were baseless and almost childish; and as to excommunication, Calvin -remarks that the general council of Geneva had allowed it, July 29, -1537, as ‘a holy and salutary proceeding among the faithful;’ and now -they were horrified at the very word. The question was constantly -arising for discussion whether the Church is not, like any other -society, a union of persons possessing certain common characteristics, -aiming at a certain object and under certain conditions, _a communion -of persons united by a like Christian faith_,[708] or whether it is a -receptacle for everything (_un tout y va_); which of all definitions -would be by far the most opposed to the word of its founder. - -[Sidenote: PIERRE VANDEL.] - -It had been arranged between Vandel and his friends that, when he -read or commented on the articles, they should support him with their -acclamations, in order to inflame the minds of those present.[709] -This plan succeeded. Cries of displeasure, furious and redoubled, -were soon heard; one might have thought that the harmless articles -were a statement of the blackest conspiracy. The irritation displayed -by these partisans infected the whole assembly. It is well known how -easily the crowd passes from any mood to its opposite. The lungs of a -few passionate men played the part of bellows in setting all hearts on -fire.[710] A spark was enough to kindle a conflagration. The flames -spread from place to place; nothing stood against them, at least in -appearance; and presently the assembly was in a blaze. ‘Better die,’ -they shouted, ‘than hear them give us an account of the motives which -have actuated them!’[711] - -As soon as order was partially restored, the first syndic, Richardet, -a hot-tempered man, as we know, put to the vote the demand made by -the ambassadors of Berne; or rather, taking a less regular but more -artful course, proposed the rejection of the demand. ‘Let all those,’ -he said, ‘who wish that Farel, Calvin, and Courault should not enter -the town, hold up their hands.’ The secretary of the council said that -almost all hands were held up. This secretary was Ruffi, who had been -elected in the place of Claude Rozet on the very day of the banishment -of the reformers. His partiality was manifest in the fact that he wrote -at the same time that the fourteen articles contained some untruths; -untruths which the passionate Vandel himself had not been able to -detect. It was a piece of gratuitous falsehood, and imputations of -that kind do not inspire much confidence in anything that Ruffi might -report. After the voting, the first syndic requested that those who -wished the preachers to be readmitted to the town and to be heard -should hold up their hands. ‘A few were raised,’ said Michel Rozet, ‘to -signify that they wished for the ministers.’ The secretary named two -or three of them, amongst others Chautemps, in whose house Olivétan, a -kinsman of Calvin, had lived; but he added, ‘and certain others, few in -number.’ Timid men, in the presence of the storm which threatened to -break out, thought it prudent to be silent; some courage was required -to face it. In fact, at the mere sight of these few hands raised, a -transport of spite and wrath broke out; they could not endure an act of -independence, which was at the same time, with many there, an act of -respect for the reformers and the Reformation. _The rage was so great_, -says Rozet, _that the first two were compelled to fly_. Many pursued -them; some drew their swords; others, ‘glancing at them fiercely,’ -cried out, _Kill them! kill them!_ ‘The majority of votes,’ say the -Registers, ‘decided that the preachers should not again be admitted -into the town.’ The people of Geneva thus adopted a resolution which, -if they had not repented of it, would have prevented light going forth -from that city, and would have thrown an obstacle in the way of its -greatness.[712] - -Thus was the matter decided. _Alea jacta est._ The powerful party -which, in their contest with the pope, the bishop, and the princes -of Savoy, had taken for their flag liberty and the truth, and had -transformed Geneva into an evangelical republic, had quarrelled after -their victory, as very commonly happens, and those who did not wish for -the Gospel had remained conquerors. But the citizens, _few in number_, -who had made their voice heard in the general council, were not the -only ones who longed for a Christian republic. This minority gradually -increased, or rather dared to show itself. It continued united, -fervent, determined, active; and to it ultimately the victory was to be -given. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - - THE BANISHED MINISTERS AND THEIR SUCCESSORS. - - (END OF 1538.) - - -[Sidenote: THE REFORMERS SET OUT TO BERNE.] - -The reformers set out on their journey to Berne. Calvin at length -breathed freely, but not without sadness; for while he felt himself -free, as if standing on an invigorating height, he looked on Geneva -sunk in the flats. It was in fulfilment of a sacred duty that he had -made a last effort. He had not, succeeded. ‘It is evident now from -the experiment that we have just made,’ said he, ‘that it was no -mere groundless fear that influenced us when, although pressed (at -Zurich) by the authority of the Church, we could, nevertheless, only -with great reluctance consent to reënter that labyrinth. Now we have -got clear of it. We have complied with the desire of all pious men, -although with no result, except perhaps to render the evil twofold or -threefold worse than it was before.[713] Satan exulted at Geneva and -in the whole of France on occasion of our first banishment; but this -refusal to receive us has added not a little to his presumption and -to that of his members. It is incredible with what recklessness and -insolence wicked men now give themselves up to all manner of vice; -with what effrontery they insult the servants of Christ; with what -violence they make a mock at the Gospel. This is a calamity which to -us is very painful indeed....’ Afterwards, addressing Bullinger and -all the ministers of Zurich, he said to them, ‘Entreat the Lord with -us, dearly beloved brethren, with earnest prayer, that very soon he -may arise.’[714] It is possible that the reports which reached Calvin -may have been a little exaggerated and that his own phrases may be a -little sharp; but there is no doubt that the condition of Geneva was at -this time extremely critical. ‘_There was nothing but confusion_,’ says -Rozet; ‘the citizens abandoned themselves to licentiousness, dancing, -gaming, and drinking. The finger was pointed at those who mourned over -these things; they were men marked and hated. No preaching could be -fruitful in the midst of such confusion.’[715] The syndic Gautier, -a man who was above all a champion of government, and who censured -Calvin for not acknowledging that the very foundation of every society -is subordination and obedience, duties to the civil magistrate which -are as obligatory on pastors as on other men, after examining whether -Calvin’s complaints were just, pronounced the following sentence: -‘Calvin was right so far as he had reference to the licentious lives of -his adversaries, and to their love for libertinism and independence; -but he was certainly mistaken if he considered them as enemies of God -for wishing to observe the four principal festivals, and to introduce -the use of unleavened bread.’[716] This is likewise our own opinion. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN AND FAREL AT BERNE.] - -When they reached Berne, Calvin and Farel found their friends in great -astonishment at what had taken place. The latter told them that if they -were not wanted at Geneva, they should stay at Berne. ‘It would be -unpardonable in you,’ they added, ‘to refuse such a call.’[717] To be -at Berne with Kunz would have been to abandon their lives to perpetual -dissension. They were in haste to be gone. However, they were anxious -to express their gratitude to the senate for its conduct towards them, -and for that purpose they requested an audience. They were put off to -the following day. Remembering all the delays of their recent sojourn, -fearing lest they should find themselves beset by claims to which they -could not yield, and believing that they had discharged their duty -to the council by the request which they had made, they departed for -Basel. They did not reach the city without encountering danger on the -way. They had to cross a river, believed to be the Aar, and one of them -was almost carried away by the swift current, which was swollen by the -rain. ‘However,’ wrote Calvin to Viret, ‘the river was more merciful -to us than men. The latter had determined, contrary to all right and -reason, to compel us to undertake this journey, even were it on foot; -but the Lord, in his compassion, preserved us from all evil.’ From the -postscript to the same letter it appears that Farel and Calvin crossed -the river on horseback. It is not known which of the two narrowly -escaped drowning. They arrived at Basel, wet through with the rain, and -half dead with fatigue. - -At Basel Calvin found a valued friend, Grynæus. Already during the stay -of the two reformers at Berne he had written to them--‘I hope that -by your Christian meekness and your humility you will overcome all -your adversaries, and take away from the enemies of the Gospel every -occasion of calumniating you. Oh, that the eyes now sparkling with the -fire of Satan may be cast down, and that the passion with which men -are inflamed against your ministry may be quenched![718] Work on, work -on, my well-beloved brethren, hearts most noble and most holy (_optima -ac sanctissima pectora_); be ready for the conflict, arrayed in the -whole armor of Christian warfare, ready and willing, especially at this -time, when iniquity prevails, to lead us on with heroic fidelity. Let -us apply ourselves to the work of the Lord with unconquerable hearts. -The hatred of those who in this proceeding show themselves so worthy -of hatred will not win the day. For our part, we are of those who can -pray for our enemies, much more support and embrace them. Let not the -senseless judgment of the people, let not the foolish and futile dread -of popular opinion, disturb you in the least. Rule and protect this -Church, which threatens to fall, by your courage and your persistency. -How glorious is the function you will discharge! How solid and real the -praise which you will deserve if, completely forgetting yourselves in -this cause, you think of Jesus Christ alone!’ - -[Sidenote: THEIR RECEPTION.] - -We can imagine how affectionately Grynæus and his friends received the -two brethren banished on account of the noble fidelity which they had -displayed. Grynæus had already invited the reformer, while he was still -at Geneva, to go to his house rather than bend under the yoke which his -enemies wished to put on him. ‘We welcome thee joyfully,’ he said to -Calvin afterwards, ‘as our brother in the Lord, and we embrace thee as -a distinguished ornament of our Church.’[719] Calvin therefore abode -with Grynæus at Basel, where the most brotherly hospitality was shown -him. Farel took up his abode in the house of the famous printer, Oporin. - -Calvin and Farel bore their great trial with much patience and -meekness, forgiving their enemies and praying for them, and endeavoring -to avoid everything which might become an occasion of grief to their -brethren. Viret was very anxious to see them and to share their -tribulations. ‘Thou knowest well,’ replied Calvin to him, ‘that no -greater happiness could befall us at this moment than to talk with thee -for a short time. But the danger to which the journey would expose thee -checks our desire: thou wouldst reap more hatred from it than we should -joy.’ Thus did Calvin think of his friends before thinking of himself. -It appears, however, that Viret did see him at Basel.[720] This was -doubtless at a later period. Calvin was anxious to avoid everything -which might lead to any useless dispute. ‘I beg of thee, my dear -brother,’ he said to Farel, ‘take pains in these evil times to preserve -whatever can be tolerated. Our brethren must not so obstinately dispute -about mere ceremonies. Let us be free; but let us be the slaves of -concord and of peace.’[721] ‘What I have above all at heart,’ he said -further to him, ‘is that we may not cause new quarrels, nor be the -occasion of any strife.’ - -At the same time, nevertheless, one of the first things which the -reformers had done after their arrival at Basel was to give an -account of what had befallen them to their brethren of Zurich and -Strasburg. Their enemies did not cease, indeed, to pursue them with -their accusations; and those who had forced them to leave Geneva cried -out that they were schismatics, forgetting that they themselves had -compelled the two reformers to separate from their Church. Such is -party logic. Calvin, Farel, and their friends, therefore, thought -it advisable to hold a meeting at which delegates from the towns of -Zurich, Berne, Basel, Strasburg, and one of that place (_un dudit -lieu_) (probably Geneva), should attend, and at which it should -be ‘declared that they had duly and faithfully administered their -office.’[722] They did not, however, eagerly press for this. They knew -that their judge was in heaven. ‘I can do nothing,’ said Calvin, ‘but -commend the issue to the great physician, who alone can provide for it -and give it shape.’[723] - -[Sidenote: CALLS AND HESITATIONS.] - -If Calvin committed himself to God as to his past, he did the same as -to his future. ‘I withdraw to Basel,’ he says, in the same letter, -‘awaiting what the Lord will do with me.’ Calls were not wanting. -They wished to retain him at Basel. Toussaint desired that he should -settle at Lausanne, or in the canton of Berne, that he might there be -an example of decision and devotion. Others thought it their duty to -recommend him to the Duke of Würtemburg.[724] But Strasburg appeared -to be the place to choose. Already in November, 1536, Bucer, delighted -with the _Institution_, which had just appeared, had asked for an -interview with Calvin. ‘We will go wherever you wish for the purpose of -conferring with you on the whole doctrine of Christ.’[725] They saw each -other subsequently at Berne and at Zurich. Bucer and Capito, now that -they knew he was at liberty and staying at Basel, did not fail to press -him to come to them. At the beginning of July he went to Strasburg. ‘I -have been so earnestly entreated to come by the two chief ministers of -this town,’ he wrote on the 10th of that month, ‘that to satisfy them I -have made a journey hither.’[726] It did not at that time appear likely -to him that he was to settle there. The terrible conflicts through -which he had passed at Geneva made him view with alarm the proposal to -accept a new ministry. He recurred to his studious projects. ‘I shrink, -above all things,’ said he, ‘from reëntering on the office from which I -am delivered, considering in what perplexities I was involved from the -time when I was first engaged in it.’ He adds, ‘there are other reasons -which I can explain only by word of mouth.’ What were these? Doubtless -the too accommodating theology of the doctors of that town. Basel was -his favorite city. He returned thither, saying, ‘It is not the fault -of the Strasburgers that I am not their guest, but they have burden -enough without me.’ He might, however, have found good reasons for -accepting their invitation, for his poverty was so great that he found -it necessary to sell ‘a part of his books’ for his maintenance.[727] - -The entreaties of the Strasburgers, nevertheless, became more urgent. -They wrote to Grynæus to do all he could to induce Calvin to settle at -Strasburg: only they would rather that he should come without Farel, -because they were afraid that, if the two Frenchmen were together, the -Germans would have too great difficulty in bending them to their views. -This was also the opinion of Grynæus. To give up Farel entirely was -too great a sacrifice for Calvin to make. He again declined the offer, -giving as his reason the condition which was imposed on him not to take -Farel with him.[728] ‘I await thy counsel,’ wrote Calvin to his friend; -and impelled by the warmest affection for this man of God, he adds, -‘O that I could now fly to thee! I am only held back by the strongest -motives.’ - -Farel was not at Basel at that moment, and was not to return thither. -The tidings of the persecutions which had fallen upon him, of his exile -and his sufferings, had grieved the people of Neuchâtel, and revived -in their hearts their old love for the man from whom they had learned -the elements of the faith. The Council of the Sixty, representatives -of the city, after calling upon the Lord, communicated to the class -of ministers the desire which they felt of inviting Farel to become -their pastor.[729] The post was, as we shall see, actually vacant. -Two councillors and two members of the class went to Basel. ‘Come,’ -they said to him, ‘and complete the building of which you laid the -foundation.’ Farel, like Calvin, could not make up his mind to accept -a pastoral charge, but preferred to devote himself to study.[730] At -length, encouraged by his friends, entreated in the name of the Lord, -and ‘persuaded to it with great earnestness by the German Churches,’ -he consented; but it was on condition that he should introduce in -the Church the order prescribed in the Holy Scriptures. Having once -decided, he set out suddenly for Neuchâtel, about the end of July, -‘with his customary promptitude,’ says Calvin.[731] Thenceforth Farel -and Calvin were separated; but this removal from each other did not in -any degree impair the union of their hearts nor the firmness of their -characters, whatever the moderates of Strasburg might think. - -[Sidenote: FAREL CALLED TO NEUCHATEL.] - -The latter once more renewed their call. Would not the ministerial -office conferred on Calvin by a Church of such high standing as that -of Strasburg be a brilliant justification which would silence evil -tongues? What good service might he not render there! The empire had -need of able theologians, and perhaps the Strasburgers desired to -have him settled among them by way of counterpoise to the powerful -personality and authority of Luther. Be that as it may, his friends -on the banks of the Rhine could not bear the thought that so powerful -a servant of God ‘should be satisfied to live in retirement without -undertaking any public office;’[732] and as he still refused, they took -steps towards inducing the Genevese to recall the reformer. If he will -not come to Strasburg, let him go to Geneva. This proceeding appears -to have had some effect on Calvin. He would go anywhere rather than -return to the city of his sorrows. The Strasburgers, finding that he -was somewhat giving way, made a fresh advance. ‘That excellent servant -of Christ, Martin Bucer,’ says Calvin, ‘addressing to me a remonstrance -and protest similar to that which Farel had previously made, called me -to another place. Alarmed by the case of Jonah, which he set before me, -I persevered still in the office of teacher.’[733] Calvin therefore -went to Strasburg in September, and began to preach in the choir of the -church of the Dominicans to the French refugees in the town, with whom -were associated other persons, some of whom understood and others did -not understand the tongue, but all of them were desirous of seeing the -face and hearing the voice of the famous exile. These refugees, it is -said, were fifteen hundred in number. - -Calvin was no sooner settled at Strasburg than he heard that his -colleague, the blind old Courault, who, ‘after having fought valiantly -at Paris for the truth,’[734] had first retired to Thonon, and then -had been called as pastor to Orbe, had departed this life on October -4, and gone to God. This was a terrible blow for his loving heart. He -wrote to Farel--‘I am so dismayed at the death of Courault, that my -grief overpasses all bounds. Not one of my daily occupations is any -longer able to fix my attention, and I am incessantly returning to the -same thought. To the lamentations and pains of the day succeed the -more terrible torments of the night.’[735] This death, so unexpected, -was attributed to poison. Suspicions of that kind were very common, -and were in those unhappy times too often justified. Calvin rejected -this thought, but in spite of himself it was continually presenting -itself to his imagination.[736] He endeavored, nevertheless, to -console himself and to revive his own courage and that of Farel. ‘All -testify,’ he said to him, ‘by their grief and their regrets how highly -they esteemed his courage and his uprightness, and this is a great -consolation. For us whom the Lord leaves for a time in this world, let -us hold on in the path which he pursued until we have finished our -course. Whatever difficulties we may have to encounter, they will not -prevent us from entering into that rest which is even now his portion.’ -‘When we get there,’ said he on another occasion, ‘it will be known -on which side rashness or error was. To that court I appeal from the -sentence of all the wise. There the angels of God will bear witness -which are the schismatics.’[737] He adds, ‘Only let us stand firm on -the height we have reached, which commands the field of battle, until -the kingdom of Christ, at present hidden, shall appear.’ - -Thus the three pastors expelled from Geneva had each found his place; -and that of the old blind minister was the best. - -[Sidenote: NEW PASTORS AT GENEVA.] - -It was not long before the Genevese established the institutions -to which the reformers had objected. It was decreed to reërect the -baptismal fonts which had been cast down, and to baptize children in -them, to celebrate the four festivals, and to conform to the ceremonies -agreed upon. On Whit-Sunday, which this year fell at the beginning -of June, there were only two pastors at Geneva, Henri de la Mare and -Jacques Bernard, both Genevese. The Lord’s supper was to be celebrated, -and for that purpose two ministers were needed in each church. The -council deputed two of its members to act instead of them, one at St. -Peter’s, the other at St. Gervais’. - -The government exerted itself to find substitutes for the two exiles. -The states of Berne and Neuchâtel gave up to it Jean Morand, pastor -at Cully,[738] on the shores of the lake of Geneva, and Antoine -Marcourt, of Lyons, pastor of Neuchâtel, who were installed about the -end of June. The council determined to give them, considering their -age and their large families, three hundred Genevese florins;[739] -the two Genevese each had two hundred and fifty florins. We became -acquainted with Marcourt at the synod of Lausanne. He had published -several treatises on the Eucharist, on the mass; to him likewise -were attributed the famous placards of 1534, which Florimond Raemond -believes to have been the work of Farel. The governor and councils of -Neuchâtel, in resigning Marcourt to Geneva, declared, June 18, ‘that -they had always found him a man of peace, one who desired, and to the -utmost of his power maintained, peace and public tranquillity.’ This -character seems hardly like that of the author of the _Placards_, one -of the most violent writings of the sixteenth century, which were -pronounced by the Roman Catholics[740] to be filled with ‘execrable -blasphemies and horrible threats against the king,’ and which gave rise -to that bloody persecution by the Valois and the Bourbons of which -the reformed Christians were the victims for more than two centuries. -However, we must confess that pacific men are not always consistent. It -would seem that Marcourt was not so much a man of peace as the people -of Neuchâtel had said; at least if we take literally what Calvin says. -‘How our successors will demean themselves,’ he wrote on August 4 to -Farel, ‘is a point on which we can form an opinion from their first -proceedings. They break off by their irritable temper every promise of -peace, and they seem to suppose that the best thing they have to do is -to tear to pieces both in public and in private the reputation which -we enjoyed, and to make us as hateful as possible.’[741] Calvin is -especially severe, perhaps too much so, with regard to the two Genevese -ministers. There was, however, some truth in the last touch in the -picture which he drew of them for Bullinger: ‘Both of them are very -ignorant, and when they open their mouths, it is to rave. This does not -prevent them from assuming an insolent pride.’[742] - -[Sidenote: ACCUSATIONS.] - -These words of Calvin are rather sharp. This is doubtless explained -by his recent sorrow. Subsequently he expressed himself with more -moderation. His partisans at Geneva did the same. While the wisest -men still held their peace, the most violent did not spare their -adversaries. The two parties were very ill-disposed towards one -another, and some of those who belonged to them threw off all restraint -both in their deeds and in their words. Licentious men among the -enemies of the reformers ‘triumphed over the banished ministers, -insulted the servants of God, laughed at the Gospel, and abandoned -themselves to impurity, dancing, gaming, and drunkenness. Nothing was -talked of but masquerades, gallantries and excesses, and the services -of the church turned to the disgrace of the Reformation.’ On the other -side, the most vehement partisans of Calvin and Farel had no mercy on -the lay and ecclesiastical chiefs under whose administration these -things took place. They called the new pastors _wolves_, and the -magistrates _the unrighteous_. They murmured as they went out from -sermon, and their ill-humor was not sparing of criticism. ‘The Gospel -which is preached at present,’ said Richard after one of the services, -‘is only _the Gospel for twenty days_.’ He had no doubt that, when that -time had elapsed, the new preachers would be dismissed. For this they -sent him to prison. ‘The syndics of to-day,’ said another, ‘are of no -use but to bring back lascivious men and women into the town.’ For this -saying he was expelled from the town for a year.[743] ‘The mass is sung -in Geneva,’ said many, ‘and the people who love the Gospel are expelled -the town.’ These charges were circulated in Switzerland, and greatly -alarmed the friends of reform. - -None felt these reproaches more keenly than the pastors, for they -knew that they all recoiled on themselves. On September 17 they all -appeared, the two Genevese and the two foreigners, before the council. -‘Calumniators,’ they said, ‘are spreading reports in the cantons -which are doing serious injury to the Gospel.’ They requested that -two of their number might have leave of absence to go and refute the -slanders, which inflicted a blow on the honor of the town. The request -was granted. Marcourt and Morand set out for Berne, and presented -themselves before the assembly of the pastors, in which Kunz could not -fail to support them. In fact it was resolved at this meeting ‘that -those who rose against the persons in office at Geneva were worse than -wicked men, traitors, and Jews.’ The Bernese pastors communicated -this declaration to the council, which contented itself with deciding -that if any defamers of Geneva appeared at Berne, information should -be given to the magistrates of that town. The lay authorities were -obviously less under the influence of passion than the ecclesiastics. -It appears even that the council of Berne did not place implicit -confidence in the report of the Genevese ministers, for one of their -own number was immediately after sent to Geneva to see with his own -eyes what was the real state of the Genevese Church. - -The complaints made both at Geneva and in other places were well -grounded. This is proved by the proceedings of the magistrates, who, -although they were hostile to the reformers, perceived that their -own honor required them not to authorize licentiousness. It is quite -certain that people ‘went about the streets at night, uttering cries -and singing indecent songs;’ that ‘gaming, lewdness, haunting of -taverns, and drunkenness,’ were common offences; for a decree of July -19 prohibited them under a penalty of sixty sous for the first time; -and, as the evil continued, other decisions of a similar character -were taken on August 20 and October 22. It is certain that, as was -said in Switzerland, some citizens went to mass, for according to the -intolerant customs of the age, they were ordered ‘to leave the town.’ -The councils were seen to be as much opposed to religious liberty as -Calvin had been. Perhaps they went even further than he would have -gone; for, on August 20, they ordered the priests who were still on -Genevese soil to go to sermon if they wished to remain there. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN’S LETTER TO THE GENEVESE.] - -Calvin, at Strasburg, was watching attentively what was passing at -Geneva. He heard that a certain number of Genevese kept faithfully -to the path which they had taken under his direction. Some of his -adherents cried out rather loudly, but the majority led a quiet life, -and the most decided of the latter displayed their opposition in no -other way than by absenting themselves from a form of worship which -they did not consider to be in conformity with the principles of -the Gospel. Calvin had not written to them during the first months -of his exile. He was not willing to lay himself open to the charge -of attempting to draw them over to himself. But he felt keenly that -the trials of his friends at Geneva proceeded from their supineness -in adhering to the Word of God, and that the remedy for them was in -humbling themselves before God and waiting upon Him for the remedy. -‘However the affection which he always cherished for them’ did not -permit him to remain longer silent, and on October 1 he wrote to -them a letter remarkable for the pacific, discreet, charitable, and -elevated spirit which it breathed. He addressed it, not to all the -Genevese, but to those who had received into their hearts the seed of -the divine Word, and who were still deeply affected by the blow which -had struck them in the punishment of their pastor. He named them his -brethren, _the relics of the dispersion of the Genevese church_. He -spoke of the love which he bore them. ‘I cannot refrain from writing to -you,’ said he, ‘to assure you of the affection which I always cherish -for you. Our conscience is fully persuaded before God that it is by -his call that we were at one time associated with you, and it ought -not to be in the power of men to break such a bond.’ He begs them to -forget themselves and their sufferings, to forget even the hostility -of their adversaries. ‘If we lose our time in fighting against men,’ -he said, ‘thinking only of taking vengeance and getting indemnified -for the injuries which they have done us, it is doubtful whether we -can overcome them, but it is certain that we shall be overcome by the -devil. If on the contrary we resist the devices of that spiritual -enemy, there is no fear then of our not coming off conquerors. Cast -away every evil affection, be led only by zeal for God, controlled -by his Spirit and the rule of his Word.’ Calvin went further. He -showed himself severe to his friends. ‘It is easy for you to justify -yourselves before men, but your conscience will feel burdened before -God.’ He did himself what he required of others. ‘I doubt not,’ he -said, ‘that God has humbled us in order to make us acquainted with our -ignorance, our imprudence, and our other infirmities, of which I for -my part have been fully conscious, and which I have no hesitation in -confessing before the Church. However,’ he adds, ‘we did faithfully -administer our office. The Lord will cause our innocence to come forth -like the morning-star, and our righteousness to shine like the sun.’ -But he endeavors chiefly to console the believers of Geneva. ‘Be not -cast down because it hath pleased the Lord to humble you for a time, -for he lifts up the humble out of the dust and takes the poor from -the dunghill. He gives the manna of joy to those who are in tears; he -gives back light to them that sit in darkness, and he restores to life -them that walk in the shadow of death. Be of good courage then, and -endure with patience the chastening of his hand, until the time that -he reveal his grace to you.’[744] It is impossible not to recognize -the wisdom and the Christian charity which have left their impress on -this letter. It is indeed a pastor that speaks. Calvin was so far from -the excessive strictness imputed to him that he wrote at the same time -to Farel--‘If we find in any Church the ministry of the Word and the -sacraments, it is better not to separate from it. It is not right even -to do so on the ground that some doctrines are not purely taught in it; -for there is hardly a Church in existence which does not retain some -traces of its former ignorance. It is sufficient for us if the doctrine -on which the Church is founded has its place there and keeps it.’[745] -Calvin held that there are some doctrines fundamental and vital, -essential to salvation; but he acknowledged that there are others on -which difference is permissible. - -[Sidenote: FAREL’S LETTER TO THE GENEVESE.] - -Farel likewise wrote to the Christians of Geneva. He did so even before -Calvin, in June, in August, and again in November. He expressed to -them his deep sadness. He would fain be ‘so far away that he could -hear nothing of the miserable breaking-up and dispersion of the -Church.’ He strives ‘to banish from his heart the pains, the labors -that he undertook for that town; for nothing pierces the heart like -ingratitude; to see evil rendered for good, hate for love, death and -shame in place of the life and the honor which were procured.’ He -contents himself with praying for the town and commending it to all who -are able to give it any assistance. Meanwhile he cannot help seeing -the unhappy condition in which his own friends and all the faithful of -Geneva are, deprived of their pastors, and witnessing the triumph of -their enemies. He shares largely in their troubles; they are his only -trial. ‘I should be too happy,’ he wrote to them, ‘if you were not so -unhappy.’ But at the same time he exhorts them to Christian charity -and gives evidence of it himself. ‘Cherish in your hearts no rancor,’ -he said to his former flock, ‘no root of bitterness, no anger. Do not -reproach this man nor that man, but let each one reproach himself: lay -all the blame on yourselves and say nothing but good of others. Let -God’s holy will be your rule, and not _poor man_ (the natural man), -and what is in him.’ He does not hesitate to rebuke his friends. ‘You -have not obeyed God wholly, but have halted and swerved to one side and -the other.’ Then he earnestly exhorts them to repentance. ‘You, great -and small, men and women, cast yourselves humbly before God, with all -earnestness and love, beseeching his grace, and praying him to turn -away his anger from you. Yes, cast yourselves before him with sobs -and tears, with fasting and prayer, like the king of Nineveh and his -people. Cry, weep, lift up your voices; that your cry going forth from -the depths of this terrible calamity may reach the ear of God.’[746] -Thus spoke Farel and Calvin. - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - - STRASBURG AND GENEVA. - - (END OF 1538-1539.) - - -[Sidenote: CALVIN AT STRASBURG.] - -Calvin, meanwhile, notwithstanding the melancholy which sprang from -the remembrance of his recent struggles, was happy at Strasburg. This -town, in which, as in a common centre, met the influences of Germany, -Switzerland, and France, was esteemed, next to Wittenberg, the most -important seat of the Reformation. It was called the _Antioch_ of that -epoch, in remembrance of what Antioch was in the apostolic age. Some -named it subsequently the _New Jerusalem_, and this partly because -it was ‘the hostess of the man who gave his name to Calvinism.’[747] -At the period of Calvin’s arrival, Strasburg was already the home -of several distinguished men--Capito, Bucer, Hedio, Niger, Mathias -Zell, and others besides, who shone in its Church like precious and -transparent jewels.[748] ‘What gratitude we owe you,’ they wrote to -Farel, ‘for resigning Calvin to us!’ He was a treasure for them. He -very much enjoyed their society, and this sojourn was to be beneficial -to him. Not only did the affection of Strasburg for him heal the wounds -inflicted by the hostility of Geneva, but his mind was to receive still -further development. The small city on the shores of the Leman lake -was a narrow platform on which it was not easy to move about. But on -reaching Strasburg Calvin set foot on the vast Germanic realm which -contained so many illustrious men, in which so many profound thoughts -were stirring, and in which the Reformation had already fought so -many battles and won so many victories. There were, it is true, some -opposite teachings, but it was necessary to be acquainted with them. -Strasburg, moreover, was the place in which doctrines were weighed -one against the other, and where the labor destined to conciliate -them was undertaken. At Geneva Calvin might have occupied the post -of a spectator who attempts to distinguish by means of a telescope -an action fought at a great distance. But now he was in the thick -of the battle, learnt to recognize the feeble and the strong, and -became one of the combatants, or at least one of the negotiators. His -horizon was widened, his intelligence in this vast sphere would be -enlarged, his ideas would be developed, would grow, ripen, and move -with greater freedom. He would be brought under influences to which he -was not exposed at Geneva, and which would contribute to form the great -theologian. Embracing at a glance the whole extent of the kingdom of -God, he would become familiar with its various provinces. Winds blowing -from so many and adverse regions would bring to him new reports. -There would doubtless be sometimes stormy blasts, powerful enough to -overthrow the strongest, but often also a pure and life-giving air -fitted to sanctify his Christian energy. - -The theological and Christian circle which he entered at Strasburg -was in more than one way in sympathy with him. He was convinced, as -the doctors of this town were, that it was necessary not to stick at -trifling differences, but to consider Christianity in its great facts, -its great doctrines, the new life which it creates, in the great whole -on which all the reformers were agreed. All those who took their stand -on the same rock, Jesus Christ, no matter whether a little higher up -or a little lower down, ought in his view to join hand in hand. Calvin -and the theologians of Strasburg were disgusted with the theological -subtilties and the scholastic nomenclature beneath which the living -doctrine of the Gospel, especially as to the supper, was stifled. ‘Can -I in very deed believe that I receive in the holy supper the body and -the blood of the Lord, _substantialiter_, _essentialiter_, _realiter_, -_naturaliter_, _præsentialiter_, _localiter_, _corporaliter_, -_quantitative_, _qualitative_, _ubiqualiter_, _carnaliter_? The devil -has brought us all these terms from the abyss of hell. Christ said -simply, _This is my body_. If all these fantastic expressions had been -necessary, he would certainly have employed them.’ Calvin, like Zell, -the author of the above passage, found in that heap of qualifying terms -a mass of rubbish and confusion. There was, however, one difference -between the doctors of Strasburg and the doctor of Geneva. Bucer and -Capito were willing to bring union by the way of accommodation, perhaps -by the use of phrases in a double sense. The eagle of Geneva, soaring -in the higher regions, called on Christians to have but one thought -in contemplating one and the same sun, and in attaching themselves to -one and the same truth.[749] - -[Sidenote: HIS SPIRITUAL JOYS.] - -Another happiness awaited Calvin at Strasburg. His greatest sufferings -at Geneva had their source in that state-church, that people-church, -that shapeless community which comprised the whole nation, believers -and unbelievers, righteous men and profligates. In its place at -Strasburg he found some Christians exiled on account of their faith, -purified by their trial like gold, who had given up all for Christ, -their righteousness and their life. The mass of professing Christians -at Geneva had as it were suffocated him. Now at Strasburg he was in the -midst of brethren and sisters, and almost all of them belonged to his -own country, France. He breathed freely. The evangelical order intended -by the apostles prevailed in his Church.[750] He preached four times a -week. He met his elders and deacons once a week for the study of the -Holy Scriptures and for prayer; and some of those lay friends well -endowed by God were soon qualified to take the place of their pastor in -case of his absence, and to edify their brethren. The first supper was -celebrated in September, and it was repeated every month. How wide the -difference for Calvin between that repast at Geneva, to which men came -who drank, gamed, quarrelled, and sang indecent songs, and whom, for -all that, he had to admit to the communion of the body and the blood -of the Redeemer, and this brotherly supper at Strasburg, celebrated -in company with pious Christians, persecuted for righteousness’ sake, -whose names were written in heaven, and who drew nigh to the Lord with -devotion, as members of his family! Calvin gave all his attention to -the cure of souls. If there were any Christians who had not an adequate -acquaintance with the doctrine of salvation, he instructed them; if any -were reproached by their own conscience, cast down and in distress, he -consoled and lifted them up; if any had gone astray from the path of -righteousness, he rebuked them. He certainly met with some opposition, -especially on the part of the younger folk; but he held his ground. -While he required a pure faith and life, he protested against the -tyranny exercised by the priests in auricular confession, and declared -that no man had the right to bind the conscience of his brethren. Thus -he saw his flock thriving from day to day under his direction.[751] -‘It was at Strasburg that the first Church was organized to serve as a -model to others,’ says Raemond. A remarkable conversion distinguished -its early days. Herman of Liége, who had engaged in discussion with -Calvin at Geneva, was converted by him and joined his Church. He -embraced the doctrines which Calvin found in the Holy Scriptures, on -free will, the divinity and humanity of Christ, regeneration, and -baptism. He was in doubt only as to predestination. Calvin gained other -victories besides. - -[Sidenote: VIEW OF THE LORD’S SUPPER.] - -He was now not only a pastor, but also a teacher. At the beginning -of the year 1539, Capito, struck with his gifts for theological -teaching, entreated him to join that office with his pastorate. -Although he felt reluctant to do so, from his sense of the difficulty -of that ministry, he at length consented. Every day he preached in -the church of St. Nicholas, in which he taught the students of the -academy. The interpretation of the Scriptures was for him the basis -of theological science, and for his exposition he selected two of -the richest books of the New Testament--the Gospel of St. John and -the Epistle to the Romans. His plan was to search out the meaning of -the sacred writer, and to set it forth with an easy ‘brevity which -did not entail obscurity;’ and for that purpose ‘he took pains to -regulate and proportion his style.[752]’ In his view the Epistle to -the Romans was ‘a path to the understanding of the whole Scripture.’ -Some doctors attended these lectures, and expressed their high -admiration.[753] He did not content himself with being at the same -time pastor and professor, he also worked diligently in his study. He -revised his _Institution_, and prepared a second edition; he recast -his _Catechism_; he composed a treatise on the Supper, of which he -sent a copy to Luther. Calvin, like Zwingli, regarded the bread and -the wine as signs, as pledges that Christ gives to the believer his -crucified body and his shed blood; that is to say, communicates to him -the expiatory virtue of his death. He taught that the believer receives -the body and the blood by faith, which is _the mouth of the soul_, and -not by the bodily mouth. But he differed from the reformer of Zurich in -that he saw in the supper a mysterious union with the glorified person -of Christ. ‘With good reason,’ he said, ‘the bread is called body, -since it not only _represents_ him, but also _presents_ him to us. We -must therefore really receive in the supper the body and the blood of -Jesus Christ, since the Lord sets forth to us therein the communion of -both. If God gave us only bread and wine, leaving behind the spiritual -truth, would it not be the case that he had instituted this mystery -on fictitious grounds?[754] This alliance is effected on our part by -faith, and on the part of God by his secret and miraculous virtue. The -Spirit of God is the bond of this participation; that is why it is -called spiritual. When Luther began his course, he appeared to say that -the bread was the body of Christ. Œcolampadius and Zwingli appeared to -leave in the supper nothing but the bare signs without their spiritual -substance. Thus Luther failed on his side, Zwingli and Œcolampadius on -their side. Nevertheless, let us not forget the grace which the Lord -gave to all of them, and the benefits which he has conferred on us by -their instrumentality.’[755] - -Luther acknowledged that Calvin’s doctrine went beyond that of Zwingli, -and expressed the delight which it gave him. As early as October, 1539, -the Saxon reformer wrote to Bucer--‘Greet John Calvin respectfully, -whose book I have read with singular enjoyment.’[756] As the treatise -on the Supper appeared only in 1541, the _Institution_ must be the -book spoken of, in which the doctrine of the Eucharist was already set -forth. When the reformer of Germany read the little treatise to which -we have just referred, he said, ‘Ah, if the Swiss did the same, we -should now be at peace instead of quarrelling.’[757] - -In addition to his other labors, Calvin attended the theological -debates in the universities, sometimes even presiding at them. He held -conferences with the Roman Catholic doctors, at which he defended -the evangelical theology; thereby acquiring so high a renown that a -great number of students and even of learned men came from France to -Strasburg to hear him.[758] - -This man, who already occupied so important a position, was at the -same time in the most humble circumstances. Poverty was added to -his other trials. He received from the publishers of his works only -very low remuneration. He did not think that he had any right to ask -remuneration from the state or even from the Church; but he would not -have refused it if it had been spontaneously offered to him. He was -living at this time on a small sum derived partly from his paternal -inheritance and partly from the sale of his library and other property -of various kinds. But this was far short of his need, and sometimes -the payment for his lodging was a great embarrassment. He wrote to -Farel--‘I am obliged to live at my own expense, unless I were willing -to become a burden to my brethren; and my destitution is now so great -that _I do not possess a farthing_.[759] It is not, you see, so easy -for me to take care of my health as you with so much kind care counsel -me to do.’ Calvin afterwards received a salary, but too small to -suffice even for his modest wants. - -[Sidenote: DEATH OF OLIVÉTAN.] - -Just at the time when Calvin was gaining new friends at Strasburg, he -lost some of his oldest and most beloved ones. We have seen his grief -on hearing of the death of Courault. At the beginning of January 1539, -he received a letter from Francesca Bucyronia, wife of the physician -Sinapi, tutor to the children of the Duchess of Ferrara, informing -him that his cousin Olivétan, one of the first evangelists of Geneva, -and translator of the French version of the Bible, had just died in -that town. Calvin’s pain at this news was increased by the report -that his friend, while at Rome, had taken poison, and that of this -he died. This was a conjecture at that period commonly put forward -to account for unexpected deaths. There is little probability of its -truth. Calvin does not speak of it. He contents himself with calling -Olivétan _our friend_, and adds that the natural sorrow which he feels -must be his apology to his correspondents for his short and disjointed -letters.[760] Few men have had so many friends as Calvin. His was no -ordinary friendship; it was always felt to be deep and unchangeable. - -But Calvin’s thought was at this time occupied with affection of -another kind. He believed that those who have received a new life from -Christ are called to love all those who have received the same grace; -‘to love them with that simple affection, that natural proneness, -with which relations love each other.’ It was, however, no exclusive -love that he required. ‘In bidding us begin by loving the faithful, -the Lord leads us on, by a kind of apprenticeship, to the loving of -all men without exception.’[761] But union and agreement between the -children of God was the great need of his heart. When writing to -Bullinger (March 12, 1539) he said--‘Satan, who plots the ruin of the -kingdom of Christ, sows discord between us. Let us all then have a -cordial agreement with one another, and may it be the same with all the -Churches. I clasp you in my arms, wishing you all good.’[762] - -With this cordial charity Calvin maintained an indomitable courage. -Capito was given to looking at the dark sides of things: black thoughts -often hovered around him and took possession of his imagination. In -vain his faith strove to lighten the darkness; mournful forebodings -overwhelmed him, and a dull distress was often read in his countenance. -One day he protested before God and men that the Church was lost unless -prompt aid should arrive. Afterwards, when he found that the state of -things did not improve, he prayed God that he might die.[763] It was -not so with Calvin. ‘Ah,’ said he, ‘the Lord will bless us although -everything should be against us. Let us therefore try all remedies; and -if we do not find any to be efficacious, let us nevertheless persevere -as long as we have any breath of life.’[764] It is this unconquerable -steadfastness which made Calvin the great reformer. - -[Sidenote: DESPOTISM AT GENEVA.] - -The faith of Calvin was not to deceive him. But few voices had been -raised in his favor at Geneva in the general council of May 26, 1538. -The minority which adhered to the Reformation had at first shrunk -away into retirement and silence. The most active men, who are not -always the wisest, alone had spoken. But gradually the more competent -influential men appeared, recognized and united with each other, and -took combined action. The government party made little account of them; -and as Master Guillaume, as they called Farel, was in the popular -judgment the chief of the Evangelicals, they used to call these, with -a shrug of the shoulders, the _Guillemins_, nor had they a suspicion -that these people would ever recover themselves. The council, which was -little disposed to respect individual freedom, less so perhaps than -Calvin and Farel, ordered all heads of families to attend sermon on the -Sunday. This order was especially aimed at the friends of the reformers -and their refusal to hear the ministers who had taken the place of the -latter, and who, to make themselves agreeable to the magistrate, openly -censured their predecessors. - -Farel and Calvin had established in Geneva not only the Church but -also the school; and some of their best friends, Saunier and Mathurin -Cordier were among the most eminent masters. This institution naturally -remained faithful to its founders, and the conduct of the government -towards it showed that they looked on it as decidedly opposed to -their views and opinions. The council did not intend to allow its -subordinates to show themselves hostile to its scheme for the direction -of ecclesiastical affairs. However, while they shrank perhaps from -disorganizing the school, they resolved, sparing at the outset the -leading men, to give them a lesson by energetically prosecuting one or -two of their under-masters. - -Eynard and Gaspard were consequently cited, September 10, before -the council, which made complaint of their publicly censuring the -_preachers_, and inquired of them where they had received the supper -at Easter and Whitsuntide. They replied that they had not joined in -the communion anywhere, because St. Paul enjoined _that every man -should examine himself_, and that they had not felt in the right frame -of mind. They had no doubt been unwilling to receive the bread and -the wine, which are the communion of the body and the blood of the -Saviour, from the hands of pastors whom they judged unworthy. The -council ordered them to leave the town in three days. After having thus -inflicted disciplinary penalties on the humble under-masters, they -awaited Christmas. - -Matters were by that time far worse. Many foreigners, chiefly refugees, -did not take the supper. They were condemned to leave the town, ten -days only being allowed to them to set their affairs in order. The -councillors and other Genevese who had been guilty of the same offence -were obliged to apologize and to promise ‘to live from this time forth -according to the way of the town.’ These things did not pass without -lively altercations; and in consequence of a dispute which took place -in the street on the night of December 30, 1538, one man was killed -and many were wounded.[765] The most enraged of the refractory party, -thinking to justify their conduct in attacking the settled ministers, -called them infidels, corrupters of Scripture, and papists, who tried -to deceive the people. The pastors, who were certainly not possessed -of ability enough to fill the place of the eminent doctors banished by -the council, but who endeavored for the most part to do as much good -as their moral and intellectual qualities permitted, were greatly -annoyed, complained to the council, and desired to withdraw and make -room for others better qualified than themselves. ‘These reproaches,’ -they said, ‘we find it very hard to bear.’ The council assured them -that it meant to keep them, and to reconcile them with their accusers. - -[Sidenote: THE REGENTS OF THE COLLEGE.] - -After this second act of discipline, or rather, at the same time, the -council undertook a third, of graver character still. In their eyes the -college was still a fortress in which Calvinism had entrenched itself, -with the intention of resisting the attacks of its adversaries. The -magistrate resolved to give the regents an opportunity of declaring -themselves, and if they offered resistance, to expel them. To join -the ministers who had succeeded Farel and Calvin, to administer the -supper with them, to do an act which those great doctors had refused -to do,--this was the requirement addressed by the magistrate to -Saunier, rector of the college, and to the three regents, Mathurin -Cordier, Vautier, and Vindos. It would have been straining a point -for them to take the supper; but to be in the number of those who -administered it, after all the controversies which had taken place, was -not this ‘to be an occasion of stumbling’ for many, and a taking part -against those venerated men whose absence they deplored? These four -professors therefore stated to the council that their conscience did -not allow them to do what was required. The magistrates ought to have -considered that this act is not within the province of the regents, -and that they ought not to do anything which might, by depriving the -college of the able men who directed it, possibly lead to its ruin. -But Richardet and his friends were despots who did not intend to allow -any resistance to their will. On the day after Christmas, they ordered -the rector and the three regents to quit Geneva in the space of three -days. Saunier was dismayed. He had a very numerous household. Many -boys of good family from Basel, Berne, Zurich, Bienne, and other -towns, lived in his house; and he had a young daughter, in delicate -health, whom he would be obliged to take with him in the depth of -winter. The next day, December 27, he appeared before the Council of -the Two Hundred, stated the circumstances which we have just related, -reminded them that he was a citizen of the town, and showed them -that the resolution which they had adopted might be the ruin of the -college, which was indispensable to the youth of Geneva. In fine, he -could not possibly make the necessary arrangements in so short a time. -This last point was the only one to which the Great Council took any -heed. It confirmed the resolution of the Little Council, but granted -to the regents fifteen days to act upon it. He must therefore depart. -Saunier and his colleagues took the same road as Calvin and Farel had -taken. Mathurin Cordier, who had received the knowledge of the Gospel -from the celebrated Robert Etienne, had devoted his life to the task -‘of training youth in piety and in good morals, cultivating in them -a pure and elegant style, and the love of literature;’ had composed -some important works;[766] and was one of those antique souls, it has -been said, who always prefer the public good to their own interest. -The loss of such a man was irreparable, but it was not final. The -council sought for substitutes for these men; but they were forced to -acknowledge that to find them was no easy matter. The first candidate -who offered himself was rejected because he was a German. The second, -Claude Viguier, beat one of his pupils so severely as to draw blood. -The republican magistrates of 1538 placed submission to their arbitrary -orders before the real interests of the schools and the people.[767] -Calvin seemed to regret the course taken by Saunier. He entreated Farel -to do everything in his power to prevent division and confusion from -extending, and to induce the brethren no longer to refuse the rites -adopted by the council. - -[Sidenote: PERSECUTION OF CALVIN’S FRIENDS.] - -When this matter was settled, the council undertook another campaign. -Among the partisans of Calvin and of the Reformation were several -eminent men whose submission was much desired. The severity which had -just been displayed towards the learned might induce these citizens -to yield to the conquerors. Two former syndics especially, Porral and -Pertemps, looking more at the lamentable occurrences which had attended -the government appointment of the supper than at the supper itself, -had not yet been able to bring themselves to sanction blameworthy -proceedings (the banishment of their well-beloved pastors) by taking -part in the ceremonies condemned by their friends. They had, it is -true, received the letter from Calvin which urged them ‘to have -only a zeal for God moderated by his Spirit and ruled by his Word.’ -But when Christmas drew near, and the supper was to be given with -unleavened bread, they had hesitated as to what they should do; and -as they doubted, they had abstained. The council was not inclined to -decide this case of conscience in an accommodating way. On January 9, -1539, Porral having appeared and being asked by the council whether -he would conform to the ordinances respecting the supper, made answer -at first in a rather vague way; and on being requested to answer -more distinctly, he said, without entering into the question of the -ordinances, ‘If it please God, I am ready to take the supper, _after -having examined myself_.’ Pertemps spoke to the same effect.[768] - -The friends of Calvin knew that the reformer was distressed at the -disorders which prevailed in Geneva, and which reduced the town to -the saddest state. ‘Nothing causes me more sorrow,’ he wrote to his -friends, ‘than the quarrels and the debates which you have with the -ministers who have succeeded us. There is hardly a hope of amelioration -while altercation and discord exist. Turn away, then, your minds and -your hearts from men, and cling solely to the Redeemer.’ Calvin did not -approve the renunciation of the communion by his friends on the ground -of its celebration with unleavened bread, and he gave them a serious -admonition not to disturb the peace on this immaterial question.[769] - -The council did not stop here. There were still some principal citizens -of whom they had a wish to be rid. Claude Savoye, formerly first -syndic, who had shown so much love for Geneva and even so much heroism, -was a friend of the reformers and had censured the council. He was put -in prison, September 6, 1538, on merely frivolous charges. He refused -to answer magistrates whom he regarded as his personal enemies. The -council deliberated whether it should not cause torture to be applied -to this great citizen. But honorable men revolted against this notion; -and the council, having nothing against him but presumptions without -any foundation, contented themselves with taking from him all his -offices, depriving him of all his rights, and making the town his -prison. Savoye escaped, went to Berne, and from that city announced to -the syndics that he resigned the citizenship of Geneva. Jean Goulaz, -who in 1532 had posted on the walls of the town _the great pardon -of Jesus Christ_ in opposition to the indulgences of the pope,[770] -informed the council that he likewise renounced the citizenship, -requested them to release him from his oath, and withdrew. While the -council were deliberating on his request, he felt it prudent to quit -the territory. The council, receiving information of this, ordered -pursuit to be made. He was overtaken on the bridge of Arve and was -sent to prison. Michel Rozet says with reference to these various -prosecutions, ‘Those, in a word, who had banished the ministers, -omitted no occasion of entirely dislodging their adherents.’[771] - -[Sidenote: SUPPRESSION OF DISORDERS.] - -An improvement, however, had just been made in the government. On -February 9, 1539, the general assembly of the people having to elect -the syndics of the year, not one of the citizens who had played a -part in the expulsion of Calvin and his friends was chosen. The new -magistrates were taken from the moderate party, and one of them, -Antoine Chiccand, was attached to the reformer. The less respectable -class of the people did not seem to be aware of the change, and they -celebrated the accession of the new magistrates after a strange -fashion. It was the time of Carnival, Easter falling that year on April -6; and although Geneva had no longer any wish for the religion of the -papacy, this class of the inhabitants still kept up its festivals and -its amusements. Their pastimes were numerous, burlesque, and even -indecent. ‘There were mummeries, lewdness, indecent songs, dances, and -blasphemies. Some went naked about the town with timbrels and pipes,’ -says a contemporary.[772] Did these disorderly doings form part of -the Roman Catholic reaction that was then attracting attention? We do -not assert this. However it might be, the pastors complained to the -council, and the latter ordered an inquiry, especially against those -who went about the streets at night without their clothes. It appeared -from the inquiry that ‘those who had done so were all young, and had -intended nothing more than a freak of youthful folly.’ The council -‘remonstrated’ with the delinquents; and some women who had ‘danced to -the songs’ were put in prison for a day, and afterwards were severely -censured by the syndic. Three days later the council issued a decree -which enjoined the people ‘devoutly to listen to the Word of God on -Sundays, and to govern themselves according to it; not to swear nor -blaspheme, nor play for gold or silver;’ and forbade them ‘to go about -the town after nine o’clock without candles, to dance at any dances -except at weddings, to sing any indecent songs, to disguise themselves, -or to indulge in masks or mummeries.’ - -At the time when magistrates who were better disposed towards Calvin -were called to the government of the republic, a door was opened on -another side which revealed to the reformer a new world, Germany -with her doctors and her princes. Calvin was living on the banks of -the Rhine at the period when the emperor was convoking frequent and -important assemblies, which were attended by the princes either in -person or by their delegates, and in which they discussed the deepest -questions of theology with as much eagerness as diplomatists in -congress discuss the interests of their respective governments. From -the year 1535 to 1539 Protestantism had been gaining in strength; it -had made many conquests in North Germany, and appeared to be on the -point of winning the decisive victory. The Catholics were beginning to -lose heart, and the successive congresses at which they required the -Protestants to come to terms with them might well lead one to call them -a weakened army which desired only favorable conditions for lowering -its flag. Calvin watched with his keen eye this astonishing process. He -continually asserted in his letters that it was not the existence of -one Church (that of Geneva), but of all Churches, that was at stake. -There were moments when he thought that he had a glimpse of the triumph -of the Gospel in Europe; at other times he was seized with great -despondency. There was a conflict within him. His natural timidity led -him to shrink from appearing in the Germanic assemblies; but his faith -and his zeal for the kingdom of God made him long to take part in them. - -[Sidenote: CONFERENCE AT FRANKFORT.] - -Charles V., after making peace with Francis I., had convoked, at -Frankfort, for the month of February 1539, a conference of evangelical -and Roman Catholic theologians, who were to endeavor to find a basis -of agreement. We have not to devote our attention to all the work done -at the German assemblies which Calvin attended, but only to that which -concerns him personally. Deputies from Strasburg went to Frankfort, -but the young French doctor did not accompany them. He contented -himself with earnestly commending to Bucer the cause of the persecuted -Protestants. But shortly after, having received a letter from Bucer, -informing him that he found it was impossible for him to do anything -for his co-religionists, and hearing at the same time that Melanchthon -was present at the conferences, his spiritual earnestness overcame -the timidity of his nature. He was seized with a strong desire to go -to Frankfort and to converse with the friend of Luther on religion -and the affairs of the Church. He set out in great haste the next -day. At Frankfort he met some of the most prominent characters of the -Reformation. Here were the pious John Frederick, elector of Saxony; -young Maurice of Saxony, who was one day to prove so formidable to -Charles V.; the famous landgrave Philip of Hesse, the Duke of Luneburg, -and many other princes, whose acquaintance could not be a matter of -indifference to the young reformer. Several of these young princes were -accompanied by a great number of knights and soldiers, and all appeared -to be full of courage for the defence of the Gospel. Calvin, in long -letters to Farel, gave an account of all that he saw and thought. He -formed a most just conception of the Protestant question in Germany, of -the disposition of the princes, of the policy of Charles V., and of the -various matters under discussion. But one man was there whose society -he coveted more than that of all the princes. Calvin’s sojourn at -Frankfort is especially marked by the conversations which he had with -Melanchthon ‘on many subjects.’[773] Several of the most influential -men of the Reformation, in Switzerland and in France, were not well -informed as to the opinions of this celebrated doctor. Calvin wished -to be able to bear testimony to them with certitude. The great idea of -the French doctor was agreement between all evangelical Christians. -He was convinced that it was necessary, not only for the sake of -obedience to the commandments of Jesus Christ, but further to promote -the triumph of the evangelical cause. He wished for union, not only of -the various parties in Germany, but of Germany and Switzerland. Now -Melanchthon appeared to him the fittest man to bring about agreement -among the Protestants. No sooner had these two great doctors met and -exchanged the most kindly greetings, than Calvin opened the question. -He had communicated to Melanchthon some articles in which his view -of the supper was set forth in a way to terminate dissension. ‘There -is no room for controversy between you and me,’ said Melanchthon, -immediately; ‘I accept your articles.’[774] This was a great pleasure -to Calvin. It was however soon disturbed. ‘But,’ continued the friend -of Luther, ‘I must confess to you that we have some among us who -demand something more material, and this so obstinately, not to say so -despotically,[775] that I have found myself for a long time exposed -to danger because they know that I differ from them on this subject. -I do not believe that a solid agreement is attainable. But I desire -that we should abide by the present agreement, such as it is, until the -Lord lead us by one way or another into union in the truth.’ Calvin -perfectly satisfied, hastened to write to Farel--‘Entertain no more any -doubt about him, but consider him as holding altogether the same views -as we do.’ Farel and Calvin found in Melanchthon an important ally. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN AND MELANCHTHON.] - -There was another question on which Calvin desired to ascertain the -opinion of Melanchthon; it was that of discipline. On this subject he -was not fully satisfied. Hardly had he mentioned it when his companion -began, like others, says Calvin, to lament its absence in the Church. -‘Ah,’ said Calvin, ‘it is easier to mourn over the miserable state of -the Church in this respect than to change it. And meanwhile how many -examples are there which ought to animate us in seeking a remedy for -this evil! Not long ago a good and learned man, who could not take on -himself to tolerate vice, was driven from Ulm in disgrace, while his -colleagues gave him the most honorable references. The news received -from Augsburg is no better. Some day people will make a sport of -deposing their pastors and sending them into exile.’ ‘We are in the -midst of such a storm,’ said Melanchthon, ‘that we can do nothing -better than give way for a short time to adverse winds.[776] We may -hope that when external foes give us more repose, we shall be able to -apply ourselves to remedying the evils that are within.’ - -These conversations of Calvin and Melanchthon possessed a great -attraction for both of them. We can imagine how interesting was this -exchange of views between two of the most distinguished minds of the -age. Their speech was simple, profound, and natural. They listened -well and replied well. Calvin spoke with great freedom, although -without dogmatism. The ceremonies of worship in the Lutheran churches, -the singing in Latin, the images and other things quite as much to -be censured, were among the subjects which he had at heart. ‘I must -confess to you frankly,’ he said to Melanchthon, ‘that this superfluity -of ceremonies pains me; it seems to me that the forms which you have -kept are not far removed from Judaism.’[777] Calvin having given -his reasons, ‘I will not dispute with you on this subject,’ said -Melanchthon; ‘I own that we have among us too many of these senseless, -or at any rate certainly superfluous rites.[778] But it was necessary -to concede this to the canonists, who show themselves very obstinate -with respect to it. For the rest, there is no place in Saxony which -is less overloaded with them than Wittenberg, and even there much of -this farrago will be thrown overboard. Luther disapproves just as much -the ceremonies which he has been compelled to keep as he does your -parsimony in regard to them.’ Calvin when relating this conversation -to Farel adds, ‘Bucer cannot endure that for the sake of these paltry -outward observances we should separate from Luther; and I too believe -that they are not legitimate causes of division.’[779] From all these -conversations Calvin derived the conviction of the complete sincerity -of Melanchthon, and this he was anxious to communicate to those who -doubted it. - -[Sidenote: HENRY VIII. AND MELANCHTHON.] - -Henry VIII. was at this time requesting that a new embassy should -be sent to him, and that Melanchthon should be a member of it. The -princes were not inclined to intrust the mission to this doctor, as -they feared that he might, for want of firmness of character, make -imprudent concessions to the king.[780] Calvin opened his mind freely -to Melanchthon on the subject. ‘I swear most solemnly to you,’ replied -the latter, ‘that there is no ground for this fear.’ ‘I rely on him no -less than on Bucer,’ wrote Calvin to Farel. ‘When the business is to -treat with those who require to be treated with some indulgence, Bucer -is animated with so much zeal for the propagation of the Gospel that, -content with having obtained the most important things, he is perhaps -sometimes rather too ready to give up those which he looks on as very -subordinate, and which for all that have their weight.’ Further, -Calvin’s opinion of Henry VIII. was formed, and he did not conceal -it. ‘This prince,’ said he, ‘is scarcely half wise.[781] He prohibits -the marriage of priests and bishops, not only under the penalty of -deprivation of their offices, but by severe punishments besides. He -maintains the daily masses and the seven sacraments. He has thus a -mutilated Gospel, half of it torn off, and a Church still full of many -absurdities.[782] He has recently published a new edict, by which he -endeavors to keep the people from the reading of the Bible; and to -show you that it is not mere thoughtlessness, but that he takes up the -matter in earnest, he has lately had a good and wise man burnt because -he denied the carnal presence of Christ in the bread.’[783] Calvin -afterwards says, ‘The worst of it is that the king tolerates nothing -but what he has sanctioned with his own authority. Thus it will come -to pass that Christ shall profit them nothing, except the king should -be willing to permit him. The Lord will punish such arrogance by some -notable chastisement.’[784] - -It was determined at Frankfort that another assembly should be held in -the course of the summer. Melanchthon, soon after his arrival in that -town, had seen in a dream a large picture in which was represented the -figure of Christ on the cross, and around him souls clothed in white. -The electors of the empire, bearing the ensigns of their dignity, were -approaching it in regular order. Next after them came an ass, covered -with a linen cope and dragging after him with a rope the emperor and -the pope, as if he were going to conduct them to that assembly of the -blessed.[785] ‘I think,’ said Myconius, who was then at Frankfort, -‘that it is the Germanic ass which the emperor and the pope have -hitherto ridden so hard and miserably treated.’ The good Melanchthon -was very much taken up with the thought of leading to Christ all the -German princes, and even the emperor and the pope; and it appears that -in his great humility he had represented himself in his dream under the -figure of an ass. Luther in his reply thinks decidedly that it was a -two-footed ass.[786] Be that as it may, the assembly at Frankfort does -not appear to have led anybody to the crucified, and especially neither -pope nor emperor. It would have taken more than one rope to draw them -thither. Calvin did not wait for the close of the colloquy to return to -Strasburg. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI. - - CALVIN’S RELATIONS WITH SADOLETO. - - (1539.) - - -[Sidenote: MEETING OF PRELATES AT LYONS.] - -Rome, meanwhile, was not indifferent to what was taking place at -Geneva. Between the papacy and the Reformation there were action and -reaction, which kept both in constant agitation. When once the Catholic -reaction began, not content with mere resistance, it assumed the -offensive. The partisans of the pope, still pretty numerous in Geneva, -informed the Bishop de la Baume of what occurred in the town; and he, -who like all dispossessed princes was always expecting to be restored -to his episcopal see, the sweets of which he remembered better than the -bitterness, communicated with the pope. The latter gave to La Baume -the cardinal’s hat, in the hope that this dignity might be a bait to -draw the Genevese to place themselves once more under the crook of -their bishop. Then he invited the prelates who were nearest neighbors -to Geneva to take in hand the cause of their colleague. The Bishops of -Lyons, Besançon, Lausanne, Vienne, Turin, Langres and Carpentras, met -the Bishop of Geneva in the first of these towns. ‘The flock,’ they -said, ‘being now deprived of its pastors, men so eminent, we must seize -the opportunity to rescue it from the Reformation.’[787] Many Genevese -Catholics had emigrated to Lyons, and they spared no pains to bring -about the restoration of the prelate. Pierre de la Baume asked of his -colleagues ‘the recovery of his diocese.’ The Cardinal of Tournon, -the notorious persecutor of the Vaudois, and the introducer of the -Jesuits into France, who was at this time archbishop of Lyons, was -president of the meeting. He had thus an opportunity of satisfying his -inextinguishable passion against the _Calvinists_. Jean Philippe, chief -author of the banishment of Calvin, met with Tournon in the church -at Lyons, and carried on intrigues with him.[788] The affair might -perhaps have had a violent ending, but that a man was there present of -a different stamp from the archbishop. This was Cardinal Sadoleto, who, -as bishop Carpentras, a town in Dauphiné bordering on Savoy, seemed by -his neighboring position bound to concern himself more particularly -with Geneva. He was connected with Bembo, secretary to Leo X., was a -great lover of the classics, of philosophy and the arts, and was a man -of great eloquence, says Beza, but used it for extinguishing the true -light.[789] He very much regretted that the Reformation appeared to be -taking precedence of the Renaissance. He was, however, of more liberal -mind than adherents of the pope usually were. He loved Melanchthon. He -thought that it was not right to address the Genevese in the imperious -tone of a master, with dogmatic arguments of the school, or with the -intolerance of inquisitors, but rather in a polite style. Sadoleto was -therefore instructed to write a letter to the Genevese in which he was -to invite them mildly to return to the bosom of the Church. That the -contrivances and efforts of the pope, of the Bishop de la Baume, of the -Cardinal of Tournon and his colleagues, should issue only in a letter, -was rather a feeble conclusion. - - Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus. - -[Sidenote: LETTER OF SADOLETO TO GENEVA.] - -But they probably saw that they were powerless to do more. The -cardinal-bishop hoped to gain over the Genevese ‘by wheedling them with -fine words to turn them away from Jesus Christ,’ says a contemporary, -‘and by blaming the ministers of whom God had made use for reforming -the town.’[790] On March 26 his messenger, Jean Durand, of Carpentras, -was admitted into the hall of the council, and delivered the missive -addressed by his bishop to his _well-beloved brethren_ the syndics, -councils, and citizens of Geneva. There was not a word about the -conference at Lyons. ‘It has seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to me -to write to you. The reason is that while at Carpentras I have heard -reports concerning you which partly make me sad and partly give me -hope.’ Knowing how seductive flattery is, he writes the most beautiful -eulogy of Geneva. ‘I love the noble aspect of your town, the order and -form of your republic, the excellence of the citizens, and, above all, -the exquisite humanity which you display towards all foreign people -and nations.’ But by the side of this flattering picture he hastens -to place a portrait not so pleasing of the reformers. ‘Certain crafty -men, enemies of Christian union and peace, have cast into your town -the seeds of discord. I hear on one side the weeping, sighing, and -groaning of our holy Church. On the other side I perceive that these -innovators are not only pestilential to souls, but also pernicious in -a high degree to public and private affairs.’ Next he himself makes an -almost evangelical profession. He exalts the Word of God which, says -he, ‘does not entangle minds in difficult processes of reasoning; but, -a heavenly affection of the heart coming to its aid, offers itself with -clearness to our understandings.’ He exalts the work of Christ, ‘who -was willing to be our salvation, by suffering death in the flesh and -afterwards resuming an immortal life.’ He even exalts justification by -faith, _faith alone_, which all Roman controversialists curse. ‘This -everlasting salvation comes to us,’ said he, ‘by faith alone in God -and in Jesus Christ. When I say _by faith alone_, I do not mean that -charity and the duty of a Christian are dispensed with.’ Sadoleto was -undoubtedly sincere in these professions. He belonged, as is known, -to a small body of men feebly inclined towards the Gospel, who were -at that time supported by the papacy in the hope that they would be -the means of bringing back the Protestants. But he must have known -well that the doctrine of the reformers, far from dispensing with duty -and charity, asserted them, made them possible, and at the same time -necessary. - -Having thus gained his hearers, as he thought, the cardinal-bishop -began the contest. ‘The loss of the soul,’ said he, ‘being the greatest -ill possible to a man, our duty is, to the utmost of our power, to -take care. Amidst the waves of our life we are in need of some means -of escape from striking on the rocks and losing the vessel. This is -what the Catholic Church has provided for fifteen hundred years; while -these crafty men only began their innovations against the perpetual -authority of the Church five-and-twenty years ago.’ Then follows a fine -rhetorical burst which lacks nothing but truth and solidity. ‘Here is -the point,’ said he; ‘here is the parting of the ways, the one road -leading unto life, the other unto everlasting death. Every man arrives -by his own road before the judgment-seat of the supreme Judge, Catholic -and Protestant alike, there to have his cause investigated.’ - -The Catholics get off wonderfully, but when the turn of the -Evangelicals comes it is quite otherwise with them. Sadoleto takes good -care not to let the simple faithful ones appear, and brings before -the tribunal only ‘one of the promoters of these divisions.’ He does -not name either Luther or Calvin, but it is evident that it is one of -them that he brings on the scene, probably the latter. Having leave to -speak, the reformer begins thus: ‘O sovereign God! when I considered -how all but universally corrupt are the morals of ecclesiastics, I was -justly moved to anger against them; and when I thought also how much -time I had spent in the study of theology and of human science, and -that nevertheless I had not attained in the Church the rank which my -labors deserved, while other men, my inferiors, were raised to honors -and to benefices, I induced the greater part of the people to despise -the decrees of the Church. I asserted that the bishops of Rome had -falsely usurped the title of vicars of Christ; and having by this -reputation of learning and wisdom obtained renown among the nations, I -caused many seditions and divisions in the Church.’ - -[Sidenote: CONCLUSION OF THE LETTER.] - -Sadoleto having made the reformer speak in this fashion, again -addresses the men of Geneva, and says to them, ‘How will it turn -out, then, brethren, whom I wish to be united with me?’ The result -of this double appearance is inevitable, and the promoter of all -this evil, ‘taking his stand upon his works, holding in contempt the -general assemblies of bishops, dismembering the one spouse of Christ, -and tearing to pieces the Lord’s robe, can only weep for ever over -his misery, gnashing his teeth even at himself.’ Consequently, the -cardinal-bishop exhorts his brethren of Geneva, after having removed -all the mists of error, to abide in union with our holy mother -Church.[791] - -The reasoning of Sadoleto failed in its basis. He had confounded the -Reformation of the sixteenth century with the so-called reforms of the -preceding centuries. Those attempts, numerous enough, aimed at the -morals of the clergy and the abuses of the Church without attacking -the doctrine, and they miscarried. But the true Reformation directed -its efforts against the false doctrines of Rome, in order to put the -doctrine of the Gospel in its place. ‘It took the bull by the horns,’ -as Luther says, and had him down. Liberal Catholics have imagined, that -if from the first such a course as Sadoleto’s had been adopted, the -course of the Reformation would have been entirely different.[792] But -they are mistaken, as the Bishop of Carpentras was, who, aiming his -blows at an enemy in the air, hit nothing but the air. - -The council having heard the letter, very gladly accepted the -compliments paid to Geneva, sincerely thanked the cardinal’s messenger, -and charged him to say that a full reply should be sent in due -course. This was necessary, for the partisans of the pope in Geneva -praised the cardinal’s letter to the skies, and eagerly circulated -it in all directions. But there was no one able to answer it. The -pastors established by the government were not strong enough to -venture a struggle with Sadoleto. Morand himself, who was requested -by the council to undertake it, was incompetent. All those who in any -degree adhered to the Reformation were in a state of alarm, for they -understood that silence in this state of things would inevitably be a -great calamity to Geneva.[793] - -It was on March 26 that the letter in which Sadoleto urged the Genevese -to forsake the Reformation had been delivered to the council, and on -the 27th this body resolved to reply to it in due time and place. On -the 28th several citizens appeared before the council; one of them, -François Chamois, demanding on their behalf that the confession of -faith of the Reformation which had been sworn at St. Peter’s, July 29, -1537, should be withdrawn from the possession of the former official -secretary, as contrary to their liberties; and that they themselves -should be released from the oath which they had taken to that -confession.[794] There is so intimate and evident a relation between -the proposal of Sadoleto and this proceeding of the citizens, the one -so punctually followed upon the other, that it is very difficult not -to suppose that the letter of the bishop had much to do in promoting -the requisition of Chamois and his friends. The audience given by the -council to the deputy of a cardinal, and the proposal of which he was -the bearer, were a matter so considerable and of such exciting interest -that the rumor of it could not fail to spread immediately in this town, -where people so habitually used to say, ‘What is the news? What is -talked of? What is going on?’ - -[Sidenote: IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES.] - -Among the citizens who accompanied Chamois there might be some who -did not belong to the Catholic party, and who merely took advantage -of the opportunity for getting rid of a confession of faith which -was burdensome to them. But it is not to be wondered at that some -Roman writers have looked on the demand of Chamois as the consequence -of the letter of Sadoleto. Michael Rozet, the son of Claude, says, -not undesignedly, in his Chronicles, that it was one day after the -reception at Geneva of the cardinal’s despatch, that the citizens -_protested_ against the articles. He even adds, ‘There was warning -from neighbors of a body of armed men in preparation by the enemy, -and that these had an understanding with a party in the town.’ This -measure was not unsuccessful. Claude Rozet had received the oaths of -the citizens on July 29, and in his hands the original of the famous -articles was still deposited. The council gave him orders to deliver -them up. However grave a step this might be, it cannot be said that -the faith was given up with the articles of faith. Many had never held -this faith, and those who had held it, held it still. Nevertheless, the -surrender of the fundamental document of the evangelical reformation -was certainly an important step towards Rome.[795] - -It was soon apparent what was to be thought of the _Christian charity, -and the affection touched with double pity and compassion_, of which -Sadoleto had given assurance. In the very month which followed the -delivery of his letter, an eminent Genevese, Curtet, castellan of -Chaumont on the Mount du Vuache, went to Annecy, which was not far -distant; and during his stay, April 17, in his hostelry, talked with -the country people of God and his Gospel.[796] Among those present was -Montchenu, who, annoyed at having failed in his scheme for giving up -Geneva to Francis I., continued to feel much bitterness about it; and, -quite as much out of pique as from hatred of the Reformation, denounced -the Genevese citizen and inflamed the clergy against him. Curtet was -seized and burnt alive. - -Another Genevese, Jean Lambert, brother of the councillor, had been -for some time a prisoner in Savoy, on a like charge. A week after the -execution of Curtet, the public place of Chambery was filled with -such a crowd as always runs after the terrible spectacle of a violent -death. Lambert was brought there about three o’clock. He was a ruddy -and strong young man, and they led him up and down to show him to -the people. ‘This is one of the bigots of Geneva,’ people said as he -passed, with other speeches of the like kind. He was taken to the front -of the castle, where a pile was erected. The provost wanted him to make -some confession, but Lambert did not open his mouth. ‘Slit his tongue -if he will not speak,’ barbarously cried the enraged provost to the -executioner. The priests who stood round their victim would fain have -compelled him to recite the _Ave Maria_, but the martyr refused to do -it. Then addressing the Father who is in heaven, he uttered aloud the -Lord’s prayer. This provoked the priests and the monks, who cried to -the spectators, ‘Do not pray for this cursed dog, for he is damned to -all the devils.’ ‘Lambert died,’ says one of the narratives, ‘for his -faith in God and without any trial.’ If the words of Sadoleto were -tender, the deeds of his fellow religionists were harsh.[797] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN’S REPLY TO SADOLETO.] - -The letter of the Bishop of Carpentras could not remain unknown to -Calvin; in fact it was communicated to him in April by Sulzer, a pastor -of Berne. The reformer read it, and his first impulse was to consider -whether it was worth while to reply to it. But apprehending the evil -which the letter might bring on Geneva, ‘forgetting all the wrongs that -he had received,’[798] and yielding to the entreaties of his Strasburg -friends, he undertook the task. ‘It will occupy me for six days,’ he -wrote to Farel. Calvin’s letter bears date September 1, 1539.[799] It -is an important document, both for the light which it throws on the -character and the work of Calvin, and because it is necessary to know -in what manner the blow then struck by Rome at the Reformation was -parried. This letter, we may say, was the mighty voice which led back -Geneva to the true Gospel.[800] Two feelings are conspicuous in it with -regard to Sadoleto. Calvin, in addressing one of the most distinguished -and most enlightened men in the Catholic Church, will speak to him with -respect and even with praise, but at the same time he will not hide -from him the indignation aroused by his attacks. - -‘Thy surpassing learning,’ says he in beginning his letter, ‘thine -admirable elegance of speech, have deservedly caused thee to be held in -high esteem and admiration by the true votaries of polite literature, -and it is exceedingly painful to me to be obliged by this complaint to -sully thy fair renown. I should never have undertaken the task if I had -not been compelled to do so.... No one can suppose that I could have -abandoned the cause without great cowardice and contempt of my ministry. - -‘Thou hast very recently written a letter to the council and people of -Geneva, and having no wish to display harshness towards those of whom -thou hadst need in order to gain thy cause, thou hast attempted by soft -words to circumvent them. Next, thou hast come up impetuously, and -so to speak, at full speed to discharge thy force against those who, -according to thy saying, have involved that poor town in trouble by -their sophistries. I would have thee know, Sadoleto, that I am one of -those against whom thou speakest; and although I am at the present time -relieved of the administration of the Genevese Church, this does not -prevent my cherishing towards it a fatherly love. - -‘But for thyself, Sadoleto, a foreigner, who hast hitherto had no -acquaintance at all with the people of Geneva, thou professest on -a sudden to feel for them singular love and goodwill, of which, -nevertheless, no fruit ever appeared. Thou who didst serve thine -apprenticeship at the Court of Rome, that shop of all artifice and -cunning, who wert not only brought up as it were in the arms of Pope -Clement, but what is more, made a cardinal, thou hast certainly many -spots which render thee suspected. The duty of pastors is to lead -obedient souls straight to Christ; but thy chief aim is to deliver them -over to the power of the pope. - -‘With a view to cast suspicion on us thou taxest us, unjustly (for thou -well knowest the contrary), with having wished only to gratify our -ambition and avarice. Certain it is that if I had paid regard to my -personal advantage, I should never have separated from your faction. -And who would dare to cast such charges at Farel, who, born of a -noble house, had no need to ask assistance from others? Was not our -shortest way of attaining to wealth and honors to accept from the first -the conditions which you have offered us? For what price would your -pope then have purchased the silence of many, and for how much would -he still purchase it to-day? Did we not require that, after having -assigned to the ministers so much as was fitting for their condition, -the wealth of the Church, swallowed up by those gulfs, should be -distributed to the poor as in the primitive Church? Our only thought -has been the extension of the kingdom of God by means of our littleness -and lowliness; and to attempt to persuade men of the contrary is a -thing most unbecoming to Sadoleto, a man of such high reputation for -knowledge, prudence, and seriousness. - -[Sidenote: CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITY.] - -‘The men of Geneva, extricating themselves from the slough of error in -which they were sunk, have returned to the doctrine of the Gospel, and -this thou callest abandoning the truth of God! They have retired from -papal subjection and tyranny in order to have a better ecclesiastical -government, and this, sayest thou, is a real separation from the -Church! Surely, Sadoleto, I shall stop thee on the way. Where is, on -your side, the Word of God, which is the mark of the true Church? If -a man belongs to God’s army he must be prepared for the battle. See, -the enemy is quite near; he approaches, he fights, and he is indeed an -enemy so well-conditioned that no earthly power can resist him. What -armor will this poor Christian be able to put on, to save him from -being overwhelmed? It is the Word of God. The soul deprived of the Word -of God is delivered over to the devil, quite defenceless, to be slain. -The first attempt of the enemy, therefore, will be to take from the -combatant the sword of Jesus Christ. The pope, like the “illuminés,” -arrogantly boasts of possessing the Spirit. But it is to insult the -Holy Spirit to separate him from the Word. - -‘We are more nearly in agreement with antiquity than you our opponents, -as thou knowest, Sadoleto, and we ask for nothing else than to see -restored that ancient face of the Church which has been torn to pieces -and almost destroyed by the pope and his faction. And, not to speak -of the condition of the Church as constituted by the apostles (which, -however, we are bound to accept), consider what it was among the Greeks -in the days of Chrysostom and Basil, and among the Latins in the days -of Cyprian, Ambrose, and Augustin, and afterwards contemplate the -ruins which are all that now remain to you. Thou wilt find as much -difference between the two as between the Church as it flourished under -David, and the Church as fallen into all kinds of superstitions under -Zedekiah. Wilt thou call that man an enemy of antiquity, who, full -of zeal for ancient piety, longs to restore in their first splendor -the things which are now corrupted? With what right are we accused of -having subverted the ancient discipline, by the very party that has -abolished them? - -‘Dost thou not recollect that at the time when our people began to -appear, nothing was taught in the schools but pure sophistries, so -tangled and twisted that scholastic theology might well be called a -kind of secret magic? There were no sermons from which foolish old -women did not learn more dreams than they could relate in a month by -their own fireside. The first portion was devoted to obscure questions -of the schools, to excite the wonder of the poor people, and the -second portion to merry tales or amusing speculations, to rouse their -hearts to mirth. But no sooner had our preachers raised their banner -than the shadows were dispersed, and your preachers, taught by them -and compelled by shame and the murmurs of the people, were obliged to -follow their example, although they have still traces of these old -follies. - -‘Thou touchest on justification by faith. But this article, which -stands supreme in our religion, has been effaced by you from the memory -of men. Thou allegest that we take no account of good works. If thou -lookest into my catechism, at the first word thou wilt be silent as -if overcome. We deny, it is true, that they are of any avail in the -justification of man, not even so much as a hair, for the Scripture -gives us no hope except in the goodness of God alone. But while we deny -the virtue of works in the justification of man, we attribute worth -to them in the life of the just, for Christ came to create _a people -zealous of good works_.’ - -We pass over the beautiful passages in which Calvin speaks of the -supper, confession, the invocation of saints, purgatory, the ministry, -and the Church, and we come to the moment at which he remembers that -Sadoleto had cited him and his brethren ‘as criminals before the -judgment-seat of God.’ He accepts that summons. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN’S DEFENCE.] - -‘We prick up our ears,’ said he, ‘at this sound of the trumpet which -the very ashes of the dead will hear in the depths of their graves.’ -And then, not only in his own name but in that of all the reformers, -Calvin says to God:-- - -‘I have ever appealed to thy tribunal, Lord, from the accusations -with which I have been harassed on the earth, and it is with the same -confidence that I now appear before thee, knowing that in thy judgments -truth prevails. They have accused me of very grievous crimes and of -heresy. But in the first place, what have I done? Seeing that, with -no regard to thy Word, they abused the common people, and made a mock -at them by I know not what sort of drivelling, I dared to contradict -their constitutions. Thy Christ was indeed adored as God, but he was -virtually without honor; for deprived of his virtue and of his power, -he was lost sight of in the crowd of saints, as if merely one of the -common mass. There were none who rested in his righteousness alone; and -if any one, enjoying thy loving kindness and the righteousness of thy -Son, conceived a sure hope of salvation, this was, they said, rash -presumption and foolish arrogance. Then, O Lord, thou didst set before -me thy Word, like a torch, to make me know how pernicious these things -are; and thou hast touched my heart, to the end that I may hold them in -abhorrence. - -‘They have accused me of schism. But is that man to be reputed a -traitor who, when he sees the soldiers quitting the ranks, forgetting -their captain, the battle, and the oath which they have taken, -scattered, wandering to and fro, raises the standard, calls them back, -and sets them again in order? To recall them from such wanderings I -have not given to the wind a strange flag, but that noble standard -which it is necessary we should follow, if we would be enrolled in the -number of thy people. But those whose duty it was to keep the soldiers -in good order and who have on the contrary cast them into error, have -laid hands on me, and the conflict has been so furious as to break up -union. But on which side is the fault? It is for thee, Lord, now to say -and to decide. - -‘If I had desired to maintain peace with those who boast of being -the foremost in the Church, I could have purchased it only by the -renunciation of the truth. I have felt it my duty to risk all the -dangers of the world rather than stoop to a compact so abominable. -But I do not think that by being at war with those great ones I am at -variance with thy Church. Thy Son, and thine apostles, had foretold -that there would be ravening wolves even amongst those who gave -themselves out for pastors. Was I bound then to give them my hand? The -prophets were not schismatics by reason of their contending against the -priests. For my part, confirmed by their example, I have so persisted -in my course that neither their threats nor their denunciations have in -the least degree amazed me. - -‘Commotions have followed; but as they were not caused by me, they -ought not to be imputed to me. Thou knowest well, Lord, that I have had -no other object in view except this, that by thy Word all controversy -might be terminated. Thou knowest that I have not objected, even at the -peril of my life, that peace should be restored in the Church. But what -did our adversaries do? Did they not run off suddenly and furiously to -the fire, to the gallows, to the sword? Did they not stir up people of -all ranks to the same rage?... Hence it has come to pass that such a -war has been kindled. And whatever may be thought, I am freed from all -fear, since we are before thy judgment-seat where justice and truth -meet together.’ - -[Sidenote: HIS FIRST FAITH.] - -At this point Calvin narrates his conversion. It is an important part -of his defence, and we cannot omit it. He still addresses the Supreme -Judge:-- - -‘As for me,[801] Lord, I confessed the Christian faith as I had learnt -it from my youth. - -‘At that time there were but few people to whom was committed the -pursuit of that divine and secret philosophy, and it was with them -that the oracles had to be sought. But they had not instructed me -well respecting either the adoration of thy divinity, or an assured -hope of salvation, or the obligation of a Christian life. To obtain -thy mercy they showed no other means than making satisfaction for our -sins, and blotting out thy remembrance of them by our good works. They -said that thou wast a rigorous judge, severely avenging iniquity; they -pointed out how terrible thy look must be, and commanded us to address -the saints, to the end that through their intercession thou mightest -be made propitious to us. But when I had done all these things, and -although to some extent I relied on them, I was very far from having a -quiet and trustful conscience. Every time that I descended into myself, -or lifted up my heart to thee, a horror so extreme seized upon me that -there were neither purifications nor satisfactions that could heal me. -The more closely I considered my case, the sharper became the stings -with which my conscience was tormented: there was neither solace nor -comfort left me. - -‘As nothing better was offered me, I pursued the course which I had -begun, when there arose an entirely different form of doctrine, not -intended to turn us away from the Christian profession, but to trace -it back to its real source, and to restore it in its purity, cleansed -from all defilement. Offended with this novelty, I would not listen -to it; and I confess that at the outset I did courageously resist it. -One thing especially kept me from believing those people; this was -reverence for the Church. - -‘But after I had consented sometimes to be instructed, I perceived that -the fear of seeing the majesty of the Church lessened was idle. These -people showed that there was a wide difference between forsaking the -Church and correcting the vices with which she was defiled; and that -if they spoke freely against the Pope of Rome, held to be the vicar of -Christ and head of the Church, they did so because these titles were -only idle terrors which ought not to dazzle the eyes of the faithful; -that the pope had risen to such magnificence only when ignorance -oppressed the world like deep sleep; that it was by his own authority -and sole will that he had elected himself, and that we were under no -obligation to endure the tyranny with which he oppressed the nations, -if we desired that the kingdom of Christ should remain in its fulness -amongst us; that when this principality was erected, the genuine order -of the Church was wholly lost, the keys (ecclesiastical order) wickedly -falsified, Christian liberty suppressed, and the kingdom of Christ -totally overthrown. - -‘When I began to discover in what a slough of errors I had wallowed -and with how many stains I was disgraced, desperately alarmed and -distracted at the sight of the misery into which I had fallen, and -by the knowledge of the eternal death which was at hand, I condemned -with tears and groans my former way of life, and esteemed nothing more -needful for me than to betake myself to thine. What then is left for -me to do, for me poor and miserable, but to offer to thee, as all my -vindication, a humble supplication not to impute to me the so horrible -forsaking and estrangement from thy Word, from which thou hast once -rescued me by thy marvellous kindness?’ - -[Sidenote: THE REAL SCHISMATICS.] - -Having finished his pleading before the Judge, Calvin returns to -Sadoleto and says: ‘Now, if it seem good to thee, compare this address -with that which thou hast put into the mouth of thy man, whose defence -turns only on this hinge, to wit, that he constantly kept the religion -which had been handed down to him by his forefathers and predecessors. -His salvation is in great peril, without a shadow of doubt; for on the -same ground Jews, Turks, and Saracens would escape the judgment of God. -The tribunal will not then be prepared to accept the authority of men, -but to maintain the truth of God. Your doctors will not then have a -stage at hand for the sale, without risk, of their imitation gems, and -for the abuse of consciences by their trumpery and inventions. They -will remain what they are, and they will fall by the judgment of God, -which depends not on popular favor, but on his unchangeable justice. - -‘Although thou treatest us with too little humanity in the whole of thy -letter, it is nevertheless in the last clause, in the plainest terms, -that thou imputest to us the most enormous of all crimes, to wit, _that -we disperse and tear to pieces the spouse of Jesus Christ_. What! would -the spouse of Jesus Christ be torn in pieces by those who desire to -present her as a chaste virgin to Christ, and who, finding her polluted -with many stains, recall her to her plighted faith? Was not the purity -of the Church destroyed by strange doctrines, disgraced by innumerable -superstitions, tainted by the worship of images? Indeed, because we did -not endure that the sacred resting place and nuptial chamber of Christ -should be thus defiled by you, we are accused of having dismembered -his spouse. It is you that have been guilty of this laceration, and -not with regard to the Church only, but with regard to Jesus Christ -himself, whom you have miserably cut in pieces. Where is the wholeness -of Christ, when the glory of his righteousness, of his holiness, of his -wisdom, is transferred to others? - -‘I acknowledge that since the Gospel has appeared anew, great conflicts -have been occasioned. But it is not at our door that the guilt of this -is to be laid. We ask for a peace with which the kingdom of Christ -shall flourish; but you judge that all that is gained for Christ is -lost to you. Pray the Lord, Sadoleto, that thou and thy people may once -for all understand that there is no other bond in the church but Christ -our Lord, who withdraws us from the dissipations of the world to place -us in the society of his body, to the end that by his only Word and by -his Spirit, we may be united in one heart and one thought! - -‘Strasburg, the 1st day of September, 1539.’ - -This letter found its way wherever the great question of the age was -discussed, and made a deep impression. There were in it an impulse, a -strength, a freedom, and a life which people were not accustomed to -find in the writings of the Roman doctors. Luther greatly rejoiced in -it, and soon after its publication sent a ‘respectful’ greeting to -Calvin. At the same time, struck by the Romish presumption of Sadoleto, -he added, with a touch of malice, ‘I wish that Sadoleto could believe -that God is the Creator of men even beyond the borders of Italy.’[802] -He expressed his joy that God raised up men like Calvin, and, far from -looking on him as an antagonist, he saw in him a doctor who would -continue what he had himself begun against Antichrist, and with God’s -help would complete it. - -[Sidenote: EFFECT OF THE REPLY AT GENEVA.] - -But it was especially at Geneva that Calvin’s letter made a deep -impression. The respect which he had shown to Sadoleto prepossessed -people in his favor; and the eloquence of his discourse, that gift -of the soul which he possessed, made him master of men’s minds. In -his thought and in his expressions there was a close correspondence -with the disposition of a large number of his readers. Moreover, it -was impossible to read the two letters without seeing that the young -evangelical doctor had beaten the Roman cardinal. And then, was not the -cause in behalf of which Calvin had given battle that of Geneva? Was -not the defeat of Sadoleto, and thereby also that of his constituents, -the pope and the conference of Lyons, the greatest service that could -be rendered to the republic? And finally had not this man whom they had -driven away spoken of the town which had expelled him with fatherly -love? Did he not say in his letter, ‘I cannot divert my attention from -the Church of Geneva; I cannot love it less nor hold it less dear than -my own soul.... Consider what folly it would be not to lay to heart the -ruin of those for whose protection I am bound to watch day and night.’ - -Sadoleto could not conceal from himself the force of the blow which he -had received, nor did he venture to reply. The general himself being -beaten, the staff dispersed. There was nothing more said about the -conference of Lyons, and the Bishop de la Baume was not long before he -disappeared from the scenes of this world. At the same time that Calvin -replied to Sadoleto, he wrote to Neuchâtel, Lausanne, and Geneva. He -called the inhabitants of the latter town to repentance towards God, to -patient bearing with the wicked, and to peace with their pastors; and -above all he exhorted them to call upon God.[803] Geneva was confirmed -in her love for a cause which had been so well defended against the -attacks of one of the most distinguished orators of the age, and the -gates of the city, lately closed against the reformer, began to open -again. - -Calvin had at this time to do with another Catholic doctor of much -less worth than Sadoleto, Caroli. This man is not worth the trouble of -dwelling long on anything that concerns him. As he had not succeeded -in gaining the good graces of the pope or of the Cardinal Tournon, -he made one more change and turned anew towards the reformers. Farel -received him with much kindness, believed in his promises and made -peace with him. Caroli came to Strasburg. Bucer, as kind by nature -as Farel, nevertheless requested Calvin to make known all the faults -of the adventurer. This the reformer declined to do, believing that -it would have no good result; but he invited the haughty doctor to -confess cordially and sincerely that he had sinned. Instead of this a -writing was handed to Calvin in which Caroli said, ‘that he left to -the judgment of the Lord the offences which had been committed against -himself, and which had induced him to quit the Evangelical Church.’ -The reformer was indignant. ‘This stirred my bile so much,’ said he, -‘that I discharged it with bitterness. I declared that I would sooner -die than sign such a paper as that.’ He yielded, however, a little -to his friends, and said that he would consider the matter with more -care before giving a decisive answer. Hardly had he returned to his -own house when he was seized with an extraordinary paroxysm. ‘I could -find no consolation,’ said he to Farel, ‘but in sighs and tears; and -what afflicted me most was the circumstance that you were the cause -of all this mischief. You ought not to have received him anew into -our communion until he solemnly confessed his offence and declared -that he repented of it. But now that you have received him, prevent -at least your people from insulting him.’[804] Ere long, however, -Calvin’s friends at Strasburg and Farel himself acknowledged that -they had been too indulgent. Caroli, finding that the churches of -Neuchâtel and Strasburg refused to comply with the requests that he -addressed to them, retired to Metz. From that place he wrote to Calvin -a letter in which he offered to be reconciled with him if he would get -a benefice for him. He seemed to wish to overawe him by reproaches and -idle bravado. Calvin asked him how it came to pass that he had made a -boast before the adversaries of Christ at Metz that he was prepared to -convict of heresy the reformer and his friends. He added that he was -not able to procure for him the church which he asked for, in the first -place because he had none at his disposal, and further because he could -not do so while they were not in agreement about doctrines. ‘Turn you -seriously to the Lord,’ he said to him, ‘and then you will be able to -return to us with that friendship and brotherly concord which Farel and -I are prepared, in that case, to show you.’ Caroli did not adopt this -friendly council. He returned to Rome, and died in a hospital there of -want and, it is said, of foul diseases.[805] - - - - - CHAPTER XVII. - - CATHOLICISM AT GENEVA.--MARRIAGE OF CALVIN AT STRASBURG. - - (END OF 1539-1540.) - - -[Sidenote: RESULTS OF CALVIN’S LETTER.] - -The results of Calvin’s letter to Cardinal Sadoleto, and perhaps to -some extent of his relations with Caroli, were not slow to appear. -Henceforward the Catholics had little hope of regaining the ascendency -at Geneva. Some of them had previously dreamed of this. ‘At this -time,’ says the chronicler Rozet, ‘the priests _lifted up the horn_, -talking about the mass.’[806] It was believed that some priests who -had retired to the convents of Savoy had received orders to return -into the territory of the republic, for the purpose of re-establishing -the Romish worship. It may have been so; but all that appears from the -statement of Rozet is that certain priests, who had dwelt either in the -town or in the country, began at this time to defy the prohibitions of -the council and to say mass. The magistrate resolved to oppose this -recrudescence of Catholicism, and it is probable that this was partly -in consequence of Calvin’s letter. The priests who were really taking -active steps were doubtless few in number; but the council adopted -a general measure, and ordered that all the Catholic ecclesiastics -who were on their territory should appear before them on December 23 -(1539). It was further ordered that all those who alleged that the -mass is good, and should not be able to maintain this assertion after -conference with the pastors, should be sent away to the place where -mass is sung (_là où on la chante_). ‘The tranquillity and security of -the state,’ says an historian, ‘did not permit them to tolerate any -other religion than that which had been established by the evangelical -Reformation.’[807] Thirty-three priests made their appearance, in -great alarm, at the Hôtel de Ville, and they did little honor to their -doctrine. The thought that if they declared that the mass was good they -would be banished, doubtless contributed to disincline them to it. -Each of them was interrogated, and the following are their answers. -‘Thomas Genoud!’ cried the secretary. The priest replied, ‘_The mass is -wicked_.’ Eight of his associates made the same answer pure and simple. -Others declared themselves likewise against this act of worship, but -added a few words. Ami Messier being called, said, ‘I wish to live and -die with Messieurs’ (members of the council); ‘I have not studied, but -I believe the mass to be wicked.’ Jean Cottand: ‘It is of no value.’ -Guillaume Vellès: ‘I never believed in it.’ Don Propositi (Prevost): -‘It is good if Messieurs think it good; bad if Messieurs think it bad. -For the rest I am not a clerk, and finally ... it is wicked.’ Higher -respect for the magistrate it was not possible to show. Don Amici -and his brother: ‘At the good pleasure of Messieurs.’ The spirit of -accommodation could go no further. The priest Ramel: ‘It is wicked; -otherwise I should not have married.’ Claude de Lolme: ‘Wicked.’ Jean -Hugonier: ‘I should not have married if I believed it good.’ Guillaume -Marchand and Maurice de la Rue: ‘The mass is nothing worth, nor those -who wish to uphold it.’ Louis Bernard and Th. Collier: ‘Wicked.’ Some -of them emphasized their condemnation more strongly. Jacques l’Hoste: -‘The devil take it, for that’s all it’s fit for.’ Jean Louis Nicolas: -‘It is abominable.’ Jean Sorel: ‘It is the abhorrence of all the world, -and wicked.’ - -[Sidenote: THE PRIESTS BEFORE THE COUNCIL.] - -Others were not so flippant, nor so ready to denounce their former -faith without embarrassment or constraint. Guillaume Maniglier said, -‘Neither good nor bad.’ Rodet Villanel said, ‘On my conscience, I could -not swear; but I esteem it as Messieurs do.’ Jean Volland: ‘I am an -inexperienced person, and ignorant of the matter. Since the learned are -at variance about it, I can not judge.’ Thomas Vandel: ‘I do not know.’ -Pierre Bothy: ‘Alas! I could not say whether it is good or wicked; but -I have not said mass since it was prohibited.’ Antoine Alliod made his -reservations, and they were not bad: ‘I renounce it, saving the _Pater_ -and the _Credo_, the Epistle and the Gospel.’ Etienne de la Maisonneuve -alone uttered a Christian sentiment: ‘The mass must be wicked, for -Jesus Christ has made the true redemption.’ Only one of them entirely -declined to condemn the mass, and still he did it prudently. Pierre -Papaz said, ‘I never called it wicked.’[808] - -These were strange declarations, and the council, who expected to find -the clerks refractory, were extraordinarily surprised to hear them. It -was a complete breakdown. Compare all these priests, without faith and -without principle, with the reformers, men so noble and so courageous, -and it is easy to see to which side victory ought to belong. There was -barely one of the clerks, Papaz, who could be suspected of having a -wish to re-establish Catholicism. It is true that ten of those who had -been summoned did not present themselves; probably those who had been -the cause of the summons by the council. These men doubtless quitted -the territory without delay, and without waiting for an order to do so. - -There was, however, one man who exhibited a character rather more -honorable, but he was a layman. On the very benches of the council, of -which he was a member, sat at that time ‘a papist of great influence -and reputation,’ says Rozet. This was the former syndic Balard. The -president, wishing to show no respect of persons, invited him likewise -to declare whether the mass was good or bad. ‘If I, Balard,’ replied -he, ‘knew certainly that the mass was good or bad, I should need no -pressing to say so, but as I do not know with certainty I ought not to -judge rashly, and you ought not to advise me to do so. I am resolved -heartily to believe all the articles of our faith, just as the town -believes them. I wish my body to be united with the body of the -city,[809] as becomes a loyal citizen. You ask me whether the mass is -good or bad; I reply that I believe in the Holy Spirit, in the holy -universal Church, and as they believe it I believe it.’ - -[Sidenote: EX-SYNDIC BALARD.] - -This answer, which Balard gave in writing, did not satisfy the council, -which requested him again to say if the mass was bad, yes or no. ‘I -mean to live according to the gospel,’ replied he, ‘and to believe -in the Holy Spirit and the Church universal, and I cannot answer as -to what I do not know.’ This reply caused a great commotion. The -councillors were shocked and indignant that one of their members -should obstinately refuse to make the declaration which some priests -themselves had made, and should doubt of that which the council -asserted. It was resolved that Balard should be expelled the council, -and that he and his family should be compelled to leave the town and -its territories in ten days. The usher carried this decree to him. -Balard appeared the next day before the Council of the Two Hundred, the -decree needing confirmation by this body. The sentence had produced -some effect on him. He said, ‘Since it is the wish of the two councils -that I should say that the mass is bad, I say that the mass is bad.’ -Then, as if to satisfy his conscience, he added, ‘And as for me, I am -worse still to judge rashly of that which I do not know. So I cry to -God for mercy, and I renounce Satan and all his works.’ At bottom the -second speech of Balard was a retractation of the first, since he added -that he did not know what he had just asserted. The reply was somewhat -ambiguous. But who could hear without emotion the cry ‘God have mercy -on me!’ which the honest syndic immediately uttered? - -The next day (December 26) Balard had to appear once more. He now laid -down his arms, and said simply and categorically that the mass was bad. -After this he resumed his seat in the council. He did therefore as the -priests had done, only after having several times repeated previously -that he could not assert what he did now assert. The excuse offered for -him is doubtless that political interests demanded this declaration. -But the truth is too precious to be made a sacrifice to political -interests. - -If the cause of Catholicism was declining, that of the reformer was -rising. In the course of March 1540 his friends wrote to him that he -might now return to Geneva. But he trembled at the thought of again -embarking on that troubled sea. ‘I had rather die a hundred times -elsewhere,’ he wrote to Farel, ‘than place myself on that cross on -which I should have to bear death a thousand times a day.[810] Oppose -with all your power the projects of those who will strive to get me -back to Geneva.’ Two months later, Viret, who ardently desired to see -Calvin resume a task of which he felt the importance, put forward a -pretext to draw him back to Geneva, and, expressing anxiety about the -health of his friend, who was really suffering from severe pains in the -head, conjured him to come to Geneva, as the air of the place would be -likely to strengthen him. ‘I could not refrain from smiling,’ Calvin -replied to him, ‘on reading that passage of thy letter. Thou wishest me -to go to Geneva for the sake of being in good health; why not rather -say, Hang thyself on the gallows? Better perish once for all than -be again in that place where I should be put to the torture without -ceasing.[811] If thou wishest well to me, my dear Viret, pray do not -make this proposal again.’ - -[Sidenote: CALVIN’S HOUSEHOLD TROUBLES.] - -It must be told that at this period Calvin was taken up with a quite -different matter. He was now nine-and-twenty, and was thinking of -marriage. His home left much to be wished for. His servant was a -foolish, hotheaded woman, quick to utter insults, and sparing neither -her master nor those who came to see him. One day she spoke to Calvin’s -brother with so much impertinence that Anthony, unable to endure it, -went quietly out of the house, without anger; but declared that he -would not enter it again so long as that woman was in it. Calvin was -much grieved about it, and the servant-mistress, observing him, said, -‘Well, I’m going too,’ and quitted him.[812] It has been supposed -that Calvin’s nature drew him rather towards relations of friendship -with the brethren, the learned, and colleagues such as Farel, Viret, -Grynæus, Beza, and others, than to married life. If he had contended -against celibacy, he had not been in a hurry to escape from it; nay, -he even made a boast of it, saying, ‘People will not charge me with -having assailed Rome, as the Greeks besieged Troy, for the sake of a -woman.’ Doubtless, in wishing to marry he had above all before him -these words of the first pages of the Bible: _It is not good for the -man to be alone; I will make him an help meet for him_. He wished, -as he said himself, to be freed from the petty worries of life, to -the end that he might be able the better to apply himself to the -service of the Lord.[813] His friends seem to have been at this time -busying themselves more than he did about finding him a partner, and -their object seems to have been to rid him thus of the irksomeness of -housekeeping, for which he had little relish. But all that we know of -Calvin’s sentiments, and of his life with his wife, makes it plain -that he saw in marriage something far higher than the management of -a household. ‘It is a thing against nature,’ he said, ‘that anyone -should not love his wife, for God has ordained marriage in order that -of two there may be made one, one person; a result which, certainly, -no other alliance can bring about. When Moses says that a man shall -leave father and mother and cleave unto his wife, he shows that a man -ought to prefer marriage to every other union, as being the holiest of -all.’[814] It has been said that Calvin made a _mariage de raison_. -This seems to me doubtful, and every thing indicates at least that when -once married he had a genuine affection for his wife. There was in him -a lofty intellect, a sublime genius, but also that love of kindred, -those affections of the heart, which complete the great man. - -As early as February 1539, Calvin’s friends at Strasburg wished him to -marry. He wrote himself to Farel that the lady would arrive shortly -after Easter, and expressed a wish to see him present to bless the -union. This marriage did not take place. Could it be because Calvin did -not find in that unknown lady the qualities which he sought for? This -appears probable from the circumstance that two or three months later -the ardent and energetic Farel, still unmarried though much older than -his friend, having made him another overture, the young doctor stated -to him what virtues he wished to find in a wife. ‘I am not,’ said he, -‘one of that mad kind of lovers who, when once they are smitten with -the beauty of a woman, are ready at the same time to dote foolishly -on her faults.[815] The only beauty which charms me in a woman is -chastity, modesty, submission, economy, patience, and the inclination -to be careful for the health of her husband. If then thou thinkest that -she of whom thou speakest possesses these qualities, follow up the -matter; but if thou dost not think so, say no more of it.’ In fact, -nothing more was said of it. Farel had not been fortunate. - -[Sidenote: MARRIAGE PROJECTS.] - -Among the connections of Calvin at Strasburg there was a German -patrician or noble, a very pious man, who felt the warmest affection -for Calvin and recognized him as a great man. The thought occurred to -him of marrying Calvin to his sister; and his wife, who likewise had -the highest opinion of the reformer, supported her husband with all -her influence. The young lady, Calvin said himself, was above him in -rank, and few men would have rejected so flattering a proposal. But the -rich dower did not allure the reformer, poor as he was. It was indeed -the very brilliancy of the match that made him hesitate. The young -maiden, who was probably not pious like her brother, was more struck -with Calvin’s mean appearance than with his high qualities, and was by -no means eager to yield to her brother’s wishes. Calvin perceived this. -He was afraid that the noble maiden would not easily forget her rank -and her education. He was also very sensitive on another point. The -wealthy young lady did not understand French. In this circumstance he -saw a way of escape without offence to the brother and sister-in-law, -and he told her brother, who appeared inclined to press him unduly -in the matter, that he required above all that the young lady should -undertake to learn the French language. She asked for time to consider -of it. The scheme failed, and Calvin, anxious to put an end to the -solicitations of the brother, thought of another person who was highly -spoken of, but whose qualifications seem not to have answered to her -high reputation. Calvin certainly wished to marry, but it must be with -a Christian woman. He thought of it frequently. During one of the -journeys which he made into Germany on religious affairs, sitting one -day at table with a few friends, one of whom was Melanchthon, the young -French doctor was dreamy and absent. ‘Our theologian,’ said the friend -of Luther, ‘is evidently thinking of marrying.’[816] The difficulty -that he experienced in finding such a wife as he wished for speaks in -his favor, and shows how much he thought of moral qualities. He was, -however, saddened and distressed about it. He questioned with himself -whether it would not be better to give up all thought of marrying. This -man, to whom it is the fashion to attribute a heart so dry, so hard, -shows us by his very sufferings, which were soon succeeded by great -joy, what wealth of true feeling and of tender affection lay in his -heart. But it was precisely at the time when he nearly despaired that -he found what he was longing for. - -[Sidenote: IDELETTE DE BURE.] - -There was at that time at Strasburg a pious, grave, and virtuous woman, -living in retirement, esteemed by all who knew her, and particularly -by Bucer; a most choice woman, says Theodore Beza.[817] She came from -Liége and her name was Idelette de Bure. Lambert de Bure, probably one -of her kinsfolk, had been banished from Liége in 1533, with six other -citizens, because they professed the Gospel.[818] It is known that -Liége was among those cities of the Netherlands in which the awakening -had been most remarkable. Idelette was a widow. Her husband, Jean -Storder, had been amongst the number of those who called themselves -Spirituals. Bucer, it appears, had introduced Calvin to the family, in -the hope, doubtless, of enlightening Storder. Calvin had held private -conversations with him, and the Belgian had been converted to the true -Gospel by the ministry of the reformer. Idelette had probably also -been converted at the same period. The like change was wrought in -many of their fellow-religionists. ‘He had the happiness of bringing -to the faith _a very large number who were directed to him from all -quarters_,’[819] and amongst others an ex-abbé named Paul Volse, to -whom Erasmus had dedicated, in 1518, his _Chevalier Chrétien_, and who -was a minister at Strasburg. Idelette paid to her children all the -attention of the tenderest mother, and at the same time administered -consolation to those who were in affliction. Calvin had observed -in her a deep-seated faith, an affection full of devotedness, and a -Christian courage which enabled her to face all the perils to which the -confession of Jesus Christ at that time exposed her. This distinguished -woman, as Theodore Beza calls her, was exactly such a one as Calvin -wanted. Unfortunately there was one thing which was wanting to her, as -also to Calvin--good health. But the soul of Idelette was prospering; -and the reformer asked for her hand. - -The nuptials were celebrated about the end of August 1540, with a -certain solemnity. Calvin’s friends, and they were many, testified -their sympathy with him. Some deputies even came from Neuchâtel to -attend the marriage. The friends of the bridegroom in France likewise -took part on the occasion. ‘The tidings of thy marriage,’ wrote one -of his old fellow students at the university of Bourges, ‘was very -pleasant to us. As thou hast found according to thy wish an upright -and faithful wife, endowed with the virtues to which thou attachest so -much value, we hope that this union will be a source of happiness to -thee.’ It was so. From the beginning of his married life Calvin felt -happy in having a faithful companion who served the Lord with him, who -loved her husband, and sought to make life peaceful and sweet to him. -The happiness which Calvin enjoyed at this time Idelette gave him to -the last. He prized ever more and more highly the treasure which God -had intrusted to him. He called Idelette ‘the excellent companion of my -life,[820] the ever-faithful assistant of my ministry.’ ‘Never,’ adds -he, ‘did she throw the least hindrance in my way.’ Her greatness of -soul filled him with admiration.[821] He understood well that saying -of the Bible, that a wise woman is a crown to her husband, and that -_whoso findeth a wife findeth a good thing and obtaineth favor of the -Lord_. - -Catherine von Bora and Idelette de Bure, the wives of the two great -reformers, eminent women, whose surnames are nearly alike, were not -alike in person or in character. There was also a marked difference in -the way in which their husbands spoke of them. Catherine is frequently -mentioned in Luther’s letters to his friends, often, it is true, with -a touch of archness. Sometimes he calls her _Herr Kathe_. Calvin, on -the contrary, seldom speaks of Idelette. We may say indeed that Calvin -in his letters, as in his life, was always swayed by one sovereign -thought, to which all others had to yield: the work of God, the glory -of Jesus Christ, this was the aim of his life. All that concerned his -mere personal existence and his domestic circumstances was eclipsed -by Jesus Christ, that sun of righteousness which he delighted to -contemplate and exalt. There is however another explanation of the -fact. What Calvin most highly prized in Idelette was ‘the _hidden man_ -of the heart, the incorruptibility of a meek and quiet spirit,’ her -modesty. ‘Nothing is more becoming to women than a meek and peaceful -spirit,’ he said; ‘we know what kind of creature a bold and obstinate -woman is, who, from pride, vanity, and wantonness, is fond of showing -herself off. Happy is the woman whose style of dress is modest, who -does not go gadding about the streets, but keeps the house because of -her love to her husband and her children.’ Calvin being happy, and -feeling respect for the modesty and humility that he found in Idelette, -no more thought of speaking of her in his letters than of seeing her -gadding about the streets. - -[Sidenote: ASSEMBLY AT HAGENAU.] - -Happy both in this Christian union and in the sphere of action which -opened before him at Strasburg and in Germany, Calvin thought less -than ever of returning to Geneva. In fact his intercourse with Germany -became more frequent. In June 1540, in accordance with the decision -come to at Frankfort, a new assembly was held at Hagenau in Alsace, -at which the doctors of the two parties were to seek a good basis of -agreement. The Protestant princes, summoned too late, were not present, -but their envoys and theologians came. Calvin went, ‘by way of rest,’ -he says, as if for relaxation. He was rejoiced to see the Protestant -doctors ‘thoroughly united together.’ They held several consultations -among themselves on the way to establish discipline in the Church. This -was doubtless at Calvin’s instigation. ‘This will be,’ said he, ‘the -most weighty subject for our consideration.’ As Luther, Melanchthon, -and other doctors were absent as well as the princes, nothing was -done; ‘but each one promised to exert himself to the end that at some -meeting attention should be paid to it.’ Cruciger, a colleague of -Luther and Melanchthon, who was present at Hagenau, was astonished -at the knowledge and activity of Calvin. In fact, nothing that -concerned the evangelical cause escaped him. He perceived distinctly -the contrivances of politicians. ‘Our adversaries,’ he said, ‘wish -to extend their league and to weaken ours, but God will avert that -misfortune. Our friends seek the enlargement of the kingdom of Christ, -and will not give way. Some Catholics desire nothing but war, and the -pope has caused 300,000 ducats to be offered to begin it. The emperor,’ -he thinks, ‘would like nothing better than to crush the forces of -Germany, in order to subdue it with greater ease. But on the one side -the emperor is so involved that he dare not undertake a war, and on the -other all the electors wish to have things quietly settled.’ If Calvin -were not particularly pleased with the pope, he was pleased with the -archbishops. The following passage is striking enough for quotation: -‘The Archbishops of Mayence and Treves love peace and the liberties -of the country, and they think that they would be lost if the emperor -had subdued us.’ This shows in Calvin a fair temper, a man free from -prejudice.[822] ‘The Archbishop of Cologne is not among the worst,’ -says he, ‘for he knows that the Church ought to be reformed, and sees -clearly that we are superior in respect of truth.’ - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - - GENEVA.--DISSENSION AND SEVERITY. - - (1540.) - - -At the same time that Calvin’s reputation was rising in other -countries, the judgment formed at Geneva of the men who had compelled -him to quit the town was daily becoming more unfavorable, and ere long -opinion was altogether opposed to them. ‘The time was come,’ says -Theodore Beza, ‘when the Lord had determined to have pity on the Church -of Geneva.’[823] - -[Sidenote: BERNE AND GENEVA.] - -When, in 1536, the Bernese had repulsed the troops of Savoy and -insured the independence of Geneva, an arrangement was effected -between these two states respecting five or six villages belonging to -the priory of St. Victor, of which Bonivard had been the last prior. -Geneva had claimed the sovereignty, and had conceded to Berne the -_rights of ancient custom_ which had belonged to Savoy. The treaty -not being sufficiently clear, the Bernese claimed prerogatives which -the Genevese disputed with them. Consequently, on March 6, 1539, the -council of Geneva sent to Berne Ami de Chapeaurouge, Jean Lullin and -Monathon, all three of them opponents of Calvin. The first two had -indeed been syndics in 1538, and as such had taken the lead in the -banishment of the reformers. They were to settle the matters in -dispute, but ‘without infringing on the franchises of the town or on -the treaty of 1536.’ These delegates signed at Berne, on March 30, a -treaty comprising twenty-one articles, ‘the most part of which,’ says -the syndic Gautier, who is moderate in his account, ‘were humiliating -to the Genevese, and deprived them of their rights over those -territories.’ The first article of the treaty said in fact, ‘To us of -Berne the chief lordship, that is to say, _the sovereignty_ over men -and goods, is entirely to belong.’ The three Genevese were far less -clever as politicians than the Bernese, and we prefer to attribute -their error to their inferior diplomatic skill rather than to treason. -On their return to Geneva they merely reported to the council ‘that -they had done their work well (_avaient bien besogné_), and that the -contract entered into would shortly be brought to Berne.’ It was -strange that these plenipotentiaries not only should not present the -treaty, but still more should not state _viva voce_ what it contained. -‘As they had trifled with the orders which they had received,’ says -Gautier, ‘they were afraid of being completely ruined if they gave -an exact account of their management, and they hoped by delaying the -matter to obliterate the recollections of what might be criminal -in their proceedings.’[824] They reckoned among the members of the -council many of their kinsfolk and friends. Their word was taken. These -three councillors, the signatories of the articles, were consequently -called the _Articulants_; and the people, adopting a word almost the -same in sound and more familiar to them, called them the _Artichauts_ -(Artichokes). This designation was extended to the whole party opposed -to Calvin, which was at this time in the ascendency.[825] - -About two months later a Bernese _bailli_ (De Thiez) having caused a -man belonging to the estates of St. Victor to be put to the torture, -the council of Geneva complained of it, and the _bailli_ immediately -justified himself by appealing from them to the treaty concluded -at Berne. The Genevese magistrates, who were not acquainted with -it, sent Monathon to procure it. He brought it back, but it was in -German! The document was returned, in order to be translated into -French; and when the articles were at last read in the council many -murmured, and said that most of those points were contrary to the -rights and the prerogatives of the town. The three deputies justified -themselves by asserting that this document was not the one which they -had signed. This statement was credited. The council declared that it -did not accept the paper, and decreed that the three _articulants_ -should return to Berne to demand explanations. But in vain did the -two councils implore and even command Lullin to go; he declared that -he would sooner quit the town than consent to be a delegate to Berne. -He had private reasons for not having a mind to this mission. Three -other notables were associated with De Chapeaurouge and Monathon. The -two _articulants_ represented to the Bernese that they had not heard -the articles couched in such terms. But the Bernese replied that it -was the genuine treaty, and that they would have the council of Geneva -cited before judges charged to investigate the difficulties existing -between the two towns, in order to get it condemned to sign and seal -the treaty. Lambert, one of the deputies who had accompanied Monathon -and De Chapeaurouge to Berne, heard, in a conversation with some -people of the town, that at the time of drawing them up, Jean Lullin -had consented to the articles in German, and had got them passed by -his colleagues without telling them in French what they contained. -From this one must infer that Jean Lullin, the only one of the three -who knew German, remained responsible. The other two, however, still -lay under the imputation, it must be confessed, of incredible -thoughtlessness. On April 6 the deputies made their report to the -council. - -[Sidenote: QUARREL ABOUT THE TREATY.] - -The Bernese, sure of their case, continued to enforce their rights of -sovereignty, and took pleasure in annoying the Genevese in various -ways. They even carried their ill-will to the length of cruelty. -Two murderers, subjects of St. Victor, having been condemned by the -Genevese magistrates to be beheaded, the Bernese _bailli_ substituted -the rack, and sent to Geneva the executioner’s bill to be paid. -Discontent with the government party was increasing from day to day. -People said that the treaty made at Berne was an act of treason. Was -it possible that after having ruined religion by expelling Farel and -Calvin, the same party should ruin the state as well, by sacrificing -its most precious rights? Some went farther still. Bonnet, a member of -the Two Hundred, exclaimed, ‘The council mean to deliver up the town to -the lords of Berne.’ For this rash speech he was put in prison.[826] -But it served to increase the prevailing irritation. Many members of -the Two Hundred, among whom was Claude Bonna, declared to that council -that they would never allow the articles drawn up at Berne to receive -the seal of the republic. The matter at stake was the maintenance of -the honor of Geneva, her pre-eminence and the justice of her cause, -perhaps of her very existence. The friends of Calvin declared that the -powerful town of Berne should not trample their country under foot. The -opposition to the government had become so strong that, in the sitting -of August 25, all the members of the Two Hundred cried unanimously, ‘We -will not submit to these articles, considering that they are opposed to -our liberties, our franchises, and our good customs.’[827] - -The Bernese, annoyed and irritated by the constant refusals of Geneva, -announced at the beginning of January 1540 that, having an authentic -document, they summoned their allies of Geneva to Lausanne, for the -29th of the month, in order that the cause might be decided by judges, -two from each town. Geneva, on the 21st, named De la Rive and Gerbel -to go to Lausanne with five assistants. On the 25th the general -council rejected the treaty, prohibited the deputies from accepting -a judicial decision, and ordered them to say to the Bernese that the -people _would set fire to the city_ rather than accept the articles. -Matters got worse and worse. Berne was inflexible. On the 26th, at nine -o’clock in the evening, a Genevese, Béguin, arrived at full speed from -Lausanne with important despatches. The general council, assembled on -the following day, was greatly excited by them. They caused the three -_articulants_ to be arrested, and Béguin was instructed to inform the -Bernese. But the latter commanded their judges to proceed, and the -Genevese were condemned for contumacy to seal the treaty and to pay -the costs. The gravity of the situation was at length understood at -Geneva. The very day, January 27, on which the judgment was delivered -at Lausanne, the general council, suddenly convoked by the tones of the -great bell at one o’clock in the morning, had decreed that the deputies -should sit as judges. But when this news arrived sentence was already -given. They had dispensed with the Genevese. - -[Sidenote: INDIGNATION AT GENEVA.] - -Great was the consternation at Geneva. On Sunday, February 1, it was -resolved to close all dissension at home by a general reconciliation, -in token of which the citizens took each other by the hand. -Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon were set at liberty on giving bail, -and Jean Philippe was named captain-general. This internal peace, -brought about by the war with which they were menaced from without, -was solemnized by a procession of the people to the sound of the drum -through the whole town. The ministers urged the appointment of a day -of prayer to celebrate and confirm the reconciliation. But this peace -was not rooted in the depth of their hearts. ‘Nevertheless,’ says -Rozet, ‘people still heard talk of several fights in the town,’ and the -son of the captain-general killed a citizen. The more violent men, when -they saw the dangers to which the treason or the thoughtlessness of the -_articulants_ exposed them, exclaimed, ‘Cut off their heads, pack them -all three in one trunk, and send them to Berne.’[828] - -‘Meanwhile,’ says a contemporary biographer, ‘the Lord was about to -execute his judgments at Geneva in expressly punishing those who -while they were syndics had been the cause of driving away Farel -and Calvin.’[829] The councillor De Watteville, De Diesbach, and De -Graffenried, deputies of Berne, on April 16, declared to the Two -Hundred that the Bernese wished nothing so much as to give pleasure to -Geneva, and that, without taking advantage of the sentence pronounced -at Lausanne, they offered to discuss the affair anew. The general -council having been convoked on April 25 to decide the matter, no way -was found of coming to an understanding. These interminable disputes -with Berne (it took years to settle the question) had aroused the anger -of the Genevese against the _articulants_ who were the cause of them. -They believed these men to be more culpable than they really were. The -assembly was in violent agitation. Groups were formed, and transports -of wrath burst forth. ‘Justice! justice on the traitors!’ they cried. -They demanded that, before any deliberation, these deputies should be -again committed to prison. The three culprits were themselves present -in the council. The captain-general, Jean Philippe, going up to them -advised them in a whisper to go out instantly and make their escape. -The Little Council ordered their immediate incarceration. They had -signed the undertaking to appear when called for; but overcome with -fright, they disguised themselves and quitted the town in great haste, -thus violating the pledge which they had given. When the lieutenant -went to their homes to arrest them, they had disappeared. The tidings -were at once carried to the general council. ‘Let them be summoned -to appear by sound of trumpet,’ said a citizen, ‘and let seals be -affixed on their houses.’ ‘Yes! yes!’ cried the people; ‘so be it!’ The -assembly of the people being dissolved, a great concourse of citizens -surrounded the town hall and demanded justice with loud voices. The -public crier, traversing the streets, summoned the three deputies to -appear in three hours, in default of which they would be immediately -brought to trial. The Bernese having expressed to the council their -astonishment that this citation had been made without a word said to -them about it; ‘Ah!’ was the reply, ‘if we are slow to execute the -decision of the general council, the people will fall on us!’ The -general irritation extended at the same time to the pastors who had -taken the place of Farel and Calvin. These men were alarmed at it, -and, on April 30, presenting themselves before the council, they made -a statement of the reproaches which were heaped on them, and requested -their discharge. After turning away from the reformers, people were -now turning to them again. ‘At this time,’ says Rozet, a poor woman, -a foreigner, went about the town crying, What God keeps is well -kept.’[830] - -The three fugitives having been summoned with sound of trumpet, for -three days in succession, and failing to appear, the solicitor-general -presented their indictment in seventy-four counts. Thirty-two witnesses -made their depositions; and on June 5 De Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and -Monathon, were condemned by default to be beheaded, as forgers and -rebels, who had been the cause and might again be the cause of great -evils to the state. Capital punishment was readily inflicted in the -sixteenth century; but the accused had fled, and it was a long way from -the sentence to the execution. - -[Sidenote: JEAN PHILIPPE.] - -The party which was favorable to the three _articulants_ and hostile -to the reformers continued to exist in Geneva, and had for its chief a -capable man, the captain-general Jean Philippe, who was syndic in 1538, -with Jean Lullin and Ami de Chapeaurouge. These three men, with the -violent Richardet, had, as we have seen, got Farel and Calvin banished, -and after having done much harm to the Church, had not hesitated to -involve the state in the most cruel perplexities. Jean Philippe, by his -violence, was on the point of still further increasing the troubles of -the city. ‘A rich man, and not niggardly,’ says Bonivard, ‘he was very -liberal to his comrades, especially those of the sword; and this made -him beloved of all. A man of courage for action, he was not prudent -in his projects, and he no more hesitated to risk his person than his -purse. Imprudent and impudent, hasty to believe, slow to disbelieve, -as soon as any hectoring fellow, among those whom he thought fit for -the battle, made a report to him, he believed it. And he was hard to -be undeceived because he had not capacity for appreciating a sound -reason; and this caused him to do many rash things.’ Such was the -man who had at his beck the party which, after having been supreme -in Geneva, had just received so severe a check. Jean Philippe could -not, without annoyance, see the sentence carried out against his -colleagues; and he understood that the result of it must be the ruin -of his whole party, unless he succeeded in arresting the course of -the popular torrent which was now rushing in a direction opposed to -them. Discontented and murmuring against those who had obliged Lullin -and De Chapeaurouge to take flight, he was a prey to the bitterest -apprehensions. After the sentence, Philippe and his adherents ‘banded -themselves together,’ says Bonivard, ‘and waited for an opportunity of -vengeance and of reinstating _the three_ in their former honors. Their -party, in defiance of their opponents, held banquets in the public -places. After all this thunder there must needs be rain, hail, and fall -of thunderbolts, to clear the sky.’ The storm indeed did not fail to -burst forth. - -[Sidenote: A RIOT.] - -A phenomenon was at this time visible at Geneva which has been produced -in almost all nations; the conquerors were divided amongst themselves. -The party which in 1538 had banished the reformers was divided into -two. The more fiery minds were for pushing their victory to an -extreme, the more discreet, on the other hand, slackened their pace -and restrained their passions. The impetuous young men of Geneva were -irritated at seeing the leaders under whom they had fought condemned -to death and fugitives. On the day after their condemnation, Sunday, -June 16, many Genevese, according to custom, were assembled on the -plain of Plainpalais, situated at the gates of the town, and were -practising archery. Some of them meeting Jean Philippe and his friends, -shouted at them, ‘Artichokes!’ It will not be forgotten that this was -the popular nickname given to the _articulants_. This little word did -a great deal of mischief. ‘The tongue,’ says Calvin, ‘carries a man -away and sweeps him along like a flood, just as wild unbroken horses -whirl along a chariot with such force and swiftness that nothing can -stop it.’ This is what now occurred at Geneva. The nickname greatly -annoyed the captain-general, and he swore to take vengeance. ‘There -are three hundred of us who will one day arise and hamstring so many -of these evangelists and Lutherans that it shall be a thing never to -be forgotten.’ This saying was attributed to him, but he afterwards -denied it. The captain-general, on returning from Plainpalais, went -to sup with some of his friends at the hotel _de l’Ange_; while other -adherents of his were eating and drinking at his expense at the hotel -_du Brochet_. Some of them, after leaving the table, met some citizens -of the opposite party on the bridge over the Rhone. ‘Nothing more than -hard words passed between them,’ says Bonivard, ‘with the exception -of Jean Philippe, who seized a halberd, and, as though he were out -of his mind, without distinguishing friend from foe, struck blows -right and left, and wounded two or three persons.’ Then this fierce -partisan crossed the Rhone to go to St. Gervais, where most of his -familiar associates lived. He summoned and got them together, a grave -proceeding for a captain-general, and passing the bridge with them, -reached the square of La Fusterie. There he found a large body of his -adversaries. A conflict began. Jean Philippe struck other blows. ‘With -the point of his halberd he wounded one Jean d’Abères in the breast,’ -says Bonivard, ‘so seriously that he had to be carried to his house.’ -One Jean de Lesclefs gave with his partisan a blow on the head to Ami -Perrin, ‘a citizen,’ says Bonivard, ‘who was fond of being splendidly -attired and of good living, and who at this time belonged to the party -of honest men.’ Claude of Geneva, a friend of Perrin, discharged a -pistol at Lesclefs, and the shot entering near the heart killed him. -The captain-general, repulsed, withdrew to his own house with his -adherents, who kept firing their arquebuses from within. The syndic -Philippin, wishing to allay the disturbance, was wounded by these men, -and a servant of one of their own number, putting his head out at -the window, was also struck. It was very generally believed that the -captain-general had formed a conspiracy to upset the government which -had just condemned his friends. It is difficult to decide. We may, -however, suppose that it was a riot rather than a conspiracy.[831] - -At nine o’clock in the evening of the same day the council convoked -the Two Hundred, and gave orders to guard the town-gates to prevent -the flight of the culprits. The next day, _at five_ in the morning, -the Council of the Two Hundred held a sitting, gave orders that the -citizens should assemble in arms before the town-house to support their -decisions, and commanded the officers of justice to go to the house of -the captain-general to arrest him and all who should be with him. But -Jean Philippe, well aware that the position of a commander-in-chief -of the Genevese militia, who placed himself in open and armed revolt -against the government, was a very grave one, had quitted his house, -escaped by the roofs, and thus reached the hostelry of the _Tour -Perce_, which belonged to a brother of Lullin. As the agents of the -council did not find him either at home or elsewhere, proclamation -was made in the town with sound of trumpet, that whosoever might know -where he was, was to disclose it. The magistrate was informed, it is -not known by whom, that the captain-general was concealed in the _Tour -Perce_. ‘At once everybody was off thither,’ says Bonivard; ‘then they -searched for Philippe from cellar to garret, and he was at last found -lying in the stable under the hay.’ They led him immediately to the -syndics, who were waiting for him at the door. They had him seized by -the guards and taken to the _Evêché_ (a prison). But it was effected -with great difficulty, for it was all that the guards with their -halberds and the syndics with their bâtons could do to prevent the -people from killing him in their hands. ‘Here we may see an instance,’ -adds the prisoner of Chillon, ‘of the trust we should place in a -people.’[832] - -[Sidenote: TRIAL OF JEAN PHILIPPE.] - -The witnesses were heard, and Jean Philippe underwent an examination -on the criminal acts with which he stood charged. These acts were -proved and he confessed them. The whole town was stirred. The people -cried aloud for justice and said ‘that they would do execution on the -murderers if the tribunals failed to do it. The preachers themselves -exhorted to pray and to execute justice.’[833] A scene at once pathetic -and terrible occurred to raise still higher the general excitement. -Jean d’Abères having sunk under his wounds, ‘his wife caused the body -of her husband to be carried on a bench to the front of the town-house, -and accompanied it crying incessantly, Justice! justice! justice! -weeping and smiting herself.’[834] Her children were round her, weeping -and crying out as she did. A dead body, and especially the body of -a husband and father, surrounded by those who loved him, has always -great power to touch the heart. The solicitor-general presented his -bill of indictment. It set forth that Jean Philippe ‘had always been -esteemed a seditious man, who had been accustomed to gather round him -all the restless spirits; that he had assembled them on the previous -Sunday, taking up arms against the city of Geneva; that in order to -accomplish his murderous intentions he had placed armed men in his -house; that he was a murderer and voluntary homicide, his hands dyed -with blood; that out of the fulness of his heart he had uttered these -words or the like of them, ‘I will kill so many people that I shall be -surfeited.’ The solicitor-general moved in conclusion that the council -should execute justice immediately, ‘as shameless and tumultuous -proceedings and horrid enterprises, and in the same manner as in cases -of high treason.’ Sentence was pronounced by the syndic Etienne de -Chapeaurouge, nephew of one of the fugitives. Philippe was condemned -‘to have his head severed from shoulders till the soul was separated -from the body.’ The execution took place the same day. De Chapeaurouge, -after having pronounced sentence, absented himself from the council, -and one or two others likewise withdrew. - -Thus, of the four syndics who had decreed the banishment of Farel and -Calvin, two had been condemned as forgers and rebels, and a third -had just been executed as a mover of sedition and a homicide. There -remained the fourth of them, Richardet. He had united force with -ridicule, and had said ironically to Calvin when expelling him, ‘The -gates of the town are wide enough for you to go out.’ As he had taken -part in the sedition of Jean Philippe, he took fright and wished to -make his escape. Unwilling to go out by the gates of the town, however -wide they were, for fear of being recognized and arrested, ‘he let -himself down through a window in the town walls,’ says Rozet, ‘burst -(_se creva_) because he was heavy, and did not live long after.’ ‘As he -was very fat,’ says Gautier, ‘the rope broke, and the fall caused him a -contusion of which he shortly after died.’[835] - -It is hardly possible to avoid being struck with the fate of these four -men. The Greeks conceived the idea of a goddess, Nemesis, charged with -the duty of overthrowing an insolent prosperity and of avenging crimes, -who winged her way through the air, encompassed by serpents, provided -with torches and inflicting terrible vengeance. ‘We cannot pass over,’ -says Rozet, ‘the remarkable judgment of God on the four syndics of -the year 1538, who being elected by the people as adversaries of the -religion of the reformation sworn to, had banished the ministers and -routed their friends. Two years later, in one and the same year, -in the month of June, all four of them, at the instigation of the -people themselves, came to confusion and ruin by their crimes.’[836] -History can hardly furnish a more striking illustration of the truth -proclaimed by the great poet, ‘Punishment, though lame, seldom fails to -overtake the guilty.’ - -[Sidenote: THE WAYS OF GOD.] - -However, in our opinion, the _articulants_, though chargeable with -carelessness and incompetency, were not guilty of treachery. On the -other hand, it is not fair to attribute to the friends of Farel and -Calvin some odious acts of which they were completely innocent. It -has been alleged that on the third day after the execution of Jean -Philippe, the most religious persons ‘publicly celebrated their victory -by a feast at the town hall.’ Strong evidence would be necessary -to establish a fact so adapted to arouse in honorable men aversion -and indignation; but not a single document is known in which it is -mentioned.[837] We are bound to say, however, that the verdict of -contemporaries was more severe than our own. ‘These men,’ says Theodore -Beza, ‘having been cast away like vile dregs, the city began to ask -again for its Calvin and Farel.’[838] All was in course of preparation -for their return to it. Some vacancies having been made in the council -by the blows which had just been struck, men were appointed who were -friendly to the Reformation, and from that time their party formed the -majority. The far-seeing intelligence of Calvin had foretold that the -ascendency of his adversaries would be of short duration; and his word -was fulfilled. - -The ways of God are deep and mysterious. Two years previously the -work of the reformer appeared to be brought to a stand in Geneva. -His victorious enemies held up their heads in the general council; -their power seemed invincible; and the few citizens who dared to -declare themselves on the side of the banished ministers found -themselves threatened and prosecuted, and were compelled to retire -into silence or to flee their country. The reformers were wandering -about as exiles in the cantons of Switzerland, not knowing where to -seek refuge. But time passed on, and the state of things was altered. -The authors of the proscription sank beneath the weight of their -faults, and were proscribed in their turn. Geneva was weary of leaders -without intelligence, and rejected them. No longer able to face the -perils gathering around it, the city will soon recall and receive as -liberators the men whom she has driven away as enemies of her freedom. -Calvin, on his part, had found in exile not weakness but strength. God -had removed him to a vaster scene, where his horizon was widened. His -thought had been elevated, his soul strengthened and purified. He had -seen Germany, and had played a part, not one of the least, in her great -assemblies; he had held communication with Melanchthon, and established -a connection between the German Reformation and that of the Swiss -cantons and of France. The differences between the two great movements -had grown less; the communion of spirit had been strengthened. On both -sides a reciprocal influence had been felt. In the next volume we shall -see Calvin return to his post a greater and stronger man, more master -of himself, no less firm and no less determined, once more to undertake -his task and to conduct it to a happy end. - - - END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME. - - - - - =530 BROADWAY, NEW YORK,= - November, 1876. - - =ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS’= - - =NEW BOOKS.= - - -=Forty Years in the Turkish Empire.= - - Memoirs of Rev. William Goodell, D.D., late Missionary at - Constantinople. By E. D. G. PRIME, D.D. 2.50 - - Dr. GOODELL was the first American Missionary at - Constantinople, his wife the first American lady that ever - visited the Turkish Capital, and they both remained at this - post in labors of usefulness, until in their old age they - returned to this country to die among their kindred. This - volume is largely autobiographical, being compiled from Dr. - GOODELL’s Letters and Journal, containing also his - personal Reminiscences written during the last year of his - life. He was inimitable as a letter writer, and everything - that came from his pen was marked by spirituality, a - peculiarly apt use of Scripture language, and a spice of wit - that enlivened his conversation and his writings to the day of - his death. - - -=Autobiography and Memoir of Dr. Guthrie.= - - 2 vols., 12mo. 3.00; Cheap Edition, in 1 vol. 2.00 - - “His stories which give sparkle and zest to the narrative, and - greet us on almost every page, are woven together in a picture - of Scottish life that is wonderfully graphic.”--_Harper’s - Magazine._ - - -=The Life and Works of Thomas Guthrie, D.D.= - - 10 vols. In a box. (The volumes are sold separately). 15.00 - - -=D’Aubigne’s History of the Reformation.= - - In the TIME OF CALVIN. Vol. 7. 2.00 - - -=D’Aubigne’s History of the Reformation.= - - In the TIME OF CALVIN. 7 vols. 14.00 - - -=D’Aubigne’s History of the Reformation.= - - 5 vols. in 1. 8vo., 3.00; in 5 vols., 12mo. 6.00 - - Without doing violence to historical truth, he seems to - invest history with all the charms of romance, and with the - enthusiasm and skill of a poet he sketches on the historic - page his fascinating and life-like pictures. - - -=Hugh Miller’s Life and Works.= - - New edition, very neat. 12 vols., 12mo. 18.00 - - FOOTPRINTS OF THE CREATOR 1.50 - OLD RED SANDSTONE 1.50 - SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 1.50 - TESTIMONY OF THE ROCKS 1.50 - CRUISE OF THE BETSEY 1.50 - FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF ENGLAND 1.50 - POPULAR GEOLOGY 1.50 - TALES AND SKETCHES 1.50 - ESSAYS. HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL 1.50 - HEADSHIP OF CHRIST 1.50 - LIFE AND LETTERS. 2 vols. 3.00 - - “There is in HUGH MILLER’s geological works a freshness of - conception, a depth of thought, and a purity of feeling rarely - met with in works of that character.”--_Professor Agassiz._ - - -=Hugh Miller’s Life and Letters.= - - By PETER BAYNE. 2 vols. 3.00 - - Mr. BAYNE carries the absorbed reader with him through the - whole period, unfolding leaf after leaf of the history of a - life, certainly one of the most interesting and striking as - well as useful of this century. - - -=By the Author of “The Wide, Wide World.”= - - THE LITTLE CAMP ON EAGLE HILL 1.25 - WILLOW BROOK 1.25 - SCEPTRES AND CROWNS 1.25 - THE FLAG OF TRUCE 1.25 - BREAD AND ORANGES 1.25 - THE RAPIDS OF NIAGARA 1.25 - - -=The Say and Do Series.= - - Comprising the above 6 vols. on the Lord’s Prayer. In - a neat box 7.50 - - “Every new work of fiction by this gifted author we receive - with a cordial welcome, for we know that it will be an - addition to that pure, elevating, and delightful class of - books which we may love as the fireside literature of our - country. She writes for the home circle.”--_N. Y. Observer._ - - _By the same author_: - - The Story of Small Beginnings. 4 vols. In a box 5.00 - Walks from Eden 1.50 - House of Israel 1.50 - The Old Helmet 2.25 - Melbourne House 2.00 - - -=Elsie’s Santa Claus.= - - By Miss JOANNA H. MATHEWS, author of the “Bessie Books.” 1.25 - - -=Miss Ashton’s Girls.= - - By Miss JOANNA H. MATHEWS. Comprising “Fanny’s Birthday Gift,” - “The New Scholars,” “Rosalie’s Pet,” “Eleanor’s Visit,” “Mabel - Walton’s Experiment,” and “Elsie’s Santa Claus.” 6 vols. In a - box 7.50 - - _By the same author_: - - The Bessie Books. 6 vols. 7.50 - The Flowerets. 6 vols. 3.60 - Little Sunbeams. 6 vols. 6.00 - Kitty and Lulu Books. 6 vols. 6.00 - - “The children in Miss MATHEWS’ stories are perfectly natural. - They get into trouble and get out of it. They say sweet - things, and sharp things, and funny things, yet all the time - childish things. They illustrate the right and the wrong, but - in either case in a manner to attract to the former.”--_Albany - Express._ - - -=Dare to Do Right Series.= - - By Miss JULIA A. MATHEWS. 5 vols. 5.50 - - “Miss JULIA A. MATHEWS’ boys are as live and wide-awake as any - one could wish, into mischief, now and then, like the majority - of boys, yet frank and manly withal, and not ashamed to ‘own - up’ when they find themselves in fault.”--_Hearth and Home._ - - -=Coulyng Castle; or, a Knight of the Olden Days.= - - By AGNES GIBERNE. 16mo. 1.50 - - _By the same author_: - - Aimee; a Tale of James II. 1.50 - Day Star; or, Gospel Stories 1.25 - The Curate’s Home 1.25 - Floss Silverthorn 1.25 - - -=The Odd One.= - - By Mrs. A. M. MITCHELL PAYNE. 16mo. 1.25 - - _By the same author_: - - Cash Boy’s Trust 1.00 - Rhoda’s Corner 1.25 - - -=Fred and Jeanie: How they learned about God.= - - By JENNIE M. DRINKWATER. 16mo. 1.25 - - _By the same author_: - - Only Ned 1.25 - Not Bread Alone 1.25 - - -=Brentford Parsonage.= - - By the author of “Win and Wear.” 16mo. 1.25 - - _By the same author_: - - WHO WON? 1.25 - MABEL HAZARD’S THOROUGHFARE 1.25 - DOORS OUTWARD 1.25 - - Win and Wear Series. 6 vols. 7.50 - Green Mountain Stories. 5 vols. 6.00 - Ledgeside Series. 6 vols. 7.50 - Butterfly’s Flights. 3 vols. 2.25 - - -=Imogen; a Tale.= - - By EMILY SARAH HOLT. 1.50 - - _By the same author_: - - Isoult Barry. 16mo. 1.50 - Robin Tremayne. 12mo. 1.50 - The Well in the Desert. 16mo. 1.25 - Ashcliffe Hall. 16mo. 1.25 - Verena. 12mo. 1.50 - White Rose of Langley. 12mo. 1.50 - - -=Mind and Words of Jesus, Faithful Promiser, and Morning and Night -Watches.= - - By J. R. MACDUFF, D.D. All in one vol. RED LINE EDITION. - Handsomely bound in cloth, gilt 1.50 - - _By the same author_: - - Footsteps of St. Paul 1.50 - Family Prayers 1.25 - Memories of Gennesaret 1.50 - Memories of Bethany 1.00 - Bow in the Cloud 0.50 - Grapes of Eschol 1.00 - Sunsets on Hebrew Mountains 1.50 - Thoughts of God 0.50 - Prophet of Fire 1.50 - Altar Incense 1.00 - Shepherd and his Flock 1.50 - Hart and Water Brooks 1.00 - Memories of Olivet 2.00 - Noontide at Sychar 1.50 - Memories of Patmos 2.00 - St. Paul in Rome 1.25 - Tales of Warrior Judges 1.00 - Comfort Ye, Comfort Ye 1.50 - The Healing Waters of Israel 1.25 - The Gates of Prayer 1.00 - A Golden Sunset 0.35 - Clefts of the Rock 1.50 - - -=The Pilgrim’s Progress.= - - Twenty full-page pictures. Handsomely bound in cloth. Gilt - and black, 4to. 2.00 - - “The CARTERS have done a good service to the cause of juvenile - literature in publishing the ‘Pilgrim’s Progress’ in a style - more attractive for boys and girls than any other edition - before the public.”--_Christian Observer._ - - -=Nurses for the Needy.= - - By L. N. R. 1.25 - - -=The Golden Chain.= - - By MISS MARSH 0.90 - - -=Four Years in Ashantee.= - - By RAMSEYER and KUHNE 1.75 - - -=Twelve Months in Madagascar.= - - By Dr. MULLENS 1.75 - - -=Little Brothers and Sisters.= - - By MARSHALL. 16mo. 1.25 - - -=New A. L. O. E. Books.= - - AN EDEN IN ENGLAND. 16mo., 1.25; 18mo. 0.75 - FAIRY FRISKET 0.75 - THE LITTLE MAID 0.75 - THE SPANISH CAVALIER 0.75 - - -=Alice Neville and Riversdale.= - - By C. E. BOWEN. 4 illustrations 1.25 - - -=All about Jesus.= - - By Rev. ALEXANDER DICKSON. 12mo. 2.00 - - “I have read it with the delight which every reader of the - ‘Pilgrim’s Progress’ recalls. Compared with the current - literature of the time it produces a feeling akin to that - of one who passes from barren sand into the verdure and - fragrance of a spring garden, when each lily and rose is still - touched with the morning dew, and rejoicing in the early - sunshine.”--_From Judge John K. Porter._ - -_This book has been reprinted in England at the earnest request of Mr._ -MOODY, _who gave away nearly 100 copies to friends in Great -Britain before parting, each containing his autograph_. - - -=Nature and the Bible.= - - By J. W. DAWSON, L.L.D., Principal of McGill University, - Montreal, Canada. With ten full-page illustrations. 1.75 - - “It contains the well-considered opinions of one who is a - student of nature, and of the sacred record as well. The - questions considered are of interest to a great many, both in - the religious and scientific world.”--_Presbyterian._ - - -=The Shadowed Home, and the Light Beyond.= - - By Rev. E. H. BICKERSTETH, author of “Yesterday, To-day, and - Forever.” 1.50 - - _By the same author_: - -=Yesterday, To-Day, and Forever.= - - 12mo. edition, mor., 5.00; full gilt, 3.00; cloth 2.00 - Cheap edition, 16mo. 1.25 - - -=The Reef, and other Parables.= - - By Rev. E. H. BICKERSTETH. 16 illustrations. 1.25 - - -=Dr. Williams on the Lord’s Prayer.= - - 12mo. 1.25 - - -=Dr. Williams on Religious Progress.= - - 12mo. 1.25 - - -=The Suffering Saviour.= - - By F. W. KRUMMACHER 1.50 - - -=The Works of James Hamilton, D.D.= - - Comprising “Royal Preacher,” “Mount of Olives,” “Pearl of - Parables,” “Lamp and Lantern,” “Great Biography,” “Harp - on the Willows,” “Lake of Galilee,” “Emblems from Eden,” - and “Life in Earnest.” In 4 handsome uniform 16mo. vols. 5.00 - - -=Earth’s Morning; or, Thoughts on Genesis.= - - By Rev. HORATIUS BONAR, D.D. 2.00 - - -=The Rent Veil.= - - By Dr. BONAR 1.25 - - -=Follow the Lamb; or, Counsels to Converts.= - - By Dr. BONAR 0.40 - - -=*Carters’ Cheap S. S. Library. No. 1.= - - Fifty vols. in neat cloth. In a wooden case. Net 20.00 - - -=*Carters’ 50-volume S. S. Library. No. 2.= - - Net 20.00 - - These fifty choice volumes for the Sabbath School Library, or - the home circle, are printed on good paper, and very neatly - bound in fine light-brown cloth. They contain an aggregate of - 12,350 pages, and are put up in a wooden case. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] ‘Tanta sanctitatis opinione apud omnes vixerant, ut ... cellæ in -templa commutarentur.’--Buchanan, _Rer. Scot. Hist._, lib. iv. 35 Rex. - -[2] ‘Nullus est Papa.’ (Walter Bower, lib. xv. c. 20.) Knox, _Hist. of -the Ref._, i. 498. - -[3] ‘Paulus Crawar, in sacris litteris et in allegatione Bibliæ -promptus et exercitatus.’--_Scoti-Chronicon_, vol. ii. p. 495. - -[4] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. 6. - -[5] ‘Sacerdotem domi habebat, qui ipsi et familiæ Novum Testamentum -lingua vernacula prælegebat.’--(_Regi Scotorum Jacobo V._, Alexander -Alesius.) There is no paging. - -[6] ‘Terroribus monachorum non nihil perturbatus.’--(_Regi Scotorum -Jacobo V._, Alexander Alesius.) - -[7] ‘Ut rex, etiam surgens, complexus sit mulierem.’--_Ibid._ - -[8] - - For once the eagle England being in prey, - To her unguarded nest the weasel Scot - Comes sneaking, and so sucks her princely eggs. - --Shakespeare, _Hen. V._, Act i. sc. 2. - -[9] ‘Hepburnus, Gavini ministris pulsis, arcem valido præsidio -communit.’--Buchanan, lib. xiii, 106 Rex. - -[10] Buchanan, _Ibid._ Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_. -London, 1677, pp. 61, 62. - -[11] Knox, Buchanan, Fox, Spotswood, McCrie. - -[12] Alesius relates this story in his ‘Epistola dedicatoria _Comment. -in Johannem_.’ Bayle, in the article _Alesius_, says, ‘Il avait été -préservé de la mort, par miracle, dans sa jeunesse.’ - -[13] ‘Hamiltonium familia regium quoque sanguinem attingente, -natus.’--_Bezæ Icones_. This is the opinion of Pinkerton, McCrie, and -other authors. Others suppose that Sir Patrick Hamilton (of Kincavil) -was a natural son of Lord Hamilton. But in a charter of April 1498 he -is called _brother-german_ of James Lord Hamilton, eldest son of his -father, which seems plainly to mean that he was not half-brother by the -father’s side; and in a charter of January 1513 he is distinguished -from another Hamilton, a _natural_ son of the same lord. This last -circumstance doubtless gave rise to a _qui pro quo_. - -[14] Pitscottie, _Hist. of Scotland_. Leland’s _Collectanea_. Lorimer, -_Patrick Hamilton_. - -[15] The inscription sought and found in the _Acta rectoria_ of the -University of Paris by Professor Rosseeuw Saint-Hilaire, at the request -of Professor Lorimer, proves that Hamilton studied at Paris. - -[16] ‘My great-grandfather, gudeschir, and father have served your -Lordship’s predecessors, and some of them have dyed under their -standartis’.--John Knox, _Hist. of the Reformation_, edited by D. -Laing, ii. p. 323. - -[17] Not to the university of St. Andrews, as was formerly supposed. -‘The name occurs ... in the year 1522.... He was seventeen years of -age.’--M’Crie, _Life of Knox_, Note B. - -[18] ‘Velut seditionis fax, volitaret armatus.’--Buchanan. - -[19] - - ‘.... At tu, beata Gallia, - Salve, bonarum blanda nutrix artium,’ &c. - --Buchanani _Poemata_. Adventus in Galliam. - - -[20] ‘Potes hunc tyrannum occidere.’--Major, _Sentent._, fol. 139. - -[21] ‘Reges legitimos ab initio creavimus, leges et nobis et illis -æquas imposuimus.’--_De Jure Regni apud Scotos_, p. 24. - -[22] ‘Juvenis ingenio summo et eruditione singulari.’--Buchanan, _Scot. -Hist._, p. 494. - -[23] Margaret to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, iv. p. 17. - -[24] _State Papers_, pp. 51, 52, 70, 71.--‘Albany embarked probably on -May 31.’--_Ibid._, p. 77. - -[25] _Acta parl. Scot._, vol. ii. p. 255.--_State Papers_, vol. iv. p. -387. - -[26] ‘The young king cannot by himself rede an English letter.’--_State -Papers_, iv. p. 368. - -[27] ‘They are at all times of contrary opinion.’--_Ibid._, iv. p. 362. - -[28] ‘May destroy the king, my son, and me.’--_Ibid._, iv. pp. 81, 169, -188, 227, 237. - -[29] ‘We may have your supplications direct for us unto His -Holyness.’--Margaret to Wolsey, _State Papers_, iv. p. 452. - -[30] _State Papers_, iv. pp. 457-458.--Scott, _Hist. of Scotland_, i. -ch. xxv.--Lindsay, _Chronicles_. - -[31] ‘I went suddenly thitherward, thinking that I would cause to make -a good fire of them.’--MS. Cotton, Galba B., vi. fol. 4. - -[32] _State Papers_, iv. p. 561. - -[33] ‘Most part to the town of St. Andrews.’--Cotton, MS. Calig. ii. 77. - -[34] ‘Disputing, holding, and maintaining divers heresies of Martin -Luther.’--Sentence Pronounced against Hamilton. Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560. - -[35] _Certain articles preached by him_ (_ibid._) It is clear that -these articles were preached as early as 1527, before Hamilton had -quitted Scotland. The sentence states: ‘Faithful inquisition being made -in _Lent last past_.’ It is of Lent _last past_ that it speaks. Now the -sentence was of the last February. The Lent of 1528 was hardly begun. -Besides, the sentence states that Hamilton, after having preached, -_passed forth of the realm to other parts_; which decides the question. - -[36] Luther, _Ep. to the Galatians_. - -[37] _See_ ‘The Sentence against P. Hamilton.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560. - -[38] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560. - -[39] ‘Unicus et pietatis et literarum vindex.’--Registers of the -University of Marburg, A. D. 1527. - -[40] ‘Ad instaurandas liberales disciplinas.’--_Ibid._ - -[41] ‘Conference and familiarity.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 558. - -[42] _Paradoxa Lamberti_, in Schultetus, _Annales Evangel_. - -[43] ‘Cautelæ impiæ.’--Baum, _Lambert d’Avignon_, p. 152. - -[44] ‘P. Hamilton, of the county of Linlithgow (in which Kincavil is -situated), a Scotchman, Master of Arts of Paris.’ The three names may -still be seen in the registers under the numbers 37, 38, 39. - -[45] ‘Ex illustrissima Hamiltonum familia, quæ ex summis regni Scotiæ -et regi sanguine proximius juncta est.’ Baum, _Lambert d’Avignon_, p. -152. - -[46] ‘Prorsus arbitrarer me extinctum iri.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 187. - -[47] ‘Ut non deserat peccatorem suum.’--_Ibid._ - -[48] ‘Viel ein _aerger_ Buch wider das Papsthum.’--Statement of Jonas. - -[49] ‘Hans Luft jam nono die ægrotat.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 189. - -[50] ‘Fere expiravit inter brachia mea heri.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. -189. - -[51] ‘In domo mea cœpit esse hospital.’--_Ibid._ - -[52] ‘Verbum Dei pure tradidi.’--_Ibid._ - -[53] ‘Me hoc illi consulente.’--Lamberti dedicatio, _Exegeseos in -Apocalypsim_. - -[54] Patrick’s _Places_.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 566. - -[55] _Ibid._, and Knox, _Hist. of Ref._, i. p. 25. - -[56] ‘Axiomata doctissime asseruit.’--Lambert, Dedication, _Exeges -Apocal._ - -[57] Fryth, _To the Reader_. Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 563. - -[58] Notes on Patrick’s _Places_. Fox, _Ibid._ p. 572. - -[59] _Ibid._ p. 573. - -[60] ‘Plerique sacerdotum, _novitatis_ nomine offensi, - contenderunt Novum Testamentum _nuper a Martino Luthero_ fuisse -scriptum.’--Buchanan, _Hist._, lib. xv. p. 534. - -[61] Patrick’s _Places_, in Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 565. - -[62] ‘To testify the truth, he sought all means.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. -563. - -[63] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, ed. Wodrow, p. 15. - -[64] ‘Whereunto many gave ear.’--Spotswood’s _Hist._, p. 62. - -[65] ‘All sorts of people.’--_Ibid._ - -[66] ‘He spared not to show the errors crept into Christian religion,’ -&c.--_Ibid._ - -[67] ‘To the south of the house of Kincavil, in the _craig -quarter_.’--Charter of 3 Sept. 1507.--Lorimer’s _Hamilton_. - -[68] ‘A great following he had.’--Spotswood’s _Hist._, p. 62. - -[69] See Fox, _Acts and Monuments_, iv. pp. 570, 571. - -[70] ‘Man soll’s dem Papst zuwider thun,’ &c.--Luther’s _Tischreden_, -c. 43. - -[71] ‘Paulo ante mortem duxit nobilem virginem uxorem.’--Alesius, -_Liber Psalm._ 1554. - -[72] The only author who has mentioned it before us is Professor -Lorimer, in his _Memoirs_, 1857. - -[73] ‘A conjured enemy to Christ Jesus.’--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. -p. 15. - -[74] Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 12. - -[75] ‘Prædixit etiam se brevi moriturum, cum adhuc apud suos -esset.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[76] Alesius. - -[77] _On the Law and the Gospel._ Fox, _Acts_, iv. pp. 575, 576. - -[78] ‘Bona opera non faciunt bonum hominem, sed homo bonus facit bona -opera.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[79] Bayle, _Dict. crit._; art. ‘Alesius.’ - -[80] ‘Lutheri assertiones refutans, cum applausu -theologorum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[81] ‘Doctrinæ sententiarum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[82] ‘Verum præter expectationem meam evenit, ut ex ipsius colloquio -meam errorem agnoscerem.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[83] ‘Eorum qui Thomae Aquinatis sectam imitantur inter eruditiores -habitus.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. 1527. - -[84] ‘Erat enim in eo placida natura.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[85] Knox, Alesius, Spotswood, Scots’ _Worthies_. - -[86] ‘Docuit et disputavit palam in Academia, plus minus -mensem.’--Alesius, in _Psalm._ - -[87] ‘Metu cognatorum ejus.’--Lambert, _Apocal._ - -[88] ‘Adhortante rege ipso.’--Lesley, _De Rebus Gestis_, &c. p. 421. - -[89] ‘They travailled with the king, that he should pass in pilgrimage -to St. Duthac.’--Knox, _Reform._, i. p. 16. - -[90] The fact of this journey has been disputed in spite of the -testimonies of Knox, Spotswood, and others. But a letter of Angus to -Wolsey, of March 30, 1528, states that the king was at that time in the -_north country_, in the extreme parts of his realm. This evidence is -decisive. - -[91] ‘Cum frater Patricii duxisset exercitum.’--Lambert, _Liber Psalm._ - -[92] ‘Ventis fuit impeditus.’--_Ibid._ - -[93] ‘Aliquot millia conscripserunt equitum.’--_Ibid._ The number is -doubtless exaggerated. - -[94] ‘Very early in the morning.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 559. The last -of February.--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. 18 and 511. Pridie Cal. -Martii.--Lambert, _in Johan. Apocal. in Dedicat._ - -[95] Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_, p. 63. - -[96] Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_, p. 63. - -[97] M’Crie, _Life of Melville_, i. note D, p. 416. - -[98] ‘Cum ii qui missi erant sub noctem ab episcopis hospitium ejus -obsidissent.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[99] ‘Processit ille obvius eis et petit quem quærerent.’--Alesius, -_Liber Psalm._ - -[100] ‘Orans ut discedere permitteret suos.’--_Ibid._ - -[101] The author, during a visit which he paid to St. Andrews in 1845, -studied on the spot the places here referred to, having as his guide to -the beautiful antiquities of St. Andrews the historian of the Scottish -Church, Dr. Hetherington. - -[102] ‘Affui ego, spectator tragediæ.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[103] ‘After the manner of other courtiers in all kinds of licentious -riotousness.’--Knox, _Hist._, i. App. p. 505. - -[104] It is in reference to this verse (Ps. xxxvii. 3) that Alesius, in -his _Comm. des Psaumes_, narrates the trial of Hamilton. - -[105] ‘Jusserunt episcopi et theologi ut ei conviciaretur et vocaret -eum hereticum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[106] Pitscottie, _Hist. of Scotland_, pp. 133, 134. - -[107] ‘Mi frater, non ita sentis in animo.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[108] ‘Hoc dicto ita conscientiam illius percutit.’--_Ibid._ - -[109] ‘Domum rediens, inciderit in phrenesin.’--_Ibid._ Buchanan adds, -lib. xiv. ad an. 1527, ‘Nunquam ex eo die compos mentis fuit.’ - -[110] The sentence is given at full length in Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560. - -[111] ‘Conclusus inter aliquot millia armatorum.’--Alesius, _Liber -Psalm._ - -[112] ‘Cum ipse adhuc in mensa sederet, jubet vocari præfectum et -quærit utrum omnia parata sint.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[113] ‘Apprehensa ejus dextera, properat ad locum supplicii.’--_Ibid._ - -[114] ‘Christi cruce cunctis vitæ commodis anteposita.’--Bezæ _Icones_. - -[115] ‘Viso palo, ad quam alligandus erat, aperit caput, suscipiensque -in cœlum, orat.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[116] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 17. Spotswood, p. 63. - -[117] Pittscottie, Lorimer. - -[118] Pittscottie, Lorimer. - -[119] ‘Tu, si vera doces, infer digitum huc, ubi totus -ardeo.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[120] Knox, _Hist._, i. p. 18. - -[121] ‘Insania conflictatus mortem obiit.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. -1527.--‘Ut in phrenesin inciderit, et non longe post mortuus sit.’ -Alesius, _Lib. Psalm._ - -[122] The learned Mr. David Laing found a note of this in the Records -of the Treasury.--See his appendix to Knox’s _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. -515. - -[123] ‘Commendat matrem amicis.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ - -[124] ‘Cum jam scissus per medium ignita catena ferrea.’--_Ibid._ - -[125] ‘Erexit tres digitos, aliis duobus combustis.’--Alesius, _Liber -Psalm._ - -[126] ‘In igne, ab hora xii. usque ad vi., vespere, sedit ustulatus -magisquam combustus.’--_Ibid._ - -[127] ‘Alesii responsio ad Cochlæum.’ - -[128] Théodore Beza, _Icones_. - -[129] These verses relating to Hamilton occur in a poem, _De Coronis -Martyrum in Scotia_, written by John Jonston, the manuscript of which -is preserved in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. [Note by Translator.] - -[130] ‘Tunc incandescerunt,’ etc.--Alesius, _Regi Scot._ - -[131] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 36. - -[132] Letters from the doctors of Louvain to the doctors of -Scotland.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 561. Knox, _Hist._, i. 512. - -[133] ‘An epistil to the nobil lords of Scotland.’--Knox, _Hist._, i. -App. 3, p. 544. - -[134] _Ibid._ p. 503. - -[135] _State Papers_, iv p. 499. - -[136] ‘A sacris libris arcetur.’--Alesius, _Regi contra Cochlæum_. - -[137] ‘Vim religionis, inspectis fontibus, cognoscant.’--_Ibid._ - -[138] Bayle, _Dict. crit._; art. ‘Alesius.’ - -[139] ‘Stringit ferrum in me, meque confodisset, nisi duo canonici, eum -vi retrahentes, ferrum a meo corpore avertissent.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. -Cochlæum_. - -[140] ‘Ita ut collapsus, aliquamdiu jacerem exanimis.’--Alesius, _Regi -adv. Cochlæum_. - -[141] ‘Nisi locus fuisset infectus pestilentia.’--_Ibid._ - -[142] ‘Ego in latrinam quamdam inducor.’--_Ibid._ - -[143] ‘Post vigesimum diem extrahit me squalentem ex latrina -illa.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_. - -[144] ‘Lavari et nitide vestiri.’--_Ibid._ - -[145] ‘Jubet me ab ara avelli et in latrinam rapi.’--Alesius, _Regi -adv. Cochlæum_. - -[146] ‘Certum exitium impendere, nisi fuga mihi consulam.’--Alesius, -_Regi adv. Cochl._ - -[147] ‘Maximo dolore afficiebar cum cogitarem mihi e patria discedendum -esse.’--_Ibid._ - -[148] ‘Patria qua nihil dulcius est bene institutis naturis.’--_Ibid._ - -[149] ‘Ecclesia, cuilibet pio, verius est patria, quam ille locus qui -nascentem excepit.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_. - -[150] ‘Cum lacrymantes inter nos vale dixissemus.’--_Ibid._ - -[151] Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37. - -[152] ‘Media jam nocte in densissimis tenebris solus iter -aggredior.’--Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37. - -[153] ‘Acerbissimum patriam et cognatos deserere.’--_Ibid._ - -[154] ‘Fiducia Christi sustentabar.’--_Ibid._ - -[155] ‘Equites missi a meo præposito.’--_Ibid._ - -[156] ‘Me quidem homo germanus admodum excepit, meque sibi -adjunxit’--Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37. The word _germanus_ in this -passage doubtless means _German_, and not _kinsman_, as some have -supposed. - -[157] ‘Oleum misericordiæ, nisi in vase fiduciæ ponis.’--Comment. on -_Acts_, xx. 37. - -[158] Alesius, _De Traditionibus Apostolicis_, in dedicatione. - -[159] ‘Pervagatus sum quamdam Galliæ oram.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. -Episcop._ - -[160] ‘The sore imprisonment of the erle of Argyll, the little -exstymation of the erle of Murray and the Lord Maxwell,’ -etc.--Northumberland to Henry VIII., _State Papers_, iv. p. 598. - -[161] ‘The erle Bothwell in the night and other three.’--_State -Papers_, iv. p. 597. - -[162] ‘To crown your Grace in the town of Edinburgh within bref -tyme.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 574, Sept. 29, 1531. - -[163] ‘That we may lawfully write ourself _prince of England_ and Duke -of York.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 599. - -[164] ‘Of an audacious and bold spirit.’--Spotswood, p. 63. - -[165] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, pp. 45, 46. - -[166] ‘This carnal prince who altogether was given unto the filthy -lusts of the flesh.’--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 48. - -[167] _Ibid._ pp. 48-52. - -[168] _Calderwood_, i. - -[169] MS., Advocates’ Library.--Pitcairn’s _Crim. Trials_, i. p. 161. - -[170] ‘Mores regi posse sine sacris libris?’ (_Alesii Epistola contra -Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia._) This letter bears no name -either of its publisher or of the place where it was printed. There is -at the end only Anno MDXXXIII. - -[171] ‘Ut populus paulatim induat ethnicas persuasiones.’--_Alesii -Epistola contra Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia._ - -[172] This treatise, in the form of a letter, is entitled, _An expediat -laicis legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua vernacula?_--Ex Dresda. Id. -Junii 1533. - -[173] _State Papers_, iv. pp. 608-611. - -[174] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579. - -[175] Anderson, _Bible Annals_, ii. p. 443, note. - -[176] ‘To the intent that all the people of Forfar might see the fire,’ -etc.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579. - -[177] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579. - -[178] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 59. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20. - -[179] ‘On hearing them he became of a sudden as one enraptured or -inspired.’--Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20. - -[180] ‘He threw himself on his knees, extended his hands.’ etc.--Scots’ -_Worthies_. - -[181] Spotswood, p. 66. - -[182] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 16. - -[183] _State Papers_, v. pp. 1-6. These instructions, which have -no date, belong to the second half of the year 1534, and they are -corrected by the hand of Cromwell, by whom they were also probably -drawn up. [The instructions extend over five printed quarto -pages.--_Translator._] - -[184] ‘King Henry VIII. to King James V.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 7. - -[185] ‘Audience he himself only.’ Letter from Margaret to Henry VIII. -and to Cromwell.--_Ibid._ pp. 10-12. - -[186] _State Papers_, p. 14. Otterburn’s Letters to Cromwell. See also -the note taken from the _Diurnall_. - -[187] _State Papers_, v. p. 52, p. 19. - -[188] _State Papers_, v. pp. 18-20. - -[189] Calderwood’s _Hist._ Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 21. - -[190] _Ibid._ - -[191] These and other details were communicated by Andrew to the -minister John Davidson, who inserted them in his _History of the -Scottish Martyrs_.--Scots’ _Worthies_. - -[192] ‘Stoutly.’ Fox’s _Acts_, v. p. 622. - -[193] [Or _portass_, a _portable_ breviary, or small -prayer-book.--_Translator._] - -[194] Fox’s _Acts_. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 22. - -[195] Letter from Angus to Sir G. Douglas. - -[196] _State Papers_, v. p. 38. - -[197] See the Letter from the Queen-mother to Henry VIII.--_State -Papers._ - -[198] Howard and Barlow to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, pp. 46, 48. - -[199] _Unpublished Letters of Margaret of Angoulême_, p. 349. - -[200] Sutchyll’s Letters to the Lord Admiral.--_State Papers_, v. p. 59. - -[201] ‘Sub amitæ reginæ Navarræ disciplina educata.’--Buchanan, lib. -xiv. ad an. 1537. See also _Unpublished Letters of the Queen of -Navarre_, p. 77. - -[202] - - Regia eram conjux, et regia filia, neptis - Regia, spe et votis regia mater eram ... etc. - Buchanan, _Opera_, p. 81. - -[203] ‘Rex, id quod evenit, de exitu uxoris veritus, in illam oculos -conjecerat.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. - -[204] Kirkton, _True History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 7. - -[205] ‘The great part of the sermon was in extolling of the Richess of -Rome authority.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 154. - -[206] ‘Most vicious prince we shall call, for he neither spared -manis wieff, nor madyn, no more after his marriage than he did -before.’--Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, _Works_, 1846, i. p. 66. - -[207] ‘His velut machinis admotis, quum regis animum superstitionibus -obnoxium labefactassent.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. 1535. - -[208] Spotswood, _Church of Scotland_, p. 67. - -[209] _Criminal Trials._ Anderson, _Bible Annals_, p. 498. - -[210] Norfolk to Cromwell, March 29, 1539.--_State Papers_, v. p. 154. - -[211] ‘Daily commeth unto me some gentlemen and some clerks.’--_State -Papers_, v. p. 154. - -[212] _Ibid._ - -[213] ‘The verray sempill people understood that as the preastis and -pharisyes....’--Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, i. p. 62 - -[214] ‘Because they were at the bridal and marriage of a priest.’--Fox, -_Acts_, v. p. 623. - -[215] ‘Mars 1, 1539, accusatio hereticorum et eorum -combustio.’--_Archæologia_, xxii. p. 7. ‘The last day of -February.’--Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 63. - -[216] Anderson, _Annals of the English Bible_, ii. 500, 501. - -[217] ‘Eorum combustio apud Edinburgh rege presente.’--_Archæologia_, -xxii. p. 7. - -[218] ‘Lutheranismo suspecti complures capti sunt, quinque -cremati.’--Buchanan, _Res Scoticæ_, p. 309. - -[219] Lord Treasurer’s _Accounts_. - -[220] ‘Sopitis custodibus.’--Lord Treasurer’s _Accounts_. - -[221] ‘Per cubiculi fenestram evaserat.’ - -[222] Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 71. - -[223] Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 71. - -[224] _Ibid._ p. 63. - -[225] ‘One frere Jerome, a well learned man, lyeth in sore -yerons.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 141. - -[226] Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 24. - -[227] Knox, _Ref._, p. 65. Spotswood, p. 67. Petrie, _History of the -Church_, p. 180. - -[228] ‘For many of his minions were pensioners to priests.’--Knox, -_Ref. in Scotland_, p. 67. - -[229] _State Papers_, v. p. 174. - -[230] _State Papers_, v. p. 170. - -[231] _State Papers_, v. p. 170. - -[232] Spotswood, p. 70. Petrie, p. 180. - -[233] _State Papers_, v. p. 177. - -[234] ‘Rex provisus jam hæredibus de sua salute securior.’--Buchanan, -p. 510. - -[235] _State Papers_, v. p. 178. - -[236] Knox, _Ref._, p. 82. It is difficult to say what this word -_jefwellis_ exactly means. Another manuscript has _josrellis_; another -_jeffels_; and a fourth, _Jesuits_. The last reading is improbable. The -Jesuits had only been confirmed by the pope the year before, and their -name had not yet become a term of reproach. - -[237] The _State Papers_, v. p. 125, contain a letter from him to Lord -Cromwell, on a political subject, and suggesting that Henry VIII. -should give his nephew a young lion, in token of his friendship. ‘He -saw one _zoung lyoun_ in Flandris.’ The King of Scotland wished for it, -and Scott thought that his wish should be gratified. - -[238] Knox, _Ref. in Scotland_, p. 69. Spotswood, p. 71. - -[239] ‘J. Hamiltonium ense stricto in se ruentem.’--Buchanan, p. 512. - -[240] _State Papers_, v. pp. 188-190. - -[241] _State Papers_, v. p. 168. - -[242] _State Papers_, v. p. 168. - -[243] ‘Ac prolixe de sui regis amore et benevolentia erga eum -sponderent.’--Buchanan, p. 516. - -[244] _State Papers_, v. p. 198. - -[245] ‘Si animum regis largitionibus immensis -aggrederentur.’--Buchanan, _Rer. Scot. Hist._, p. 510. D. de Foe, -_Church of Scotland_, p. 9. Spotswood, _Hist._, pp. 70, 71. Petrie, -_Hist._, p. 181. Knox, _Ref._, p. 77. - -[246] Knox, _Ref._, p. 77. - -[247] ‘Cæsi non adeo multi, plurimi capti.’--Buchanan, p. 512. - -[248] Knox, _Ref._, p. 78. - -[249] _State Papers_, v. pp. 207, 209. - -[250] Knox, _Ref._, p. 81. - -[251] Sadler’s _Papers_, i. p. 94. Knox, _Ref._, p. 81. - -[252] Knox, _Ref._, p. 86. - -[253] Knox, _Ref._, p. 89. - -[254] Knox, _Ref._, p. 86. - -[255] ‘Quum circiter 500 equites Angli in propinquis collibus -cernerentur.’--Buchanan, p. 513. - -[256] Knox, _Ref._, p. 87. - -[257] Plures a Scotis latronibus capti et Anglis divenditi.’--Buchanan, -p. 513. - -[258] Knox, _Ref._, p. 88. - -[259] _Ibid._ - -[260] ‘Velut ad publicum spectaculum per ora vulgi -traducti.’--Buchanan, p. 516. Their names and their fortunes are set -forth in _State Papers_, v. pp. 232-235. - -[261] Lesley says that it was at Carlaverock, but Knox, p. 89, and -Pitscottie, p. 174, say ‘Lochmaben,’ which seems to me established. - -[262] Knox, _Ref._, p. 89. - -[263] _State Papers_, v. pp. 225-228. - -[264] Spotswood, p. 71. Knox, _Ref._, p. 91. - -[265] ‘Rege in ætatis flore non tam morbo quam mœroris vi -extincto.’--Buchanan, p. 515. - -[266] ‘Imminere videbatur tempestas quantam vix ulla proximorum -sæculorum memoria ... meminisset.’--Buchanan, p. 515. - -[267] ‘Multi pro sua cujusque spe aut metu varie disserebant.’--_Ibid._ - -[268] ‘Minime turbidus, ex amita cardinalis natus,’--Buchanan, p. 515. - -[269] ‘Many affirm that a dead man’s hand was made to subscribe a -blank.’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 92. ‘Conducto Balfurio sacrificulo mercenario -falsum testamentum subjecit.’--Buchanan, p. 515. Sadler, _Papers_, i. -p. 38. Lesley, _Hist._, p. 169. - -[270] _State Papers_, v. pp. 238, 240. Knox, _Ref._, pp. 32, 94. - -[271] Spotswood, p. 71. Buchanan, Knox. - -[272] _State Papers_, v. p. 250. - -[273] Knox, _Ref._, p. 95. Spotswood, p. 72. McCrie, _Life of Knox_, p. -21. Edit. 1855. - -[274] _State Papers_, v. p. 242. - -[275] ‘Quum cardinalis non solum repugnaret sed obturbando et alios -interpellando, nihil decerni pateretur.’--Buchanan, p. 517. It appears -to us that Buchanan, although a contemporary and an eminent historian, -is in error here. He assigns this opposition of the cardinal to the -month of March in the parliament, while it is evident that it took -place on January 26 at the latest. - -[276] ‘Communi prope omnium consensu cardinalis in cubiculum seorsum -seclusus est.’--Buchanan, _ibid._ - -[277] _State Papers_, v. p. 242 n. - -[278] Calvin, _Harm. de Matth._, xii. 29. - -[279] _State Papers_, v. 249. - -[280] _State Papers_, v. 249. - -[281] _State Papers_, v. pp. 262-264. Angus to Lisle. - -[282] ‘The marriage of the said queen, and to contract the same by -their said ambassadors.’--_Ibid._ - -[283] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 98. - -[284] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 99. - -[285] _Ibid._, p. 100. Spotswood, p. 72. Petrie, _Church Hist._, p. 182. - -[286] Knox, _Ref._, p. 100. - -[287] ‘Affuit R. Sadlerius, eques ab Anglo legatus, qui nuptias et -pacem publicam procuraret.’--Buchanan, p. 517. - -[288] ‘With his fulmination of cursing, and all other means that he -shall be able to excogitate.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 286. - -[289] Knox, _Ref._, p. 103. - -[290] ‘Hamilton, abbas Passerensis, et David Panitarius.’--Buchanan, -lib. xv. anno 1543. ‘David Panter.’--Spotswood. ‘David Panteyr.’--Knox. - -[291] ‘Great esperance there was that their presence should have been -comfortable to the kirk of God,’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 105. - -[292] Knox, _Ref._, p. 107. - -[293] Knox, _Ref._, p. 107. - -[294] Spotswood. Knox writes ‘Ballantyne.’ - -[295] _State Papers_, v. p. 242. Spotswood, p. 73. In Laing’s edition -of Knox it is stated in a note, p. 97, ‘He at last obtained permission -to go to his own castle of St. Andrews, under the guard of George, -fifth Lord Seaton.’ But the text of Knox, p. 57, says, ‘Was put first -in Dalkeith, after in Seatoun.’ - -[296] ‘He took no heed to them, but to new opinions of heresy.’--_State -Papers_, v. 322. - -[297] ‘The cardinal ceased not to traffic with such of the multitude as -he might draw to his faction.’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 108. - -[298] ‘Imminentem universæ papanæ Ecclesiæ ruinam -averteret.’--Buchanan, p. 518. - -[299] _State Papers_, v. p. 321. Edinb. July 20, 1543. - -[300] ‘Tanta seditione quantam ipse vides a cardinale -excitata.’--Buchanan, p. 518. Spotswood, p. 73. - -[301] ‘Vi publici furoris abreptus.’--Buchanan, p. 519. - -[302] ‘Recta Londinum, multis reclamantibus, est profectus.’--_Ibid._ - -[303] _State Papers_, v. p. 323. - -[304] Knox, _Ref._, p. 109. - -[305] ‘Ut infamia flagitii minueretur ad vulgus, non propalam, sed in -æde Franciscanorum, ... sententiam suam prorex mutavit.’--Buchanan, p. -521. - -[306] ‘He received absolution, renounced the profession of Christ Jesus -his holy Evangel.’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 109. - -[307] _State Papers_, v. p. 333. Sept. 8, 1543. - -[308] ‘At that time was our queen crouned’--Knox, _Ref._, p. 109. - -[309] _State Papers_, v. 335, 351. Buchanan, p. 524. _Bible Annals_, -ii. 529. Knox, _Ref._, p. 110. - -[310] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 623. - -[311] ‘Their conferences and assemblies, in hearing and expounding of -Scripture,’--_Ibid._ p. 624. - -[312] ‘Certain priests did eat and drink in these honest men’s houses, -to whom they were much bounden.’--_Ibid._ p. 625. - -[313] ‘Variarum copia voluptatum ultra omnem mundanorum luxuriam -exuberant.’--M. Clamengis, _Ep._ 35. - -[314] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 624. - -[315] ‘Nisi secundum ipsius piæ matris dispensationem.’--Bernardus de -Bustis, Franciscanus, _Sermones_, 1500. - -[316] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 624. - -[317] ‘Women who, contrary to nature, addressed them to extreme cruelty -against him.’--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 623. - -[318] _Ibid._ v. p. 623. - -[319] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 624. - -[320] ‘Prophesied of the ruin and plague which came upon the -cardinal.’--_Ibid._ v. p. 625. - -[321] Knox, _Ref._, p. 118. Fox, _Acts_, v. pp. 623-625. Spotswood, pp. -74, 75. - -[322] Knox, _Ref._, p. 119. Spotswood, p. 76. - -[323] Knox, _Ref._, p. 119. - -[324] Knox, _Ref._, p. 119. - -[325] ‘Urbe spoliata ac deinde incensa ... multos pagos -arcesque nonnullas et villas hominum nobilium ferro flammaque -vestarunt.’--Buchanan, p. 525. - -[326] _State Papers_, v. pp. 361-366. - -[327] Emery Tylney’s Account.--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 626. - -[328] Knox, _Ref._, p. 127. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 28. Spotswood, p. 76. - -[329] Or Leifnorris. See Laing’s note, Knox, _Ref._, p. 127. - -[330] _Ibid._ - -[331] Knox, _Ref._, p. 44. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20. _Hist._, p. 129. - -[332] Knox, _Ref._, p. 130. - -[333] Knox, _Ref._, p. 131. - -[334] Knox, _Ref._, p. 131. - -[335] _Ibid._ Scots’ _Worthies_, pp. 29, 30. Spotswood, p. 77. - -[336] Knox, _Ref._, p. 133. Some MSS. read ‘copestone,’ -‘keapestone,’--‘keepestone.’ Spotswood, p. 77. - -[337] Knox, _Ref._, p. 134. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 31. - -[338] Knox, _Ref._, p. 135. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 31. - -[339] This is the first time that Knox speaks of himself in his History -(p. 137). - -[340] Knox, _Ref._, p. 138. Scots’ _Worthies_. Spotswood. - -[341] Knox, _Ref._, p. 143. _Diurnall of Occurrents_, p. 41. Spotswood, -p. 78. - -[342] Knox, _Ref._, p. 143. Spotswood, p. 79. - -[343] Knox, _Ref._, p. 144. Buchanan, p. 556. Spotswood, p. 79. Fox, -_Acts_, v. 626. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 33. - -[344] Fox. In Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 34, the name is written, ‘Winram.’ -In Buchanan, ‘Viniramus.’ In Knox, ‘Winram.’ - -[345] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 627. - -[346] Fox, _Acts_, v p. 628. Knox, _Ref._, p. 152. - -[347] Knox, _Ref._, p. 154. - -[348] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 630. - -[349] ‘He wanteth the instrument by which he bindeth or looseth, that -is to say, the Word of God.’--Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 631. - -[350] Fox, _Acts_, v. p. 633. - -[351] ‘Nulla judicii aut liberæ disceptationis ibi forma fuit: -accusator enim ... cum summa verborum acerbitate detonabat.’--Buchanan, -p. 538. Spotswood, pp. 80, 81. - -[352] ‘Non videri æquum ut pertinax hereticus ... ullis ecclesiæ -beneficiis frueretur.’--Buchanan, p. 538. - -[353] Scots’ _Worthies_, pp. 35, 36. ‘Viros vos esse bonos et in eodem -Christi corpore mecum esse sociatos.’--Buchanan, p. 539. - -[354] ‘Fenestra ... tapetibus, stragulis sericis et pulvinis -ornabatur.’--Buchanan, p. 559. - -[355] Fox, _Acts_, p. 635. - -[356] ‘At qui nos tam superbe despicit, intra paucos dies non minus -ignominiose jacebit quam nunc arroganter cubat.’--Buchanan, p. 540. - -[357] ‘Velut pecus ex hara suæ libidini mactaret.’--Buchanan, p. 540. - -[358] ‘Domi cum scortis volutetur; foris in cæde innoxiorum et sanguine -hæreticorum debaccharetur.’--_Ibid._ - -[359] ‘Discesserunt utrimque animis infensissimis.’--Buchanan p. 541. - -[360] ‘Leslius ad suos rediit, intolerandam cardinalis superbiam iis -exposuit; facile omnes in cædem ejus conjurarunt.’--Buchanan, p. 541. -Knox, _Ref._, pp. 172, 173. - -[361] ‘Cardinalis arcem suam in usum belli communiebat.’--Buchanan, p. -542. - -[362] Knox, _Ref._, p. 74. - -[363] ‘Eos quum semisomnes sigillatim evocassent mortem præsentem si -quisquam mutiret, comminati.’--Buchanan, xv. p. 545. - -[364] Knox, _Ref._, p. 177. - -[365] Numbers, ch. xxxv. - -[366] Knox, _Ref._, p. 177. - -[367] ‘Cadaver exanimatum oculis omnium exponunt, in illo ipso loco -unde ipse non multo ante Georgii [Wishart] supplicium tam lætus -spectaverat.’--Buchanan, p. 542. - -[368] Spotswood, p. 84. - -[369] Spotswood, p. 88. The last of July. Knox, _Ref._, p. 205. -Buchanan assigns the capture of the castle or the capitulation to the -month of August 1547. ‘Hæc in mensem Augusti anni MDXLVII. inciderunt,’ -p. 543. - -[370] Melville’s _Diary_, pp. 276-278. M’Crie, _Andrew Melville_, ii. -p. 66. - -[371] Second Book of Discipline. - -[372] Buckle, _History of Civilization_, ch. xvi. - -[373] See vols. i. and ii. of the second series: _The Reformation in -the Time of Calvin_. - -[374] This thought was expressed to the author by a distinguished -writer, to whom we owe a remarkable _History of the French Revolution_, -published a few years ago. - -[375] ‘Singulis momentis de Gallica libelli nostri editione -cogitabamus.’ Letter to Francois Daniel; Lausanne, Oct. 13. 1536. Bibl. -de Berne. Calvin, _Opera_, edid. Theol. Argent. vol. x. p. 63. The -earliest known edition of the _Institution_ in French is that of 1540. - -[376] _Vie de Calvin_, p. 29. Paris edition of 1864. The Latin edition, -speaking of the office of preacher, says, ‘Hoc autem primum recusavit.’ - -[377] _Comment. sur les Psaumes_, vol. i. p. ix. Paris, 1859. - -[378] _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_ (J. Bonnet), i. p. 270. To the -Protector of England. - -[379] _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_, ii. p. 30. - -[380] Registers of the Council of Geneva, Sept. 4, 1536. - -[381] _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_ to the lords of Berne, ii. p. 29. - -[382] _Institution Chrétienne_, iv. ch. 12. - -[383] ‘Iste Gallus.’--Registers of the Council, Sept. 5, 1536. - -[384] Registers of the Council, Sept. 8. The church of St. Germain, -where the Council assembled, is near the Hôtel de Ville. - -[385] Ruchat, iv. p. 138. - -[386] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 152. Ruchat, iv. pp. 130-160. - -[387] Ruchat, iv. p. 142. - -[388] MS. Pinaut. Ruchat, iv. p. 158. - -[389] Ruchat, iv. p. 504. - -[390] _Ibid._ p. 366. - -[391] Edicts of the Lords of Berne. _Pièces justificatives_ of Ruchat, -iv. p. 500, note 2. - -[392] ‘Capitaine de la jeunesse.’ - -[393] Calvin’s Letter to F. Daniel, Lausanne, Oct. 13, -1536.--Bibliothèque de Berne. Calvin, Opp. x. p. 63. - -[394] Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne. _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. -161. Ruchat, iv. pp. 179, 505. - -[395] The Acts of this Disputation form a handsome manuscript volume -in folio, preserved in the Library of Berne. The author having worked -there in 1859, noticed this volume among others. Subsequently, -Professor Gaussen, who had had a large portion of it copied several -years before, presented the copy to the author. This narration is -therefore drawn up from the original text. - -[396] _Avoyer_ was the title of the first magistrate of the Bernese -republic. The _baillifs_ were the deputy governors of the Bernese -dependencies. - -[397] Acts of the Disputation. Berne MS. folio xviii. - -[398] Acts of the Disputation, fol. xxi. and xxv. - -[399] Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne, fol. lxix. - -[400] Acts of the Disputation of Lausanne, fol. lxxv. and xcii. - -[401] Edition of Erasmus. 1528. - -[402] Some authors name him also ‘Caudy’ or ‘Candy;’ Ruchat writes -‘Tandi.’ - -[403] Acts, fol. xcii.-clxix. - -[404] ‘Curia Romana non quærit ovem sine lana.’ - -[405] Acts, fol. clxxxix., cxc. - -[406] Ne Hercules quidem contra duos. - -[407] Acts, fol. ccxix.-ccxxi. and cclxi.-cclxiii. - -[408] Acts, fol. cclxxiii., cclxxiv., cclxxix. - -[409] ‘Quod solius papæ pedes omnes principes deosculentur,’ -etc.--_Dictatus Papæ_, Ep. ii. p. 55. - -[410] _Institution Chrétienne_, iv. ch. 6, 7, 8. - -[411] Acts of the Disputation, fol. ccxxxviii. - -[412] Acts, fol. cclxxxvii. - -[413] Farel’s discourse begins at fol. cclxxxv. of the Berne MS. and -ends at ccci.; Ruchat, iv. p. 361. - -[414] MS. of Lausanne, p. 516. Ruchat, iv. p. 379. - -[415] Rollin. - -[416] Calvin. - -[417] Acts of the Disputation, fol. ccxiii., ccxiv. - -[418] Acts, xix. 27. - -[419] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 168. Ruchat, iv. p. 380. - -[420] _Pièces justificatives._ Ruchat, iv. p. 520. - -[421] Letter from the prince of Soubise to F. de Loys.--_Pièces -justificatives_ de Ruchat, iv. p. 508. - -[422] Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. p. 107. - -[423] Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. p. 94. - -[424] ‘Qui magis negligant Viretum nostrum, Bernatesne an -Lausannenses.’--_Ibid._ p. 109. - -[425] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 110. Ruchat, iv. p. 385. Le -Chroniqueur. Herminjard. - -[426] Ruchat, iv. p. 374. - -[427] MS. of Lutry, p. 77. Ruchat, iv. p. 377. - -[428] Herminjard, iv. pp. 62, 92. Ruchat, iv. pp. 365, 411. - -[429] Farel’s Letter to the bailiff Naegueli, of Nov. 14, 1536. -Herminjard, iv. p. 102. - -[430] ‘Malunt in sepulcris Ægyptiorum sepeliri, quam manna edere -columnaque dirigi in eremo.’--Bibl. de Neuchâtel. Herminjard, iv. p. -109. - -[431] Herminjard, iv. p. 112. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 70. - -[432] ‘Bacchum vere nobis præstitit vel Martem.’--Farel to Fabri, Dec. -6, Bibl. de Neuchâtel. Herminjard, iv. p. 122. - -[433] Edict of the Lords of Berne, Ruchat, iv. p. 378. Prov. xxii. 6. - -[434] Ordinances of Reformation of the Lords of Berne, Ruchat, iv. p. -522. - -[435] _Mémoire de Pierrefleur_, p. 166. - -[436] ‘Faxit Dominus ut ex omnium cordibus idolatria -corruat.’--Calvin’s Letter to Francois Daniel. Bib. de Berne. -Herminjard, _Correspondance_, iv. p. 89. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 63. - -[437] ‘Fratres qui Genevæ et in vicinia Christum annuntiant.’--Calv. -_Opp._ x. p. 71. Herminjard, iv. p. 105. - -[438] Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 67. Herminjard, iv. p. 119. - -[439] _Vie de Calvin_, in French, p. 29, edit. of 1864. There are three -lives of Calvin, which down to the present time have been generally -attributed to Theodore Beza. The first (in French), published in 1564, -the year of Calvin’s death, is entirely the work of Beza. The second, -also in French, but more extensive than the first, is of the year 1565. -It is substantially Beza’s, but was published with augmentations by -Nicholas Colladon, who was first a pastor at Vandœuvres, then, in 1562, -at Geneva, became rector in 1564, and succeeded Calvin in 1566 in the -chair of Theology. This life of Calvin was reprinted at Paris in 1864, -and the passage we have cited is found in it, p. 29. Lastly, Theodore -Beza, in 1575, prefixed to Calvin’s Letters a Life written in Latin. -The work of Colladon is perhaps richer as regards facts, although that -of Beza is superior in other respects. - -[440] Epistle of J. Sadoleto, and Reply of Calvin. Geneva, Fick, 1860. - -[441] Calvin’s Letter of Oct. 13 (Library of Berne). Calv. _Opp._ x. -p. 63. Letter from the Council of Strasburg to the Council of Basel, -Nov. 4, 1536. Herminjard, iv. p. 95. Calvin is said to have purposed -visiting Basel, to set its affairs in order. Our hypothesis appears to -us to be more in harmony with the letter. - -[442] Buffon. - -[443] Calvin’s Farewell. Tronchin MS. Coll. J. Bonnet: _Lettres -Françaises de Calvin_, ii. p. 574. - -[444] ‘Post abominationem papismi, verbi virtute hic -prostratam.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 319. - -[445] ‘Jam vero confessionem non sine ratione adjungendam -curavimus.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 319. - -[446] Calvin, _Comment. on Luke_, xxiv. p. 45. - -[447] Calv. _Opp._ v. 43. - -[448] A version executed by Calvin himself. _Opp._ v. pp. 317-362. - -[449] _Opp._ v. 323. - -[450] _Vie de Calvin_, p. 30. Paris, 1864. - -[451] Calvin on _James_, i. 6. - -[452] _Vie de Calvin_, p. 29. Paris, 1864. - -[453] ‘Tunc edita est a Calvino Christianæ doctrinæ quædam veluti -formula.’--_Vita Calvini_, 1575, narrated by Beza. - -[454] See this confession in Latin, Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 357; and in -French, in the _Pièces Justificatives_ of Gaberel, i. p. 120. Ruchat, -iv. p. 111. - -[455] ‘Jam vero confessionem solemni jurejurando ab universo populo -editam adjungimus.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 319. - -[456] Registers of the Council, Nov. 10, 1536. - -[457] Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537. - -[458] Archives of Geneva. Pièces hist., 1170. Gaberel, i. p. 102. Calv. -_Opp._ x. p. 6. - -[459] Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537. - -[460] Registers of the Council, Jan. 16, 1537. - -[461] Registers of the Council, Jan. 30, 1537. - -[462] See the Registers of Feb. 5, 6, and 9, 1537, together with the -remarks of Flournois appended to one copy of the Registers, p. 1019. - -[463] Bolsec, _Vie de Calvin_, vii. - -[464] Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, iv. ch. 9. - -[465] Registers of the Council, Mar. 13. - -[466] _Ibid._ of the days mentioned. - -[467] ‘Videbatur initio Sonerius ægre ferre quod exigeretur -confessionis formula.’--Calv. _Opp._ p. 11. Ed. princ. of Geneva. 1575. - -[468] ‘Ut plebs decuriatim convocata in confessionem istam -juraret.’--_Calv. Opp._ (Stras. Br.), v. p. 320. - -[469] Registers, July 29. Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, iv. ch. 9. - -[470] ‘In præstando juramento non minor fuit plebis alacritas, quam in -edicendo senatus diligentia.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 320. - -[471] Registers, Sept. 19. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 43. - -[472] Dedication of the _Epître à Tite_ (1549). Calvin includes Viret -in this friendship. - -[473] Saunier, _Ordre et manière d’enseigner en la ville de Genève_, -1538; reprinted by E. A. Bétant, 1866. - -[474] _Ibid._ - -[475] Registers, May 1, 1537. - -[476] Six écus are 18 francs (about 15 shillings). - -[477] [The French version of the Bible, bearing the name of Pierre -Robert Olivétan, one of the reformers, was published at Neuchâtel in -1535.--_Translator._] - -[478] _See_ Registers for the days named. As different dates have been -assigned, we add that ours are taken from the Registers. We only make -this remark, which we acknowledge is of no great importance, that no -one may suspect any trickery in the matter. - -[479] Saunier, _Ordre et manière_, etc. - -[480] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 239. - -[481] _Hist. of the Reform. in the Time of Calvin_, iii. book 4, ch. 8. - -[482] _Chronique de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 4. - -[483] Registers, Mar. 9. - -[484] Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 176. - -[485] _Ibid._ pp. 179 and 180. - -[486] Registers, Mar. 13. - -[487] _Ibid._ Mar. 14. - -[488] _See_ ‘Briève instruction pour armer tous bons fidèles,’ -etc.--Calv. _Opp._ vi. pp. 49-112; and ‘Contre la secte phantastique et -furieuse des Libertins qui se nomment Spirituels.’--_Ibid._ pp. 149-248. - -[489] Beza, _Vita Calvini_. _Vie de Calvin_ (in French), p. 31. Paris, -1864. - -[490] _Vie de Calvin_, by Beza-Colladon, p. 31. - -[491] _Johann Calvin_, by Kampschulte, i. p. 295. - -[492] ‘Alter ecclesiæ turbator majores et diuturniores turbas -dedit.’--Beza, _Vita Calv._, 1575. p. 5. - -[493] Vol. v. book ix. ch. 3 and 4. - -[494] ‘Ut quocumque venisset, certa suæ turpitudinis impressa vestigia -relinqueret.’--Beza, p. 5. - -[495] Calvin’s Letter to Megander, probably of Mar. 1537.--Library of -Geneva. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 85. Herminjard, iv. p. 187. - -[496] Herminjard, iv. p. 187. - -[497] ‘Voluit Carolus ecclesiam catholicam ... semper orare -ut resurgant, vitamque futuri seculi corpora defunctorum -consequantur.’--Megander to Bullinger, Mar. 8, 1537. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. -89. - -[498] Ruchat, v. p. 21. Calv. _Opp._ p. 89. - -[499] _Vie de Calvin_, Beza-Colladon, p. 31. - -[500] Ruchat, _Hist. de la Réf._ v. p. 22.--Calvin’s Letter to -Megander. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 85. - -[501] ‘Serveti Hispani pessimum errorem confirmare.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. -p. 103. - -[502] ‘Quod id ne timere quidem unquam in mentem venerit.’--Calvin to -Grynæus. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 108. - -[503] ‘In simplicissima Dei unitate, et Scriptura et ipsa -pietatis experientia, Deum patrem, ejus Filium et Spiritum nobis -ostendunt.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 337, and x. p. 83. - -[504] Luther, _Kirchenpostill_ (Walch, xi.) _am Trinität_. - -[505] ‘Ii quibus tam pietas cordi erat (the opponents of Arius and -Sabellius) affirmarunt vere immo Deo tres _personas_ subsistere, -seu (quod idem erat) in Dei unitate subsistere _personarum -trinitatem_.’--Calv. _Opp._ i. p. 61. Afterwards, Calvin said, -‘Christus ut quatenus Deus est, sit unus cum patre Deus ejusdem -_naturæ_ seu _substantiæ_ seu _essentiæ_, non aliter quam persona -distinctus.’--_Ibid._ p. 61. - -[506] Calvin to Megander.--Ruchat, v. p. 25. - -[507] Calvin’s Letters to Megander and Grynæus.--Ruchat, _Hist. de la -Réf._ v. pp. 22, 23. - -[508] Calvin to Megander. - -[509] Calvin to Megander. - -[510] ‘Quam ob causam Calvinus Bernam veniens obnixe petit ut synodus -cogeretur, quod abnegatum est homini usque post Paschatis.’--Fueslin, -_Epp. Ref. Eccl. Helvet._ p. 173. - -[511] Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 95. - -[512] Calvin to Grynæus, _Opp._ x. p. 106. - -[513] Registers of Council of Geneva, May 5 and 11. The florin was -rather less than half a franc. - -[514] The synod met, not in March, as has been said (Kampschulte, -_Johann Calvin_, i. p. 296), but two months later. See preceding note. - -[515] ‘Quomodo jurisconsulti præcipiunt nempe cum _sacco_ -paratior.’--Calvin, _Epp._ x. p. 107. - -[516] The Apostles’, Nicene, and so-called Athanasian Creeds.--Ruchat, -v. p. 25. - -[517] Matt. vii. 6. - -[518] Ruchat, v. pp. 27, 28. - -[519] ‘Quatenus unus est cum patre Deus, quidquid dici de Deo potes in -illum competit.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 107. - -[520] ‘Tantum nolebamus hoc _tyrannidis_ exemplum in ecclesiam -induci, ut is hereticus haberetur qui non ad alterius præscriptum -loqueretur.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 120. - -[521] Nos in Dei unius fidem jurasse, non Athanasii, cujus symbolum -nulla unquam legitima ecclesia approbasset.’--The Genevese to the -Bernese Ministers. MS. of Geneva, Feb. 1537. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 83. -Ruchat, v. pp. 24-30. - -[522] ‘Totum illum saccum nostra refutatione sic exhausimus.’--Calvin -to Grynæus. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 107. - -[523] Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. p. 296. - -[524] ‘Quantum negotii nobis facturi sint _Galli illi_ ... -_seditiosi_.’--Megander to Bullinger, Mar. 8, 1537. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. -89. - -[525] Registers of the Council, May 24, 1537. - -[526] The authentic Acts of the Council of Berne are to be found in -Ruchat, v. p. 39. Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 105. - -[527] ‘Ne abjiciamus eum ab ecclesia, aut tanquam de fide male -sentientem notemus.’--Formula Concordiæ de Trinitate. Berne, Sept. -1537. Ruchat, v. p. 501. - -[528] ‘Megander est Figuri natus, _Simia_ olim _Zwingli_ -creditus.’--Conceni Epist. ad Neobulum, Feb. 2, 1538. Luther, _Opp._ -Walch, xvii. p. 2602. Hunderhagen-Beylage, ii. - -[529] Hunderhagen Conflikt, p. 65. Kirchhofer, B. Haller, p. 219. - -[530] Buceri Epist. ad Lutherum, Jan. 19. 1537. Hunderhagen Conflikt, -p. 72. - -[531] Hunderhagen Conflikt, pp. 73, 79. - -[532] ‘Wie ich myn Husfrow z’ Strasburg yetzt sieh.’--- Original -Protocols of the class of Brugg. Hunderhagen Conflikte, p. 83. - -[533] Descartes, _Réponses aux cinquièmes objections_. Nicole, _Essais -de Morale_. - -[534] ‘Vitam spiritualem, quam nobis Christus largitur non in eo -duntaxat.’--Calv. _Opp._ ix. p. 711. Ruchat, v. p. 502. Henry Beylage, -5. - -[535] Nec unquam sensi Christum dominum in sacra Cœna præ sentem -localiter.’--Calvin, _Opp._ ix. p. 711. - -[536] Formula Concordiæ. Bernæ, Sept. 22, 1537. Hunderhagen Conflikte, -p. 90. - -[537] Registers of the Council, July 3 and Sept. 1, 1537. - -[538] Registers of the Council, July 27. - -[539] _Ibid._ Sept. 11. - -[540] See _Hist. of the Ref._, second series, vol. i. book 1; vol. ii. -book 3; vol. iii. book 5. - -[541] ‘_Quibus leni primum admonitione_ ...’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, -_p._ 5. - -[542] Register of the Council, Nov. 12. - -[543] See second series, vol. iii. book v. ch. 5. - -[544] Registers, Nov. 12 and 15, 1537. Rozet, Chron. MS. of Geneva, -book iv. ch. 10. - -[545] Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 10. _Vie de Calvin_, p. -34, Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book v. - -[546] Registers, Nov. 25. - -[547] Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, i. p. 51. - -[548] Registers, Nov. 25, 1537. _Fragments historiques de Grenus. -Extraits de F. Rocco_, same date. Gautier, etc. - -[549] Archives of Berne. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 57. - -[550]... exultabam, et quis de successu tam bonæ causæ -dubitasset?’--Calvin to Bucer, Jan. 12, 1538. Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 137. - -[551] Registers, Dec. 10, 1537. - -[552] Registers, Dec. 14, 1537. - -[553] _Ibid._ - -[554] Registers, Dec. 15, 1537. - -[555] Archives of Geneva. _Pièces historiques_, No. 1162. The original, -according to M. Reuss (Calv. _Opp._ p. 133), is dated Dec. 28. One copy -bears date Dec. 22.--[_Editor._] - -[556] Registers of the day. - -[557] Registers, Jan. 1, 1538. - -[558] _Ibid._ Jan. 1 and 2. - -[559] Roget, _L’Église et l’État de Genève du vivant de Calvin_. - -[560] Registers, Jan. 3. Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi. - -[561] Racine. - -[562] This order prevails in the United States of America. In each -flock distinction is made between the church, composed of communicants, -and the congregation, which consists of all those who, having religious -convictions, take part in all the service except the supper. From the -congregation the church is regularly recruited; and these two bodies, -united in charity together, contribute to the wants of the flock. [This -statement is equally true of the orthodox Dissenting churches of Great -Britain.--_Translator._] - -[563] Registers, Jan. 3 and 4, 1538. - -[564] Registers, Jan. 16. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 10. - -[565] Letters of Calvin and Tillet, published by the pastor Crottet. p. -38, etc. - -[566] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 2. Cal. _Op._, x. p. 147. - -[567] _Lettres françaises_, i. pp. 1-7. - -[568] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 12. - -[569] Registers, Feb. 1. - -[570] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 10. - -[571] Registers, Feb. 12, 1538. - -[572] Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 72. - -[573] Registers, Feb. 15 _et seq._ _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. -14. - -[574] Registers, March 11. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 14. - -[575] Calvin to Bullinger, Feb. 21, 1538 (Archives of Zurich). Calv. -_Opp._ x. p. 153. - -[576] Actes du Chap. de Brugg. Stettler, Berner Chronik. Hunderhagen, -Conflikte, p. 91. - -[577] ‘In summa hierum zanggten wir ein gut wyl.’--Actes originaux de -la Classe de Brugg. Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. 101. - -[578] ‘Die praedikanten von der Statt assend mit uns,’ etc.--_Ibid._ p. -103. - -[579] Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 83. - -[580] Kirchhofer, _B. Haller_, p. 203. Iselin, _Hist. Lexicon_. -Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. 105. Hagenbach, _Gesch. d. ersten Baseler -Conf._ p. 90. - -[581] ‘Quo nuntio perinde perculsi fuimus, ac si Bernensem ecclesiam -majore ex parte collapsam audissemus’--Calvin to Bucer. Henry, Beylage, -6, p. 36. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 138. - -[582] ‘Sed quid ille aliud potest, quam suis deliramentis invertere -Evangelii puritatem?’--Henry, Beylage, p. 39. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 140. - -[583] ‘Vultus, gestus, verba, color ipse furias, ut inquit, -spirabant.’--Calv. _Opp._ x, p. 141. - -[584] ‘Nos ita capitaliter odit.’--Cal. _Opp._ x. p. 141. - -[585] ‘Quos ad verbi ministerium erigit, dignos esse judicamus, qui in -patibulum tollantur.’--_Ibid._ - -[586] ‘Bonos viros, qui a nobis probati sunt, non audet coöptare, nisi -a tota ejus regionis cui destinantur classe, sint explorati.’--_Ibid._ - -[587] See _J. Calvins Leben_, by Paul Henry, Th. D., pastor at Berlin, -vol. i. Bevlage, 6, p. 40. - -[588] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 16. - -[589] ‘Omnibus ministris qui vicinis ecclesiis præsunt -interdictum fuit ne quid haberent negotii nobiscum aut ullo modo -commnunicarent.’--Calvin to Bucer, Jan. 12. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 144. - -[590] ‘Reddat Dominus Cunzeno juxta id quod meritus est. Qui perdere -pergunt ecclesiam, perdat eos Dominus.’--Farel’s Letter to Fabri, Jan. -14, 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 145. - -[591] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 16. Roget, _Peuple de -Genève_, p. 82. - -[592] Bolsec, chap. viii. - -[593] Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. p. 310. Roget, _Peuple de -Genève_, i. p. 83. - -[594] ‘Quo jure circumcisio plus haberet honoris quam mors -Christi? ... Obmutescere coactus esset.’--Calvin to Haller, _Epp. et -Responsa_, p. 102. Hunderhagen Conflikte, p. 132. - -[595] ‘Optimum erat remedium quo periculo obviaretur, si ad vestrum -synodum fuissemus vocati. Impetrari non potuit.’--Calv. ad Tigur. -Ratisb., Mar. 31, 1541. Archives of Zurich. - -[596] Registers of the day. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. 13. -Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, pp. 84, 85. - -[597] _France Protestante_, by M. Haag; article Bolsec. - -[598] Registers of the day. - -[599] ‘Um die Berner zu gewinnen und ernstlich in die Opposition gegen -jene (Calvin und Farel) zu verflechten.’--Hunderhagen, Conflikte, p. -133. - -[600] _Chron. MS. of Rozet_, book iv. ch. 17. - -[601] It was perhaps a reference to _Andrew_ Benoît, one of the -founders of the sect of the Spirituals at Geneva. See p. 299 of this -volume.--[EDITOR]. - -[602] Chénier, _Elég._ xxiii. - -[603] Valla, _Antidot. in Poggium_, book iii. p. 357. - -[604] This is the meaning of the above expression, which has been -misunderstood by some writers, who have taken it for a gross -insult.--See _Dict. de l’Académie_. Kampschulte, i. p. 310. - -[605] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 17. Gautier, Hist. -MS. book vi. - -[606] Rozet, _ibid._ - -[607] Archives of Geneva. _Pièces historiques_, No. 2101. Calv. _Opp._ -x. p. 189. - -[608] Registers of the day. Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi. - -[609] ‘Seven days shall ye eat unleavened bread.’ Ex. xii. 15. - -[610] Registers of the Council, April 20, 1538. - -[611] Calvin to the Church of Geneva, Oct. 8, 1538.--_Archives de -Genève._ Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 251. - -[612] ‘Papatus ejuratus; sed extrusa simul a plerisque non fuerant -indigna multa flagitia, quæ in ea urbe canonicis et impuro illi clero -tot annos addicta diu viguerant.’--Beza, _J. Calv. Vita_. - -[613] ‘Veteres inter quasdam primarias familias inimicitiæ, bello -Sabaudico susceptæ, adhuc exercebantur.’--_Ibid._ - -[614] ‘Cum eo usque malum processisset ut civitas privatorum quorundam -factione, in diversas partes scinderetur.’--_Ibid._ - -[615] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 15. - -[616] _Ibid._ - -[617] ‘Quibus leni primum admonitione, deinde graviori adversus -refractarios increpatione, tollendis, quum nihil proficeret.’--Beza, -_J. Calv. Vita_. - -[618] Calvin’s Farewell to the Genevese Ministers.--Bonnet, _Lettres -françaises_, ii. p. 575. - -[619] Michel Rozet, son of Claude Rozet, who was at that time secretary -of the council and editor of the Register, was member of the Council of -Geneva for nearly sixty years. He was fourteen times elected syndic, -and was sent on thirty-four missions into Switzerland, France, and -Germany, and to Turin. He concluded several important treaties on -the part of Geneva. He was very young at the time of which we are -speaking, but as his father played a part there which enabled him to -become acquainted with all that took place, no one could be better -informed than Michel as to the facts of the period. If there be some -touches in the _Chroniques_ which are not found in the Registers of -the Council, that does not in any way invalidate his authority. There -are some details which a council is unwilling and ought not to insert -in its Registers. It is needless to speak of Theodore Beza, who was -unanimously elected to represent the Protestants at the famous Colloquy -of Poissy, and in honor of whom after his death poets of all nations -composed poems in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew to the number of fifty-four. - -[620] Rabelais. - -[621] ‘Doctrinæ potius animorumque urgeamus unitatem, quam cærimoniis -ad unguem conformandis morosius insistamus. Indignissimum est enim -ut in quibus libertatem Dominus reliquit ... servilem præterita -ædificatione conformitatem quæramus.’--_Catechismus, sive Christ, -relig. institutio_, _J. Calvino auctore_, _Basileæ_, anno MDXXXVIII. -Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 322.--Calvin printed this work in the year in which -he left Geneva; and not after but before his departure; _mense Martis_. -See also _Vie de Calvin_ (Bèze-Colladon), b. 30. Paris, 1864. - -[622] ‘Nondum ea exstare nobis videbatur ecclesiæ facies quam legitima -muneris nostri administratio requireret.’--_Ibid._ p. 319. - -[623] ‘Tunc vero acerrime urebat et discruciabat, quoties distribuenda -erat Domini Cœna.’--_Ibid._ p. 319. - -[624] ‘Omnes tamen promiscue irrumpebant; et illi quidam iram Dei -vorabant potius quam vitæ sacramentum participabant.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. - -[625] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 18. - -[626] Calvin _sur le Psaume_ xxvii. 3. - -[627] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 34. - -[628] ‘Ut magno heroicoque spiritu præditi, Farellus et Calvinus ... -aperte testarentur....’--Beza, _Calvini Vita_. - -[629] ‘Me non leviter perculsum fuisse.’--Calvin to the Zurich pastors. -Pridie Cal. Jun. Henry. Calvin, i. App. p. 82. - -[630] ‘Incredibile vobis futurum scio si minimam partem vobis referam -molestiarum, vel potius miseriarum, quæ toto anno devorandæ nobis -fuerunt.’--Calvin, i. App. p. 82. - -[631] ‘Nullum præteriisse diem quo non decies mortem optarem.’--_Ibid._ - -[632] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 16. Mém. of Farel and -Calvin to the Lords of Berne. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 188. Roget, _Peuple de -Genève_, p. 92. - -[633] Rozet. - -[634] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 18. - -[635] _Mémoir_ by Farel and Calvin to the Lords of Berne.--Calv. _Opp._ -x. p. 189. - -[636] Calvin, _Institution Chrétienne_, book iv. ch. 12, paragraphs 9 -and 10. - -[637] Roget, _L’église et l’état à Genève du temps de Calvin_, p. 5. - -[638] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 18. - -[639] Calvin, _Comment. sur Saint Matthieu_, xxiii. 24. - -[640] Registers of Councils, April 2. _Chron. MS. de Rozet_, book iv. -ch. 18. - -[641] ‘Pro retinendo nostro ministerio non minus laboravimus quam si de -capitibus nostris certamen fuisset.’--Calvin to the Pastors of Zurich. -Prid. Cal. Jun. - -[642] ‘Multo facilius tum fuisset, labanti ecclesiæ subvenire, quam -penitus perditam restituere.’--Calvin to the Pastors of Zurich. - -[643] Eoque rem perducunt, _frustra_ sese Calvino, cum ejusdem -sententiæ collegis, ad reddendam _omnium_ rationem offerente.’--Beza, -_Vita Calvini_. - -[644] Corneille and Bossuet. - -[645] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 35. Beza says the same thing -in his Latin Life: Majore parte meliorem superante. - -[646] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv, ch, 18. Registers, April -23. - -[647] Registers, _Ibid._ - -[648] Registers, Beza’s Latin Life of Calvin, the French Life, Rozet -in his Chronicles, subsequently the syndic Gautier in his History, all -report this answer with unimportant variations. - -[649] Ruchat, v. p. 66. Trechsel, i. p. 171, etc. - -[650] ‘_Scheinbar_,’ Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, p. 313. - -[651] ‘Proinde ingratissima sumus, nisi nos illi devovemus -totos.’--Calvin, Omnibus Christi Evangel. religionem colentibus, 1538, -_Opp._ x. p. 321. - -[652] Calvin, _Préface des Psaumes_, p. ix. - -[653] See _Hist. of the Reform._ 2 series, vol. ii. book iii. ch. 6, -and Bonivard, _Avis des difformes réformateurs_, pp. 149-151. - -[654] ‘Diligenter cavendum monet, ne simul conjugamur.’--Calvin to -Farel, Aug. 4, 1538 (Bibl. de Genève). Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 23. - -[655] _Préface des Psaumes_, p. ix. - -[656] ‘Deposita omni contumelia, prorsus a ducis arbitrio -pendere.’--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 321. - -[657] ‘Advertamus ad id quod Christus clamat: non posse servis suis -vulnus imprimi, quin ipse sibi inflictum imputet.’--_Ibid._ - -[658] ‘Ad vos peculiariter sermonem convertimus, O fratres,’ -etc.--Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 321. - -[659] ‘Sed vigescit potius, florescit, novisque incrementis -confirmatur.’--_Ibid._ p. 322. - -[660] ‘Partim ut seditiosis illis ipsorum impetu subversis,’ -etc.--Beza, _Calvini Vita_. - -[661] ‘Tum vero magno cum bonorum omnium dolore tres illi edicto -parentes.’--Beza, _Calvini Vita_. - -[662] Labruyère. - -[663] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 22, Gautier, _Hist. -MS. de Genève_, book vi. Spon, ii. p. 26. - -[664] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 18. Registers of the -Council, May 7, 10, 16, etc. Hist. MS. of Gautier, book vi. - -[665] The Memoir is preserved in the archives of Geneva, _Pièces -historiques_, No. 1201.--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190. - -[666] These words were uttered in London, in the House of Commons, May -9, 1871, by Sir Roundell Palmer (Lord Selborne), who made the most -remarkable speech against the proposal for separation of Church and -State. - -[667] Archives of Geneva. _Pièces historiques_, No. 1201.--Calv. _Opp._ -x. p. 188. - -[668] Kirchhofer, _Das Leben Farels_, p. 244. - -[669] ‘Cupimus a Bernatibus impetratum ut _fractionem panis_ nobiscum -accipiant’ (Articuli ipsa manu Calvini scripti, Conventu Tigurino -proposito).--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190. _See_ Matt. xxvi. 26; Luke xxiv. -30; 1 Cor. x. 16; xi. 24; Acts xx. 7. - -[670] ‘Non tamen fenestram ardemus aperire tot turbis, quas jam -prospicimus, si aliter fiat.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190. - -[671] ‘Barbaries enim et inhumanitas non ferenda!’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. -190. - -[672] ‘Continuing daily with one accord in the temple, and breaking -bread from house to house.’--Acts ii. 46. ‘Ut frequentior cœnæ usus -restituatur; si non secundum veteris ecclesiæ consuetudinem, at _saltem -singulis quibusque mensibus semel_.’--_Ibid._ - -[673] ‘Quum in lascivis et obscœnis cantilenis ac choreis ... e sua -ditione tales spurcitias eliminent.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 190. - -[674] _Ibid._ p. 204. - -[675] ‘Humiliemur ergo nisi Deo inhumiliationem nostram tendenti -velimus obluctari.’--Calvin to Farel, Basel, Aug. 4, 1538. _Bibl. de -Genève._--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 229. - -[676] Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Sept. 1538.--_Ibid._ p. 246. - -[677] ‘Dass sie in etlicher Dingen hatten vielleicht zu streng gewesen, -und erklärten sich gern weisen zu lassen.’--Abschied des Tages zu -Zurich gehalten. Kirchhofer, _Farel’s Leben_, i. p. 244. - -[678] ‘Bey diesem unerbauenen Volk christliche -Sanftmüthigkeit.’--_Ibid._ - -[679] ‘Otiosam enim functionem quidam tueri malunt quam fructuosam, -quidam licentiam pro Christi libertate induxerunt.’--Calv. _Opp._ p. -226. Capito to Farel. - -[680] ‘Quod vos duo semel tantam urbem reformare non -potueritis.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 227. - -[681] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, iv. ch. 20. - -[682] Farel and Calvin to Bullinger; mid. June 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. -20. - -[683] Hundeshagen, Conflikte, p. 70. - -[684] ‘Octavo demum die, postquam Bernam appuleramus, Cunzenum eo se -recepisse.’--Calvin to Bullinger, June, 1538; Henry, Beylage, p. 48. -Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 203. - -[685] ‘Fides ecclesiæ Christi solenniter data.’--_Ibid._ p. 53. Calv. -_Opp._ x. p. 207. - -[686] ‘Exorsus est Cunzenus longas expostulationes, a quibus ad -gravissimas contumelias prosiliit.’--_Ibid._ p. 49. Calv. _Opp._ p. 203. - -[687] ‘Insanientem in extremam rabiem.’--_Ibid._ - -[688] ‘Nulla pæne syllaba erat, de qua non litigarent.’--Calv. _Opp._ -x. p. 204. - -[689] ‘Ille nullis rationibus auscultare, sed crudelius semper -debacchari.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 204. - -[690] ‘Ex abaco se proripuit; ac toto corpore sic ebulliebat, ut -injecta etiam manu retineri a collegis non posset.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. -50. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 204. - -[691] Farel to Calvin, Sept. 6, 1540. - -[692] Calvin to Bullinger. Berne, May 28, 1538.--Archives of Zurich. -Calvin, x. p. 201. - -[693] ‘Ac ter una hora revocati.’--Calvin to Bucer. Henry, Beylage, p. -51. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 205. - -[694] ‘Recepta autem fuerat a paucis seditiosis eodem decreto, quo in -Rhodanum præcipitari nos oportebat.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 205. - -[695] Calvin to Bullinger, Berne, May 20, 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 201. - -[696] ‘Constitit non procul mœnibus collocatas fuisse insidias; in ipsa -autem porta considebant armati viginti gladiatores.’--Calvin to Bucer; -Henry, Beylage, p. 52. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 206. - -[697] ‘Jam unum milliare ab urbe aberramus, cum obviam prodiit nuntius -qui ingressum interdiceret.’--_Ibid._ The Roman mile is doubtless -meant, which was about 1,614 yards (1,472 mètres, or about one -kilomètre and a half). At this distance from Geneva the messenger met -the deputation, at Sécheron, where the hôtel d’Angleterre formerly -stood, near the country seats Bartholony and Paccard. According to the -first arrangement the reformers were to have stopped at a distance of -about four miles (or about six kilomètres), probably near the road -called du Saugy, leading to Genthod. - -[698] Registers, May 22. - -[699] Registers of the day. _Hist. MS. de Genève_, by Gautier, book vi. - -[700] ‘Tanta gravitate Ludovicus Ammanus, alter legatus et Viretus, -qui Erasmi ac suo nomine loquebatur, causam tractarunt ut _flecti -multitudinis animi ad æquitatem_ viderentur.’--Calvin to Bullinger. -Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 206. Henry, p. 52. Gautier, MS. book vi. Kirchhofer, -_Leben Farels_, p. 249. - -[701] ‘Clanculum illos submisit.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. -Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 207. - -[702] Bonivard, _Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève_, Mém. d’Arch. -v. p. 414. - -[703] ‘Vandelius ille apud multos gloriose in via effutivit se venenum -nobis letale ferre.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. Calv. _Opp._ -x. p. 207. - -[704] ‘Ne antequam ipsi adessemus.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 207. - -[705] ‘Illis egressis, unus ex præsidibus senatus articulos nostros -recitare cœpit.’--_Ibid._ - -[706] ‘Ad conflandum nobis odium.’--_Ibid._ - -[707] Most dread, most mighty, high and magnificent lords, etc. The -formula employed in addressing the council. - -[708] See the _Dict. de l’Acad. française_, and the definition of the -church in all languages. - -[709] ‘Ita convenerat, ut illo recitante ad inflammandos animos plebis -acclamarent.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52, Calv. _Opp._ x. p 206. - -[710] ‘Valuerunt tamen illa flabella ad accendendos in rabiem omnium -animos.’--_Ibid._ - -[711] ‘Potius moriendum quam ut ad reddendam rationem -audiremus.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 52. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 206. - -[712] Registers, 26 June. Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_. Gautier, -_Hist. MS. de Genève_. - -[713] ‘Nisi forte quod duplo aut triplo malum, quam antea, deterius -recruduit.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 53. Calv. _Opp._ x. 207. - -[714] ‘Ut mature exsurgat.’--Calvin to Bullinger, Henry, p. 54 Calv. -_Opp._ x. 208. - -[715] _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 15, 22, 26. - -[716] Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi. - -[717] ‘Nos nullæ fere veniæ dignos, si tam justam vocationem -abnueremus.’--Calvin to Viret. _Bibl. de Genève._ Calv. _Opp._ x. p. -202. - -[718] ‘O scintillantes igne Satanæ oculos et accensum studium in -vestrum ministerium dejiciendum.’--Grynæus to Calvin and Farel. Calvin, -_Epp._ x. 196. - -[719] ‘Pro eximio monumento Ecclesiæ nostræ complectimur.’--Grynæus to -Calvin, 1540. - -[720] ‘Claudio Feræo quem _mecum vidisti Basileæ_.’--Calvin, _Epp._ p. -25, Mar. 1541, ed. 1575. - -[721] ‘Servi simus pacis et concordiæ.’--Calvin, _Epp._ 11. _Opp._ x. -276. - -[722] Calvin to Viret, Basel, June 14, 1538. _Bibl. de Genève._ - -[723] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 9. - -[724] Jean Zwick to Bullinger, May 17, 1538. - -[725] ‘Veniemus quo tu voles,’ etc.--Calvin, _Epp._ p. 6. _Opp._ x. 67. - -[726] Bonnet, _Lettres françaises de Calvin_, i. p. 9. - -[727] Bonnet, _Lettres françaises de Calvin_, p. 10. - -[728] ‘De integro tamen excusari, quoniam et adhibere non -poteram.’--Calvin to Farel, Henry. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 236. - -[729] ‘Classis neocomensis ad ecclesias vicinas.’ April 29, 1541. - -[730] ‘Licet valde refragati simus.’--Farel. Pastoribus Tigur. Apr. 30, -1541. - -[731] ‘Solitæ tunc festinationi.’--Calvin to Farel, Aug. 4, 1538 -(_Bibl. de Genève_). Calv. _Opp._ x. 228. - -[732] Calvin, _Préface des Psaumes_. - -[733] _Ibid._ - -[734] ‘Strenue Lutetiæ pro veritate depugnasset.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_. - -[735] ‘Miserrimi diei tormenta excipiunt acerbiores noctis -cruciatus.’--Calvin. _Epp._ p. 10. _Opp._ x. 273. - -[736] ‘Suspicio cui velim nolim cogor locum aliquem dare.’--_Ibid._ - -[737] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 23. - -[738] Calvin, _Opp._ x. 266. - -[739] Rather less than a hundred and fifty francs, which would be -equivalent to more than two thousand francs of the present day; or -about eighty pounds sterling. - -[740] Maimbourg, _Histoire du Calvinisme_, book i. - -[741] Calvin to Farel. Aug. 4, 1538. _Bibl. de Genève._ Calv. _Opp._ x. -p. 228. - -[742] Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 117. - -[743] Registers of the Council. Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_. Gautier, -_Hist. MS. de Genève_. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, etc. - -[744] _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 11. See also Rozet, _Chron. de -Genève_, iv. ch. 26. - -[745] Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 275. - -[746] _Archives de Genève._ Letters of Farel, of June 19, August 7, and -November 8. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 136. Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 210. - -[747] Fl. Raemond, _Naissance de l’hérésie_, book vii. ch. i. - -[748] ‘Quibus tamquam lucidis gemmis, illa tua ecclesia -fulgebat.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6. - -[749] Bochrich, _Mittheilungen aus der Gesch. der Ev. Kirch des -Elsass_, iii, p. 133. - -[750] ‘Gallicam ecclesiam, constituta ecclesiastica disciplina -plantavit.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 288. - -[751] Letters of Calvin to Farel, 1538, etc. (_Bibl. de Genève._) Calv. -_Opp._ x. p. 273. Raemond, in _loc. cit._ - -[752] Calvin’s epistle to Grynæus, prefixed to the Comment. on Ep. to -the Romans. - -[753] ‘Theologiam illic docuit magno cum doctorum omnium -applausu.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6. - -[754] _De la Cène._ Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 439, 440. - -[755] Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 458-460. - -[756] ‘Salutabis Sturmium et Johannem Calvinum reverenter, quorum -libellos cum singulari voluptate legi.’--Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 211. -Calv. _Opp._ x. 402. - -[757] ‘Helvetii si idem facerent, jam pax esset in hac controversia.’ -The same thought was expressed by several churches. (Mecklenburg, -Churpfälz, Würtemberg, Pommern, etc., Kirchenordnungen.) - -[758] ‘Quod ex Gallia multi propter Calvinum accesserunt studiosi -adolescentes atque etiam litterati viri.’--Sturm, _Antipapp._ vi. p. 21. - -[759] ‘Ea enim mea nunc est conditio, ut _assem_ a me numerare -nequeam.’--Calv. _Epp._ edit. of 1575, p. 12. _Opp._ x. 332. - -[760] Calvin to Farel. (_Bibl. de Genève._) _Opp._ x. 315. - -[761] Calvin on Romans xii. 10; 1 John v. 1. - -[762] Calvin to Bullinger, Strasburg, Mar. 12. (_Bibl. de Genève._) - -[763] ‘Quia profectum nullum videt, mortem precatur.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. -p. 331. - -[764] ‘Pergamus tamen usque ad ultimum spiritum.’--Calv. _Epp._, Mar. -1539. - -[765] Calvin’s Letter to Farel, Aug. 4, 1538. Calv. _Opp._ x. 229. -Registers of the Council of Sept. 10, Nov. 28, and Dec. 26, 27, and -31. Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 24. Gautier, _Hist. MS. de -Genève_, book vi. p. 332. Roget, _Hist._ pp. 123, 124. - -[766] See their titles, _France Protestante_, vii, p. 60. - -[767] Registers of the Council, Dec. 23 and 27, 1538. Rozet, iv. 26. -Roget, p. 140. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 275. - -[768] Registers, Dec. 24 and 27 and Jan. 8 and 9. Rozet, Gautier, _loc. -cit._ - -[769] Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 354. Letter of June 24, 1539, to the Church -of Geneva. ‘Nisi Calvinus serio monuisset ne ob istud ἀδιάφορον litem -moverent.’--Beza, _Calvini Vita_, p. 6. - -[770] See second series, vol. ii. book iii. ch. 15. - -[771] Book iv. ch. 28. Gautier, book vi. Registers of the day. - -[772] Rozet, _Chron. de Genève_, book iv. ch. 27. - -[773] ‘Cum Philippo fuit mihi multis de rebus colloquium.’--Calv. -_Epp._, Mar. 1539. _Opp._ x. p. 331. - -[774] ‘Iis sine controversia ipse quidem assentitur.’--_Ibid._ - -[775] ‘Qui crassius aliquid requirunt; atque id tanta pervicacia, ne -dicam tyrannide.’--_Ibid._ - -[776] ‘Ut in tanta tempestate ventis adversis aliquantum -abscondamur.’--Calv. _Epp._, Mar. 1539. _Opp._ x. p. 331. - -[777] ‘Formam quam tenent non procul esse a Judaismo.’--_Epp._, April -1539. _Opp._ x. p. 340. - -[778] ‘Nimis abundarent in ritibus illis aut ineptis aut certe super -vacuis.’--_Ibid._ - -[779] ‘Nec sane justas esse puto discidii causas.’--_Epp._, April 1539. -_Opp._ x. p. 340. - -[780] ‘Quod mollitiem animi ejus suspectam habeant.’--_Ibid._ p. 328. - -[781] ‘Rex ipse vix dimidia ex parte sapit.’--_Epp._, April 1539. -_Opp._ x. p. 340. - -[782] ‘Habet mutilum et semilacerum Evangelium, ecclesiam vero multis -adhuc nugis refertam.’--_Ibid._ - -[783] John Lambert. - -[784] To Farel, June 21, 1540. - -[785] ‘Post hoc vexit asinus quidam ... qui fune quodam post se -trahebat Cæsarem et Papam.’--_Corp. Reform._ iii. p. 640. - -[786] ‘Asinum stantem duobus pedibus.’--Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 172. - -[787] ‘Observata ejus temporis occasione, destitutum tantis pastoribus, -gregem facile se intercepturum arbitratus.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6. - -[788] Registers, June 7, 1540. - -[789] ‘Sadoletus magna eloquentia homo sed qua imprimis ad opprimendam -veritatis lucem abutetur.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6. - -[790] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 38. - -[791] See ‘Sadoleti Epistola ad Genevates.’--_Calvini Opera_, v. pp. -365-384. We cite the French edition, published at Geneva, 1860. - -[792] Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, p. 353. - -[793] ‘Magnum civitati in eo rerum statu damnum.’--Beza, _Vita -Calvini_, p. 6. - -[794] Registers, Mar. 27, 28, etc. Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. 28. -Roget, p. 147. - -[795] Registers of the day. Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. 28. -Gautier. - -[796] Roget, i. p. 163. - -[797] Registers, April 29, 1539. Report to the Lords of Berne. Rozet. -Gaberel. - -[798] ‘Omnium injuriarum oblitus.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 6. - -[799] Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 39. - -[800] The original of this letter is in Latin. See Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. -385-416. Calvin translated it into French in 1540. Edition of Geneva, -1860. - -[801] Calvin puts this passage into the mouth of any one of the -reformed appearing before the supreme tribunal:--‘Neque iis qui -prædicatione nostra edocti ad eamdem nobiscum causam accesserint, -deerit quod pro se loquantur quando hæc _cuique_ parata erit defensio: -Ego,’ etc. But there is no doubt that he is relating his own -history.--EDITOR. - -[802] ‘Sadoleto optarem ut crederet Deum esse creatorem hominum, etiam -extra Italiam.’--Luther, _Epp._ v. p. 211. _Calvini Opera_, x. p. 402. - -[803] ‘Ad tolerantiam adversus improbos ... et ad Dei invocationem -imprimis exhortetur.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 7. - -[804] Calvin’s letters to Farel, Sept. 1539, Oct. 8, 1539, and April -10, 1540. Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 374-401. - -[805] Ruchat, _Hist. de la Réform._ v. p. 134. - -[806] Rozet, _Chron MS._ book iv. ch. xxxiii. Gautier, _Hist. MS._ -vi. p. 356, says,--‘There were some ex-priests who visited at certain -houses, and whose proceedings were greatly suspected.’ We quote from -a copy revised by Gautier himself, which belongs to a member of his -family. - -[807] Gautier, _Hist. MS._ iv. p. 356. - -[808] Registers, Sept. 15 and 22, 1589. Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book -iv. ch. xxxiii. Gautier, book vi. pp. 356, 357. Gaberel, _Pièces -Justificatives_. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 157. - -[809] Gautier, interpreting this speech, makes him say,--‘I do not -pride myself on making a sect apart.’ - -[810] ‘Sed centum potius aliæ mortes quam ilia crux, in qua millies -quotidie pereundum esset.’--Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Mar. 29, 1540. -_Opp._ ix. p. 259. - -[811] ‘Cur non potius ad crucem?’--Calvin to Viret, Strasburg, May 19, -1540. _Bibl. de Genève._ - -[812] Calvin to Farel, Strasburg, Oct. 1540. _Bibl. de Genève._ - -[813] ‘Ut expeditior multis tricis, Domino vacare possim.’--Calv. -_Opp._ ix. Bonnet, _Récits du seizième Siècle_, p. 81. - -[814] Calvin on _Ephes._ v. 28-33. - -[815] ‘Non sum enim ex insano amatorum genere, qui vitia etiam -exosculantur, ubi semel forma capti sunt.’--Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 348. - -[816] ‘Meministi illud Phillippi _cogitare te de_ accipienda -uxore.’--Fontanius to Calvin, Jan. 1541. Bonnet, _Récits_. - -[817] ‘Lectissima femina,’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 13. - -[818] _Bulletin de Protestantisme français._ - -[819] Beza-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 4. - -[820] ‘Optima socia vitæ.’--Calvin to Viret, April 7, 1549. _Epp._ -edition of 1575, p. 84. - -[821] ‘Fida quidem ministerii mei adjutrix fuit. Ab ea ne minimum -quidem impedimentum unquam sensi.... Hæc animi magnitudo,’ -etc.--_Ibid._ - -[822] _Lettres françaises de Calvin_, i. p. 28, to Du Tailly, July 1540. - -[823] ‘Advenerat illud tempus quo constituerat Dominus Genevensis -Ecclesiæ misereri.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 7. - -[824] Gautier, _Hist. MS. de Genève_, book vi. p. 341. - -[825] Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. xxix. Gautier, _Hist. MS._ book -vi. Registers of the Council. - -[826] Registers, July 9, 24, and 25, August 5 and 6. Rozet, book iv. -ch. xxxi. Gautier. - -[827] Registers of the day. - -[828] Rozet, _Chron._ book iv. ch. xxxv. Registers. Gautier. - -[829] Beza-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 44. - -[830] Registers. Rozet, Gautier, Roget. - -[831] _Chron. de Rozet_, book iv. ch. xxxix. Gautier, Deposition of -Witnesses. Roget. - -[832] Bonivard, _Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève_, pp. 48-51. -Rozet, _Chron. MS._ ch. xxxix. Gautier, _Hist. MS._ - -[833] Rozet, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. xl. - -[834] Bonivard, _Ancienne et nouvelle police de Genève_, p. 51. See -also Registers, Gautier, Bill of Indictment. - -[835] Gautier, _Hist. MS._ book vi. p. 393. Rozet, _Chron. MS. de -Genève_, book iv. ch. xli. - -[836] Rozet, _Chron. MS. de Genève_, book iv, ch. xli. - -[837] ‘Zwei Tage später hielten die Sieger (die Frömme) in dem Rathhaus -ein öffentliches Freudenmahl.’--Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, p. 303. -This _Freudenmahl_ is a fable which the German writer too readily -accepted. - -[838] ‘His veluti spumæ sordibus ejectis, civitas Farellum suum et -Calvinum cœpit requirere.’--Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 7. - - -Transcriber’s Note: - -1. Obvious spelling, punctuation and printer’s errors have been -silently corrected. - -2. Italics are shown as _xxx_, bold print is shown as =xxx=. - -3. Unbalanced quotation marks were remedied when the change was -obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN -EUROPE IN THE TIME OF CALVIN, VOL. 6 (OF 8) *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where - you are located before using this eBook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that: - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without -widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |