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diff --git a/old/65731-h/65731-h.htm b/old/65731-h/65731-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 68d9eee..0000000 --- a/old/65731-h/65731-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1899 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - This Troubled World, by Eleanor Roosevelt—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 2.5em; - margin-right: 2.5em; -} - -h1, h2 { - text-align: center; - clear: both; - margin-top: 2.5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; -} - -h1 {line-height: 1.5;} - -h2+p {margin-top: 1.5em;} - -p { - text-indent: 1.5em; - margin-top: .51em; - margin-bottom: .24em; - text-align: justify; -} -.caption p, .center p, p.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0;} - -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} -.vspace {line-height: 1.5;} - -.smaller {font-size: 85%;} -.larger {font-size: 125%;} -.xxlarge {font-size: 200%;} - -p.drop-cap {text-indent: 0; margin-bottom: 1.1em;} -p.drop-cap:first-letter { - float: left; - margin: .04em .3em 0 0; - font-size: 300%; - line-height:0.7em; - text-indent: 0; - clear: both; -} -p.drop-cap .smcap1 {margin-left: -.9em;} -.smcap1 {text-transform: uppercase;} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin: 4em auto 4em auto; - clear: both; -} - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - max-width: 80%; - min-width: 40%; - border-collapse: collapse; -} -td {padding-bottom: 1.5em;} - -.tdl { - text-align: left; - vertical-align: top; - padding-right: 1em; - padding-left: 1.5em; - text-indent: -1.5em; -} - -.tdr { - text-align: right; - vertical-align: bottom; - padding-left: .3em; - white-space: nowrap; -} - -.pagenum { - position: absolute; - right: .25em; - text-indent: 0; - text-align: right; - font-size: 70%; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - font-style: normal; - letter-spacing: normal; - line-height: normal; - color: #acacac; - border: .0625em solid #acacac; - background: #ffffff; - padding: .0625em .125em; -} - -.figcenter { - margin: 2em auto 2em auto; - text-align: center; - page-break-inside: avoid; - max-width: 100%; - -} - -img { - padding: 1em 0 .5em 0; - max-width: 100%; - height: auto; -} - -a.ref {text-decoration: none;} - -.gesperrt { - letter-spacing: 0.2em; - margin-right: -0.2em; -} -.wspace {word-spacing: .3em;} - -.pagenum br {display: none; visibility: hidden;} - -@media print, handheld -{ - body {margin: 0;} - - h1, .chapter, .newpage {page-break-before: always;} - h1.nobreak, h2.nobreak, .nobreak {page-break-before: avoid; padding-top: 0;} - - p { - margin-top: .5em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .25em; - } - - table {width: auto; max-width: 100%; margin: 1em auto 1em auto;} - - .tdl { - padding-left: 1em; - text-indent: -1em; - padding-right: 0; - } - - .figcenter {max-width: 100%; margin: 0 auto 0 auto;} - img {max-height: 80%;} - - p.drop-cap {text-indent: 1.75em; margin-bottom: .24em;} - p.drop-cap:first-letter { - float: none; - font-size: 100%; - margin-left: 0; - margin-right: 0; - text-indent: 1.75em; - } - - p.drop-cap .smcap1 {margin-left: 0;} - .smcap1 {font-variant: normal;} - - hr { - margin-top: .1em; - margin-bottom: .1em; - visibility: hidden; - color: white; - width: .01em; - display: none; - } - -} - </style> - </head> - -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of This Troubled World, by Eleanor Roosevelt</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: This Troubled World</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Eleanor Roosevelt</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: June 29, 2021 [eBook #65731]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Tim Lindell, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THIS TROUBLED WORLD ***</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 30em;"> - <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" /></div> - -<h1>THIS<br /> -TROUBLED<br /> -WORLD</h1> - -<hr /> - -<div class="newpage p4 center vspace wspace"> -<p class="xxlarge gesperrt"> -THIS<br /> -TROUBLED<br /> -WORLD</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 10em;"> - <img src="images/i_001.png" width="600" height="105" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="larger">ELEANOR ROOSEVELT</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 10em;"> - <img src="images/i_002.png" width="599" height="105" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="p2">MCMXXXVIII<br /> -H. C. KINSEY & COMPANY, INC.<br /> -NEW YORK -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="newpage p4 smaller"> -<span class="smcap">Copyright, 1938, by Anna Eleanor Roosevelt</span><br /> - -<span class="smcap">Printed in the U.S.A. by J. J. Little & Ives, N.Y.</span></p> - -<p class="smaller gesperrt">FIRST EDITION</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="newpage p4"> -To<br /> -MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT<br /> -who has led so many of us<br /> -in the struggle for peace -</p> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 5em;"> - <img src="images/i_003.png" width="301" height="105" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<table id="toc" summary="Contents"> -<tr> - <td class="tdl">THE CASE AS IT STANDS</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_1">1</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdl">ULTIMATE OBJECTIVES</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_14">14</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdl">IMMEDIATE STEPS</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_27">27</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdl">SUMMARY</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_44">44</a></td> -</tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak"><span class="larger gesperrt">THIS TROUBLED WORLD</span></h2> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 10em;"> - <img src="images/i_004.png" width="601" height="106" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<hr /> - -<div id="toclink_1" class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">1</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="THE_CASE_AS_IT_STANDS">THE CASE AS IT STANDS</h2> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 5em;"> - <img src="images/i_003.png" width="301" height="105" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> newspapers these days are becoming -more and more painful. I was reading -my morning papers on the train not so long -ago, and looked up with a feeling of desperation. -Up and down the car people were reading, -yet no one seemed excited.</p> - -<p>To me the whole situation seems intolerable. -We face today a world filled with suspicion -and hatred. We look at Europe and -see a civil war going on, with other nations -participating not only as individual volunteers, -but obviously with the help and approval -of their governments. We look at the -Far East and see two nations, technically not -at war, killing each other in great numbers.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">2</span></p> - -<p>Every nation is watching the others on its -borders, analyzing its own needs and striving -to attain its ends with little consideration for -the needs of its neighbors. Few people are -sitting down dispassionately to go over the -whole situation in an attempt to determine -what present conditions are, or how they -should be met.</p> - -<p>We know, for instance, that certain nations -today need to expand because their populations -have increased. Certain people will tell -you that the solution of this whole question -lies in the acceptance or rejection of birth -control. That may be the solution for the -future, but we can do nothing in that way -about the populations that now exist. They -are on this earth, and modern science has left -us only a few places where famine or flood or -disease can wipe out large numbers of superfluous -people in one fell swoop. For this reason -certain nations need additional territory -to which part of their present populations -may be moved; other nations need more land -on which to grow necessary raw materials; or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">3</span> -perhaps they may need mineral deposits -which are not to be found in their own country. -You will say that these can be had by -trade. Yes, but the nations possessing them -will frequently make the cost too high to the -nations which need them.</p> - -<p>It is not a question today of the “free” -interchange of goods. If standards of living -were approximately the same, throughout -the world, competition would be on an equal -basis and then there might be no need for -tariffs. However, standards of living vary. -The nations with higher standards have set -up protective barriers which served them -well when they were self-contained, but not -so well when they reached a point where they -either wished to import or export.</p> - -<p>When you take all these things into consideration, -the size of this problem is apt to -make you feel that even an attempt to solve -it in the future by education is futile. Faint -heart, however, ne’er won fair lady, nor did -it ever solve world problems!</p> - -<p>Peace plan after peace plan has been presented<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">4</span> -to me; most of them, I find, are impractical, -or not very carefully thought out. -In nearly all of them some one can find a -flaw. I have come to look at them now without -the slightest hope of finding one full-fledged -plan, but I keep on looking in the -hope of finding here and there some small -suggestion that may be acceptable to enough -people to insure an honest effort being made -to study it and evaluate its possible benefits.</p> - -<p>For instance, one lady of my acquaintance -brought me a plan this past spring -which sounded extremely plausible. Her -premises are: We never again wish to send -our men overseas; we wish to have adequate -defense; we do not need a navy if we do not -intend to go beyond our own shores; submarines -and airplanes can defend our shores, -with guns along our coasts as an added protection. -Therefore, we do not need an army, -for our men are going to stay at home. With -our coast defenses strong, nobody will land -here, so why go to the expense of an army? -We do not need battleships or, in fact, any<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">5</span> -navy beyond submarines because we do not -intend to own any outlying possessions.</p> - -<p>In this way, said the lady, we will save vast -sums of money which can be applied to all -the social needs of the day—better housing, -better schools, old age pensions, workmen’s -compensation, care of the blind and crippled -and other dependents. There is no limit to -what we might do with this money which we -now spend on preparation for destruction.</p> - -<p>It is a very attractive picture and I wish it -were all as simple as that, but it seems to be -fairly well proved that guns along our coasts -are practically useless. No one, as far as I -know, has ever devised an adequate defense -by submarines and airplanes, or calculated -whether the cost of the development of these -two forces would really be any less than what -we spend at present on our army and navy.</p> - -<p>The greatest defense value of the navy is -that its cruising radius is great enough to -allow it to contact an attacking force long -before that force reaches our shores. If we -trusted solely to submarines and airplanes we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">6</span> -would have to have them in sufficient number -really to cover all our borders, and this -type of defense would seem to be almost prohibitive -in cost for a nation with a great -many miles of border to defend.</p> - -<p>Has any one sounded out the people of -this country as to their willingness to wait -until an attacking enemy comes within the -cruising radius of our planes and submarines? -Have we faced the fact that this would -mean allowing an attacking enemy to come -unmolested fairly near to our shores and -would make it entirely possible for them to -land in a nearby country which might be -friendly to them, without any interference -on our part? Have our citizens been asked if -they are willing to take the risk of doing -without trained men? We have always had a -small trained army forming the first line of -defense in case somebody does land on our -borders, or attempts to approach us by land -through a neighboring country. Our army -has not been thought of as an attacking -force; do we want to do away with it?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">7</span></p> - -<p>Are all the people in this country willing -also to give up the outlying islands which -have come into our possession? Some of them -cost us more than they bring in, but others -bring certain of our citizens a fair revenue. -Can we count on those citizens to accept the -loss of these revenues in the interests of -future peace?</p> - -<p>Perhaps this is part of what we will have -to make up our minds to pay some day as -the price of peace; but has any one as yet put -it in concrete form to the American people -and asked their opinion about it?</p> - -<p>One of the things that is most frequently -harped upon is the vast sums of money spent -for war preparation in this country. Very frequently -the statements are somewhat misleading. -It is true that in the past few years -we have spent more than we have for a number -of preceding years because we had fallen -behind in our treaty strength but, in a world -which is arming all around us, it is necessary -to keep a certain parity and these expenditures<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">8</span> -should be analyzed with a little more -care than is usual.</p> - -<p>For instance, few people realize that in -the army appropriation is included all the -work done under the army engineers on -rivers and harbors, on flood control, etc. One -other consideration which is frequently overlooked -is that, because of the higher wages -paid for labor in this country, whatever we -build costs us more than it does in the other -nations. One significant fact is that we only -spend twelve percent of our national income -on our army and navy, as against anywhere -from thirty-five to fifty-five percent of the national -income spent by nations in the rest of -the world. It is well for us to realize these -facts and not to feel that our government is -doing something that will push us into a -position which is incompatible with a desire -for peace. We are the most peace loving nation -in the world and we are not doing anything -at present which would change that -situation.</p> - -<p>One very intelligent friend of mine developed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">9</span> -an idea the other day which seems -to me common sense for the present time, at -least. “Why do we talk,” she asked, “about -peace? Why don’t we recognize the fact -that it is normal and natural for differences -to exist? Almost every family, no matter how -close its members may be, is quarrelsome at -times.” Quarrelsome may be too strong a -word, so we might better say that differences -of opinion arise in the family as to conduct -or as to likes and dislikes. Why should we -expect therefore, that nations will not have -these same differences and quarrels? Why do -we concentrate on urging them not to have -any differences? Why don’t we simply accept -the fact that differences always come up and -concentrate on evolving some kind of machinery -by which the differences may be recognized -and some plan of compromise be -worked out to satisfy, at least in part, all -those concerned? Compromises, of course, -have to be made; they are made in every family. -There are usually some members of a -family, who, by common consent, are the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">10</span> -arbitrators of questions that arise, and who -hold the family together, or bring them together -if relationships become strained.</p> - -<p>The League of Nations was an effort to -find for the nations of the world, a method -by which differences between nations would -automatically be brought before the court of -public opinion. Some kind of compromise -would be made and those involved would -feel that substantial justice had been done, -even though they might not at any one time -achieve all of their desires.</p> - -<p>Many of us have become convinced that -the League of Nations as it stands today cannot -serve this purpose. The reason for this is -unimportant. The important thing now is -that we should concentrate on finding some -new machinery or revamping what already -exists so that every one will function within -it and have confidence in its honesty.</p> - -<p>The people of the United States have -congratulated themselves on the fact that -they had made a beginning towards the development -of this machinery in their conferences<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">11</span> -with the representatives of the other -American governments.</p> - -<p>Perhaps we have a right to feel a sense of -satisfaction for as a nation we have made a -small beginning. We were cordially disliked -throughout South America for years because -we were the strongest nation on this continent. -We took the attitude of the big brother -for a long time and constituted ourselves the -defender of all the other nations. We were -not only the defender, however, we also considered -it our duty to set ourselves up as the -judge, and the only judge, of what should -happen in the internal as well as the external -affairs of our various neighbors.</p> - -<p>To them it seemed a bullying, patronizing -attitude. As they grew stronger, they resented -it, but we went right on regardless of their -feelings. During the past few years we have -put ourselves imaginatively into their situation. -The final result is that we have reached -an amicable understanding and actually are -in a fair way to get together and discuss subjects -of mutual interest with little or no sense<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">12</span> -of suspicion and fear being involved in the -discussion. This can, of course, be spoiled at -any time by the selfishness of individual citizens -who may decide that, as individuals, -they can exploit some other nation on the -North or South American continents. The -restraint of these individuals will not be a -question of government action, but of the -force of public opinion which, it is to be -hoped, will be able to control and exert a -potent influence because of the sense of responsibility -acquired by our citizens.</p> - -<p>This is satisfactory, but there is still much -to be done before we can feel that even here -in the Americas we have a thoroughly sound -working basis for solving all misunderstandings. -We cannot be entirely satisfied with -anything, however, which does not include -the world as a whole, for we are all so closely -interdependent today that we can only operate -successfully when we all cooperate.</p> - -<p>We have had the experience and can profit -by the mistakes and the difficulties through -which the League of Nations has passed.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">13</span> -Every nation in the world still uses policemen -to control its unruly element. It may -be that any machinery set up today to deal -with international difficulties may require -policemen in order to function successfully, -but even a police force should not be called -upon until every other method of procedure -has been tried and proved unsuccessful.</p> - -<p>We have some economic weapons which -can be used first and which may prove themselves -very efficient as the guardians of peace.</p> - -<hr /> - -<div id="toclink_14" class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">14</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="ULTIMATE_OBJECTIVES">ULTIMATE OBJECTIVES</h2> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 5em;"> - <img src="images/i_003.png" width="301" height="105" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">What</span> are our ultimate objectives and -how shall we achieve them? First, -the most important thing is that any difficulties -arising should automatically go before -some body which will publish the facts to the -world at large and give public opinion an -opportunity to make a decision. Then, a -group of world representatives will have to -decide with whom the fault lies. If their decision -is not accepted by the nations involved -and either nation attempts to use force in -coercing the other nation, or nations—in opposition -to what is clearly the majority opinion -of the world—then and then only, it -seems to me, the decision will be made that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">15</span> -the nation using force is an aggressor nation. -Being an aggressor, the majority of nations -in opposition would be obliged to resort to -some method designed to make that nation -realize that they could not with impunity -flout the public opinion of the majority.</p> - -<p>We need to define what an aggressor nation -is. We need to have a tribunal where the -facts in any case may be discussed, and the -decision made before the world, as to -whether a nation is an aggressor or not. Then -the steps decided upon could be taken in -conjunction with other nations.</p> - -<p>First of all, trade should be withdrawn -from that nation and they should be barred -as traders in the countries disagreeing with -them. It would not seem probable that more -than this economic weapon would have to be -used but, if necessary in the end, the police -force could be called upon.</p> - -<p>In the case of a clearly defined issue where -the majority of nations agreed, the police -force would simply try to prevent bloodshed -and aggression, and it would be in a very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">16</span> -different position from an army which was -attempting to attack a country and subjugate -it. Even the use of a police force, which so -many think of as tantamount to war, would -really be very different and there would be -no idea of marching into a country or making -the people suffer or taking anything from -them. It would simply be a group of armed -men preventing either of the parties to a -quarrel from entering into a real war.</p> - -<p>Of course, I can imagine cases in which -the police force might find itself in an unenviable -position, with two countries engaged -in a heated quarrel trying to do away -with the police so they could get at each -other!</p> - -<p>All we can hope is that this situation will -not arise and that the non-aggressor party to -the quarrel, at least, may be willing to sit -peacefully by and see the police force repulse -the enemy without wishing to turn into aggressors -themselves.</p> - -<p>With all our agitation about peace, we lose -sight of the fact that with the proper machinery<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">17</span> -it is easier to keep out of situations -which lead to war than it is to bring about -peace once war is actually going on.</p> - -<p>I doubt very much whether peace is coming -to us either through plans, even my own -as I have outlined it, or through any of the -theories or hopes we now hold. What I have -outlined is not real peace, just a method of -trying to deal with our difficulties a little -better than we have in the past, in the world -as it is today. We may, of course, be wiped off -the face of the earth before we do even this. -Our real ultimate objective must be a change -in human nature for I have, as I said, yet to -see a peace plan which is really practical and -which has been thought through in every detail. -Therefore, I am inclined to believe that -there is no perfect and complete program for -bringing about peace in the world at the -present moment.</p> - -<p>I often wonder as I look around the world -whether any of us, even we women, really -want peace. Women should realize better -than any one else, that the spirit of peace has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">18</span> -to begin in the relationship between two individuals. -They know that a child alone may -be unhappy because he is alone, but there -will be no quarreling until another child appears -on the scene, and then the fur will fly, -if each of them desires the same thing at the -same time.</p> - -<p>Women have watched this for generations -and must know, if peace is going to come -about in the world, the way to start is by getting -a better understanding between individuals. -From this germ a better understanding -between groups of people will grow.</p> - -<p>In spite of this knowledge, I am sure that -women themselves are among the worst offenders -when it comes to petty quarrels. Mrs. -J—— will refuse to speak to Mrs. C—— -because Mrs. C——’s dog came through the -hedge and mussed up Mrs. J——’s flowerbed. -No one will deny that occurrences of -this kind are irritating in the extreme, but is -it worth a feud between two neighbors, perhaps -old friends or even acquaintances who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">19</span> -must live next door to each other and see -each other almost every day?</p> - -<p>At the moment we, as a nation, are looking -across the Atlantic and the Pacific, patting -ourselves on the back and saying how fortunate -we are to be away from all their excitements. -We feel a little self-righteous, and forget -that we ourselves have been engaged in a -war on the average of every forty years since -our nation was founded. We even fought a -civil war, complicated by the alignment of -other nations with one side or the other, -though no foreign soldiers actually came to -fight on either side.</p> - -<p>The people who settled in New England -came here for religious freedom, but religious -freedom to them meant freedom only -for their kind of religion. They were not going -to be any more liberal to others who differed -with them in this new country, than -others had been with them in the countries -from which they came. This attitude seems -to be our attitude in many situations today.</p> - -<p>Very few people in any nation today are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">20</span> -inclined to be really liberal in allowing real -freedom to other individuals. Like our forebears -we want freedom for ourselves, but not -for those who differ from us. To think and -act as we please within the limits, of course, -caused by the necessity for respecting the -equal rights which must belong to our neighbors, -would seem to be almost a platitudinous -doctrine, yet we would frequently like -to overlook these limits and permit no freedom -to our neighbors. If this is our personal -attitude, it is not strange that our national -attitude is similar. We are chiefly concerned -with the rights and privileges of our own -people and we show little consideration for -the rights and privileges of others. In this we -are not very different from other nations -both in the past and in the present.</p> - -<p>I can almost count on the fingers of one -hand the people whom I think are real pacifists. -By that I mean, the people who are -really making an effort in their personal lives -to bring about an atmosphere which will be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">21</span> -conducive to a solution of all our difficulties -in a peaceful manner.</p> - -<p>The first step towards achieving this end is -self-discipline and self-control. The second is -a certain amount of imagination which will -enable us to understand situations in which -other people find themselves. We may learn -to be less indignant at any slight or seeming -slight, and we may try to find some way by -which to remove the cause of the troubles -which arise between individuals, if we become -disciplined and cultivate our imaginative -faculties. Once we achieve a technique -by which we control our own emotions, we -certainly will be better able to teach young -people how to get on together. They may -then find some saner way of settling questions -under dispute than by merely punching -each other’s noses!</p> - -<p>When we once control ourselves and submit -personal differences to constituted authorities -for settlement, we can say that we -have a will to peace between individuals. -Before we come to the question of what may<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">22</span> -be the technique between nations, however, -we must go a step farther and set our national -house in order. On every hand we see -today miniature wars going on between conflicting -interests. As the example most constantly -before us, take capital and labor. If -their difficulties are settled by arbitration -and no blood is shed, we can feel we have -made real strides towards approaching our -international problems. We are not prepared -to do this, however, when two factions in a -group having the same basic interests cannot -come to an agreement between themselves. -Their ability to obtain what they desire is -greatly weakened until they can reach an -understanding and work as a unit. The basis -of this understanding should not be hard to -reach if the different personalities involved -could forget themselves as individuals and -think only of the objectives in view, and of -the best way to obtain them.</p> - -<p>Granted that they are able to do this, then -we can approach our second problem with -the knowledge that more deeply conflicting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">23</span> -interests are at stake but that those with common -interests can state their case so the public -may form their opinion. Here again, if -you could take it for granted that on both -sides a real desire existed amongst those representing -divergent interests to consider unselfishly -ultimate goals and benefits for the -majority, rather than any individual gain or -loss, it would undoubtedly be possible to -reach a peaceful agreement.</p> - -<p>Human beings, however, do not stride -from peak to peak, they climb laboriously up -the side of the mountain. The public will -have to understand each case as it comes up -and force divergent interests to find a solution. -The real mountain climber never gives -up until he has reached the highest peak and -the lure of the climb to this peak is always -before him to draw him on.</p> - -<p>That should be the way in human progress—a -peaceful, quiet progress. We cannot follow -this way, however, until human nature -becomes less interested in self, acquires some -of the vision and persistence of the mountain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">24</span> -climber, and realizes that physical forces -must be harnessed and controlled by disciplined -mental and spiritual forces.</p> - -<p>When we have achieved a nation where -the majority of the people is of this type, -then we can hope for some measure of success -in changing our procedure when international -difficulties arise.</p> - -<p>What we have said really means that we -believe in one actual way to peace—making -a fundamental change in human nature. -Over and over again people will tell you that -that is impossible. I cannot see why it should -be impossible when the record of history -shows so many changes already gone through.</p> - -<p>Only the other day I heard it stated that -there are only two real divisions which can -be made between people—the people who -have good intentions, and the people who -have evil intentions. The same man who -made this distinction between people, made -the suggestion that eventually there should -be in the government, a department where -business—the business that wishes to be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">25</span> -fair and square—could lay its plans before -a chosen group of men representing business, -the public and the government. They could -ask for advice as to whether the plans proposed -were according to the best business interests -of the country and the majority of the -people and receive in return a disinterested, -honest opinion. Immediately the remonstrance -was made that this would be impossible -because it would be difficult for an -advisory group to know if the plans laid -before them were honestly stated, and people -of evil intentions could use such a group to -promote plans for selfish interests rather than -for the general welfare. This is undoubtedly -true, and we are up against exactly the same -situation in trying to obtain peace between -groups within nations as we are on the international -fronts.</p> - -<p>Human beings either must recognize the -fact that what serves the people as a whole -serves them best as individuals and, through -selfish or unselfish interests, they become people -of good intentions and honesty. If not we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">26</span> -will be unable to move forward except as -we have moved in the past with recourse to -force, and constant, suspicious watchfulness -on the part of individuals and groups towards -each other. The preservation of our -civilization seems to demand a permanent -change of attitude and therefore every effort -should be bent towards bringing about this -change in human nature through education. -This is a slow way and, in the meantime, we -need not sit with folded hands and feel that -no steps can be taken to ward off the dangers -which constantly beset us.</p> - -<hr /> - -<div id="toclink_27" class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">27</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="IMMEDIATE_STEPS">IMMEDIATE STEPS</h2> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 5em;"> - <img src="images/i_003.png" width="301" height="105" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">We</span> can begin, and begin at once, to set -up some machinery. Our international -difficulties will then automatically be -taken up before they reach the danger point. -One of our great troubles is that it is nobody’s -business to try to straighten out difficulties -between nations in the early stages. If -they are allowed to continue too long, they -grow more and more bitter and little things, -which might at first have been easily explained -or settled, take on the proportions of -a bitter and important quarrel.</p> - -<p>We do not scrap our whole judicial machinery -just because we are not sure that the -people who appear before the bar are telling<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">28</span> -the truth. We go ahead and do our best to -ascertain the truth in any given case, and -substantial justice seems to be done in a majority -of situations. This same thing would -have to satisfy us for a time at least in the -results achieved by whatever machinery we -set up to solve our international difficulties.</p> - -<p>I am not advocating any particular machinery. -The need seems fairly obvious. To -say that we cannot find a way is tantamount -to acknowledging that we are going to watch -our civilization wipe itself off the face of the -earth.</p> - -<p>For those of us who remember the World -War, there is little need to paint a picture of -war conditions, but the generation that participated -in that war is growing older. To the -younger group what they have not seen and -experienced themselves actually means little.</p> - -<p>I heard a gentleman who loves adventure -say the other day that he could recruit an -army of young people at any time to go to -war in any part of the world. They would -believe that the danger was slight, and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">29</span> -fun and comradeship and adventure would -be attractive. I protested violently that youth -today was not so gullible, but down in the -bottom of my heart I am a little apprehensive. -Therefore, it seems to me that one of -our first duties is constantly to paint for -young people a realistic picture of war. You -cannot gainsay the assertion that war brings -out certain fine qualities in human nature. -People will make sacrifices which they would -not make in the ordinary course of existence. -War will give opportunities for heroism -which do not arise in every-day living, but -this is not all that war will do.</p> - -<p>It will place men for weeks under conditions -which are physically so bad that years -later they may still be suffering from the -effects of this “period of adventure” even -though they may not have been injured by -shot or shell during this time of service. -Upon many people it will have mental or -psychological effects which will take them -years to overcome. In many countries of the -world there are people to attest to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">30</span> -changed human beings who have returned -to them after the World War. Men who -could no longer settle down to their old -work, men who had seen such horrors that -they could no longer sleep quietly at night, -men who do not wish to speak of their experiences. -It is a rather exceptional person -who goes through a war and comes out unscathed -physically, mentally or morally.</p> - -<p>Secondly, it is one’s duty to youth to point -out that there are ways of living heroically -during peace times. I do not imagine that -Monsieur and Madame Curie ever felt the -lack of adventure in their lives, for there is -nothing more adventurous than experimentation -with an unknown element. Their purpose -was to find something of benefit to the -human race. They jeopardized no lives but -their own.</p> - -<p>I doubt if Father Damien ever felt that his -life lacked adventure; and I can think of a -hundred places in our own country today -where men or women might lead their lives -unknown or unsung beyond the borders of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">31</span> -their own communities and yet never lack -for adventure and interest. Those who set -themselves the task of making their communities -into places in which the average -human being may obtain a share, not only -of greater physical well-being, but of wider -mental and spiritual existence, will lead an -active and adventurous life to reach their -goal.</p> - -<p>This will need energy, patience and understanding -beyond the average, qualities of -leadership to win other men to their point of -view, unselfishness and heroism, for they may -be asked to make great sacrifices. To reach -their objectives they may have to hand over -their leadership to other men, their characters -may be maligned, their motives impugned, -but they must remain completely -indifferent if only in the end they achieve -their objectives. Moral courage of a rare kind -will be required of them.</p> - -<p>In the wars of the past, deeds of valor and -heroism have won decorations from governments -and the applause of comrades in arms,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">32</span> -but the men who lead in civic campaigns -may hope for none of these recognitions. The -best that can happen to them is that they may -live to see a part of their dreams come true, -they may keep a few friends who believe in -them and their own consciences may bring -them inner satisfactions.</p> - -<p>Making our every-day living an adventure -is probably our best safeguard against war. -But there are other steps which we might -well take.</p> - -<p>Let us examine again, for example, the -ever-recurring question of the need for armaments -as a means of defense and protection -and see if something cannot be done immediately. -Many people feel the building of -great military machines lead us directly into -war for when you acquire something it is -always a temptation to use it.</p> - -<p>It is perfectly obvious, however, that no -nation can cut down its army and navy and -armaments in general when the rest of the -world is not doing the same thing.</p> - -<p>We ourselves have a long unfortified border<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">33</span> -on the north which has remained undefended -for more than a hundred years, a -shining example of what peace and understanding -between two nations can accomplish. -But we also have two long coast lines -to defend and the Panama Canal, which in -case of war must be kept open, therefore it -behooves us to have adequate naval defense. -Just what we mean by adequate defense is a -point on which a great many people differ.</p> - -<p>Innumerable civilians have ideas as to -what constitutes adequate military preparedness -and the people most concerned, our -military forces, have even more definite -ideas. Many people in the United States feel -that we are still rendered practically safe by -the expanse of water on our east and west -coasts. Some people even feel, like Mr. William -Jennings Bryan, that if our nation -needed to be defended a million men would -spring to arms over night. They forget that -a million untrained, unarmed men would be -a poor defense. We must concede that our -military establishments have probably made<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">34</span> -a more careful, practical study of the situation -than any one else, for they know they -would have to be ready for action at once.</p> - -<p>Whether we accept the civil or the military -point of view on preparedness, we can -still move forward. We can continue to try -to come to an understanding with other nations -on some of the points which lead to bad -feeling. We can begin first, perhaps, with the -Central and South American nations and -continue later with other nations, to enter -into agreements which may lead to the -gradual reduction of armaments. If we only -agree on one thing at a time, every little step -is something to the good. Simply because we -have so far not been able to arrive at any -agreement is no reason for giving up the -attempt to agree. No one has as yet discovered -a way to make any of the methods of -transportation by which we all travel around -the world, absolutely safe, but nobody suggests -that we should do away with ships and -railroads and airplanes. I feel that the people -of various nations can greatly influence their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">35</span> -governments and representatives and encourage -action along the lines of reduction -in arms and munitions.</p> - -<p>Every international group that meets must -bear in mind that they have an opportunity -to create better feeling, but to move forward -along this particular front also requires the -backing of public opinion at home. This -opinion may be formed in many little groups -all over the world and may be felt in an ever -widening circle of nations until it becomes a -formidable force in the world as a whole.</p> - -<p>Then there is the matter of private interests -involved in the manufacture of arms and -munitions. I know there are many arguments -advanced against government ownership of -the factories making arms and munitions. -When you know the story of the part played -by certain families in Europe whose business -it has been to manufacture arms and munitions, -however, you wonder if the arguments -advanced against this step are not inspired in -large part by those whose interests lie in this -particular business?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">36</span></p> - -<p>It is true that a government can lose its -perspective for a number of reasons. The -need for employment may push them to over-production, -as well as fear of their neighbors, -and they may manufacture so much that the -temptation to use it may be great. Some governments -today manufacture practically all -they need for peace-time purposes and this is -a safeguard, but for war-time use, all governments -would have to fall back on private -manufacturers who could convert their -plants easily for the manufacturing of war -materials. Some governments today encourage -private manufacturers to produce arms -and munitions needed in peace time by buying -from them, but the great danger lies in -the uncontrolled private production which -is used for export. The element of private -profit is a great incentive towards the increase -of this business just as it is in any other -business. Governments are not tempted in -the same way, for they do not manufacture -for export or for profit.</p> - -<p>It seems to me that we must trust some one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">37</span> -and I think perhaps it is wiser to trust a -government than the more vulnerable and -easily tempted individual. Besides which, a -democracy has it within its power to control -any government business and, therefore, the -idea that our government should control the -manufacture of arms and munitions fills me -with no great trepidation.</p> - -<p>This control of the manufacture of arms -and munitions is a measure which could be -undertaken by one government alone. It does -not have to wait for all the other governments -to concur, and so I believe either in -complete government ownership or in the -strictest kind of government supervision, -allowing such manufacture as will supply our -own country but which will not create a surplus -for exportation, thus removing the incentive -for constantly seeking and creating -new markets.</p> - -<p>The next step will be the mutual curtailment, -very gradually I am sure, of the -amount of armaments the world over. This -is a difficult step, because it requires not only<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">38</span> -an agreement on the part of all the nations, -but sufficient confidence in each other to believe -that, having given their word, they will -live up to the spirit of the agreement as well -as to the letter of it, and not try cleverly to -hide whatever they have done from possible -inspectors.</p> - -<p>They will not, for instance, destroy a battleship -and add a half dozen airplanes, telling -the other members to the agreement that -they have carried out the promised reduction, -but forgetting to mention the additions -to some other arm of their military service.</p> - -<p>This lack of integrity, or perhaps we -should call it more politely the desire to be -a little more clever than one’s neighbor, is -what promotes a constant attitude of suspicion -amongst nations. This will exist until -we have accomplished a change in human -nature and that is why for the present it -seems to me necessary to have inspection and -policing as well as an agreement.</p> - -<p>The objection will be made that in the nations -which are not democracies a government<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">39</span> -might build up a great secret arsenal; -but in those countries this could be done today -for most of them control the press and all -out-going information with an iron hand.</p> - -<p>Outside of the democracies, government -ownership is a much more serious danger on -this account. If all nations were obliged to -report their military strength to some central -body, and this body was allowed to inspect -and vouch for the truth of their statements, -then all governments could feel secure -against that hidden danger which is now part -of the incentive for a constant increase in the -defense machinery of every nation.</p> - -<p>Here again we are confronted with the -need of some machinery to work for peace. -I have already stated that I doubt if the present -League of Nations could ever be made to -serve the purpose for which it was originally -intended. This does not mean that I do not -believe that we could get together. We might -even begin by setting up regional groups in -different parts of the world which might -eventually amalgamate into a central body.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">40</span> -It seems to me almost a necessity that we -have some central body as a means of settling -our difficulties, with an international police -force to enforce its decisions, as long as we -have not yet reached the point everywhere -of setting force aside.</p> - -<p>Joint economic action on the part of a -group of nations will undoubtedly be very -effective, but it will take time to educate -people to a point where they are willing to -sacrifice, even temporarily, material gains in -the interests of peace, so I doubt whether we -can count at once on complete cooperation -in the use of an economic boycott. To be a -real weapon against any nation wishing to -carry on war, it must be well carried out by -a great number of nations.</p> - -<p>Another small and perhaps seemingly unimportant -thing might be done immediately. -It might be understood that in war time -every one should become a part of the military -service and no one should be allowed to -make any profit either in increased wages or -in increased interest on their capital investment.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">41</span> -This might bring about a little more -universal interest in peace, and more active -interest in the efforts to prevent war whether -a man were going to the front or staying at -home.</p> - -<p>Of course, when we talk of “the front” in -connection with future wars, we are taking -it for granted that future wars will be much -like those of the past, whereas most people -believe that future wars will have no fronts. -What we hear of Spain and China makes this -seem very probable. Gases and airplanes will -not be directed only against armed forces, or -military centers, they may be used for the -breaking of morale in the opposing nation. -That will mean shelling of unfortified cities, -towns and villages, and the killing of women -and children. In fact this means the participation -in war of entire populations.</p> - -<p>One other element must be considered, -namely, the creating of public opinion today. -Wars have frequently been declared in the -past with the backing of the nations involved -because public opinion had been influenced<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">42</span> -through the press and through other mediums, -either by the governments themselves -or by certain powerful interests which desired -war. Could that be done again today in -our own country or have we become suspicious -of the written word and the inspired -message? I think that as a people we look for -motives more carefully than we did in the -past but whether issues could be clouded for -us is one of the questions that no one can -answer until the test comes.</p> - -<p>I am inclined to think that if a question as -serious as going to war were presented to our -nation we would demand facts unvarnished -by interpretation. Whether we even in our -free democracy could obtain them is another -question. Who controls the dissemination of -news? Is the press totally, uncompromisingly -devoted to the unbiased presentation of all -news insofar as possible? Is it possible for -groups with special interests to put pressure -on the press and on our other means of disseminating -information, such as the radio -and the screen, and to what extent?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">43</span></p> - -<p>This is an interesting study in every country -where people are really interested in good -will and peace. If these sources of information -are not really free should not the people -insist that this be one of our first reforms? -Without it we can have no sound basis on -which to form our opinions.</p> - -<p>These are things we can work for immediately, -but some of my friends consider -that one point transcends all others and epitomizes -the way to “peace.”</p> - -<hr /> - -<div id="toclink_44" class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">44</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="SUMMARY">SUMMARY</h2> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="max-width: 5em;"> - <img src="images/i_003.png" width="301" height="105" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">We</span> can establish no real trust between -nations until we acknowledge the -power of love above all other power. We cannot -cast out fear and therefore we cannot -build up trust. Perfectly obvious and perfectly -true, but we are back again to our -fundamental difficulty—the education of the -individual human being, and that takes time. -We cannot sit around a table and discuss -our difficulties until we are able to state them -frankly. We must feel that those who listen -wish to get at the truth and desire to do what -is best for all. We must reach a point where -we can recognize the rights and needs of -others, as well as our own rights and needs.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">45</span></p> - -<p>I have a group of religious friends who -claim that the answer to all these difficulties -is a great religious revival. They may be -right, but great religious revivals which are -not simply short emotional upheavals lifting -people to the heights and dropping them -down again below the place from which they -rose, mean a fundamental change in human -nature. That change will come to some people -through religion, but it will not come to -all that way, for I have known many people, -very fine people, who had no formal religion. -So the change must come to some, perhaps, -through a new code of ethics, or an awakening -sense of responsibility for their brothers, -or a discovery that whether they believe in a -future life or not, there are now greater enjoyments -and rewards in this world than -those which they have envisioned in the past.</p> - -<p>I would have people begin at home to discover -for themselves the meaning of brotherly -love. A friend of mine wrote me the -other day that she wondered what would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">46</span> -happen if occasionally a member of Congress -got up and mentioned in the House the -existence of brotherly love. You laugh, it -seems fantastic, but this subject will, I am -sure, have to be discussed throughout the -world for many years before it becomes an -accepted rule. We will have to want peace, -want it enough to pay for it, pay for it in our -own behavior and in material ways. We will -have to want it enough to overcome our lethargy -and go out and find all those in other -countries who want it as much as we do.</p> - -<p>Some time we must begin, for where there -is no beginning there is no end, and if we -hope to see the preservation of our civilization, -if we believe that there is anything -worthy of perpetuation in what we have -built thus far, then our people must turn to -brotherly love, not as a doctrine but as a way -of living. If this becomes our accepted way -of life, this life may be so well worth living -that we will look into the future with a desire -to perpetuate a peaceful world for our<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">47</span> -children. With this desire will come a realization -that only if others feel as we do, can we -obtain the objectives of peace on earth, good -will to men.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">THE END</p> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THIS TROUBLED WORLD ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. 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