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diff --git a/old/65670-h/65670-h.htm b/old/65670-h/65670-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 6a8298d..0000000 --- a/old/65670-h/65670-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3282 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799, by William Pitt. - </title> - - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - -<style type="text/css"> - -a { - text-decoration: none; -} - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - -h1,h2,h3 { - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - -h2.nobreak { - page-break-before: avoid; -} - -hr.chap { - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - clear: both; - width: 65%; - margin-left: 17.5%; - margin-right: 17.5%; -} - -div.chapter { - page-break-before: always; -} - -p { - margin-top: 1.5em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: 0.5em; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -table { - margin: 1em 1em 1em auto; - max-width: 40em; - border-collapse: collapse; -} - -td { - padding-left: 0.25em; - padding-right: 0.25em; -} - -.blockquote { - margin: 1.5em 10%; -} - -.center { - text-align: center; - text-indent: 0em; - margin-top: 0.5em; -} - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; -} - -.footnotes { - margin-top: 1em; - border: dashed 1px; -} - -.footnote { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; - font-size: 0.9em; -} - -.footnote p { - margin-top: 0.5em; -} - -.footnote .label { - position: absolute; - right: 84%; - text-align: right; -} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: none; -} - -.gothic { - font-family: 'Old English Text MT', 'Old English', serif; -} - -.hanging { - padding-left: 2em; - text-indent: -2em; - margin-top: 0.5em; -} - -.larger { - font-size: 150%; -} - -.lh { - line-height: 1.8em; -} - -.pagenum { - position: absolute; - right: 4%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; -} - -.poetry-container { - text-align: center; - margin: 1em; -} - -.poetry { - display: inline-block; - text-align: left; -} - -.poetry .stanza { - margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em; -} - -.poetry .verse { - padding-left: 3em; -} - -.poetry .indent0 { - text-indent: -3em; -} - -.right { - text-align: right; - margin-right: 1em; -} - -.salutation { - text-indent: 4em; - margin-bottom: -1em; -} - -.smaller { - font-size: 80%; -} - -.smcap { - font-variant: small-caps; - font-style: normal; -} - -.tb { - margin-top: 3.5em; -} - -.titlepage { - text-align: center; - margin-top: 3em; - text-indent: 0em; -} - -.x-ebookmaker .poetry { - display: block; - margin-left: 1.5em; -} - -.x-ebookmaker .blockquote { - margin: 1.5em 5%; -} - </style> - </head> -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799, by William Pitt</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0;'>On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: William Pitt</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: June 22, 2021 [eBook #65670]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECH OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM PITT, IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1799 ***</div> - -<p class="titlepage larger gothic"><i>Fifth Edition.</i></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="center larger">SPEECH<br /> -<span class="smaller">OF THE</span><br /> -<i>Right Hon. William Pitt,<br /> -&c. &c.</i></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="center">(ONE SHILLING AND SIXPENCE.)</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p class="titlepage lh larger"><span class="larger">SPEECH</span><br /> -<span class="smaller">OF THE<br /> -RIGHT HONOURABLE</span><br /> -<span class="larger"><i>WILLIAM PITT</i>,</span><br /> -<span class="smaller">IN THE</span><br /> -HOUSE OF COMMONS,<br /> -THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1799,</p> - -<p class="center"><i>On offering to the House the <span class="smcap">Resolutions</span> which he proposed<br /> -as the <span class="smcap">Basis of an Union</span> between<br /> -<span class="smcap">Great Britain and Ireland</span>.</i></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="center gothic">Fifth Edition.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="titlepage"><i>LONDON</i>:<br /> -<span class="smaller">PRINTED FOR J. WRIGHT, OPPOSITE OLD BOND-STREET,<br /> -PICCADILLY.</span><br /> -1799.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<h1>SPEECH<br /> -<span class="smaller">OF THE</span><br /> -<i>Right Hon. William Pitt</i>,<br /> -<span class="smaller">&c. &c.</span></h1> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 250px;"> -<img src="images/line-single.jpg" width="250" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p>The Speaker having read <span class="smcap">His Majesty’s -Message</span>, <i>viz.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquote smaller"> - -<p class="salutation"><i>GEORGE REX.</i></p> - -<p>“His Majesty is persuaded that the unremitting industry -with which our enemies persevere in their avowed -design of effecting the Separation of Ireland from this -Kingdom, cannot fail to engage the particular attention -of Parliament; and His Majesty recommends it to this -House to consider of the most effectual means of counteracting -and finally defeating this design; and he trusts -that a review of all the circumstances which have -recently occurred (joined to the sentiment of mutual -affection and common interest), will dispose the Parliament -of both Kingdoms to provide, in the manner<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -which they shall judge most expedient, for settling such -a complete and final adjustment as may best tend to improve -and perpetuate a Connection essential for their -common security, and to augment and consolidate the -Strength, Power, and Resources of the British Empire.”</p> - -<p class="right">G. R.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Pitt</span> <i>rose, and spoke as follows</i>:</p> - -<p class="salutation">SIR,</p> - -<p>When I proposed to the House, the last time -this subject was before them, to fix this day for the -further consideration of His Majesty’s Message, I -certainly indulged the hope that the result of a similar -communication to the Parliament of Ireland would -have opened a more favourable Prospect, than at -present exists, of the speedy accomplishment of a -measure which I then stated, and which I still consider, -to be of the greatest importance to the power, -the stability, and the general welfare of the Empire; -to the immediate interests of both Kingdoms; and -more particularly to the peace, the tranquillity, -and the safety of Ireland: in this hope, I am sorry -to say, I have for the present been disappointed, by -the proceedings of the Irish House of Commons, of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -which we have been informed since this subject -was last under consideration.</p> - -<p>I feel and know that the Parliament of Ireland -possesses the power, the intire competence, on the -behalf of that country, alike to accept or reject -a proposition of this nature—a power which I am -by no means inclined to dispute. I see that at -the present moment one House of Parliament -in Ireland has expressed a repugnance, even to -the consideration of this measure. Feeling, Sir, -as I have already stated, that it is important, -not only as it tends to the general prosperity -of the Empire of Great Britain, but (what, -under every situation, must always be to me an -object of the greatest moment) feeling that it was -designed and calculated to increase the prosperity -and ensure the safety of Ireland, I must have seen -with the deepest regret that, at the very first -moment, and before the nature of the measure -could be known, it was so received.</p> - -<p>But whatever may have been my feelings upon -this subject, knowing that it is the undoubted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -right of the Legislature of Ireland to reject or to -adopt such measures as may appear to them injurious -or beneficial, far be it from me to speak -of its determination in any other terms but those -of respect. Let it not, therefore, be imagined -that I am inclined to press any sentiment, however -calculated it may appear to me to benefit -every member of the Empire, in any manner -which may lead to hostile discussion between two -Kingdoms, whose mutual happiness and safety -depend upon their being strictly and cordially -united. But while I admit and respect the rights -of the Parliament of Ireland, I feel that, as a -Member of the Parliament of Great Britain, I -also have a Right to exercise, and a Duty to perform. -That Duty is to express, as distinctly as I -can, the general nature and outline of the Plan, -which, in my conscience, I think would tend in -the strongest manner to ensure the safety and -the happiness of both Kingdoms.</p> - -<p>While I feel, therefore, that as long as the -House of Commons of Ireland view the subject -in the light they do at present, there is no chance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -of its adoption, I do not think that I ought on -that account to abstain from submitting it to the -consideration of this Parliament; on the contrary, -I think it only the more necessary to explain -distinctly the principles of the Measure, and -to state the grounds upon which it appears -to me to be entitled to the approbation of the -Legislature.</p> - -<p>If Parliament, when it is in possession of the -basis upon which this Plan is founded, and of its -general outline, should be of opinion with me, -that it is founded upon fair, just, and equitable -principles, calculated to produce mutual advantages -to the two Kingdoms—if Parliament, I say, -upon full explanation, and after mature deliberation, -should be of that opinion, I should propose -that its determination should remain recorded as -that by which the Parliament of Great Britain -is ready to abide, leaving to the Legislature of -Ireland to reject or to adopt it hereafter, upon a -full consideration of the subject.</p> - -<p>There is no man who will deny that in a great -question of this nature, involving in it objects<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -which, in the first instance, are more likely to be -decided upon by passion than by judgment; in a -question in which an honest but, I must be allowed -to say, a mistaken sense of National Pride is so -likely to operate, that much misconstruction and -misconception must inevitably happen. It therefore -becomes the more necessary that the intentions -of the Government which proposes the Measure, -and the principles of the Measure itself, should be -distinctly understood. But, Sir, in stating that -intention and those principles, I look to something -more than a mere vindication of Government for -having proposed the Measure. I do entertain a -confidence, even under the apparent discouragement -of the opinion expressed by the Irish House -of Commons, that this Measure is founded -upon such clear, such demonstrable grounds of -utility, is so calculated to add to the strength -and power of the Empire, (in which the safety -of Ireland is included, and from which it never -can be separated) and is attended with so many -advantages to Ireland in particular, that all that -can be necessary for its ultimate adoption is, that -it should be stated distinctly, temperately, and -fully, and that it should be left to the unprejudiced,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -the dispassionate, the sober judgment of -the Parliament of Ireland. I wish that those -whose interests are involved in this measure -should have time for its consideration—I wish -that time should be given to the Landed, to the -Mercantile, and Manufacturing Interest, that they -should look at it in all its bearings, and that they -should coolly examine and sift the popular arguments -by which it has been opposed, and that -then they should give their deliberate and final -judgment.</p> - -<p>I am the more encouraged in this hope of the -ultimate success of this measure, when I see, notwithstanding -all the prejudices which it has excited, -that barely more than one-half of the members -that attended the House of Commons were -adverse to it; and that in the other House of Parliament -in Ireland, containing, as it does, so large -a portion of the property of that kingdom, it was -approved of by a large majority.—When I have -reason to believe that the sentiments of a large part -of the People of that Country are favourable to it; -and that much of the Manufacturing, and of the -Commercial Interest of Ireland are already sensible<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -how much it is calculated to promote their advantage, -I think, when it is more deliberately examined, -and when it is seen in what temper it is here -proposed and discussed, that it will still terminate -in that which can alone be a fortunate result.</p> - -<p>It would be vain indeed to hope that a proposition -upon which prejudices are so likely to operate, -and which is so liable to misconception, -should be unanimously approved. But the approbation -I hope for is, that of the Parliament of -Ireland, and of the intelligent part of the Public -of that Country. It is with a view to this object -that I think it my duty to bring this measure forward -at present; not for the sake of urging its -immediate adoption, but that it may be known -and recorded; that the intention of the British -Parliament may be known, in the hope that it -will produce similar sentiments among our Countrymen -in Ireland. With this view it is my intention -not to go at present into any detailed statement -of the plan, because should it ultimately be -adopted, the minuter parts must necessarily become -the objects of much distinct discussion; but -to give such a general statement of the nature of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -the measure as will enable the House to form a -correct judgment upon it.</p> - -<p>I shall therefore, Sir, before I sit down, open -to the House a string of Resolutions, comprising -the general heads of this plan. It will be necessary -for me, for the purpose of discussing those -Resolutions with regularity and convenience, to -move that the House should resolve itself into a -Committee. And I have already stated, that it is -not my intention then to press the Committee to -come to an immediate decision upon the Resolutions; -but if, upon full and deliberate examination, -the Resolutions which I shall have the honour -to propose, and which contain as much as is necessary -for an outline of the plan, shall be approved, -my opinion is, that nothing can contribute -more to obviate any doubts and dissatisfaction -which may exist, than that Parliament should -adopt those Resolutions, and that it should then -humbly lay them at the foot of the Throne, leaving -it to <span class="smcap">His Majesty’s</span> wisdom to communicate -them to the Parliament of Ireland, whenever -circumstances should appear favourable to such -a Measure. I shall therefore, Sir, proceed as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -shortly as I can to state to the House the nature, -of the Resolutions, and of the Address which -I shall propose to accompany them, if it -should be the pleasure of the House to adopt -them.</p> - -<p>Having now, Sir, explained to the House the -mode I mean to pursue, and my reasons for persisting, -under the present circumstances, in submitting -this Measure to the consideration of Parliament, -I will endeavour to state the general -grounds on which it rests, the general arguments -by which it is recommended, and to give a short -view of the outline of the Plan.</p> - -<p>As to the general principle upon which, the -whole of this Measure is founded, I am happy to -observe, from what passed upon a former occasion, -that there is not a probability of any difference -of opinion. The general principle, to -which both sides of the House perfectly acceded, -is, that a perpetual Connection between Great -Britain and Ireland is essential to the interests of -both. The only Honourable Gentleman who, -when this subject was before the House on a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -former day, opposed the consideration of the Plan -altogether, stated, in terms as strong as I could -wish, the necessity of preserving the strictest -Connection between the two Countries. I most -cordially agree with him in that opinion, but I -then stated, that I do not barely wish for the maintenance -of that Connection as tending to add -to the general strength of the Empire, but I wish -for the maintenance of it with a peculiar regard -to the local interests of Ireland, with a regard to -every thing that can give to Ireland its due weight -and importance, as a great member of the Empire. -I wish for it with a view of giving to that -Country the means of improving all its great -natural Resources, and of giving it a full participation -of all those blessings which this Country -so eminently enjoys.</p> - -<p>Considering the subject in this point of view, -and assuming it as a proposition not to be controverted, -that it is the duty of those who wish -to promote the Interest and Prosperity of both -Countries, to maintain the strongest connection -between them, let me ask, what is the situation of -Affairs that has called us to the discussion of this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -subject? This very connection, the necessity of -which has been admitted on all hands, has been -attacked by Foreign Enemies, and by Domestic -Traitors. The dissolution of this connection is -the great object of the hostility of the common -Enemies of both Countries, it is almost the only -remaining hope with which they now continue the -contest. Baffled and defeated as they have -hitherto been, they still retain the hope, they are -still meditating attempts, to dissolve that connection. -In how many instances already the defeat of -their hostile designs has been turned to the confirmation -of our Strength and Security, I need not enumerate. -God grant that in this instance the same -favour of Divine Providence, which has in so -many instances protected this Empire, may again -interpose in our favour, and that the attempts of -the Enemy to separate the two Countries, may -tend ultimately to knit them more closely together, -to strengthen a Connection, the best -pledge for the happiness of both, and so add to -that power which forms the chief barrier to the -civilized world, against the destructive principles, -the dangerous projects, and the unexampled usurpation -of France. This Connection has been -attacked not only by the avowed Enemies of both<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -Countries, but by internal Treason, acting in concert -with the designs of the Enemy. Internal -Treason, which ingrafted Jacobinism on those -diseases which necessarily grew out of the State -and Condition of Ireland.</p> - -<p>Thinking, then, as we all must think, that a -close Connection with Ireland is essential to the -interests of both Countries, and seeing how much -this Connection is attacked, let it not be insinuated -that it is unnecessary, much less improper, -at this arduous and important crisis, to see whether -some new arrangements, some fundamental -regulations, are not necessary, to guard against -the threatened danger. The foreign and domestic -Enemies of these Kingdoms have shewn, that -they think this the vulnerable point in which We -may be most successfully attacked; let us derive -advantage, if we can, from the hostility of our -Enemies—let us profit by the designs of those -who, if their conduct displays no true wisdom, -at least possess in an eminent degree that -species of wisdom which is calculated for the promotion -of mischief. They know upon what footing -that Connection rests at this moment between<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -the two Countries, and they feel the most ardent -hope, that the two Parliaments will be infatuated -enough not to render their designs abortive, by -fixing that Connection upon a more solid basis.</p> - -<p>These circumstances I am sure will not be -denied. And if upon other grounds we had any -doubt, these circumstances alone ought to induce -us, deliberately and dispassionately, to review the -situation of the two Countries, and to endeavour -to find out a proper remedy for an evil, the existence -of which is but too apparent. It requires -but a moment’s reflection, for any man who has -marked the progress of events, to decide upon -the true state and character of this Connection. -It is evidently one which does not afford that security -which, even in times less dangerous and less -critical than the present, would have been necessary, -to enable the empire to avail itself of its -strength and its resources.</p> - -<p>When I last addressed the House on this subject, -I stated that the settlement, which was made -in 1782, so far from deserving the name of a -Final Adjustment, was one that left the Connection<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -between Great Britain and Ireland exposed -to all the attacks of Party, and all the effects of -accident. That Settlement consisted in the demolition -of the System which before held the two -Countries together. Let me not be understood -as expressing any regret at the termination of that -System. I disapproved of it, because I thought it -was one unworthy the liberality of Great Britain, -and injurious to the interests of Ireland. But to -call that a System in itself—to call that a glorious -fabric of human wisdom—which is no more than the -mere demolition of another System—is a perversion -of terms which, however prevalent of late, can -only be the effect of gross misconception, or of -great hypocrisy. We boast that we have done -every thing, when we have merely destroyed all -that before existed, without substituting any thing -in its place. Such was the <i>Final Adjustment</i> of -1782; and I can prove it to be so, not only from -the plainest reasoning, but I can prove it by the -opinion expressed by the British Parliament at -that very time. I can prove it by the opinion -expressed by those very Ministers by whom it -was proposed and conducted. I refer, for what -I have said, to proofs which they will find it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -very difficult to answer; I mean their own acts, -which will plainly shew that they were of opinion -that a new System would be necessary. But, Sir, I -will go farther—I will also produce the authority -of one of those whose influence, on the present occasion, -has been peculiarly exerted to prevent the -discussion of the question in Ireland—of one, of -whom I do not wish to speak but with respect, -but for whom, nevertheless, I should convey an -idea of more respect, than I can now feel to be -due to him, if I were merely to describe him as -the person who fills the same situation, in the -House of Commons of Ireland, which you, Sir, -hold among us, and of which on all occasions <i>you</i> -discharge the duties with a dignity and impartiality -which reflects so much credit on yourself, -and so well supports the character and authority -of the House.</p> - -<p>On a former night, I read an Extract from -the Journals, to shew what was the opinion even -of those by whom the Final Adjustment was proposed -on that Measure. It would there appear, -that the Message was sent to the Parliament of -Ireland, recommending to them the adoption of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -some Plan for a Final Adjustment between the -two Countries, and wishing to know what were -the grounds of the grievances of which they complained. -In answer to this Message, the Parliament -of Ireland stated certain grievances, the principal -of which was, the power claimed by the Parliament -of Great Britain of making Laws to bind Ireland; -but, with respect to that part of the Message -which related to the propriety of adopting -some Measures for a Final Adjustment between -the two Countries, they were wholly silent. This -Address was laid before the Parliament of Great Britain, -to whom a similar Message had been previously -sent, and on that ground was moved the Repeal -of what was called the Declaratory Act, which -Motion was assented to by the British Parliament. -This satisfaction was compleat to Ireland, as far as -related to the grievance of which her Parliament -had complained, viz. the Power of the British -Parliament of making Laws for Ireland, because, -by the Repeal of the Declaratory Act, that power -was given up. But so far was the Minister of -that day from considering that the Repeal of that -Law finally terminated all differences, and established -the Connection between the two Countries<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -upon a solid basis, that he thought it necessary -to move that a farther Settlement was indispensable -for the maintenance of that Connection.</p> - -<div class="blockquote smaller"> - -<p>[Mr. <span class="smcap">Sheridan</span> across the Table, desired that that part -of the Journals to which Mr. <span class="smcap">Pitt</span> alluded, might be read.]</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Pitt</span> continued. Sir, I have stated the -substance of the Journals correctly; they were -read on a former night, and the Honourable Gentleman -may, if he chooses, have them read again.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> -If he does he will find that they fully justify the -statement I have made, but I beg that at present -I may not be interrupted. I do maintain, that -upon a reference to the Journals of the period to -which I have alluded, it will appear that a farther -agreement between Great Britain and Ireland is -there dated, in the opinion of the Administration -of the day, to be absolutely necessary.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> -<div class="footnote"> -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> Vide <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p>I beg farther to state, that after the motion for the -Bill of which so much has been said, was passed, an -Address to <span class="smcap">His Majesty</span> was moved and carried, -praying him to take such further measures as to -him seemed proper, to strengthen the Connection<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -between the two Countries. <span class="smcap">His Majesty’s</span> -most Gracious Answer, stating, that in compliance -with the Address, he would immediately take -such measures as might be necessary for that purpose, -was delivered to the House by an Honourable -Gentleman who then filled the office of Secretary -of State, and whom we have not lately -seen in the House, though he still continues to be -a Member of it. I do assert, without the least -fear of contradiction from any Gentleman whatever, -that it was in the contemplation of the Government -of that day, to adopt some measures of -the nature alluded to in the Address; since that -period, however, no such measure has been taken. -I do also maintain, that that very system which -by these very Ministers who brought it forward -was found to be imperfect, even for the purpose -of maintaining the Connection between the two -Countries, remains at this moment in the same -imperfect state. It leaves the two Countries with -separate and independent Legislatures, connected -only with this tie, that the Third Estate in both -Countries is the same—that the Executive Government -is the same—that the Crown exercises -its power of assenting to Irish Acts of Parliament<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -under the Great Seal of Great Britain, and by the -advice of British Ministers.</p> - -<p>This is the only principle of Connection which -is left by the Final Adjustment of 1782. Whether -this is a sufficient tie to unite them in time of -Peace; whether in time of War it is sufficient to -consolidate their strength against a Common Enemy; -whether it is sufficient to guard against those -local jealousies which must necessarily sometimes -exist between countries so connected; whether it -is calculated to give to Ireland all the important -commercial and political advantages which she -would derive from a closer Connection with Great -Britain; whether it can give to both Nations -that degree of strength and prosperity which must -be the result of such a Measure as the present, I -believe needs only to be stated to be decided.</p> - -<p>But I have already said, that I have upon this -point, the authority of an opinion to which I before -alluded—an opinion delivered upon a very -important Measure, very soon after the Final Adjustment -of 1782. The Measure to which I refer, -was that of the Commercial Propositions which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -were brought forward in 1785. I am not now -going to enter into a discussion of the merits of -that Measure. The best, perhaps, that can be -said of it is, that it went as far as circumstances -would then permit, to draw the two Countries to a -closer Connection. But those who think that the -Adjustment of 1782 was final, and that it contained -all that was necessary for the establishment -of the Connection between the two Countries -upon a firm basis, can hardly contend that the -Commercial Propositions of 1785 were necessary -to prevent the danger of separation between the -two Countries, and to prevent the conflicting -operation of Independent Legislatures. Yet, if I -am not mistaken, there will be found, upon a reference -to better Records than those in which -Parliamentary Debates are usually stated (I mean -a statement of what passed in the discussion upon -those Propositions fourteen years ago, made, as I -have understood, by some of the principal parties -themselves) that the <span class="smcap">Chancellor</span> of the <span class="smcap">Exchequer</span> -of that day in Ireland, in a Debate upon -the Irish Propositions, held this language—“If -this infatuated Country gives up the present offer, -she may look for it again in vain.” Here the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -Right Honourable Gentleman was happily mistaken; -Ireland has again had the offer of the -same advantages, but more compleat, and in all -respects better calculated to attain their object; -and this offer the Right Honourable Gentleman -has exerted all his influence to reject. But he -goes on to say—“<span class="smcap">things cannot remain as -they are</span>—Commercial jealousy is roused—it -will increase with <i>two independent Legislatures</i>—and -without an united interest in commerce, -in a commercial Empire, political Union will -receive many shocks, and <i>separation of interest</i> -must threaten <i>separation of Connection</i>, which -every <i>honest Irishman</i> must shudder to look at, -as a possible event.”</p> - -<p>Gentlemen will have the goodness to observe, -that I am not now quoting these expressions as -pledges given by that Right Honourable Gentleman -that he would support a proposal for a Union -between the two Countries, but I am adducing -them to prove that the situation of the two Countries -after the Final Adjustment of 1782, was -such, in his opinion, as led to the danger of a separation -between them. I am not now arguing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -that a Legislative Union is the only measure which -can possibly be adopted, but I am contending that -the Adjustment of 1782 was never considered as -final, by those who now state it to be so as an argument -against the consideration of the present -measure. How the Honourable Gentleman on the -other side of the House will evade this authority -I do not know;—an authority too, which, -I must observe, he seems much more inclined to -treat with respect than he was formerly.</p> - -<p>But, Sir, it does not stop there. What is the -evil to which he alludes? Commercial jealousies -between two Countries acting upon the laws -of two independent Legislatures, and the danger -of those Legislatures acting in opposition to -each other.—How can this evil be remedied? By -two means only; either by some Compact entered -into by the Legislatures of the two Countries -respecting the mode of forming their commercial -regulations, or else by blending the two Legislatures -together; these are the only two means. -I defy the wit of man to point out a third. The -mode of compact was proposed in 1785, but unfortunately, -in spite of that Right Honourable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -Gentleman’s eloquence and authority, who then -stated the importance of guarding against the evil, -it so happened that doctrines, derived chiefly -from this side of the water, succeeded in convincing -the Parliament of Ireland, that it would be -inconsistent with their independence, to enter into -any compact whatever. We have then the authority -of that Right Honourable Gentleman to whom -I have so often alluded, that the unsettled state -in which the matter was left, would give “Political -Union many shocks, and lead to a separation -of Connection.” The experiment of a mutual -Compact has been tried without success; the -arrangement of that sort, which was proposed in -1785, in order to obviate the inconveniences -stated by the Right Honourable Gentleman, was -then attacked with the same success against his -authority, as another and more effectual remedy -has recently experienced under his auspices. The -result then is—you must remain in the state which -that Right Honourable Gentleman has described, -with the seeds of separation in the system now established, -and with the Connection, on which the -mutual prosperity of both countries depends in -danger of being hourly dissolved, or you must again<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -recur to the proposal of a compact similar to that -rejected in 1785, or you must resort to the best -and most effectual remedy,—<span class="smcap">a Legislative -Union</span>.</p> - -<p>I have dwelt longer, perhaps, upon this part of -the subject than was absolutely necessary, because -I believe there is scarcely any man who has ever -asked himself, whether there is a solid, permanent -system of Connection between the two Countries, -who could, upon reflection, answer the -question in the affirmative. But besides the authorities -of the persons who made the arrangement -in 1782, and of those who have since treated -of it, to shew that it was not deemed to be final -and complete; I have further the test of experience -to shew how imperfect it was, and how inadequate -in practice to the great object of cementing -the Connection, and placing it beyond -the danger of being dissolved. In the single instance, -which has occurred, (and that a melancholy -one which all of us deplored,) in which we could -feel the effects of two jarring Legislatures, We -did feel it. On that occasion, it might have -produced the most signal calamities, had we not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -been rescued from its danger by an event, to which -no man can now look back without feeling the utmost -joy and exultation; feelings, which subsequent -circumstances have served to heighten and -confirm. Every Gentleman will know, that I -must allude to the Regency. With two independent -Legislatures, acting upon different principles, -it was accident alone that preserved the identity of -the Executive Power, which is the bond and security -of the Connection: And even then the -Executive authority, though vested in one person, -would have been held by two different -tenures, by one tenure in England, by another -in Ireland, had not the interposition of Providence -prevented a circumstance pregnant with -the most imminent perils, and which might -have operated to a separation of the two kingdoms.</p> - -<p>After seeing the recorded opinion of Parliament, -of those who made the arrangement of 1782, and -after the decided testimony of experience on the -subject, within the short period of sixteen years, -perhaps, it is hardly necessary to appeal to farther<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -proofs of its inadequacy, or to desire Gentlemen to -look forward to possible cases, which I could easily -put, and which will naturally suggest themselves to -the minds of all, who chuse to turn their attention -to the subject.</p> - -<p>But when we consider the distinct powers possessed -by the two Legislatures on all the great -questions of Peace and War, of alliances and confederacies,—(for -they each have in principle, a -right to discuss them and decide upon them, -though one of them has hitherto been wisely restrained -by discretion, from the exercise of that -right),—have we not seen circumstances to induce -us to think it possible, at least, that on some of -these important questions the opinions and decisions -of the two Parliaments might have been at -variance? Are we talking of an indissoluble Connection, -when we see it thus perpetually liable -to be endangered? Can we really think that -the interests of the Empire, or of its different -branches rest upon a safe and solid basis at present? -I am anxious to discuss this point closely -with any man, either here, or in Ireland. Will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -it be said, that the Parliament of the latter Country -is bound by our decision on the question of -Peace or War? And if not so bound, will any -man, looking at human Nature as it is, contend, -that there is a sufficient certainty that the decision -on that important subject will always be the -same in both countries? I should be glad to receive -a distinct answer to this question, from the -Honourable Gentleman who has declared himself -to be as warm a friend to the Connection between -the two Countries as I am.</p> - -<p>Suppose, for instance, that the present war, -which the Parliament of Great Britain considers -to be just and necessary, had been voted by the -Irish Parliament, to be unjust, unnecessary, extravagant, -and hostile to the principles of humanity -and freedom.—Would that Parliament have -been bound by this Country? If not;—what security -have we, at a moment the most important to -our common interest and common salvation, that -the two Kingdoms should have but one friend and -one foe? I repeat it; I am eager to hear what can -be said in justification of a basis so imperfect and unsound,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -and liable to be shaken by so many accidents. -I have already observed, that in the peculiar -circumstances of the present moment, we -may find stronger reasons to prove the necessity of -correcting the system of Connection between this -Country and Ireland, of supplying its imperfections, -and strengthening its weakness, than are to -be found at any former period.</p> - -<p>Having thus stated, Sir, and I think sufficiently -proved, that the Settlement of 1782, in every -point of view in which it can be considered, is -imperfect, and inadequate to the object of maintaining -the connection between the two kingdoms, -I proceed next to the circumstances which peculiarly -call upon us at the present moment to remedy -that imperfection.</p> - -<p>This Country is at this time engaged in the -most important, and momentous conflict, that ever -occurred in the History of the World; a conflict -in which Great Britain is distinguished for having -made the only manly and successful stand against -the common enemies of civilized society. We -see the point in which that Enemy think us the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -most assailable—Are we not then bound in policy -and prudence, to strengthen that vulnerable point, -involved as we are in a contest of Liberty against -Despotism—of Property against Plunder and Rapine—of -Religion and Order against Impiety and -Anarchy? There was a time when this would -have been termed declamation; but, unfortunately, -long and bitter experience has taught us to feel that -it is only the feeble and imperfect representation -of those calamities (the result of French Principles -and French Arms), which are every day attested -by the wounds of a bleeding world.</p> - -<p>Is there a man who does not admit the importance -of a measure which, at such a crisis, may -augment the strength of the Empire, and thereby -ensure its safety? Would not that benefit to -Ireland be of itself so solid, so inestimable, that, -in comparison with it, all Commercial Interests, -and the preservation of local habits and manners, -would be trifling, even if they were endangered -by the present measure;—which they undoubtedly -are not? The people of Ireland are proud, I believe, -of being associated with us in the great -contest in which we are engaged, and must feel<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -the advantage of augmenting the general force of -the Empire. That the present measure is calculated -to produce that effect, is a proposition which -I think cannot be disputed. There is not in any -Court of Europe a Statesman so ill informed as -not to know, that the general power of the Empire -would be increased to a very great extent -indeed, by such a consolidation of the strength -of the two Kingdoms. In the course of the Century -every writer of any information on the subject -has held the same language, and in the general -strength of the Empire both Kingdoms are -more concerned than in any particular interests -which may belong to either. If we were to ask -the Ministers of our Allies, what measure they -thought the most likely to augment the power -of the British Empire, and consequently increase -that strength by which they were now protected—if -we were to ask the Agent of our Enemies, -what measure would be the most likely to render -their designs abortive—the answer would be the -same in both cases, viz. the firm consolidation -of every part of the Empire.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span></p> - -<p>There is another consideration well worth attention. -Recollect what are the peculiar means by -which we have been enabled to resist the unequalled -and eccentric efforts of France, without any diminution, -nay, with an increase, of our general prosperity—what, -but the great Commercial Resources -which we possess? A Measure, then, -which must communicate to such a mighty Limb -of the Empire as Ireland, all the Commercial -advantages which Great Britain possesses, which -will open the markets of the one Country to the -other, which will give them both the common -use of their Capital, must, by diffusing a large -portion of wealth into Ireland, considerably increase -the Resources, and consequently the -strength, of the whole Empire.</p> - -<p>But it is not merely in this general view, that -I think the Question ought to be considered.—We -ought to look to it with a view peculiarly -to the permanent interest and security of Ireland. -When that Country was threatened with the double -danger of hostile attacks by Enemies without, -and of Treason within, from what quarter did she<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -derive the means of her deliverance?—from the -Naval Force of Great Britain—from the voluntary -exertions of her Military of every description, -not called for by Law—and from her pecuniary -resources, added to the loyalty and energy of the -Inhabitants of Ireland itself;—of which it is impossible -to speak with too much praise, and which -shews how well they deserve to be called the -Brethren of Britons. Their own courage might, -perhaps, have ultimately succeeded, in repelling -the dangers by which they were threatened, but -it would have been after a long contest, and after -having waded through seas of blood. Are we -sure that the same ready and effectual assistance -which we have happily afforded, on the present -occasion, will be always equally within our power? -Great Britain has always felt a common interest -in the safety of Ireland; but that common interest -was never so obvious and urgent as when the -Common Enemy made her attack upon Great -Britain, through the medium of Ireland, and when -their attack upon Ireland went to deprive her of her -Connection with Great Britain, and to substitute -in stead, the new Government of the French Republic. -When that danger threatened Ireland,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -the purse of Great Britain was open for the wants -of Ireland, as for the necessities of England.</p> - -<p>I do not, Sir, state these circumstances, as upbraiding -Ireland for the benefits we have conferred; -far from it; but I state them with pleasure, -as shewing the friendship and good will with -which this Country has acted towards her. But -if struggles of this sort may and must return -again, if the worst dangers are those which are yet -to come, dangers which may be greater from being -more disguised—if those situations may arise when -the same means of relief are not in our power, -what is the remedy that reason and policy point -out? It is to identify them with us—it is to make -them part of the same Community, by giving -them a full share of those accumulated blessings -which are diffused throughout Great Britain; it is, -in a word, by giving them a full participation of -the Wealth, the Power, and the Stability, of the -British Empire. If then this Measure comes recommended -not only by the obvious defects of -the system which now exists, but that it has also -the pre-eminent recommendation of increasing the -general power of the Empire, and of guarding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -against future danger from the Common Enemy, -we are next to consider it as to its effects upon the -internal condition of Ireland.</p> - -<p>I know perfectly well, that as long as Ireland is -separated from Great Britain, any attempt on -our part to provide measures which we might -think salutary, as respecting questions of contending -sects or parties, of the claimed rights of -the Catholics, or of the precautions necessary for -the security of the Protestants—I know that all -these, though they may have been brought forward -by the very persons who are the advocates -of the Final Adjustment in 1782, were, in fact, -attacks upon the Independence of the Irish Parliament, -and attempts to usurp the Right of deciding -on points which can only be brought within -our province by Compact. Until the Kingdoms -are united, any attempt to make regulations here -for the internal state of Ireland must certainly -be a violation of her Independence. But feeling -as I do, for their interests and their welfare, -I cannot be inattentive to the events that are -passing before me; I must therefore repeat, that -whoever looks at the circumstances to which I -have alluded—whoever considers that the Enemy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -have shewn by their conduct, that they considered -Ireland as the weakest and most vulnerable part -of the Empire; whoever reflects upon those dreadful -and inexcusable cruelties instigated by the Enemies -of both Countries, and upon those lamentable -severities by which the exertions for the defense -of Ireland were unhappily, but unavoidably, -attended, and the necessity of which is itself one -great aggravation of the Crimes and Treasons -which led to them, must feel that, as it now stands -composed, in the hostile division of its Sects, in -the animosities existing between ancient Settlers -and original Inhabitants, in the ignorance and want -of Civilization, which marks that Country more -than almost any other Country in Europe, in the -unfortunate prevalence of Jacobin Principles, -arising from these causes, and augmenting their -malignity, and which have produced that distressed -state which we now deplore; every one, I say, -who reflects upon all these circumstances, must -agree with me in thinking, that there is no cure -but in the formation of a General Imperial Legislature, -free alike from terror and from resentment, -removed from the danger and agitation, -uninfluenced by the prejudices and uninflamed by -the passions of that distracted Country.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span></p> - -<p>I know that it is impossible, if we wish to consider -this subject properly, to consider it in any -other point of view than as it affects the Empire -in general. I know that the interests of the two -Countries must be taken together, and that a man -cannot speak as a true Englishman, unless he -speaks as a true Irishman, nor as a true Irishman, -unless he speaks as a true Englishman: But -if it was possible to separate them, and I could -consider myself as addressing you, not as interested -for the Empire at large, but for Ireland -alone, I should say, that it would be indispensably -necessary, for the sake of that Country, to compose -its present distractions, by the adoption of -another system:—I should say, that the establishment -of an Imperial Legislature was the only -means of healing its wounds and of restoring it -to tranquillity. I must here take the liberty of -alluding to some topics which were touched upon -during the discussion of the former night.</p> - -<p>Among the great and known defects of Ireland, -one of the most prominent features is, its want -of industry and a capital; how are those wants to -be supplied, but by blending more closely with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -Ireland, the industry and the capital of this Country. -But, above all, in the great leading distinctions -between the People of Ireland, I mean their -religious distinctions, what is their situation?—The -Protestant feels that the claims of the Catholics -threatens the existence of the Protestant -ascendancy; while, on the other hand, the great -body of Catholics feel the establishment of the -National Church, and their exclusion from the -exercise of certain rights, and privileges, a grievance. -Between the two, it becomes a matter of -difficulty in the minds of many persons, whether it -would be better to listen only to the fears of the -former, or to grant the claims of the latter.</p> - -<p>I am well aware that the subject of religious -distinction is a dangerous and delicate topic, especially -when applied to a country such as Ireland; -the situation of which is different in this respect -from that of every other. Where the established -religion of the State is the same as the general -religion of the Empire, and where the property -of the Country is in the hands of a comparatively -small number of persons professing that -established religion, while the religion of a great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -majority of the people is different, it is not easy -to say, on general principles, what system of -Church Establishment in such a Country would -be free from difficulty and inconvenience. By -many I know it will be contended, that the religion -professed by a majority of the people, would -at least be entitled to an equality of Privileges. -I have heard such an argument urged in this -House; but those who apply it without qualification -to the case of Ireland, forget surely the -principles on which English Interest and English -Connection has been established in that Country, -and on which its present Legislature is formed. -No man can say, that, in the present State of -things, and while Ireland remains a separate kingdom, -full concessions could be made to the Catholics, -without endangering the State, and shaking -the Constitution of Ireland to its centre.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, without anticipating the -discussion, or the propriety of agitating the question, -or saying how soon or how late it may be -fit to discuss it; two propositions are indisputable: -First, When the conduct of the Catholics shall be -such as to make it safe for the Government to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> -admit them to the participation of the privileges -granted to those of the Established Religion, and -when the temper of the times shall be favourable -to such a measure;—When these events take -place, it is obvious that such a question may be -agitated in an United, Imperial Parliament, with -much greater safety, than it could be in a separate -Legislature. In the second place, I think it certain -that, even for whatever period it may -be thought necessary, after the Union, to withhold -from the Catholics the enjoyment of those -advantages, many of the objections which at present -arise out of their situation would be removed, -if the Protestant Legislature were no longer separate -and local, but general and Imperial; and -the Catholics themselves would at once feel a mitigation -of the most goading and irritating of their -present causes of complaint.</p> - -<p>How far, in addition to this great and leading -consideration, it may also be wise and practicable -to accompany the measure by some mode of relieving -the lower orders from the pressure of -Tithes, which in many instances operate at present -as a great practical evil, or to make, under<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -proper Regulations, and without breaking in on -the security of the present Protestant Establishment, -an effectual and adequate provision for the -Catholic Clergy, it is not now necessary to discuss. -It is sufficient to say, that these, and all other subordinate -points connected with the same subject, -are more likely to be permanently and satisfactorily -settled by an United Legislature, than by any -local arrangements. On these grounds I contend, -that with a view to providing an effectual remedy -for the distractions which have unhappily prevailed -in Ireland, with a view of removing those -causes which have endangered, and still endanger -its security, the measure which I am now proposing -promises to be more effectual than any -other which can be devised, and on these grounds -alone, if there existed no other, I should feel it -my duty to submit it to the House.</p> - -<p>But, Sir, though what I have thus stated relates -most immediately to the great object of -healing the dissentions, and providing for the -internal tranquillity of Ireland; there are also -other objects which, though comparatively with -this of inferior importance, are yet in themselves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> -highly material, and in a secondary view, -well worthy of attention.</p> - -<p>I have heard it asked, when I pressed the measure, -what are the positive advantages that Ireland -is to derive from it? To this very question I -presume the considerations which I have already -urged afford a sufficient answer. But, in fact, -the question itself is to be considered in another -view; and it will be found to bear some resemblance -to a question which has been repeatedly -put, by some of the Gentlemen opposite to me, -during the last six years. What are the advantages -which Great Britain has gained by the present -war with France?</p> - -<p>To this, the brilliant successes of the British -arms by sea and land, our unexampled naval -victories over all our enemies, the solid acquisition -of valuable territory, the general increase of -our power, the progressive extension of our commerce, -and a series of events more glorious than -any that ever adorned the page of our history, -afford at once an ample and a satisfactory answer. -But there is another general answer which we<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -have uniformly given, and which would alone be -sufficient; it is, that we did not enter into this -war for any purpose of ambition; our object was -not to acquire, but to preserve; and in this sense, -what we have gained by the war is, in one word, -all that we should have lost without it: it is, the -preservation of our Constitution, our Independence, -our Honour, our Existence as a Nation.</p> - -<p>In the same manner I might answer the question -with respect to Ireland; I might enumerate the -general advantages which Ireland would derive -from the effects of the Arrangement to which I -have already referred: The Protection which she -will secure to herself in the hour of danger. The -most effectual means of increasing her Commerce -and improving her Agriculture, the command of -English Capital, the infusion of English Manners -and English Industry, necessarily tending to ameliorate -her Condition, to accelerate the progress of -internal civilization, and to terminate those feuds -and dissentions which now distract the Country, -and which she does not possess, within herself, the -power either to controul or to extinguish. She -would see the avenue to Honours, to Distinctions,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -and exalted Situations in the general seat of Empire, -opened to all those whose abilities and talents -enable them to indulge an honourable and laudable -ambition.</p> - -<p>But, independent of all these advantages, I -might also answer, that the question is not what -Ireland is to gain, but what she is to preserve; -not merely how she may best improve her situation, -but how she is to avert a pressing and immediate -danger. In this view, what she gains is the -preservation of all those blessings arising from the -British Constitution, and which are inseparable -from her Connection with Great Britain. Those -Blessings of which it has long been the aim of -France, in conjunction with domestic traitors, to -deprive her, and on their ruins to establish (with -all its attendant miseries and horrors) a Jacobin -Republic, founded on French Influence, and existing -only in subserviency to France.</p> - -<p>Such, Sir, would be the answer, if we direct -our attention only to the question of general advantage. -And here I should be inclined to stop; -but since it has also been more particularly asked,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span> -what are the advantages which she is to gain, in -point of Commerce and Manufactures, I am desirous -of applying my answer more immediately -and distinctly to that part of the subject: and, as -I know that the statement will carry more conviction -with it, to those who make the inquiry, -if given in the words of the Right Honourable -Gentleman, to whom, and to whose opinions, I -have had more than one occasion to advert in the -course of this night, I will read you an extract -from his recorded sentiments on the subject, in the -year 1785, on this same memorable occasion of -the Commercial Propositions. Speaking of a solid -and unalterable Compact between the two -Countries, speaking expressly of the peculiar importance -of insuring the continuance of those -Commercial benefits, which she at that time held -only at the discretion of this country, he says—“The -exportation of Irish Products, to England, -amounts to Two Millions and a Half annually; -and the exportation of British Products, to Ireland, -amounts to but One Million.”</p> - -<p>He then proceeds to reason upon the advantage -which Ireland would derive, under such circumstances,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -from guarding against mutual prohibitions; -and he accompanies the statement, which -I have just read, with this observation—</p> - -<p>“If, indeed, the Adjustment were to take -away the Benefit from Ireland, it would be a -good cause for rejecting it; but, as it for ever -confirms all the Advantages we derived from -our Linen Trade, and binds England from -making any law that can be injurious to it, -surely Gentlemen who regard that trade, and -<i>whose fortunes and rents depend on its prosperity, -will not entertain a moment’s doubt about embracing -the offer</i>.”</p> - -<p>Such was the reasoning of the Irish <span class="smcap">Chancellor</span> -of the <span class="smcap">Exchequer</span>; which I consider to have -been perfectly just. With reference to his late -opinions, I do not think I can more forcibly reply, -to a person who signs his name to Propositions -which declare that the ruin of the Linen Trade -of Ireland is likely to be the consequence of an -Union, than by opposing to him his own opinion. -I shall be able to strengthen the former opinion -of that Gentleman, by stating, that the progress<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> -that has been made in Commercial advantages to -Ireland, since 1785, has been such as to render his -argument still more applicable. What is the nature -of that Commerce, explained by the same -person in so concise and forcible a manner, that -I am happy to use his own statement? He does -not confine himself to the gross amount, but gives -the articles in detail:—</p> - -<p>“Britain,” he says, “imports annually from -us Two Million Five Hundred Thousand -Pounds of our products, all, or very nearly all, -duty free, and covenants never to lay a duty on -them. We import about a Million of her’s, -and raise a Revenue on almost every article of -it, and reserve the power of continuing that -Revenue. She exports to us Salt for our -Fisheries and Provisions; Hops, which we cannot -grow; Coals, which we cannot raise; Tin, -which we have not; and Bark, which we cannot -get elsewhere: and all these without reserving -any duty.”</p> - -<p>I will not tire the patience of the House, by -reading farther extracts; but the Right Honourable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> -Gentleman’s whole Speech, in like manner, -points out the advantages of the Commercial -Propositions (at that time under consideration) as -a ground-work of a Compact between the two -Countries, in 1785, on Commercial subjects.—But -how stands the case now? The trade is at -this time infinitely more advantageous to Ireland. -It will be proved, from the documents which I -hold in my hand, as far as relates to the mere -interchange of manufactures, that the manufactures, -exported to Ireland from Great Britain, -in 1797, very little exceeded a Million sterling -(the articles of produce amount to nearly the same -sum) while Great Britain, on the other hand, imported -from Ireland to the amount of near Three -Millions in the manufactured articles of Linen and -Linen Yarn, and between Two and Three Millions -in Provisions and Cattle, besides Corn and -other articles of produce.</p> - -<p>In addition to these Articles, there are other -circumstances of advantage to Ireland. Articles -which are essential to her trade and to her subsistence, -or serve as raw materials for her manufactures, -are sent from hence free of duty. It is expressly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span> -stated on the same authority, that all that -we take back from Ireland was liable to a Duty -in that Country on their exports: The increasing -produce of the chief article of their -manufacture, and four-fifths of her whole export -trade, are to be ascribed, not to that <i>Independent -Legislature</i>, but, to the liberality of the British Parliament. -It is by the free admission of Linens for -our market, and the Bounties granted by the -British Parliament on its re-export, that the -Linen-Trade has been brought to the height at -which we now see it. To the Parliament of this -Country, then, it is now owing, that a Market -has been opened for her Linen to the amount of -three millions. By the Bounty we give to Ireland, -we afford her a double market for that article, and -(what is still more striking and important) we -have prevented a competition against her, arising -from the superior cheapness of the Linen-Manufactures -of the Continent, by subjecting their importation -to a Duty of thirty per cent. Nothing -would more clearly shew what would be the danger -to Ireland from the Competition in all its principal -branches of the Linen-Trade, than the simple<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -fact, that we even now import foreign Linens, under -this heavy duty, to an amount equal to a -seventh part of all that Ireland is able to send us, -with the preference that has been stated. By this -arrangement alone, we must therefore be considered, -either as foregoing between seven and eight -hundred thousand pounds per annum in revenue, -which we should collect if we chose to levy the -same duty on all Linens, Irish as well as Foreign, -or on the other hand, as sacrificing perhaps at -least a million sterling in the price paid for those -articles, by the subjects of this Country, which -might be saved, if we allowed the importation of -all Linen, Foreign as well as Irish, equally free -from Duty.</p> - -<p>The present measure is, however, in its effects -calculated not merely for a confirmation of the -advantages on which the person to whom I have -alluded has insisted. It is obvious that a fuller -and more perfect Connection of the two Countries, -from whatever cause it may arise, must produce -a greater facility and freedom of commercial intercourse, -and ultimately tend to the advantage of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> -both. The benefits to be derived to either Country -from such an arrangement must indeed, in a -great measure, be gradual; but they are not on -that account the less certain, and they cannot be -stated in more forcible language than in that used -in the Speech to which I have referred.—</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen undervalue the reduction of British -Duties on our Manufactures. I agree with -them it may not operate soon, but we are to -look forward to a final settlement, and it is impossible -but that in time, with as good climate, -equal natural powers, cheaper food, and fewer -taxes, we must be able to sell to them. When -commercial jealousy shall be banished by final -settlement, and Trade take its natural and steady -course, the Kingdoms will cease to look to -rivalship, each will make that fabrick which it -can do cheapest, and buy from the other what -it cannot make so advantageously. Labour -will be then truly employed to profit, not diverted -by Bounties, Jealousies, or Legislative -Interference, from its natural and beneficial -course. This system will attain its real object,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> -consolidating the strength of the remaining parts -of the Empire, by encouraging the communications -of their market among themselves, with -preference to every part against all strangers!”</p> - -<p>I am at least, therefore, secure from the design -of appearing to deliver any partial or chimerical -opinion of my own, when I thus state, on the -authority of a person the best informed, and who -then judged dispassionately, both the infinite importance -to Ireland of securing permanently the -great commercial advantages which she now holds -at the discretion of Great Britain, and the additional -benefit which she would derive from any -settlement which opened to her gradually a still -more free and compleat commercial intercourse -with this Country. And while I state thus strongly -the commercial advantages to the sister Kingdom, -I have no alarm left I should excite any sentiment -of jealousy here. I know that the inhabitants -of Great Britain wish well to the prosperity -of Ireland;—that, if the Kingdoms are really and -solidly united, they feel that to increase the commercial -wealth of one Country is not to diminish<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span> -that of the other, but to increase the strength -and power of both. But to justify that sentiment, -we must be satisfied that the wealth we -are pouring into the lap of Ireland is not every -day liable to be snatched from us, and thrown -into the scale of the enemy. If therefore Ireland -is to continue, as I trust it will for ever, an essential -part of the integral strength of the British -Empire; if her strength is to be permanently -ours, and our strength to be hers, neither I, nor -any English minister, can ever be deterred by the -fear of creating jealousy in the hearts of Englishmen, -from stating the advantages of a closer -Connection, or from giving any assistance to the -Commercial Prosperity of that Kingdom.</p> - -<p>If ever indeed I should have the misfortune to -witness the melancholy moment when such principles -must be abandoned, when all hope of seeing -Ireland permanently and securely connected with -this country shall be at an end, I shall at least have -the consolation of knowing, that it will not be -the want of temper or forbearance, of conciliation, -of kindness, or of full explanation on our part,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span> -which will have produced an event so fatal to -Ireland, and so dangerous to Great Britain. If -ever the over-bearing power of prejudice and -passion shall produce that fatal consequence, it -will too late be perceived and acknowledged, -that all the great commercial advantages which -Ireland at present enjoys, and which are continually -increasing, are to be ascribed to the -liberal conduct, the fostering care, of the British -Empire, extended to the Sister Kingdom as to a -part of ourselves, and not (as has been fallaciously -and vainly pretended) to any thing which has -been done or can be done by the independent -power of her own separate Legislature.</p> - -<p>I have thus, Sir, endeavoured to state to you -the reasons, why I think this Measure advisable; -why I wish it to be proposed to the Parliament -of Ireland, with temper and fairness; and why -it appears to me, entitled at least to a calm and -dispassionate discussion in that Kingdom. I am -aware, however, that objections have been urged -against the Measure, some of which are undoubtedly -plausible, and have been but too successful<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span> -in their influence on the Irish Parliament. Of -these objections I shall now proceed, as concisely -as possible, to take some notice.</p> - -<p>The first is, what I heard alluded to by the -Honourable Gentleman opposite to me, when his -Majesty’s Message was brought down; namely—That -the Parliament of Ireland is incompetent -to entertain and discuss the question, or rather, -to act upon the Measure proposed, without -having previously obtained the consent of the -People of Ireland, their Constituents. But, Sir, -I am led to suppose from what the Honourable -Gentleman afterwards stated, that he made -this objection, rather by way of deprecating -the discussion of the question, than as entertaining -the smallest doubt upon it himself.—If, -however, the Honourable Gentleman, or -any other Gentleman on the other side of the -House, should seriously entertain a doubt on the -subject, I shall be ready to discuss it with him -distinctly, either this night or at any future opportunity. -For the present I will assume, that no -man can deny the competency of the Parliament -of Ireland (representing as it does, in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span> -language of our Constitution, “<i>lawfully, fully, and -freely, all the estates of the people of the realm</i>”) to -make Laws to bind that People, unless he is disposed -to distinguish that Parliament from the Parliament -of Great Britain; and, while he maintains the -Independence of the Irish Legislature, yet denies to -it the lawful and essential powers of Parliament.—No -man, who maintains the Parliament of Ireland -to be co-equal with our own, can deny its competency -on this question, unless he means to go the -length of denying, at the same moment, the whole -of the authority of the Parliament of Great Britain—to -shake every principle of legislation—and -to maintain, that all the Acts passed, and every -thing done by Parliament, or sanctioned by its -authority, however sacred, however beneficial, is -neither more nor less than an act of usurpation. -He must not only deny the validity of the Union -between Scotland and England, but he must deny -the authority of every one of the proceedings of -the united Legislature since the Union; nay, Sir, -he must go still farther, and deny the authority -under which we now sit and deliberate here, as a -House of Parliament. Of course, he must deny -the validity of the adjustment of 1782, and call<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span> -in question every measure which he has himself -been the most forward to have enforced. This point, -Sir, is of so much importance, that I think I ought -not to suffer the opportunity to pass, without illustrating -more fully what I mean. If this principle of -the incompetency of Parliament to the decision of -the Measure be admitted, or if it be contended, that -Parliament has no legitimate authority to discuss -and decide upon it, you will be driven to the necessity -of recognizing a principle, the most dangerous -that ever was adopted in any civilized -State. I mean the principle, that Parliament cannot -adopt any measure new in its nature, and of -great importance, without appealing to the constituent -and delegating authority for directions. If -that doctrine be true, look to what an extent it will -carry you. If such an argument could be set up -and maintained, you acted without any legitimate -authority when you created the representation of -the Principality of Wales, or of either of the -Counties Palatine of England. Every Law that -Parliament ever made, without that appeal, either -as to its own Frame and Constitution, as to the -qualification of the electors or the elected, as to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> -great and fundamental point of the succession to -the Crown, was a breach of Treaty, and an Act -of Usurpation.</p> - -<p>If we turn to Ireland itself, what do Gentlemen -think of the power of that Parliament, which, -without any fresh delegation from its Protestant -constituents, associates to itself all the Catholic -electors, and thus destroys a fundamental distinction -on which it was formed? God forbid, that -I should object to or blame any of these Measures! -I am only stating the extent to which the -principle (that Parliament has no authority to decide -upon the present Measure) will lead; and, if -it be admitted in one case, it must be admitted -in all. Will any man say, that (although a Protestant -Parliament in Ireland, chosen exclusively -by Protestant Constituents, has by its own inherent -power, and without consulting those constituents, -admitted and comprehended the Catholics -who were till then, in fact, a separate community) -that Parliament cannot associate itself with another -Protestant community, represented by a Protestant -Parliament, having one interest with itself, -and similar in its Laws, its Constitution, and its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> -Established Religion? What must be said by -those who have at any time been friends to any -plan of Parliamentary Reform, and particularly to -such as have been most recently brought forward, -either in Great Britain or Ireland? Whatever -may have been thought of the propriety -of the Measure, I never heard any doubt -of the competency of Parliament to consider and -discuss it. Yet I defy any man to maintain the -principle of those plans, without contending that, -as a Member of Parliament, he possesses a right -to concur in disfranchising those who sent him to -Parliament, and to select others, by whom he -was not elected, in their stead. I am sure -that no sufficient distinction, in point of principle, -can be successfully maintained for a single -moment; nor should I deem it necessary to dwell -on this point, in the manner I do, were I not -convinced that it is connected in part with all -those false and dangerous notions on the subject -of Government which have lately become -too prevalent in the world. It may, in fact, be -traced to that gross perversion of the principles -of all political society, which rests on the supposition -that there exists continually in every Government<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span> -a Sovereignty <i>in abeyance</i> (as it were) -on the part of the People, ready to be called forth -on every occasion, or rather, on every pretence, -when it may suit the purposes of the party or -faction who are the advocates of this doctrine to -suppose an occasion for its exertion. It is in these -false principles that are contained the seeds of all -the misery, desolation, and ruin, which in the -present day have spread themselves over so large -a portion of the habitable Globe.</p> - -<p>These principles, Sir, are, at length, so well known -and understood in their practical effects, that they -can no longer hope for one enlightened or intelligent -advocate, when they appear in their true -colours. Yet, with all the horror we all feel, in -common with the rest of the World, at the effect -of them, with all the confirmed and increasing -love and veneration which we feel towards the -Constitution of our Country, founded as it is, -both in Theory and Experience, on principles directly -the reverse; yet, there are too many -among us, who, while they abhor and reject such -opinions, when presented to them in their naked -deformity, suffer them in a more disguised shape<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span> -to be gradually infused into their minds, and insensibly -to influence and bias their sentiments and -arguments on the greatest and most important -discussions. This concealed poison is now more -to be dreaded than any open attempt to support -such principles by argument or to enforce them -by arms. No society, whatever be its particular -form, can long subsist, if this principle is once -admitted. In every Government, there must reside -somewhere a supreme, absolute, and unlimited authority. -This is equally true of every lawful Monarchy—of -every Aristocracy—of every pure Democracy -(if indeed such a form of Government -ever has existed, or ever can exist)—and of those -mixed Constitutions formed and compounded from -the others, which we are justly inclined to prefer -to any of them. In all these Governments, indeed -alike, that power may by possibility be abused, -but whether the abuse is such as to justify -and call for the interference of the people collectively, -or, more properly speaking, of any portion -of it, must always be an extreme case and a -question of the greatest and most perilous responsibility, -not in Law only, but in Conscience -and in Duty, to all those who either act upon it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span> -themselves, or persuade others to do so. But no -provision for such a case ever has been or can -be made before-hand; it forms no chapter in -any known code of laws, it can find no place in -any system of human jurisprudence. But, above -all, if such a principle can make no part of any -established Constitution, not even of those where -the Government is so framed as to be most liable -to the abuse of its powers, it will be preposterous -indeed to suppose that it can be admitted in one -where those powers are so distributed and balanced -as to furnish the best security against the probability -of such an abuse. Shall that principle be -sanctioned as a necessary part of the best Government, -which cannot be admitted to exist as an established -check even upon the worst! Pregnant as it is -with danger and confusion, shall it be received -and authorized in proportion as every reason which -can ever make it necessary to recur to it is not likely -to exist? Yet, Sir, I know not how it is, that, -in proportion as we are less likely to have occasion -for so desperate a remedy, in proportion as a -Government is so framed as to provide within -itself the best guard and control on the exercise -of every branch of authority, to furnish the means<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span> -of preventing or correcting every abuse of power, -and to secure, by its own natural operation, a -due attention to the interest and feelings of every -part of the community, in that very proportion -persons have been found perverse enough to imagine, -that such a Constitution admits and recognizes, -as a part of it, that which is inconsistent -with the nature of any Government, and, above -all, inapplicable to our own.</p> - -<p>I have said more, Sir, upon this subject than I should -have thought necessary, if I had not felt that this false -and dangerous mockery of the <i>Sovereignty of the People</i> -is in truth one of the chief elements of Jacobinism, -one of the favourite impostures to mislead -the understanding, and to flatter and inflame the -passions of the mass of mankind, who have not -the opportunity of examining and exposing it, -and that as such on every occasion, and in every -shape in which it appears, it ought to be combated -and resisted by every friend to civil order, -and to the peace and happiness of mankind.</p> - -<p>Sir, the next and not the least prevalent objection, -is one which is contained in words which -are an appeal to a natural and laudable, but what<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span> -I must call an erroneous and mistaken, sense of -national pride. It is an appeal to the generous -and noble passions of a nation easily inflamed under -any supposed attack upon its honour. I mean -the attempt to represent the question of a Union -by compact between the Parliaments of the two -Kingdoms as a question involving the Independance -of Ireland.—It has been said, that no -compensation could be made to any country for -the surrender of its National Independance. Sir, -on this, as well as on every part of the question, -I am desirous Gentlemen should come closely to -the point, that they should sift it to the bottom, -and ascertain upon what grounds and principles -their opinion really rests. Do they mean to -maintain that in any humiliating, in any degrading -sense of the word which can be acted upon practically -as a rule, and which can lead to any useful -conclusion, that at any time when the Government -of any two separate Countries unite in -forming one more extensive empire, that the individuals -who composed either of the former narrow -societies are afterwards less members of an -independant country, or to any valuable and useful -purpose less possessed of political freedom or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> -civil happiness than they were before? It must -be obvious to every Gentleman who will look -at the subject, in tracing the history of all the -countries, the most proud of their present existing -independance, of all the nations in Europe, -there is not one that could exist in the state in -which it now stands, if that principle had been -acted upon by our forefathers; and Europe must -have remained to this hour in a state of ignorance -and barbarism, from the perpetual warfare of -independent and petty states. In the instance of -our own Country, it would be a superfluous waste -of time to enumerate the steps by which all its -parts were formed into one Kingdom; but will -any man in general assert, that in all the different -Unions which have formed the principal states of -Europe, their inhabitants have become less free, -that they have had less of which to be proud, less -scope for their own exertions, than they had in -their former situation. If this doctrine is to be -generally maintained, what becomes of the situation -at this hour of any one county of England, -or of any one county of Ireland, now united under -the independant Parliament of that Kingdom? -If it be pushed to its full extent, it is obviously -incompatible with all civil society. As the former<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span> -principle of the sovereignty of the people strikes -at the foundation of all governments, so this is -equally hostile to all political confederacy, and -mankind must be driven back to what is called -the state of nature.</p> - -<p>But while I combat this general and abstract principle, -which would operate as an objection to every -union between separate states, on the ground of the -sacrifice of independance, do I mean to contend that -there is in no case just ground for such a sentiment? -Far from it: it may become, on many occasions, the -first duty of a free and generous people. If there -exists a country which contains within itself the -means of military protection, the naval force necessary -for its defence, which furnishes objects of -industry sufficient for the subsistence of its inhabitants, -and pecuniary resources adequate to maintaining, -with dignity, the rank which it has attained -among the nations of the world; if, above -all, it enjoys the blessings of internal content and -tranquillity, and possesses a distinct constitution of -its own, the defects of which, if any, it is within -itself capable of correcting, and if that constitution -be equal, if not superior, to that of any -other in the world, or (which is nearly the same<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span> -thing) if those who live under it believe it to be -so, and fondly cherish that opinion, I can indeed -well understand that such a country must be jealous -of any measure, which, even by its own consent, -under the authority of its own lawful government, -is to associate it as a part of a larger and -more extensive empire.</p> - -<p>But, Sir, if, on the other hand, it should -happen that there be a country which, against the -greatest of all dangers that threaten its peace -and security, has not adequate means of protecting -itself without the aid of another nation; -if that other be a neighbouring and kindred nation, -speaking the same language, whose laws, -whose customs, and habits are the same in principle, -but carried to a greater degree of perfection, -with a more extensive commerce, and more -abundant means of acquiring and diffusing national -wealth; the stability of whose government—the -excellence of whose constitution—is more than -ever the admiration and envy of Europe, and of -which the very Country of which we are speaking -can only boast an inadequate and imperfect -resemblance;—under such circumstances, I would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span> -ask, what conduct would be prescribed by every -rational principle of dignity, of honour, or of interest? -I would ask, whether this is not a faithful -description of the circumstances which ought -to dispose Ireland to a Union? Whether Great -Britain is not precisely the nation with which, -on these principles, a Country, situated as Ireland -is, would desire to unite? Does a Union, under -such circumstances, by free consent, and on just -and equal terms, deserve to be branded as a proposal -for subjecting Ireland to a foreign yoke? -Is it not rather the free and voluntary association -of two great Countries, which join, for their -common benefit, in one Empire, where each -will retain its proportional weight and importance, -under the security of equal laws, reciprocal affection, -and inseparable interests, and which want -nothing but that indissoluble Connection to render -both invincible.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Non ego nec Teucris Italos parere jubebo</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Nec nova regna peto; paribus se legibus ambæ</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Invictæ gentes æterna in fædera mittant.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Sir, I have nearly stated all that is necessary -for me to trouble the House with; there are, -however, one or two other objections which I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span> -wish not entirely to pass over: One of them is, a -general notion that a Union with Great Britain -must necessarily increase one of the great evils of -Ireland, by producing depopulation in many parts -of the Country, and by increasing greatly the -number of absentees. I do not mean to deny -that this effect would, to a limited extent, take -place during a part of the year; but I think it -will not be difficult for me to prove, that this -circumstance will be more than counterbalanced -by the operation of the system in other respects.</p> - -<p>If it be true that this measure has an inevitable -tendency to admit the introduction of that British -Capital which is most likely to give life to -all the operations of Commerce, and to all the -improvements of Agriculture; if it be that which -above all other considerations is most likely to -give security, quiet, and internal repose to Ireland; -if it is likely to remove the chief bar to -the internal advancement of wealth and of civilization, -by a more intimate intercourse with England; -if it is more likely to communicate from -hence those habits which distinguish this Country, -and which, by a continued gradation, unite the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span> -highest and the lowest orders of the community -without a chasm in any part of the system; if it -is not only likely to invite (as I have already said) -English Capital to set Commerce in motion, but to -offer it the use of new markets, to open fresh resources -of wealth and industry; can wealth, can industry, -can civilization increase among the whole -bulk of the people without much more than counterbalancing -the partial effect of the removal of the -few individuals who, for a small part of the year, -would follow the seat of Legislation? If, notwithstanding -the absence of Parliament from Dublin, it -would still remain the centre of Education and of -the internal commerce of a country increasing in -improvement; if it would still remain the seat of -legal discussion, which must always increase with an -increase of property and occupation, will it be -supposed, with a view even to the interests of those -whose partial interests have been most successfully -appealed to; with a view either to the respectable -Body of the Bar, to the Merchant, or Shopkeeper, -of Dublin (if it were possible to suppose that a -transaction of this sort ought to be referred to that -single criterion) that they would not find their -proportionate share of advantage in the general<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span> -advantage of the State? Let it be remembered, -also, that if the transfer of the Seat of Legislature -may call from Ireland to England the Members -of the United Parliament, yet, after the -Union, property, influence and consideration in -Ireland will lead, as much as in Great Britain, to -all the objects of imperial ambition; and there -must, consequently, exist a new incitement to -persons to acquire property in that Country, and -to those who possess it, to reside there and to cultivate -the good opinion of those with whom they -live, and to extend and improve their influence -and connections.</p> - -<p>But, Sir, I need not dwell longer on argument, -however it may satisfy my own mind, because we -can on this question refer to experience. I see every -Gentleman anticipates that I allude to Scotland. -What has been the result of the Union there? -A Union, give me leave to say, as much opposed, -and by much the same arguments, prejudices, -and misconceptions, as are urged, at this -moment, creating too the same alarms, and provoking -the same outrages, as have lately taken -place in Dublin. Look at the metropolis of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span> -Scotland: the population of Edinburgh has been -more than doubled since the Union, and a new -city added to the old. But we may be told, that -Edinburgh has engrossed all the commerce of that -country, and has those advantages which Dublin -cannot expect. Yet while Edinburgh, deprived -of its Parliament, but retaining, as Dublin would -retain, its Courts of Justice; continuing, as -Dublin would continue, the resort of those whose -circumstances would not permit them to visit a -distant metropolis; continuing, as Dublin would -continue, the seat of national education, while -Edinburgh has baffled all the predictions of that -period, what has been the situation of Glasgow? -The population of Glasgow, since the Union, has -increased in the proportion of between five and -six to one: look at its progress in manufactures; -look at its general advantages, and tell me what -ground there is, judging by experience in aid of -theory, for those gloomy apprehensions which -have been so industriously excited.</p> - -<p>There remains, Sir, another general line of -argument, which I have already anticipated, and -I hope answered, that the commercial privileges<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span> -now enjoyed by Ireland, and to which it owes so -much of its prosperity, would be less secure than -at present. I have given an answer to that already, -by stating that they are falsely imputed to the independence -of the Irish Parliament, for that they are -in fact owing to the exercise of the voluntary discretion -of the British Parliament, unbound by -compact, prompted only by its natural disposition -to consider the interests of Ireland the same as its -own; and if that has been done while Ireland is -only united to us in the imperfect and precarious -manner in which it is, while it has a separate Parliament, -notwithstanding the commercial jealousies -of our own manufactures; if under these circumstances -we have done so, if we have done so with -no other connection than that which now subsists, -and while Ireland has no share in our representation; -what fresh ground can there be for apprehension, -when she will have her proportionate -weight in the Legislature, and will be united with -us as closely as Lancashire or Yorkshire, or any -other county in Great Britain.</p> - -<p>Sir, I have seen it under the same authority to -which I am sorry so often to advert, that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span> -Linen Trade would be injured, and that there -will be no security for its retaining its present -advantages. I have already stated to you (and with -that very authority in my favour) that those advantages -are at present precarious, and that their -security can only arise from Compact with Great -Britain. Such a Compact, this Measure would -establish in the most solemn manner; but besides -this, Sir, the natural policy of this Country, -not merely its experienced liberality, but the -identity of Interests after a Union, would offer a -security worth a thousand Compacts.</p> - -<p>Sir, the only other general topic of objection -is that upon which great pains have been taken -to raise an alarm in Ireland—the idea that the -main principle of the Measure was to subject -Ireland to a load of Debt and an increase of -Taxes, and to expose her to the consequences of -all our alleged difficulties and supposed necessities.</p> - -<p>Sir, I hope the zeal, the spirit, and the liberal -and enlarged policy, of this Country, has given -ample proof that it is not from a pecuniary -motive that we seek an Union. If it is not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span> -desirable on the grounds I have stated, it cannot -be recommended for the mere purpose of Taxation; -but to quiet any jealousy on this subject, -here again let us look to Scotland: is there -any instance where, with 45 Members on -her part and 513 on ours, that part of -the United Kingdom has paid more than its -proportion to the general burdens?—Is it -then, Sir, any ground of apprehension, that we -are likely to tax Ireland more heavily when she -becomes associated with ourselves?—To tax in -its due proportion the whole of the Empire, to -the utter exclusion of the idea of the predominance -of one part of society over another, is the -great characteristic of British Finance, as Equality -of Laws is of the British Constitution.</p> - -<p>But, Sir, in addition to this, if we come to the -details of this proposition, it is in our power to -fix, for any number of years which shall be -thought fit, the proportion by which the Contribution -of Ireland, to the expences of the State, -shall be regulated; that these proportions shall not -be such as would make a contribution greater than -the necessary amount of its own present necessary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> -expences as a separate Kingdom; and, even after -that limited period, the proportion of the whole -contribution, from time to time, might be made -to depend on the comparative produce, in each -Kingdom, of such general taxes as might be -thought to afford the best criterion of their respective -wealth. Or, what I should hope would -be found practicable, the system of internal taxation -in each country might gradually be so equalized -and assimilated, on the leading articles, as -to make all rules of specific proportion unnecessary, -and to secure, that Ireland shall never be -taxed but in proportion as we tax ourselves.</p> - -<p>The application of these principles, however, -will form matter of future discussion; I mention -them only as strongly shewing, from the misrepresentation -which has taken place on this part of -the subject, how incumbent it is upon the House -to receive these propositions, and to adopt, after -due deliberation, such resolutions as may record -to Ireland the terms upon which we are ready to -meet her. And, in the mean time, let us wait, -not without impatience, but without dissatisfaction, -for that moment, when the effect of reason and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> -discussion may reconcile the minds of men, in that -Kingdom, to a Measure which I am sure will be -found as necessary for their peace and happiness, -as it will be conducive to the general security -and advantage of the British Empire.</p> - -<p>Sir, it remains for me only to lay these Resolutions -before the House, wishing that the more -detailed discussion of them may be reserved to a -future day.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="RESOLUTIONS">RESOLUTIONS.</h2> - -</div> - -<h3>FIRST.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That in order to promote and secure the essential Interests -of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the -Strength, Power, and Resources of the British Empire, -it will be advisable to concur in such measures as may best -tend to unite the two Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland -into one Kingdom, in such manner, and on such Terms -and Conditions as may be established by Acts of the respective -Parliaments of His Majesty’s said Kingdoms.</p> - -<h3>SECOND.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That it appears to this Committee that it would be fit to -propose as the first Article to serve as a Basis of the said -Union, that the said Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland -shall, upon a day to be agreed upon, be united into one -Kingdom, by the name of the <span class="smcap">United Kingdom of -Great Britain and Ireland</span>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span></p> - -<h3>THIRD.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, -that it would be fit to propose that the Succession to the -Monarchy and the Imperial Crown of the said United -Kingdoms, shall continue limited and settled, in the same -manner as the Imperial Crown of the said Kingdoms of -Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, -according to the existing Laws, and to the Terms of the -Union between England and Scotland.</p> - -<h3>FOURTH.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, -that it would be fit to propose that the said United Kingdom -be represented in one and the same Parliament, to be -stiled the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great -Britain and Ireland, and that such a number of Lords Spiritual -and Temporal, and such a number of Members of the -House of Commons as shall be hereafter agreed upon by -Acts of the respective Parliaments as aforesaid, shall sit and -vote in the said Parliament on the part of Ireland, and shall -be summoned, chosen and returned, in such manner as shall -be fixed by an Act of the Parliament of Ireland previous to -the said Union; and that every Member hereafter to sit -and vote in the said Parliament of the United Kingdom -shall, until the said Parliament shall otherwise provide, take -and subscribe the same Oaths, and make the same Declarations -as are by Law required to be taken, subscribed and -made by the Members of the Parliaments of Great Britain -and Ireland.</p> - -<h3>FIFTH.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, -that it would be fit to propose that the Churches of -England and Ireland, and the Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, -and Government thereof, shall be preserved as now -by Law Established.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span></p> - -<h3>SIXTH.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, -that it would be fit to propose that His Majesty’s Subjects -in Ireland shall at all times hereafter be entitled to the -same privileges, and be on the same footing in respect of -Trade and Navigation, in all Ports and Places belonging to -Great Britain, and in all cases with respect to which Treaties -shall be made by His Majesty, his Heirs or Successors, -with any Foreign Power, as His Majesty’s Subjects in Great -Britain; that no Duty shall be imposed on the Import or -Export between Great Britain and Ireland of any Articles -now Duty free; and that on other Articles there shall be -established, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate -of equal Duties as shall, previous to the Union, be agreed -upon and approved by the respective Parliaments, subject, -after the expiration of such limited time, to be diminished -equally with respect to both Kingdoms, but in no case to -be encreased; that all Articles which may at any time hereafter -be imported into Great Britain from Foreign Parts, -shall be importable through either Kingdom into the -other, subject to the like Duties and Regulations as if the -same were imported directly from Foreign Parts; that -where any Articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture -of either Kingdom, are subject to any internal Duty in -one Kingdom, such countervailing Duties (over and above -any Duties on import to be fixed as aforesaid) shall be -imposed as shall be necessary to prevent any inequality in -that respect: and that all other matters of Trade and -Commerce other than the foregoing, and than such others -as may before the Union be specially agreed upon for the -due encouragement of the Agriculture and Manufactures -of the respective Kingdoms, shall remain to be regulated -from time to time by the United Parliament.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span></p> - -<h3>SEVENTH.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that -the charge arising from the payment of the Interest or Sinking -Fund for the reduction of the Principal of the Debt -incurred in either Kingdom before the Union, shall continue -to be separately defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland -respectively. That for a number of Years to be -limited, the future ordinary expences of the <span class="smcap">United -Kingdom</span>, in Peace or War, shall be defrayed by Great -Britain and Ireland jointly, according to such proportions -as shall be established by the respective Parliaments previous -to the Union; and that after the expiration of the -time to be so limited, the proportion shall not be liable -to be varied, except according to such rates and principles -as shall be in like manner agreed upon previous to -the Union.</p> - -<h3>EIGHTH.</h3> - -<p class="hanging">That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that -all Laws in force at the time of the Union, and that all -the Courts of Civil or Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within the -respective Kingdoms, shall remain as now by Law established -within the same, subject only to such alterations or -regulations from time to time as circumstances may appear -to the Parliament of the <span class="smcap">United Kingdom</span> to -require.</p> - -<p class="hanging">That the foregoing <span class="smcap">Resolutions</span> be laid before His -Majesty with an humble <span class="smcap">Address</span>, assuring His Majesty -that we have proceeded with the utmost attention to the -consideration of the important objects recommended to us -in His Majesty’s Gracious <span class="smcap">Message</span>.</p> - -<p class="hanging">That we entertain a firm persuasion that a <span class="smcap">complete and -intire Union</span> between Great Britain and Ireland, -founded on equal and liberal Principles, on the similarity<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> -of Laws, Constitution and Government, and on a sense of -mutual Interests and Affections, by promoting the Security, -Wealth, and Commerce of the respective Kingdoms, and -by allaying the distractions which have unhappily prevailed -in Ireland, must afford fresh means of opposing at all times -an effectual resistance to the destructive Projects of our -Foreign and Domestic Enemies, and must tend to confirm -and augment the Stability, Power, and Resources of the -Empire.</p> - -<p class="hanging">Impressed with these considerations, we feel it our duty humbly -to lay before His Majesty such Propositions as appear to -us best calculated to form the Basis of such a settlement, -leaving it to His Majesty’s wisdom, at such time and in -such manner as His Majesty, in his Parental Solicitude for -the happiness of his People, shall judge fit, to communicate -these Propositions to His Parliament of Ireland, with whom -we shall be at all times ready to concur in all such Measures -as may be found most conducive to the accomplishment of -this great and salutary Work. And we trust that, after -full and mature consideration, such a Settlement may be -framed and established, by the deliberate Consent of the -Parliaments of both Kingdoms, as may be conformable -to the Sentiments, Wishes, and real Interests of His -Majesty’s faithful Subjects of Great Britain and Ireland, -and may unite them inseparably in the full enjoyment of -the blessings of our free and invaluable Constitution, in -the support of the Honour and Dignity of His Majesty’s -Crown, and in the preservation and advancement of the -Welfare and Prosperity of the whole British Empire.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX.</h2> - -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="hanging"><i>The following Message was presented in the House -of Commons by Mr. Fox, Secretary of State, -on the 9th of April, 1782.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="salutation"><span class="smcap">George R.</span></p> - -<p>His Majesty being concerned to find that discontents -and jealousies are prevailing among his -loyal Subjects in Ireland, upon matters of great -weight and importance, earnestly recommends to -this House, to take the same into their most serious -consideration, in order to such a Final Adjustment -as may give mutual satisfaction to both -Kingdoms.</p> - -<p class="right">G. R.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<h3><i>1st May, 1782.</i></h3> - -<p>Mr. Secretary Fox presented to the House, by -His Majesty’s command,</p> - -<p>Copy of the Message to the Houses of Lords -and Commons in Ireland, from His Grace the -Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, delivered the 16th -April, 1782: And also,</p> - -<p>Copy of a Resolution of the House of Lords in -Ireland, Mercurii, 17ᵒ die Aprilis, 1782: And -also,</p> - -<p>Copy of a Resolution of the House of Commons -in Ireland, Martis, 16ᵒ die Aprilis, 1782.</p> - -<p>And the Titles of the said Copies were read.</p> - -<p class="tb">The said Copies are as followeth; <i>viz.</i></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="hanging"><i>Copy of the Message to the Houses of Lords and -Commons in Ireland, from His Grace the Lord -Lieutenant, delivered the 16th April, 1782.</i></p> - -<p class="salutation"><span class="smcap">Portland</span>,</p> - -<p>I have it in command from His Majesty, to -inform this House, that His Majesty being concerned<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span> -to find that discontents and jealousies -are prevailing among his loyal Subjects of this -Country, upon matters of great weight and importance, -His Majesty recommends to this House -to take the same into their most serious consideration, -in order to such a Final Adjustment as -may give mutual satisfaction to his Kingdoms of -Great Britain and Ireland.</p> - -<p class="right">P.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="hanging"><i>Copy of a Resolution of the House of Lords in -Ireland, Mercurii, 17ᵒ die Aprilis, 1782.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Resolved</span>, By the Lords Spiritual and Temporal -in Parliament assembled <i>Nemine dissentiente</i>, -That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, -to return him our thanks for the most gracious -Message sent to this House by His Majesty’s -command, through the medium of His Grace -the Lord Lieutenant, and to assure him of our -most unshaken loyalty and attachment to His -Majesty’s person and government, and of the -lively sense we entertain of his paternal care of -his people of Ireland, in thus inquiring into the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> -discontents and jealousies that subsist amongst -them, in order to such Final Adjustment as may -give mutual satisfaction to his Kingdoms of Great -Britain and Ireland.</p> - -<p>That, thus encouraged by His Royal Interposition, -we shall beg leave, with all duty and affection, -to lay before His Majesty the cause of such -discontents and jealousies.</p> - -<p>To represent to His Majesty, That his subjects -of Ireland are entitled to a free constitution; -that the Imperial Crown of Ireland is inseparably -annexed to the Crown of Great Britain, on which -Connection the happiness of both nations essentially -depends; but that the Kingdom of Ireland is a -distinct dominion, having a Parliament of her own, -the sole Legislature thereof.</p> - -<p>That there is no power whatsoever competent to -make laws to bind this nation, except the King, -Lords, and Commons, of Ireland; upon which -exclusive Right of Legislation we consider the very -essence of our liberties to depend, a Right which -we claim as the Birth-right of the People of Ireland,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span> -and which we are determined, in every situation -of life, to assert and maintain.</p> - -<p>To represent to His Majesty, That we have -seen with concern certain claims, both of legislature -and judicature, asserted by the Parliament -of Great Britain, in an Act passed in Great Britain -in the sixth year of George the First, intituled -“An Act for the better securing the Dependency -of Ireland upon the Crown of Great -Britain:”</p> - -<p>That we conceive the said Act, and the powers -thereby claimed, to be the great and principal -causes of the discontents and jealousies that subsist -in this Kingdom:</p> - -<p>To assure His Majesty, That this House considers -it as a matter of constitutional right and -protection, that all Bills which become Law should -receive the approbation of His Majesty, under the -Seal of Great Britain; but we consider the practice -of suppressing our Bills in the Council of -Ireland, or altering them any where, to be a matter -which calls for redress:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span></p> - -<p>To represent to His Majesty, That an Act intituled -“An Act for the better Accommodation -of His Majesty’s Forces,” being unlimited in -duration, but which, from the particular circumstances -of the times, passed into a law, has been -the cause of much jealousy and discontent in this -Kingdom;</p> - -<p>That we have thought it our duty to lay before -His Majesty these, the principal causes of the -discontents and jealousies subsisting in this Kingdom:</p> - -<p>That we have the greatest reliance on His -Majesty’s wisdom, the most sanguine expectations -from his virtuous choice of a Chief Governor, and -the greatest confidence in the wise and constitutional -Council His Majesty has adopted:</p> - -<p>That we have, moreover, a high sense and -veneration for the British Character, and do -therefore conceive, that the proceedings of this -country, founded as they are in right, and supported -by constitutional liberty, must have excited -the approbation and esteem of the British nation:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> -That we are the more confirmed in this hope, -inasmuch as the people of this Kingdom have -never expressed a desire to share the freedom of -Great Britain, without at the same time declaring -their determination to share her fate, standing or -falling with the British nation.</p> - -<table summary="signed by"> - <tr> - <td>Wm. Watts Gayer</td> - <td>}</td> - <td rowspan="2">Cler. Parliament.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Edw. Gayer</td> - <td>}</td> - </tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="hanging"><i>Copy of a Resolution of the House of Commons -in Ireland, Martis, 16ᵒ die Aprilis, 1782.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Resolved</span>, That an humble Address be presented -to His Majesty, to return His Majesty -the thanks of this House for his most gracious -message to this House, signified by his Grace the -Lord Lieutenant. To assure His Majesty of our -unshaken attachment to His Majesty’s Person and -Government, and of our lively sense of his Paternal -Care, in thus taking the lead to administer -content to His Majesty’s subjects of Ireland; that -thus encouraged by his royal interposition, we -shall beg leave, with all duty and affection, to -lay before His Majesty the causes of our discontents<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span> -and jealousies: To assure His Majesty, that -his subjects of Ireland are a free People; that the -Crown of Ireland is an Imperial Crown, inseparably -annexed to the Crown of Great Britain, on -which Connection the interests and happiness of -both Nations essentially depend; but that the -kingdom of Ireland is a distinct Kingdom, with -a Parliament of her own, the sole Legislature -thereof; that there is no body of men competent -to make Laws to bind this nation, except the -King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, nor any -other Parliament which hath any authority or -power of any sort whatsoever in this country, save -only the Parliament of Ireland: To assure His -Majesty, that we humbly conceive, that in this -Right the very Essence of our Liberties exist; a -Right which we, on the part of all the People of -Ireland, do claim as their birth-right, and which -we cannot yield but with our lives: To assure -His Majesty, that we have seen with concern certain -Claims advanced by the Parliament of Great -Britain, in an act, intituled, “An Act for the -better securing the Dependency of Ireland;” -an act containing matter entirely irreconcileable -to the fundamental Rights of this Nation; that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span> -we consider this act, and the claims it advances, -to be the great and principle cause of the discontents -and jealousies in this Kingdom: To assure -His Majesty, that His Majesty’s Commons of -Ireland do most sincerely wish, that all Bills which -become Law in Ireland should receive the approbation -of His Majesty, under the Seal of Great -Britain; but that yet we do consider the Practice -of suppressing our Bills in the Council of Ireland, -or altering the same any where, to be another -just cause of discontent and jealousy: To assure -His Majesty, that an Act, intituled, “An Act -for the better Accommodation of His Majesty’s -Forces,” being unlimited in duration, and -defective in other instances (but passed in -that shape from the particular circumstances of -the times) is another just cause of discontent and -jealousy in this Kingdom: That we have submitted -these, the principal causes of the present -discontent and jealousy in Ireland, and remain in -humble expectation of redress; that we have the -greatest reliance on His Majesty’s wisdom, the -most sanguine expectations from his virtuous -choice of a Chief Governor, and great confidence -in the wise, auspicious, and constitutional councils<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span> -which we see with satisfaction His Majesty has -adopted; that we have moreover a high sense and -veneration for the British character, and do therefore -conceive, that the proceedings of this country, -founded as they are in right, and tempered -by duty, must have excited the approbation and -esteem, instead of wounding the pride, of the -British Nation; and we beg leave to assure His -Majesty, that we are the more confirmed in this -hope, in as much as the people of this Kingdom -have never expressed a desire to share the freedom -of England, without declaring a determination -to share her fate likewise, standing and falling -with the British nation.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Tho. Ellis</span>, <i>Cler. Parl. Dom. Com.</i></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ordered</span>, That the said Copies do lie upon -the Table, to be perused by the Members of the -House.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<h3><i>17th May, 1782.</i></h3> - -<p><span class="smcap">Resolved</span>, That this House will, immediately, -resolve itself into a Committee of the whole<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span> -House, to take into consideration His Majesty’s -most gracious Message, of the 9th Day of April -last, relative to the State of Ireland.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ordered</span>, That the several Papers which -were presented to the House, by Mr. Secretary -Fox, upon the 1st Day of this instant May, be -referred to the said Committee.</p> - -<p>Then the House resolved itself into the said -Committee.</p> - -<p>Mr. Speaker left the Chair.</p> - -<p>Mr. Powys took the Chair of the Committee.</p> - -<p>Mr. Speaker resumed the Chair.</p> - -<p>Mr. Powys reported from the Committee, -That they had come to several Resolutions; -which they had directed him to report, when -the House will please to receive the same.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ordered</span>, That the Report be now received.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span></p> - -<p>Mr. Powys accordingly reported, from the -said Committee, the Resolutions which the Committee -had directed him to report to the House, -which he read in his place, and afterwards delivered -in at the Clerk’s table; where the same -were read; and are as follows: <i>viz.</i></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Resolved</span>, That it is the Opinion of this -Committee, That an Act, made in the sixth -year of the reign of his late Majesty King George -the First, intituled, “An Act for the better -securing the Dependency of the Kingdom of -Ireland upon the Crown of Great Britain,” -ought to be repealed.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Resolved</span>, That it is the Opinion of this Committee, -That it is indispensible to the interests -and happiness of both Kingdoms, that the Connection -between them should be established, by -mutual consent, upon a solid and permanent Basis.</p> - -<p>The said Resolutions, being severally read a -second time, were, upon the Question severally -put thereupon, agreed to by the House, <i>Nemini -Contradicenti</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ordered</span>, That leave be given to bring in a -Bill for repealing an Act made in the sixth year of -the reign of his late Majesty, King George the -First, intituled “An Act for the better securing -the Dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland -upon the Crown of Great Britain;” and that -Mr. Secretary Fox, Mr. Thomas Pitt, Mr. Powys, -and Lord John Cavendish, do prepare and bring -in the same.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Resolved</span>, That an humble Address be presented -to His Majesty, That His Majesty will be -graciously pleased to take such measures as His -Majesty in His Royal Wisdom shall think most -conducive to the establishing, by mutual consent, -the Connection between this Kingdom and the -Kingdom of Ireland upon a solid and permanent -basis.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ordered</span>, That the said Address be presented -to His Majesty, by such Members of this House -as are of His Majesty’s most honourable Privy -Council.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/line-double.jpg" width="100" height="20" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span></p> - -<h3><i>22nd May, 1782.</i></h3> - -<p>Mr. Secretary Fox reported to the House, That -His Majesty had been attended with the Address -of this House, of Friday last, which His Majesty -had been pleased to receive very graciously; and -that His Majesty had commanded him to acquaint -this House, that he will immediately take such -measures as may be most likely to conduce to the -establishment of a Connection between this Kingdom -and the Kingdom of Ireland upon a solid and -permanent basis.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="NEW_PUBLICATIONS">NEW PUBLICATIONS<br /> -<span class="smaller"><i>Relative to the Affairs of Ireland.</i></span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>1. <span class="smcap">Report</span> of the Secret Committee of the House -of Parliament on the Irish Rebellion: as reported -by the Right Honourable <span class="smcap">Lord Viscount Castlereagh</span>, -August 21, 1798. Price 4s.</p> - -<p>2. <span class="smcap">Report</span> from the Committee of Secresy of the -House of Lords, on the Irish Rebellion, as reported by -the Right Honourable <span class="smcap">John, Earl</span> of <span class="smcap">Clare</span>, Lord -High Chancellor, August 30, 1798. Price 1s. 6d.</p> - -<p>3. An <span class="smcap">Answer</span> to the <span class="smcap">Address</span> of the Right Hon. -Henry Grattan, Ex-representative of the City of Dublin -in Parliament, to his Fellow Citizens of Dublin. By -Patrick Duigenan, LL. D. Third edition. To which -are added: 1. The Address of the Catholics of Dublin, -in 1795, to Mr. Grattan, with his Answer at the Meeting -in Francis-street. 2. Mr. Grattan’s Address to the -Electors of Dublin, in 1797. 3. Mr. Grattan’s (supposed) -Letter to Dr. Duigenan, in 1798. Price 4s. 6d.</p> - -<p>4. <span class="smcap">A Report</span> of the whole Proceedings on the Trials -of Henry and John Shears, Esqrs. John M’Cann, Gent. -W. M. Byrne, Esq. and Oliver Bond, Merchant, for -High Treason; tried by Special Commission, Thursday, -July 12, 1798, &c. With a particular Account of the -Behaviour of Henry and John Shears at the place of execution. -Price 3s. 6d.</p> - -<p>5. <span class="smcap">Arguments</span> for and against An <span class="smcap">Union</span> between -Great Britain and Ireland considered. Third edition, -corrected. Price 1s. 6d.</p> - -<p>6. <span class="smcap">Necessity</span> of an <span class="smcap">Incorporate Union</span> between -Great Britain and Ireland proved from the Situation of -both Kingdoms: With a Sketch of the Principles upon -which it ought to be formed. 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