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+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #65110 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65110)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Eminent literary and scientific men of
-Italy, Spain, and Portugal Vol. 2 (of 3), by James Montgomery
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Eminent literary and scientific men of Italy, Spain, and
- Portugal Vol. 2 (of 3)
-
-Author: James Montgomery
- Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley
-
-Editor: Dionysius Lardner
-
-Release Date: April 19, 2021 [eBook #65110]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-Produced by: Laura Natal Rodrigues at Free Literature (Images generously
- made available by The Internet Archive.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EMINENT LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC
-MEN OF ITALY, SPAIN, AND PORTUGAL VOL. 2 (OF 3) ***
-
-THE
-
-CABINET CYCLOPÆDIA.
-
-
-
-CONDUCTED BY THE
-
-REV. DIONYSIUS LARDNER, LL.D. F.R.S. L. & E.
-
-M.R.I.A. F.R.A.S. F.L.S. F.Z.S. Hon. F.C.P.S. &c. &c.
-
-
-
-ASSISTED BY
-
-EMINENT LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN.
-
-
-
-
-EMINENT
-LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN
-OF ITALY, SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.
-
-
-
-VOL. II.
-
-
-
-LONDON:
-
-PRINTED FOR
-
-LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, & LONGMAN,
-
-PATERNOSTER-ROW;
-
-AND JOHN TAYLOR,
-
-UPPER GOWER STREET.
-
-1835.
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-GALILEO
-GUICCIARDINI
-VITTORIA COLONNA
-GUARINI
-TASSO
-CHIABRERA
-TASSONI
-MARINI
-FILICAJA
-METASTASIO
-GOLDONI
-ALFIERI
-MONTI
-UGO FOSCOLO
-
-
-
-
-LIVES
-
-OF
-
-EMINENT
-
-LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN.
-
-
-
-
-GALILEO
-
-1564-1642.
-
-
-The history of the life and labours of Galileo is pregnant with a
-peculiar interest to the general reader, as well as to the philosopher.
-His brilliant discoveries, the man of science regards as his peculiar
-property; the means by which they were made, and the developement of his
-intellectual character, belong to the logician and to the philosopher;
-but the triumphs and the reverses of his eventful life must be claimed
-for our common nature, as a source of more than ordinary instruction.
-
-The lengthened career which Providence assigned to Galileo was filled up
-throughout its rugged outline with events even of dramatic interest. But
-though it was emblazoned with achievements of transcendent magnitude,
-yet his finest discoveries were the derision of his contemporaries, and
-were even denounced as crimes which merited the vengeance of Heaven.
-Though he was the idol of his friends, and the favoured companion of
-princes, yet he afterwards became the victim of persecution, and spent
-some of his last hours within the walls of a prison; and though the
-Almighty granted him, as it were, a new sight to descry unknown worlds
-in the obscurity of space, yet the eyes which were allowed to witness
-such wonders, were themselves doomed to be closed in darkness.
-
-Such were the lights and shadows in which history delineates
-
-
-"The starry Galileo with his woes."[1]
-
-
-But, however powerful be their contrasts, they are not unusual in their
-proportions. The balance which has been struck between his days of good
-and evil, is that which regulates the lot of man, whether we study it in
-the despotic sway of the autocrat, in the peaceful enquiries of the
-philosopher, or in the humbler toils of ordinary life.
-
-Galileo Galilei was born at Pisa, on the 15th of February, 1564, and was
-the eldest of a family of three sons and three daughters. Under the name
-of Bonajuti, his noble ancestors had filled high offices at Florence;
-but about the middle of the 14th century they seem to have abandoned
-this surname for that of Galileo. Vincenzo Galilei, our author's father,
-was himself a philosopher of no mean powers; and though his talents seem
-to have been applied only in the composition of treatises on the theory
-and practice of music, yet he appears to have anticipated even his son
-in a just estimate of the philosophy of the age, and in a distinct
-perception of the true method of investigating truth.[2]
-
-The early years of Galileo were, like those of almost all great
-experimental philosophers, spent in the construction of instruments and
-pieces of machinery, which were calculated chiefly to amuse himself and
-his school-fellows. This occupation of his hands, however, did not
-interfere with his regular studies; and though, from the straitened
-circumstances of his father, he was educated under considerable
-disadvantages, yet he acquired the elements of classical literature, and
-was initiated into all the learning of the times. Music, drawing, and
-painting were the occupations of his leisure hours; and such was his
-proficiency in these arts, that he was reckoned a skilful performer on
-several musical instruments, especially the lute; and his knowledge of
-pictures was held in great esteem by some of the best artists of his
-day.
-
-Galileo seems to have been desirous, of following the profession of a
-painter: but his father had observed decided indications of early
-genius; and, though by no means able to afford it, he resolved to send
-him to the university to pursue the study of medicine. He accordingly
-enrolled himself as a scholar in arts at the university of Pisa, on the
-5th of November, 1581, and pursued his medical studies under the
-celebrated botanist Andrew Cæsalpinus, who filled the chair of medicine
-from 1567 to 1592.
-
-In order to study the principles of music and drawing, Galileo found it
-necessary to acquire some knowledge of geometry. His father seems to
-have foreseen the consequences of following this new pursuit, and though
-he did not prohibit him from reading Euclid under Ostilio Ricci, one of
-the professors at Pisa, yet he watched his progress with the utmost
-jealousy, and had resolved that it should not interfere with his medical
-studies. The demonstrations, however, of the Greek mathematician had too
-many charms for the ardent mind of Galileo. His whole attention was
-engrossed with the new truths which burst upon his understanding; and
-after many fruitless attempts to check his ardour and direct his
-thoughts to professional objects, his father was obliged to surrender
-his parental control, and allow the fullest scope to the genius of his
-son.
-
-From the elementary works of geometry, Galileo passed to the writings of
-Archimedes; and while he was studying the hydrostatical treatise[3] of
-the Syracusan philosopher, he wrote his essay on the hydrostatical
-balance[4], in which he describes the construction of the instrument,
-and the method by which Archimedes detected the fraud committed by the
-jeweller in the composition of Hiero's crown. This work gained for its
-author the esteem of Guido Ubaldi, who had distinguished himself by his
-mechanical and mathematical acquirements, and who engaged his young
-friend to investigate the subject of the centre of gravity in solid
-bodies. The treatise on this subject, which Galileo presented to his
-patron, was the source of his future success.
-
-Through the cardinal del Monte, the brother-in-law of Ubaldi, the
-reigning duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand de' Medici, was made acquainted with
-the merits of our young philosopher; and, in 1589, he was appointed
-lecturer on mathematics at Pisa. By the drudgery of private teaching he
-was obliged to add to the small salary of sixty crowns which was
-attached to the office.
-
-With this moderate Competency, Galileo commenced his philosophical
-career. At the early age of eighteen, when he had entered the
-university, he displayed his innate antipathy to the Aristotelian
-philosophy. This feeling was strengthened by his earliest inquiries; and
-upon his establishment at Pisa, he seems to have regarded the doctrines
-of Aristotle as the intellectual prey which, in his chace of glory, he
-was destined to pursue. Nizzoli, who flourished near the beginning of
-the sixteenth century, and Giordano Bruno, who was burned at Rome in
-1600, led the way in this daring pursuit; but it was reserved for
-Galileo to track the Thracian boar through its native thickets, and, at
-the risk of his own life, to strangle it in its den.
-
-With the resolution of submitting every opinion to the test of
-experiment, Galileo's first inquiries at Pisa were directed to the
-mechanical doctrines of Aristotle. Their incorrectness and absurdity
-soon became apparent; and with a zeal, perhaps, bordering on
-indiscretion, he denounced them to his pupils with an ardour of manner
-and of expression proportioned to his own conviction of the truth. The
-detection of long-established errors is apt to inspire the young
-philosopher with an exultation which reason condemns. The feeling of
-triumph is apt to clothe itself in the language of asperity; and the
-abettor, of erroneous opinions is treated as a species of enemy to
-science. Like the soldier who fleshes his first spear in battle, the
-philosopher is apt to leave the stain of cruelty upon his early
-achievements. It is only from age and experience, indeed, that we can
-expect the discretion of valour, whether it is called forth in
-controversy or in battle. Galileo seems to have waged this stern warfare
-against the followers of Aristotle; and such was the exasperation which
-was excited by his reiterated and successful attacks, that he was
-assailed, during the rest of his life, with a degree of rancour which
-seldom originates in a mere difference of opinion. Forgetting that all
-knowledge is progressive, and that the errors of one generation call
-forth the comments, and are replaced by the discoveries, of the next,
-Galileo did not anticipate that his own speculations and incompleted
-labours might one day provoke unmitigated censure; and he therefore
-failed in making allowance for the prejudices and ignorance of his
-opponents. He who enjoys the proud lot of taking a position in advance
-of his age, need not wonder that his less gifted contemporaries are left
-behind. Men are not necessarily obstinate because they cleave to deeply
-rooted and venerable errors, nor are they absolutely stupid when they
-are long in understanding and embracing newly discovered truths.
-
-It was one of the axioms of the Aristotelian mechanics, that the heavier
-of two falling bodies would reach the ground sooner than the other, and
-that their velocities would be proportional to their weights. Galileo
-attacked the arguments by which this opinion was supported; and when he
-found his reasoning ineffectual, he appealed to direct experiment. He
-maintained, that all bodies would fall through the same height in the
-same time, if they were not unequally retarded by the resistance of the
-air: and though he performed the same experiment with the most
-satisfactory results, by letting heavy bodies fall from the leaning
-tower of Pisa; yet the Aristotelians, who with their own eyes saw the
-unequal weights strike the ground at the same instant, ascribed the
-effect to some unknown cause, and preferred the decision of their master
-to that of nature herself.
-
-Galileo could not brook this opposition to his discoveries; and the
-Aristotelians could not tolerate the rebukes of their young instructor.
-The two parties were, consequently, marshalled in hostile array; when,
-fortunately for both, an event occurred, which placed them beyond the
-reach of danger. Don Giovanni de' Medici, a natural son of Cosmo, had
-proposed a method of clearing out the harbour of Leghorn. Galileo, whose
-opinion was requested, gave such an unfavourable report upon it, that
-the disappointed inventor directed against him all the force of his
-malice. It was an easy task to concentrate the malignity of his enemies
-at Pisa; and so effectually was this accomplished, that Galileo resolved
-to accept another professorship, to which he had been previously
-invited.
-
-The chair of mathematics in the university of Padua having been vacant
-for five years, the republic of Venice had resolved to fill it up; and,
-on the recommendation of Guido Ubaldi, Galileo was appointed to it, in
-1592, for a period of six years.
-
-In 1591, Galileo lost his father, who died at an advanced age, and
-devolved upon his eldest son the support of the family. This event,
-probably, increased his anxiety to better his situation, and must have
-added to his other inducements to quit Pisa. In September, 1592, he
-removed to Padua, where he had a salary of only 180 florins, and where
-he was obliged to add to his income by the labours of tuition.
-Notwithstanding this fruitless occupation of his time, he appears to
-have found leisure for composing several of his works, and completing
-various inventions, which will be afterwards described. His manuscripts
-were circulated privately among his friends and pupils; but some of them
-strayed beyond this sacred limit, and found their way into the hands of
-persons who did not scruple to claim and publish, as their own, the
-discoveries and inventions which they contained.
-
-It is not easy to ascertain the exact time when Galileo became a convert
-to the doctrines of Copernicus, or the particular circumstances under
-which he was led to adopt them. It is stated by Gerard Voss, that a
-public lecture of Mæstlin, the instructor of Kepler, was the means of
-making Galileo acquainted with the true system of the universe. This
-assertion, however, is by no means probable; and it has been ably shown,
-by the latest biographer of Galileo[5], that, in his dialogues on the
-Copernican system, our author gives the true account of his own
-conversion. This passage is so interesting, that we shall give it
-entire.
-
-"I cannot omit this opportunity of relating to you what happened to
-myself at the time when this opinion (the Copernican system) began to be
-discursed. I was then a very young man, and had scarcely finished my
-course of philosophy, which other occupations obliged me to leave off,
-when there arrived in this country, from Rostoch, a foreigner, whose
-name, I believe, was Christian Vurstisius (Wurteisen), a follower of
-Copernicus. This person delivered, on this subject, two or three
-lectures in a certain academy, and to a crowded audience. Believing that
-several were attracted more by the novelty of the subject than by any
-other cause, and being firmly persuaded that this opinion was a piece of
-solemn folly, I was unwilling to be present. Upon interrogating,
-however, some of those who were there, I found that they all made it a
-subject of merriment, with the exception of one, who assured me that it
-was not a thing wholly ridiculous. As I considered this individual to be
-both prudent and circumspect, I repented that I had not attended the
-lectures; and, whenever I met any of the followers of Copernicus, I
-began to inquire if they had always been of the same opinion. I found
-that there was not one of them who did not declare that he had long
-maintained the very opposite opinions, and had not gone over to the new
-doctrines till he was driven by the force of argument. I next examined
-them one by one, to see if they were masters of the arguments on the
-opposite side; and such was the readiness of their answers, that I was
-satisfied they had not taken up this opinion from ignorance or vanity.
-On the other hand, whenever I interrogated the Peripatetics and the
-Ptolemeans (and, out of curiosity, I have interrogated not a a few),
-respecting their perusal of Copernicus's work, I perceived that there
-were few who had seen the book, and not one who understood it. Nor have
-I omitted to enquire among the followers of the Peripatetic doctrines,
-if any of them had ever stood on the opposite side; and the result was,
-that there was not one. Considering, then, that nobody followed the
-Copernican doctrine, who had not previously held the contrary opinion,
-and who was not well acquainted with the arguments of Aristotle and
-Ptolemy; while, on the other hand, nobody followed Ptolemy and
-Aristotle, who had before adhered to Copernicus, and had gone over from
-him into the camp of Aristotle; weighing, I say, these things, I began
-to believe that, if any one who rejects an opinion which he has imbibed
-with his milk, and which has been embraced by an infinite number, shall
-take up an opinion held only by a few, condemned by all the schools, and
-really regarded as a great paradox, it cannot be doubted that he must
-have been induced, not to say driven, to embrace it by the most cogent
-arguments. On this account, I have become very curious to penetrate to
-the very bottom of the subject."[6]
-
-It appears, on the testimony of Galileo himself, that he taught the
-Ptolemaic system, out of compliance with the popular feeling, after he
-had convinced himself of the truth of the Copernican doctrines. In the
-treatise on the sphere, indeed, which bears his name[7], and which must
-have been written soon after he went to Padua, and subsequently to 1592,
-the stability of the earth, and the motion of the sun, are supported by
-the very arguments which Galileo afterwards ridiculed; but we have no
-means of determining whether or not he had then adopted the true system
-of the universe. Although he might have taught the Ptolemaic system in
-his lectures, after he had convinced himself of its falsehood; yet it is
-not likely that he would go so far as to publish to the worlds as true,
-the very doctrines which he despised. In a letter to Kepler, dated in
-1597, he distinctly states that he _had, many years ago, adopted the
-opinions of Copernicus; but that he had not yet dared to publish his
-arguments in favour of them, and his refutation of the opposite
-opinions._ These facts would leave us to place Galileo's conversion
-somewhere between 1593 and 1597; although _many_ years cannot be said to
-have elapsed between these two dates.
-
-At this early period of Galileo's life, in the year 1593, he met with an
-accident; which had nearly proved fatal. A party at Padua; of which he
-was one, were enjoying; at an open window; a current of air, which was
-artificially cooled by a fall of water. Galileo unfortunately fell
-asleep under its influence; and so powerful was its effect upon his
-robust constitution; that he contracted a severe chronic disorder,
-accompanied with acute pains in his body, and loss of sleep and
-appetite, which attacked him at intervals during the rest of his life.
-Others of the party suffered still more severely, and perished by their
-own rashness.
-
-Galileo's reputation was now widely extended over Europe; and the
-archduke Ferdinand (afterwards emperor of Germany), the landgrave of
-Hesse, and the princes of Alsace and Mantua honoured his lectures with
-their presence. Prince Gustavus of Sweden also received instructions
-from him in mathematics, during his sojourn in Italy; and it has been
-supposed that this was the celebrated Gustavus Adolphus.
-
-When Galileo had completed the first period of his engagement at Padua,
-he was re-elected for other six years, with an increased salary of 320
-florins. This liberal addition to his income is ascribed by Fabbroni to
-the malice of one of his enemies, who informed the senate that Galileo
-was living in illicit intercourse with Marina Gamba. Without inquiring
-into the truth of the accusation, the senate is said to have replied,
-that if "he had a family to support, he had the more need of an
-increased salary." It is more likely that the liberality of the republic
-had been called forth by the high reputation of their professor, and
-that the terms of their reply were intended only to rebuke the malignity
-of the informer. The mode of expression would seem to indicate that one
-or more of Galileo's children had been born previous to his re-election
-in 1598; but as this is scarcely consistent with other facts, we are
-disposed to doubt the authenticity of Fabbroni's anecdote.
-
-The new star, which attracted the notice of astronomers in 1604, excited
-the particular attention of Galileo. The observations which he made upon
-it, and the speculations which they suggested, formed the subject of
-three lectures, the beginning of the first of which only has reached our
-times. From the absence of parallax, he proved that the common
-hypothesis of its being a meteor was erroneous, and that, like the fixed
-stars, it was situated far beyond the bounds of our own system. The
-popularity of the subject attracted crowds to his lecture-room; and
-Galileo had the boldness to reproach his hearers for taking so deep an
-interest in a temporary phenomenon, while they passed unnoticed the
-wonders of creation which were daily presented to their view.
-
-In the year 1606, Galileo was again appointed to the professorship at
-Padua, with an augmented stipend of 520 florins. His popularity had now
-risen so high, that his audience could not be accommodated in his
-lecture-room; and even when he had assembled them in the school of
-medicine, which contained 1000 persons, he was frequently obliged to
-adjourn to the open air.
-
-Among the variety of pursuits which occupied his attention, was the
-examination of the properties of the loadstone. In 1607, he commenced
-his experiments; but, with the exception of a method of arming
-loadstones, which; according to the report of Sir Kenelm Digby, enabled
-them to carry twice as much weight as others, he does not seem to have
-made any additions to our knowledge of magnetism. He appears to have
-studied with care the admirable work of our countryman; Dr. Gilbert; "De
-Magnete," which was published in 1600; and he recognised; in the
-experiments and reasonings of the English philosopher; the principles of
-that method of investigating truth which he had himself adopted. Gilbert
-died in 1603; in the 63d year of his age, and probably never read the
-fine compliment which was paid to him by the Italian philosopher:--"I
-extremely praise, admire, and envy this author."
-
-In the preceding pages we have brought down the history of Galileo's
-labours to that auspicious year in which he first directed the telescope
-to the heavens. No sooner was that noble instrument placed in his hands,
-than Providence released him from his professional toils, and supplied
-him with the fullest leisure and the amplest means for pursuing and
-completing the grandest discoveries.
-
-Although he had quitted the service and the domains of his munificent
-patron; the grand duke of Tuscany, yet he maintained his connection with
-the family, by visiting Florence during his academic vacations, and
-giving mathematical instruction to the younger branches of that
-distinguished house. Cosmo, who had been one of his pupils, now
-succeeded his father Ferdinand; and having his mind early imbued with a
-love of knowledge, which had become hereditary in his family, he felt
-that the residence of Galileo within his dominions--and still more his
-introduction into his household--would do honour to their common
-country, and reflect a lustre upon his own name. In the year 1609,
-accordingly, Cosmo made proposals to Galileo to return to his original
-situation at Pisa. These overtures were gratefully received; and in the
-arrangements which Galileo on this occasion suggested, as well as in the
-manner in which they were urged, we obtain some insight into his temper
-and character. He informs the correspondent through whom Cosmo's offer
-was conveyed, that his salary of 520 florins at Padua would be increased
-to as many crowns at his re-election; and that he could enlarge his
-income to any extent he pleased, by giving private lectures, and
-receiving pupils. His public duties, he stated, occupied him only sixty
-half-hours in the year; but his studies suffered such interruptions from
-the domestic pupils and private lectures, that his most ardent wish was
-to be relieved from them, in order that he might have sufficient rest
-and leisure, before the close of his life, to finish and publish those
-great works which he had in hand. In the event, therefore, of his
-returning to Pisa, he hoped that it would be the first object of his
-serene highness to give him leisure to complete his works without the
-drudgery of lecturing. He expresses his anxiety to gain his bread by his
-writings, and he promises to dedicate them to his serene master. He
-enumerates, among these books, two on the system of the universe; three
-on local motion; three books of mechanics; two on the demonstration of
-principles, and one of problems; besides treatises on sound and speech,
-on light and colours, on the tides, on the composition of continuous
-quantity, on the motions of animals, and on the military art. On the
-subject of his salary, he makes the following curious observations:--
-
-"I say nothing," says he, "on the amount of my salary; being convinced
-that, as I am to live upon it, the graciousness of his highness would
-not deprive me of any of those comforts, of which, however, I feel the
-want of less than many others; and, therefore, I say nothing more on the
-subject. Finally, on the title and profession of my service, I should
-wish that, to the title of mathematician, his highness would add that of
-philosopher, as I profess to have studied a greater number of years in
-philosophy, than months in pure mathematics; and how I have profited by
-it, and if I can or ought to deserve this title, I may let their
-highnesses see, as often as it shall please them to give me an
-opportunity of discussing such subjects in their presence with those who
-are most esteemed in this knowledge."
-
-During the progress of this negotiation, Galileo went to Venice, on a
-visit to a friend, in the month of April or May, 1609. Here he learned,
-from common rumour, that a Dutchman, of the name of Jansen, had
-presented to prince Maurice of Nassau an optical instrument, which
-possessed the singular property of causing distant objects to appear
-nearer and larger to the observer. A few days afterwards, the truth of
-this report was confirmed by a letter which he received from James
-Badovere at Paris, and he immediately applied himself to the
-consideration of the subject. On the first night after his return to
-Padua, he found, in the doctrines of refraction, the principle which he
-sought. He placed at the ends of a leaden tube two spectacle glasses,
-both of which were plain on one side, while one of them had its other
-side convex, and the other its second side concave, and having applied
-his eye to the concave glass, he saw objects pretty large and pretty
-near him. This little instrument, which magnified only three times, he
-carried in triumph to Venice, where it excited the most intense
-interest. Crowds of the principal citizens flocked to his house to see
-the magical toy; and after nearly a month had been spent in gratifying
-this epidemical curiosity, Galileo was led to understand from Leonardo
-Deodati, the doge of Venice, that the senate would be highly gratified
-by obtaining possession of so extraordinary an instrument. Galileo
-instantly complied with the wishes of his patrons, who acknowledged the
-present by a mandate conferring upon him for life his professorship at
-Padua, and generously raising his salary from 520 to 1000 florins.
-
-Although we cannot doubt the veracity of Galileo, when he affirms that
-he had never seen any of the Dutch telescopes, yet it is expressly
-stated by Fuccarius, that one of these instruments had at this time been
-brought to Florence. In a letter from Lorenzo Pignoria to Paolo Gualdo,
-dated from Padua, on the 31st of August, 1609, it is expressly said,
-that, at the re-election of the professors, Galileo had contrived to
-obtain 1000 florins for life, which was alleged to be on account of an
-eye-glass like the one which was sent from Flanders to the Cardinal
-Borghese.
-
-In a memoir so brief and general as the present, it would be out of
-place to discuss the history of this extraordinary invention. We have no
-hesitation in asserting that a method of magnifying distant objects was
-known to Baptista Porta and others; but it seems to be equally certain
-that an _instrument_ for producing these effects was first constructed
-in Holland, and that it was from that kingdom that Galileo derived the
-knowledge of its existence. In considering the contending claims, which
-have been urged with all the ardour and partiality of national feeling,
-it has been generally overlooked, _that a single convex lens_, whose
-focal length exceeds the distance at which we examine minute objects,
-performs the part of a telescope, when an eye, placed behind it, sees
-distinctly the inverted image which it forms. A lens, twenty feet in
-focal length, will in this manner magnify twenty times; and it was by
-the same principle that Sir William Herschel discovered a new satellite
-of Saturn, by using only the mirror of his forty-feet telescope. The
-instrument presented to prince Maurice, and which the marquis Spinola
-found in the Dutch optician's shop, performing the part of a
-philosophical toy, by exhibiting a magnified and inverted image of a
-distant weathercock, must have been a single lens such as we have
-mentioned, or an astronomical telescope consisting of two convex lenses.
-Upon either of these suppositions, it differed entirely from that which
-Galileo constructed; and the Italian philosopher will be justly entitled
-to the honour of having invented that form of the telescope which still
-bears his name.
-
-The interest which the exhibition of the telescope excited at Venice did
-not soon subside: Serturi describes it as amounting almost to phrensy.
-When he himself had succeeded in making one of these instruments, he
-ascended the tower of St. Mark, where he might use it without
-molestation. He was recognised, however, by a crowd in the street; and
-such was the eagerness of their curiosity, that they took possession of
-the wondrous tube, and detained the impatient philosopher for several
-hours, till they had successively witnessed its effects. Desirous of
-obtaining the same gratification for their friends, they endeavoured to
-learn the name of the inn at which he lodged; but Serturi fortunately
-overheard their inquiries, and quitted Venice early next morning, in
-order to avoid a second visitation of this new school of philosophers.
-The opticians speedily availed themselves of this new instrument.
-Galileo's tube,--or the double eye-glass, as it was then called, for
-Demisiano had not yet given it the appellation of a _telescope_,--was
-manufactured in great quantities, and in a very superior manner. The
-instruments were purchased merely as philosophical toys, and were
-carried by travellers into every corner of Europe.
-
-The art of grinding and polishing lenses was at this time very
-imperfect. Galileo, and those whom he instructed, were alone capable of
-making tolerable instruments. It appears, from the testimony of Gassendi
-and Gærtner, that, in 1634, a good telescope could not be procured in
-Paris, Venice, or Amsterdam; and that, even in 1637, there was not one
-in Holland which could show Jupiter's disc well defined.
-
-After Galileo had completed his first instrument, which magnified only
-_three_ times, he executed a larger and more accurate one, with a power
-of about eight. "At length," as he himself remarks, "sparing neither
-labour nor expense," he constructed an instrument so excellent, that it
-magnified more than thirty times.
-
-The first celestial object to which Galileo applied his telescope was
-the moon, which, to use his own words, appeared as near as if it had
-been distant only two semidiameters of the earth. He then directed it to
-the planets and the fixed stars, which he frequently observed with
-"incredible satisfaction."[8]
-
-The observations which he made upon the moon possessed a high degree of
-interest. The general resemblance of its surface to that of our own
-globe naturally fixed his attention; and he was soon able to trace, in
-almost every part of the lunar disc, ranges of mountains, deep hollows,
-and other inequalities, which reflected from their summits the rays of
-the rising sun, while the intervening hollows were still buried in
-darkness. The dark and luminous spaces he regarded as indicating seas
-and continents, which reflected, in different degrees, the incident
-light of the sun; and he ascribed the phosphorescence, as it has been
-improperly called, or the secondary light, which is seen on the dark
-limb of the moon in her first and last quarters, to the reflection of
-the sun's light from the earth.
-
-These discoveries were ill received by the followers of Aristotle.
-According to their preconceived opinions, the moon was perfectly
-spherical, and perfectly smooth; to cover it with mountains, and to
-scoop it out into valleys, was an act of impiety which defaced the
-regular forms which nature herself had imprinted. It was in vain that
-Galileo appealed to the evidence of observation, and to the actual
-surface of our own globe. The very irregularities on the moon were, in
-his opinion, the proof of divine wisdom: and had its surface been
-perfectly smooth, it would have been "but a vast unblessed desert, void
-of animals, of plants, of cities, and of men; the abode of silence and
-inaction; senseless, lifeless, soulless, and stripped of all those
-ornaments which now render it so various and so beautiful."
-
-In examining the fixed stars, and comparing them with the planets,
-Galileo discovered a remarkable difference in the appearance of their
-discs. All the planets appeared with round globular discs like the moon;
-whereas the fixed stars never exhibited any disc at all, but resembled
-lucid points sending forth twinkling rays. Stars of all magnitudes he
-found to have the same appearance; those of the fifth and sixth
-magnitude having the same character when seen through a telescope, as
-Sirius, the largest of the stars, when seen by the naked eye. Upon
-directing his telescope to nebulæ and clusters of stars, he was
-delighted to find that they consisted of great numbers of stars which
-could not be recognised by unassisted vision. He counted no fewer than
-_forty_ in the cluster called the _Pleiades_, or _Seven Stars_; and he
-has given us drawings of this constellation, as well as of the belt and
-sword of Orion, and of the nebula of Præsepe. In the great nebula of
-the Milky Way, he descried crowds of minute stars; and he concluded that
-this singular portion derived its whiteness from still smaller stars,
-which his telescope was unable to separate.
-
-Important and interesting as these discoveries were, they were thrown
-into the shade by those to which he was led during an accurate
-examination of the planets with a more powerful telescope. On the 7th of
-January, 1610, at one o'clock in the morning, when he directed this
-telescope to Jupiter, he observed three stars near the body of the
-planet; two being to the east and one to the west of him. They were all
-in a straight line, and parallel to the ecliptic, and appeared brighter
-than other stars of the same magnitude. Believing them to be fixed
-stars, he paid no great attention to their distances from Jupiter and
-from one another. On the 8th of January, however, when, from some cause
-or other[9], he had been led to observe the stars again, he found a very
-different arrangement of them: all the three were on the west side of
-Jupiter, _nearer one another than before_, and almost at equal
-distances. Though he had not turned his attention to the extraordinary
-fact of the mutual approach of the stars, yet he began to consider how
-Jupiter could be found to the east of the three stars, when only the day
-before he had been to the west of two of them. The only explanation
-which he could give of this fact was, that the motion of Jupiter was
-_direct_ contrary to astronomical calculations; and that he had got
-before these two stars by his own motion.
-
-In this dilemma between the testimony of his senses and the results of
-calculation, he waited for the following night with the utmost anxiety:
-but his hopes were disappointed; for the heavens were wholly veiled in
-clouds. On the tenth, two only of the stars appeared, and both on the
-east of the planet. As it was obviously impossible that Jupiter could
-have advanced from west to east on the 8th of January, and from east to
-west on the 10th, Galileo was forced to conclude that the phenomenon
-which he had observed, arose from the motion of the stars, and he set
-himself to observe diligently their change of place. On the 11th, there
-were still only two stars; and both to the east of Jupiter; but the more
-eastern star was now _twice as large as the other one_, though on the
-preceding night they had been perfectly equal. This fact threw a new
-light upon Galileo's difficulties, and he immediately drew the
-conclusion, which he considered to be indubitable--"that there were in
-the heavens three stars which revolved round Jupiter, in the same manner
-as Venus and Mercury revolve round the sun." On the 12th of January, he
-again observed them in new positions, and of different magnitudes; and,
-on the 13th, he discovered a fourth star, which completed the four
-secondary planets with which Jupiter is surrounded.
-
-Galileo continued his observations on these bodies every clear night
-till the 22d of March, and studied their motions in reference to fixed
-stars that were at the same time within the field of his telescope.
-Having thus clearly established that the four new stars were satellites
-or moons, which revolved round Jupiter in the same manner as the moon
-revolves round our own globe, he drew up an account of his discovery, in
-which he gave to the four new bodies the names of the _Medicean Stars_,
-in honour of his patron, Cosmo de' Medici, grand duke of Tuscany. This
-work, under the title of "Nuncius Sidereus," or the "Sidereal
-Messenger," was dedicated to the same prince; and the dedication bears
-the date of the 4th of March, only two days after he concluded his
-observations.
-
-The importance of this great discovery was instantly felt by the enemies
-as well as by the friends of the Copernican system. The planets had
-hitherto been distinguished from the fixed stars only by their relative
-change of place; but the telescope proved them to be bodies so near to
-our own globe as to exhibit well-defined discs; while the fixed stars
-retained, even when magnified, the minuteness of remote and lucid
-points. The system of Jupiter, illuminated by four moons performing
-their revolutions in different and regular periods, exhibited to our
-proud reason the comparative insignificance of the globe we inhabit, and
-proclaimed in impressive language that globe was not the centre of
-the universe.
-
-The reception which these discoveries met with from Kepler is highly
-interesting, and characteristic of the genius of that great man. He was
-one day sitting idle, and thinking of Galileo, when his friend
-Wachenfels stopped his carriage at his door, to communicate to him the
-intelligence. "Such a fit of wonder," says he, "seized me at a report
-which seemed to be so very absurd, and I was thrown into such agitation
-at seeing an old dispute between us decided in this way, that between
-his joy, my colouring, and the laughter of both, confounded as we were
-by such a novelty, we were hardly capable, he of speaking, or I of
-listening. On our parting, I immediately began to think how there could
-be any addition to the number of the planets, without overturning my
-'Cosmographic Mystery,' according to which Euclid's five regular solids
-do not allow more than six planets round the sun. * * * I am so far from
-disbelieving the existence of the four circumjovial planets, that I long
-for a telescope, to anticipate you, if possible, in discovering _two_
-round Mars, as the proportion seems to require, _six_ or _eight_ round
-Saturn, and perhaps one each round Mercury and Venus."
-
-In a very different spirit did the Aristotelians receive the "Sidereal
-Messenger" of Galileo. The principal professor of philosophy at Padua
-resisted Galileo's repeated and urgent entreaties to look at the moon
-and planets through his telescope; and he even laboured to convince the
-grand duke that the satellites of Jupiter could not possibly exist.
-Sizzi, an astronomer of Florence, maintained, that as there were only
-_seven_ apertures in the head--_two_ eyes, _two_ ears, _two_ nostrils,
-and _one_ mouth--and as there were only _seven_ metals, and _seven_ days
-in the week, so there could be only _seven_ planets. He seems, however,
-to have admitted the visibility of the four satellites through the
-telescope; but he argues, that as they are invisible to the naked eye,
-they can exercise no influence on the earth; and being useless, they do
-not therefore exist.
-
-A _protégé_ of Kepler's, of the name of Horky, wrote a volume against
-Galileo's discovery, after having declared, "that he would never concede
-his four new planets to that Italian from Padua, even if he should die
-for it." This resolute Aristotelian was at no loss for arguments. He
-asserted that he had examined the heavens _through Galileo's own glass_,
-and that no such thing as a satellite existed round Jupiter. He
-affirmed, that he did not more surely know that he had a soul in his
-body, than that reflected rays are the sole cause of Galileo's erroneous
-observations; and that the only use of the new planets was to gratify
-Galileo's thirst for gold, and afford himself a subject of discussion.
-
-When Horky first presented himself to Kepler, after the publication of
-this work, the opinion of his patron was announced to him by a burst of
-indignation which overwhelmed the astonished author. Horky supplicated
-mercy for his offence; and, as Kepler himself informed Galileo, he took
-him again into favour, on the condition that Kepler was to show him
-Jupiter's satellites; and that Horky was not only to see them, but to
-admit their existence.
-
-When the spirit of philosophy had thus left the individuals who bore her
-sacred name, it was fortunate for science that it found a refuge in the
-minds of princes. Notwithstanding the reiterated logic of his
-philosophical professor at Padua, Cosmo de' Medici preferred the
-testimony of his senses to the syllogisms of his instructor. He observed
-the new planets several times, along with Galileo, at Pisa; and when he
-parted with him, he gave him a present worth more than 1000 florins, and
-concluded that liberal arrangement to which we have already referred.
-
-As philosopher and principal mathematician to the grand duke of Tuscany,
-Galileo now took up his residence at Florence, with a salary of 1000
-florins. No official duties, excepting that of lecturing occasionally to
-sovereign princes, were attached to this appointment; and it was
-expressly stipulated that he should enjoy the most perfect leisure to
-complete his treatises on the constitution of the universe, on
-mechanics, and on local motion. The resignation of his professorship at
-Padua, which necessarily followed his new appointment, created much
-dissatisfaction in that university: but though many of his former
-friends refused at first to hold any communication with him, this
-feeling gradually subsided; and the Venetian senate at last appreciated
-the views, as well as the powerful motives, which induced a stranger to
-accept of promotion in his native land.
-
-While Galileo was enjoying the reward and the fame of his great
-discovery, a new species of enmity was roused against them. Simon Mayer,
-an astronomer of no character, pretended that he had discovered the
-satellites of Jupiter before Galileo, and that his first observation was
-made on the 29th of December, 1609. Other astronomers announced the
-discovery of new satellites: Scheiner reckoned five, Rheita nine, and
-others found even so many as twelve: these satellites, however, were
-found to be only fixed stars. The names of _Vladislavian, Agrippine,
-Uranodavian_, and _Ferdinandotertian_, which were hastily given to these
-common telescopic stars, soon disappeared from the page of science, and
-even the splendid telescopes of modern times have not been able to add
-another gem to the diadem of Jupiter.
-
-A modern astronomer of no mean celebrity has, even in the present day,
-endeavoured to rob Galileo of this staple article of his reputation.
-From a careless examination of the papers of our celebrated countryman,
-Thomas Harriot, which baron Zach had made in 1784, at Petworth, the seat
-of lord Egremont, this astronomer has asserted[10] that Harriot first
-observed the satellites of Jupiter on the 16th of January, 1610; and
-continued his observations till the 25th of February, 1612. Baron Zach
-adds the following extraordinary conclusion:--"Galileo pretends to have
-discovered them on the 7th of January, 1610; so that it is not
-improbable that Harriot was likewise the first discoverer of these
-attendants of Jupiter." In a communication which I received from Dr.
-Robertson, of Oxford, in 1822[11], he informed me that he had examined a
-class of Harriot's papers, entitled, "De Jovialibus Planetis;" and that
-it appears, from two pages of these papers, _that Harriot first observed
-Jupiter's satellites on the 17th of October_, 1610. These observations
-are accompanied with rough drawings of the positions of the satellites,
-and rough calculations of their periodical revolutions. My friend,
-professor Rigaud[12], who has very recently examined the Harriot MSS.,
-has confirmed the accuracy of Dr. Robertson's observations, and has thus
-restored to Galileo the honour of being the first and the sole
-discoverer of these secondary planets.
-
-The great success which attended the first telescopic observations of
-Galileo, induced him to apply his best instruments to the other planets
-of our system. The attempts which had been made to deprive him of the
-honour of some of his discoveries, combined, probably, with a desire to
-repeat his observations with better telescopes, led him to announce his
-discoveries under the veil of an enigma; and to invite astronomers to
-declare, within a given time, if they had observed any new phenomena in
-the heavens.
-
-Before the close of 1610, Galileo excited the curiosity of astronomers,
-by the publication of his first enigma. Kepler and others tried in vain
-to decipher it; but in consequence of the emperor Rodolph requesting a
-solution of the puzzle, Galileo sent him the following clue:--
-
-
-"Altissimam planetam tergeminam observavi."
-
-I have observed that the most remote planet is triple.
-
-
-In explaining more fully the nature of his observation, Galileo remarked
-that Saturn was not a single star, but three together, nearly touching
-one another: he described them as having no relative motion, and as
-having the form of three o's, namely, oOo, the central one being larger
-than those on each side of it.
-
-Although Galileo had announced that nothing new appeared in the other
-planets, yet he soon communicated to the world another discovery of no
-slight interest. The enigmatical letters in which it was concealed,
-formed the following sentence:--
-
-
-"Cynthia figuras æmulatur mater Amorum."
-
-Venus rivals the phases of the moon.
-
-
-Hitherto, Galileo had observed Venus when her disc was largely
-illuminated; but having directed his telescope to her when she was not
-far removed from the sun, he saw her in the form of a crescent,
-resembling exactly the moon at the same elongation from the sun. He
-continued to observe her night after night, during the whole time that
-she could be seen in the course of her revolution round the sun, and he
-found that she exhibited the very same phases which resulted from her
-motion round that luminary.
-
-Galileo had long contemplated a visit to the metropolis of Italy, and he
-accordingly carried his intentions into effect in the early part of the
-year 1611. Here he was received with that distinction which was due to
-his great talents and his extended reputation. Princes, cardinals, and
-prelates hastened to do him honour; and even those who discredited his
-discoveries, and dreaded their results, vied with the true friends of
-science in their anxiety to see the first wonder of the age.
-
-In order to show the new celestial phenomena to his friends at Rome,
-Galileo took with him his best telescope; and as he had discovered the
-spots on the sun's surface in the month of March, 1611, he had the
-gratification of exhibiting this new wonder to his admiring disciples.
-He accordingly erected his telescope in the Quirinal garden, belonging
-to cardinal Bandini; and in April, 1611, he exhibited them to his
-friends in many of their most interesting variations. From their change
-of position on the sun's disc, Galileo at first inferred, either that
-the sun revolved about an axis; or that other planets, like Venus and
-Mercury, revolved so near the sun as to appear like black spots when
-they were opposite to his disc. Upon continuing his observations,
-however, he saw reason to abandon this last opinion. He found, that the
-spots must be in contact with the surface of the sun; that their figures
-were irregular; that they had different degrees of darkness; that one
-spot would often divide itself into three or four; that three or four
-spots would often unite themselves into one; and that all the spots
-revolved regularly with the sun, which appeared to complete its
-revolution in about twenty-eight days.
-
-Previous to the invention of the telescope, spots had been more than
-once seen on the sun's disc with the unassisted eye. But even if these
-were of the same character as those which Galileo and others observed,
-we cannot consider them as anticipations of their discovery by the
-telescope. As the telescope was now in the possession of several
-astronomers, Galileo began to have many rivals in discovery; and it is
-now placed beyond the reach of doubt, that he was not the first
-discoverer of the solar spots. From the communication which I received
-from the late Dr. Robertson, of Oxford[13], it appears that Thomas
-Harriot had discovered the solar spots on or before the 8th of December,
-1610. His manuscripts, in lord Egremont's possession, incontestably
-prove that his regular observations on the spots commenced on the 8th of
-December, 1610,--at least three months before Galileo discovered them;
-and that they were continued till the 18th of January, 1613. The
-observations which he has recorded are 199 in number; and the accounts
-of them are accompanied with rough drawings representing the number,
-position, and magnitude of the spots.[14]
-
-Another candidate for the honour of discovering the spots of the sun,
-was John Fabricius, who undoubtedly saw them previous to June, 1611. The
-dedication of the work[15] in which he has recorded his observation,
-bears the date of the 13th of June, 1611; and it is obvious, from the
-work itself, that he had seen the spots during the year 1610: but as
-there is no proof that he saw them before the 8th of December, 1610, and
-as it is probable that Harriot had seen them before that date, we are
-compelled to assign the priority of the discovery to our distinguished
-countryman.
-
-The claim of Scheiner, professor of mathematics at Ingolstadt, is more
-intimately connected with the history of Galileo. This learned
-astronomer having, early in 1611, turned his telescope to the sun,
-necessarily discovered the spots which at that time covered his disc.
-Light flying clouds happened, at the time, to weaken the intensity of
-his light, so that he was able to show the spots to his pupils. These
-observations were not published till January, 1612; and they appeared in
-the form of three letters, addressed to Mark Velser, one of the
-magistrates of Augsburg, under the signature of _Apelles post Tabulam_.
-Scheiner, who, many years afterwards, published an elaborate work on the
-subject, adopted the same idea which had at first occurred to
-Galileo,--that the spots were the dark sides of planets revolving round
-and near the sun.[16]
-
-On the publication of Scheiner's letters Velser transmitted a copy of
-them to his friend Galileo, with the request that he would favour him
-with his opinion of the new phenomena. After some delay, Galileo
-addressed three letters to Velser, in which he combated the opinions of
-Scheiner on the cause of the spots. These letters were dated the 4th of
-May, 1612; but though the controversy was carried on in the language of
-mutual respect and esteem, it put an end to the friendship which had
-existed between the two astronomers. In these letters, Galileo showed
-that the spots often dispersed like vapours or clouds; that they
-sometimes had a duration of only one or two days, and at other times of
-thirty or forty days; that they contracted in their breadth when they
-approached the sun's limb, without any diminution of their length; that
-they describe circles parallel to each other; that the monthly rotation
-of the sun again brings the same spots into view; and that they are
-seldom seen at a greater distance than 30° from the sun's equator.
-Galileo, likewise, discovered on the sun's disc _faculœ_, or _luculi_,
-as they were called, which differ in no respect from the common ones but
-in their being brighter than the rest of the sun's surface.[17]
-
-In the last of the letters which our author addressed to Velser, and
-which was written in December, 1612, he recurs to his former discovery
-of the elongated shape, or rather the triple structure, of Saturn. The
-singular figure which he had observed in this planet had entirely
-disappeared; and he evidently announces the fact to Velser, lest it
-should be used by his enemies to discredit the accuracy of his
-observations. "Looking on Saturn," says he, "within these few days, I
-found it solitary, without the assistance of its accustomed stars, and,
-in short, perfectly round and defined like Jupiter; and such it still
-remains. Now, what can be said of so strange a metamorphosis? Are the
-two smaller stars consumed like the spots on the sun? Have they suddenly
-vanished and fled? or has Saturn devoured his own children? or was the
-appearance indeed fraud and illusion, with which the glasses have for so
-long a time mocked me, and so many others who have often observed with
-me? Now, perhaps, the time is come to revive the withering hopes of
-those who, guided by more profound contemplations, have followed all the
-fallacies of the new observations, and recognised their impossibilities.
-I cannot resolve what to say in a chance so strange, so new, and so
-unexpected; the shortness of the time, the unexampled occurrence, the
-weakness of my intellect, and the terror of being mistaken, have greatly
-confounded me." Although Galileo struggled to obtain a solution of this
-mystery, yet he had not the good fortune of succeeding. He imagined that
-the two smaller stars would reappear, in consequence of the supposed
-revolution of the planet round its axis; but the discovery of the ring
-of Saturn, and of the obliquity of its plane to the ecliptic, was
-necessary to explain the phenomena which were so perplexing to our
-author.
-
-The ill health to which Galileo was occasionally subject, and the belief
-that the air of Florence was prejudicial to his complaints, induced him
-to spend much of his time at Selve, the villa of his friend Salviati.
-This eminent individual had ever been the warmest friend of Galileo, and
-seems to have delighted in drawing round him the scientific genius of
-the age. He was a member of the celebrated Lyncæan Society, founded by
-Prince Frederigo Cesi; and though he is not known as the author of any
-important discovery, yet he has earned, by his liberality to science, a
-glorious name, which will be indissolubly united with the immortal
-destiny of Galileo.
-
-The subject of floating bridges having been discussed at one of the
-scientific parties which had assembled at the house of Salviati, a
-difference of opinion arose respecting the influence of the shape of
-bodies on their disposition to float or to sink in a fluid. Contrary to
-the general opinion, Galileo undertook to prove that it depended on
-other causes: and he was thus led to compose his discourse on floating
-bodies[18], which was published in 1612, and dedicated to Cosmo de'
-Medici. This work contains many ingenious experiments, and much acute
-reasoning in support of the true principles of hydrostatics; and it is
-now chiefly remarkable as a specimen of the sagacity and intellectual
-power of its author. Like all his other works, it encountered the most
-violent opposition; and Galileo was more than once summoned into the
-field to repel the aggressions of his ignorant and presumptuous
-opponents. The first attack upon it was made by Ptolemy Nozzolini, in a
-letter to Marzemedici, archbishop of Florence[19]; and to this Galileo
-replied in a letter addressed to his antagonist.[20] A more elaborate
-examination of it was published by Lodovico delle Colombe, and another
-by M. Vincenzo di Grazia. To these attacks, a minute and overwhelming
-answer was printed in the name of Benedetti Castelli, the friend and
-pupil of Galileo; but it was discovered, some years after Galileo's
-death, that he was himself the author of this work.[21]
-
-The current of Galileo's life had hitherto flowed in a smooth and
-unobstructed channel. He had now attained the highest objects of earthly
-ambition. His discoveries had placed him at the head of the great men of
-his age; he possessed a professional income far beyond his wants, and
-even beyond his anticipations; and, what is still dearer to a
-philosopher, he enjoyed the most perfect leisure for carrying on and
-completing his discoveries. The opposition which these discoveries
-encountered, was to him more a subject for triumph than for sorrow.
-Prejudice and ignorance were his only enemies; and if they succeeded for
-a while in harassing his march, it was only to give him occasion for
-fresh achievements. He who contends for truths which he has himself been
-permitted to discover, may well sustain the conflict in which
-presumption and error are destined to fall. The public tribunal may
-neither be sufficiently pure nor enlightened to decide upon the issue;
-but he can appeal to posterity, and reckon with confidence on "its sure
-decree."
-
-The ardour of Galileo's mind, the keenness of his temper, his clear
-perception of truth, and his inextinguishable love of it, combined to
-exasperate and prolong the hostility of his enemies. When argument
-failed to enlighten their judgment, and reason to remove their
-prejudices, he wielded against them his powerful weapons of ridicule and
-sarcasm; and in this unrelenting warfare, he seems to have forgotten
-that Providence had withheld from his enemies those very gifts which he
-had so liberally received. He who is allowed to take the start of his
-species, and to penetrate the veil which conceals from common minds the
-mysteries of nature, must not expect that the world will be patiently
-dragged at the chariot wheels of his philosophy. Mind has its inertia,
-as well as matter; and its progress to truth can only be insured by the
-gradual and patient removal of the obstructions which surround it.
-
-The boldness--may we not say the recklessness?--with which Galileo
-insisted upon making proselytes of his enemies, produced the very
-opposite effect. Errors thus assailed, entrenched themselves in general
-feelings, and were embalmed in the virulence of the passions. The
-various classes of his opponents marshalled themselves for their mutual
-defence. The Aristotelian professors, the temporising Jesuits, the
-political churchmen, and that timid but respectable body who at all
-times dread innovation, whether it be in religion or in science, entered
-into an alliance against the philosophical tyrant who threatened them
-with the penalties of knowledge.
-
-The party of Galileo, though weak in numbers, was not without power and
-influence. He had trained around him a devoted band, who idolised his
-genius and supported his views. His pupils had been appointed to several
-of the principal professorships in Italy. The enemies of religion were
-on this occasion united with the Christian philosopher; and there were,
-even in these days, many princes and nobles who had felt the
-inconvenience of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and who secretly abetted
-Galileo in his crusade against established errors.
-
-Although these two parties had been long dreading each other's power,
-and reconnoitring each other's position, yet we cannot exactly determine
-which of them hoisted the first signal for war. The church party,
-particularly its high dignitaries, were certainly disposed to rest on
-the defensive. Flanked on one side by the logic of the schools, and on
-the other by the popular interpretation of Scripture, and backed by the
-strong arm of the civil power, they were not disposed to interfere with
-the prosecution of science, however much they may have dreaded its
-influence. The philosophers, on the contrary, united the zeal of
-innovators with the firmness of purpose which truth alone can inspire.
-Victorious in every contest, they were flushed with success, and they
-panted for a struggle in which they knew they must triumph.
-
-In this state of warlike preparation Galileo addressed a letter, in
-1613, to his friend and pupil, the abbé Castelli, the object of which
-was to prove that the Scriptures were not intended to teach us science
-and philosophy. Hence he inferred, that the language employed in the
-sacred volume in reference to such subjects should be interpreted only
-in its common acceptation; and that it was in reality as difficult to
-reconcile the Ptolemaic as the Copernican system to the expressions
-which occur in the Bible.
-
-A demonstration was about this time made by the opposite party, in the
-person of Caccini, a Dominican friar, who made a personal attack upon
-Galileo from the pulpit. This violent ecclesiastic ridiculed the
-astronomer and his followers, by addressing them in the sacred language
-of Scripture; "Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye here looking up into
-heaven?" But this species of warfare was disapproved of even by the
-church; and Luigi Maraffi, the general of the Dominicans, not only
-apologised to Galileo, who had transmitted to him a formal complaint
-against Caccini, but expressed the acuteness of his own feelings on
-being implicated in the "brutal conduct of thirty or forty thousand
-monks."
-
-From the character of Caccini, and the part which he afterwards played
-in the persecution of Galileo, we can scarcely avoid the opinion that
-his attack from the pulpit was intended as a snare for the unwary
-philosopher. It roused Galileo from his wonted caution; and stimulated,
-no doubt, by the nature of the answer which he received from Maraffi, he
-published a longer letter of seventy pages, defending and illustrating
-his former views respecting the influence of scriptural language on the
-two contending systems. As if to give the impress of royal authority to
-this new appeal, he addressed it to Christian, grand-duchess of Tuscany,
-the mother of Cosmo; and in this form it seems to have excited a new
-interest, as if it had expressed the opinion of the grand-ducal family.
-These external circumstances gave additional weight to the powerful and
-unanswerable reasoning which this letter contains; and it was scarcely
-possible that any man, possessed of a sound mind, and willing to learn
-the truth, should refuse his assent to the judicious views of our
-author. He expresses his belief that the Scriptures were given to
-instruct mankind respecting their salvation, and that the faculties of
-our minds were given us for the purpose of investigating the phenomena
-of nature. He considers Scripture and nature as proceeding from the same
-divine author, and, therefore, incapable of speaking a different
-language; and he points out the absurdity of supposing that professors
-of astronomy will shut their eyes to the phenomena which they discover
-in the heavens, or will refuse to believe those deductions of reason
-which appeal to their judgment with all the power of demonstration. He
-supports these views by quotations from the ancient fathers; and he
-refers to the dedication of Copernicus's own work to the Roman pontiff,
-Paul III., as a proof that the pope himself did not regard the new
-system of the world as hostile to the sacred writings. Copernicus, on
-the contrary, tells his holiness, that the reason of inscribing to him
-his new system was, that the authority of the pontiff might put to
-silence the calumnies of some individuals, who attacked it by arguments
-drawn from passages of Scripture twisted for their own purpose.
-
-It was in vain to meet such arguments by any other weapons than those of
-the civil power. His enemies saw that they must either crush the
-dangerous innovation, or allow it the fullest scope; and they determined
-upon an appeal to the inquisition. Lorini, a monk of the Dominican
-order, had already denounced to this body Galileo's letter to Castelli;
-and Caccini, bribed by the mastership of the convent of St. Mary of
-Minerva, was invited to settle at Rome for the purpose of embodying the
-evidence against Galileo.
-
-Though these plans had been carried on in secret, yet Galileo's
-suspicions were excited; and he obtained leave from Cosmo to go to Rome
-about the end of 1615.[22] Here he was lodged in the palace of the grand
-duke's ambassador, and kept up a constant correspondence with the family
-of his patron at Florence; but, in the midst of this external splendour,
-he was summoned before the inquisition to answer for the heretical
-doctrines which he had published. He was charged with maintaining the
-motion of the earth, and the stability of the sun, with teaching this
-doctrine to his pupils, with corresponding on the subject with several
-German mathematicians, and with having published it, and attempted to
-reconcile it to Scripture, in his letters to Mark Velser in 1612. The
-inquisition assembled to consider these charges on the 25th of February,
-1615; and it was decreed that Galileo should be enjoined by cardinal
-Bellarmine to renounce the obnoxious doctrines, and to pledge himself
-that he would neither teach, defend, nor publish them in future. In the
-event of his refusing to acquiesce in this sentence, it was decreed that
-he should be thrown into prison. Galileo did not hesitate to yield to
-this injunction. On the day following, the 26th of February, he appeared
-before cardinal Bellarmine, to renounce his heretical opinions; and,
-having declared that he abandoned the doctrine of the earth's motion,
-and would neither defend nor teach it, in his conversation or in his
-writings, he was dismissed the court.
-
-Having thus disposed of Galileo, the inquisition conceived the design of
-condemning the whole system of Copernicus as heretical. Galileo, with
-more hardihood than prudence, remained at Rome for the purpose of giving
-his assistance in frustrating this plan; but there is reason to think
-that he injured by his presence the very cause which he meant to
-support. The inquisition had determined to put down the new opinions;
-and they now inserted among the prohibited books Galileo's letters to
-Castelli and the grand duchess, Kepler's epitome of the Copernican
-theory, and Copernicus's own work on the revolutions of the heavenly
-bodies.
-
-Notwithstanding these proceedings, Galileo had an audience of the pope,
-Paul V., in March, 1616. He was received very graciously, and spent
-nearly an hour with his holiness. When they were about to part, the pope
-assured Galileo, that the congregation were not disposed to receive upon
-light grounds any calumnies which might be propagated by his enemies,
-and that, as long as he occupied the papal chair, he might consider
-himself as safe.
-
-These assurances were no doubt founded on the belief that Galileo would
-adhere to his pledges; but so bold and inconsiderate was he in the
-expression of his opinions, that even in Rome he was continually engaged
-in controversial discussions. The following very interesting account of
-these disputes is given by Querenghi, in a letter to the cardinal
-D'Este:--
-
-"Your eminence would be delighted with Galileo if you heard him holding
-forth, as he often does, in the midst of fifteen or twenty, all
-violently attacking him, sometimes in one house, sometimes in another.
-But he is armed after such fashion that he laughs all of them to
-scorn,--and even if the novelty of his opinions prevents entire
-persuasion, at least he convicts of emptiness most of the arguments with
-which his adversaries endeavour to overwhelm him. He was particularly
-admirable on Monday last in the house of signor Frederico Ghisilieri;
-and what especially pleased me was, that before replying to the contrary
-arguments, he amplified and enforced them with new grounds of great
-plausibility, so as to leave his adversaries in a more ridiculous
-plight, when he afterwards overturned them all."
-
-The discovery of Jupiter's satellites suggested to Galileo a new method
-of finding the longitude at sea. Philip III. had encouraged astronomers
-to direct their attention to this problem, by offering a reward for its
-solution; and in those days, when new discoveries in science were
-sometimes rejected as injurious to mankind, it was no common event to
-see a powerful sovereign courting the assistance of astronomers in
-promoting the commercial interests of his empire. Galileo seems to have
-regarded the solution of this problem as an object worthy of his
-ambition; and he no doubt anticipated the triumph which he would obtain
-over his enemies, if the Medicean stars, which they had treated with
-such contempt, could be made subservient to the great interests of
-mankind. During his residence at Rome in 1615 and 1616, Galileo had
-communicated his views on this subject to the comte di Lemos, the
-viceroy of Naples, who had presided over the council of the Spanish
-Indies. This nobleman advised him to apply to the Spanish minister, the
-duke of Lerma; and, through the influence of the grand duke Cosmo, his
-ambassador at the court of Madrid was engaged to manage the affair. The
-anxiety of Galileo on this subject was singularly great. He assured the
-Tuscan ambassador that, in order to accomplish this object, "he was
-ready to leave all his comforts, his country, his friends, and his
-family, to cross over into Spain, and to stay as long as he might be
-wanted at Seville or at Lisbon, or wherever it might be convenient to
-communicate a knowledge of his method." The enthusiasm of Galileo seems
-to have increased the lethargy of the Spanish court; and though the
-negotiations were occasionally revived for ten or twelve years, yet no
-steps were taken to bring them to a close. This strange procrastination
-has been generally ascribed to jealousy or indifference on the part of
-Spain; but Nelli, one of Galileo's biographers, declares, on the
-authority of Florentine records, that Cosmo had privately requested from
-the government the privilege of sending annually t to the Spanish Indies
-two Leghorn merchantmen free of duty, as a compensation for the loss of
-Galileo!
-
-The failure of this negotiation must have been a source of extreme
-mortification to the high spirit and sanguine temperament of Galileo. He
-had calculated, however, too securely on his means of putting the new
-method to a successful trial. The great imperfection of the time-keepers
-of that day, and the want of proper telescopes, would have baffled him
-in all his efforts, and he would have been subject to a more serious
-mortification from the failure and rejection of his plan, than that
-which he actually experienced from the avarice of his patron, or the
-indifference of Spain. Even in the present day, no telescope has been
-invented which is capable of observing at sea the eclipses of Jupiter's
-satellites; and though this method of finding the longitude has great
-advantages on shore, yet it has been completely abandoned at sea, and
-superseded by easier and more correct methods.
-
-In the year 1618, when no fewer than three comets visited our system,
-and attracted the attention of all the astronomers of Europe, Galileo
-was unfortunately confined to his bed by a severe illness; but, though
-he was unable to make a single observation upon these remarkable bodies,
-he contrived to involve himself in the controversies which they
-occasioned. Marco Guiducci, an astronomer of Florence, and a friend of
-Galileo's, had delivered a discourse on comets before the Florentine
-Academy, which was published in 1619.[23] The heads of this discourse
-were supposed to have been communicated to him by Galileo, and this
-seems to have been universally admitted during the controversy to which
-it gave rise. The opinion maintained in this treatise, that comets are
-nothing but meteors which occasionally appear in our atmosphere, like
-halos and rainbows, savours so little of the sagacity of Galileo that we
-should be disposed to question its paternity. His inability to partake
-in the general interest which these three comets excited, and to employ
-his powerful telescope in observing their phenomena and their movements,
-might have had some slight share in the formation of an opinion which
-deprived them of their importance as celestial bodies. But, however this
-may have been, the treatise of Guiducci afforded a favourable point of
-attack to Galileo's enemies, and the dangerous task was entrusted to
-Oratio Grassi, a learned Jesuit, who, in a work entitled _The
-Astronomical and Philosophical Balance_, criticised the discourse on
-comets, under the feigned name of Lotario Sarsi.
-
-Galileo replied to this attack in a volume entitled _Il Saggiatore_, or
-_The Assayer_, which, owing to the state of his health, was not
-published till the autumn of 1623.[24] This work was written in the form
-of a letter to Virginio Cæsarini, a member of the Lyncæan Academy, and
-master of the chamber to Urban VIII.[25], who had just ascended the
-pontifical throne. It has been long celebrated among literary men for
-the beauty of its language, though it is doubtless one of the least
-important of Galileo's writings.
-
-The succession of the cardinal Maffeo Barberini to the papal throne,
-under the name of Urban VIII., was hailed by Galileo and his friends as
-an event favourable to the promotion of science. Urban had not only been
-the personal friend of Galileo and of prince Cesi, the founder of the
-Lyncæan Academy, but had been intimately connected with that able and
-liberal association; and it was, therefore, deemed prudent to secure his
-favour and attachment. If Paul III. had, nearly a century before,
-patronised Copernicus, and accepted of the dedication of his great work,
-it was not unreasonable to expect that, in more enlightened times,
-another pontiff might exhibit the same liberality to science.
-
-The plan of securing to Galileo the patronage of Urban VIII. seems to
-have been devised by prince Cesi. Although Galileo had not been able for
-some years to travel, excepting in a fitter, yet he was urged by the
-prince to perform a journey to Rome, for the express purpose of
-congratulating his friend upon his elevation to the papal chair. This
-request was made in October, 1623; and, though Galileo's health was not
-such as to authorise him to undergo so much fatigue, yet he felt the
-importance of the advice; and, after visiting Cesi at Acqua Sparta, he
-arrived at Rome in the spring of 1624. The reception which he here
-experienced far exceeded his most sanguine expectations. During the two
-months which he spent in the capital he was permitted to have no fewer
-than six long and gratifying audiences of the pope. The kindness of his
-holiness was of the most marked description. He not only loaded Galileo
-with presents[26], and promised him a pension for his son Vincenzo, but
-he wrote a letter to Ferdinand, who had just succeeded Cosmo as grand
-duke of Tuscany, recommending Galileo to his particular patronage. "For
-we find in him," says he, "not only literary distinction, but the love of
-piety; and he is strong in those qualities by which pontifical good-will
-is easily obtained. And now, when he has been brought to this city to
-congratulate us on our elevation, we have very lovingly embraced him;
-nor can we suffer him to return to the country whither your liberality
-recalls him, without an ample provision of pontifical love. And that you
-may know how dear he is to us, we have willed to give him this
-honourable testimonial of virtue and piety. And we further signify, that
-every benefit which you shall confer upon him, imitating or even
-surpassing your father's liberality, will conduce to our gratification."
-
-Not content with thus securing the friendship of the pope, Galileo
-endeavoured to bespeak the good-will of the cardinals towards the
-Copernican system. He had, accordingly, many interviews with several of
-these dignitaries; and he was assured, by cardinal Hohenzoller, that in
-a representation which he had made to the pope on the subject of
-Copernicus, he stated to his holiness, "that as all the heretics
-considered that system as undoubted, it would be necessary to be very
-circumspect in coming to any resolution on the subject." To this remark
-his holiness replied,--"that the church had not condemned this system;
-and that it should not be condemned as heretical, but only as rash;" and
-he added, "that there was no fear of any person undertaking to prove
-that it must necessarily be true."
-
-The recent appointment of the abbé Castelli, the friend and pupil of
-Galileo, to be mathematician to the pope, was an event of a most
-gratifying nature; and when we recollect that it was to Castelli that he
-addressed the famous letter which was pronounced heretical by the
-inquisition, we must regard it also as an event indicative of à new and
-favourable feeling towards the friends of science. The opinions of
-Urban, indeed, had suffered no change. He was one of the few cardinals
-who had opposed the inquisitorial decree of 1616, and his subsequent
-demeanour was in every respect conformable to the liberality of his
-early views. The sincerity of his conduct was still further evinced by
-the grant of a pension of one hundred crowns to Galileo, a few years
-after his visit to Rome; but there is reason to think that this
-allowance was not regularly paid.
-
-The death of Cosmo, whose liberality had given him both affluence and
-leisure, threatened Galileo with pecuniary difficulties. He had been
-involved in a "great load of debt," owing to the circumstances of his
-brother's family; and, in order to relieve himself, he had requested
-Castelli to dispose of the pension of his son Vincenzo: but he was now
-alarmed at the prospect of losing his salary as an extraordinary
-professor at Pisa. The great youth of Ferdinand, who was scarcely of
-age, induced Galileo's enemies, in 1629, to raise doubts respecting the
-payment of a salary to a professor who neither resided nor lectured in
-the university; but the question was decided in his favour, and we have
-no doubt that the decision was facilitated by the friendly
-recommendation of the pope, to which we have already referred.
-
-Although Galileo had made a narrow escape from the grasp of the
-inquisition, yet he was never sufficiently sensible of the lenity which
-he experienced. When he left Rome in 1616, under the solemn pledge of
-never again teaching the obnoxious doctrine, it was with an hostility
-against the church, suppressed but deeply cherished; and his resolution
-to propagate the heresy seems to have been coeval with the vow by which
-he renounced it. In the year 1618, when he communicated his theory of
-the tides to the archduke Leopold, he alludes in the most sarcastic
-manner to the conduct of the church. The same hostile tone, more or
-less, pervaded all his writings, and, while he laboured to sharpen the
-edge of his satire, he endeavoured to guard himself against its effects,
-by an affectation of the humblest deference to the decisions of
-theology. Had Galileo stood alone, his devotion to science might have
-withdrawn him from so hopeless a contest; but he was spurred on by the
-violence of a party. The Lyncæan Academy never scrupled to summon him
-from his researches. They placed him in the forlorn hope of their
-combat, and he at last fell a victim to the rashness of his adventure.
-
-But, whatever allowance we may make for the ardour of Galileo's temper,
-and the peculiarity of his position; and however we may justify and even
-approve of his past conduct, his visit to Urban VIII., in 1624, placed
-him in a new relation to the church, which demanded on his part a new
-and corresponding demeanour. The noble and generous reception which he
-met with from Urban, and the liberal declaration of cardinal Hohenzoller
-on the subject of the Copernican system, should have been regarded as
-expressions of regret for the past, and offers of conciliation for the
-future. Thus honoured by the head of the church, and befriended by its
-dignitaries, Galileo must have felt himself secure against the indignity
-of its lesser functionaries, and in the possession of the fullest
-licence to prosecute his researches and publish his discoveries,
-provided he avoided that dogma of the church which, even in the present
-day, it has not ventured to renounce. But Galileo was bound to the
-Romish hierarchy by even stronger ties. His son and himself were
-pensioners of the church, and, having accepted of its alms, they owed to
-it, at least, a decent and respectful allegiance. The pension thus given
-by Urban was not a remuneration which sovereigns sometimes award to the
-services of their subjects. Galileo was a foreigner at Rome. The
-sovereign of the papal state owed him no obligation; and hence we must
-regard the pension of Galileo as a donation from the Roman pontiff to
-science itself, and as a declaration to the Christian world, that
-religion was not jealous of philosophy, and that the church of Rome was
-willing to respect and foster even the genius of its enemies.
-
-Galileo viewed all these circumstances in a different light. He resolved
-to compose a work in which the Copernican system should be demonstrated;
-but he had not the courage to do this in a direct and open manner. He
-adopted the plan of discussing the subject in a dialogue between three
-speakers, in the hope of eluding by this artifice the censure of the
-church. This work was completed in 1630, but, owing to some difficulties
-in obtaining a licence to print it, it was not published till 1632.
-
-In obtaining this licence, Galileo exhibited considerable address, and
-his memory has not escaped from the imputation of having acted unfairly,
-and of having involved his personal friends in the consequences of his
-imprudence.
-
-The situation of master of the palace was, fortunately for Galileo's
-designs, filled by Nicolo Riccardi, a friend and pupil of his own. This
-officer was a sort of censor of new publications, and when he was
-applied to on the subject of printing his work, Galileo soon found that
-attempts had previously been made to thwart his views. He instantly set
-off for Rome, and had an interview with his friend, who was in every
-respect anxious to oblige him. Riccardi examined the manuscript, pointed
-out some incautious expressions which he considered it necessary to
-erase, and returned it with his written approbation, on the
-understanding that the alterations he suggested would be made. Dreading
-to remain in Rome during the unhealthy season, which was fast
-approaching, Galileo returned to Florence, with the intention of
-completing the index and dedication, and of sending the MS. to Rome, to
-be printed under the care of prince Cesi. The death of that
-distinguished individual, in August 1630, frustrated Galileo's plan, and
-he applied for leave to have the book printed in Florence. Riccardi was
-at first desirous to examine the MS. again, but after inspecting only
-the beginning and the end of it, he gave Galileo leave to print it
-wherever he chose, providing it bore the licence of the
-inquisitor-general of Florence, and one or two other persons whom he
-named. Having overcome all these difficulties, Galileo's work was
-published in 1632, under the title of "The System of the World of
-Galileo Galilei, &c., in which, in four dialogues concerning the two
-principal systems of the World,--the Ptolemaic and the Copernican,--he
-discusses, indeterminately and firmly, the arguments proposed on both
-sides." It is dedicated to Ferdinand, grand duke of Tuscany, and is
-prefaced by an "Address to the prudent reader," which is itself
-characterised by the utmost imprudence. He refers to the decree of the
-inquisition in the most insulting and ironical language. He attributes
-it to passion and to ignorance, not by direct assertion, but by
-insinuations ascribed to others; and he announces his intention to
-defend the Copernican system, as a pure mathematical hypothesis, and not
-as an opinion, having an advantage over that of the stability of the
-earth absolutely. The dialogue is conducted by three persons, Salviati,
-Sagredo, and Simplicio. Salviati, who is the true philosopher in the
-dialogue, was the real name of a nobleman whom we have already had
-occasion to mention. Sagredo, the name of another noble friend of
-Galileo's, performs a secondary part under Salviati. He proposes doubts,
-suggests difficulties, and enlivens the gravity of the dialogue with his
-wit and pleasantry. Simplicio is a resolute follower of Ptolemy and
-Aristotle, and with a proper degree of candour and modesty, he brings
-forward all the common arguments in favour of the Ptolemaic system.
-Between the wit of Sagredo, and the powerful philosophy of Salviati, the
-peripatetic sage is baffled in every discussion; and there can be no
-doubt that Galileo aimed a more fatal blow at the Ptolemaic system by
-this mode of discussing it, than if he had endeavoured to overturn it by
-direct arguments.
-
-The influence of this work on the public mind was such as might have
-been anticipated. The obnoxious doctrines which it upheld were eagerly
-received, and widely disseminated; and the church of Rome became
-sensible of the shock which was thus given to its intellectual
-supremacy. Pope Urban VIII., attached though he had been to Galileo,
-never once hesitated respecting the line of conduct which he felt
-himself bound to pursue. His mind was, nevertheless, agitated with
-conflicting sentiments. He entertained a sincere affection for science
-and literature, and yet he was placed in the position of their enemy. He
-had been the personal friend of Galileo, and yet his duty compelled him
-to become his accuser. Embarrassing as these feelings were, other
-considerations contributed to soothe him. He had, in his capacity of a
-cardinal, opposed the first persecution of Galileo. He had, since his
-elevation to the pontificate, traced an open path for the march of
-Galileo's discoveries; and he had finally endeavoured to bind the
-recusant philosopher by the chains of kindness and gratitude. All these
-means, however, had proved abortive, and he was now called upon to
-support the doctrine which he had subscribed, and administer the law of
-which he was the guardian.
-
-It has been supposed, without any satisfactory evidence, that Urban may
-have been influenced by less creditable motives. Salviati and Sagredo
-being well-known personages, it was inferred, that Simplicio must also
-have a representative. The enemies of Galileo are said to have convinced
-his holiness that Simplicio was intended as a portraiture of himself;
-and this opinion received some probability from the fact, that the
-peripatetic disputant had employed many of the arguments which Urban had
-himself used in his discussions with Galileo. The latest biographer of
-Galileo[27] regards this motive as necessary to account for "the
-otherwise inexplicable change which took place in the conduct of Urban
-to his old friend;"--but we cannot admit for a moment the truth, of this
-supposition. The church had been placed in hostility to a powerful and
-liberal party, which was adverse to its interests. The dogmas of the
-Catholic faith had been brought into direct collision with the
-deductions of science. The leader of the philosophic band had broken the
-most solemn armistice with the inquisition: he had renounced the ties of
-gratitude which bound him to the pontiff; and Urban was thus compelled
-to intrench himself in a position to which he had been driven by his
-opponents.
-
-The design of summoning Galileo before the inquisition, seems to have
-been formed almost immediately after the publication of his book; for
-even in August, 1632, the preliminary proceedings had reached the ears
-of the grand duke Ferdinand. The Tuscan ambassador at Rome was speedily
-acquainted with the dissatisfaction which his sovereign felt at these
-proceedings; and he was instructed to forward to Florence a written
-statement of the charges against Galileo, in order to enable him to
-prepare for his defence. Although this request was denied, Ferdinand
-again interposed; and transmitted a letter to his ambassador,
-recommending the admission of Campanella and Castelli into the
-congregation of ecclesiastics by which Galileo was to be judged.
-Circumstances, however, rendered it prudent to withhold this letter.
-Castelli was sent away from Rome, and Scipio Chiaramonte, a bigotted
-ecclesiastic, was summoned from Pisa to complete the number of the
-judges.
-
-It appears from a despatch of the Tuscan minister, that Ferdinand was
-enraged at the transaction; and he instructed his ambassador, Niccolini,
-to make the strongest representations to the pope. Niccolini had several
-interviews with his holiness; but all his expostulations were fruitless.
-He found Urban highly incensed against Galileo; and his holiness begged
-Niccolini to advise the archduke not to interfere any farther, as he
-would not "get through it with honour." On the 15th of September the
-pope caused it to be intimated to Niccolini, as a mark of his especial
-esteem for the grand duke, that he was obliged to refer the work to the
-inquisition; but both the prince and his ambassador were declared liable
-to the usual censures if they divulged the secret.
-
-From the measures which this tribunal had formerly pursued, it was not
-difficult to foresee the result of their present deliberations. They
-summoned Galileo to appear before them at Rome, to answer in person the
-charges under which he lay. The Tuscan ambassador expostulated warmly
-with the court of Rome on the inhumanity of this proceeding. He urged
-his advanced age, his infirm health, the discomforts of the journey, and
-the miseries of the quarantine[28], as motives for reconsidering their
-decision: but the pope was inexorable; and though it was agreed to relax
-the quarantine as much as possible in his favour, yet it was declared
-indispensable that he should appear in person before the inquisition.
-
-Worn out with age and infirmities, and exhausted with the fatigues of
-his journey, Galileo arrived at Rome on the 14th of February, 1633. The
-Tuscan ambassador announced his arrival in an official form to the
-commissary of the holy office, and Galileo awaited in calm dignity the
-approach of his trial. Among those who proffered their advice in this
-distressing emergency, we must enumerate the cardinal Barberino, the
-pope's nephew, who, though he may have felt the necessity of an
-interference on the part of the church, was yet desirous that it should
-be effected with the least injury to Galileo and to science. He
-accordingly visited Galileo, and advised him to remain as much at home
-as possible, to keep aloof from general society, and to see only his
-most intimate friends. The same advice was given from different
-quarters; and Galileo felt its propriety, and remained in strict
-seclusion in the palace of the Tuscan ambassador.
-
-During the whole of the trial which now commenced, Galileo was treated
-with the most marked indulgence. Abhorring, as we must do, the
-principles and practice of this odious tribunal, and reprobating its
-interference with the cautious deductions of science, we must yet admit
-that, on this occasion, its deliberations were not dictated by passion,
-nor its power directed by vengeance. Though placed at their
-judgment-seat as a heretic, Galileo stood there with the recognised
-attributes of a sage; and though an offender against the laws of which
-they were the guardian, yet the highest respect was yielded to his
-genius, and the kindest commiseration to his infirmities.
-
-In the beginning of April, when his examination in person was to
-commence, it became necessary that he should be removed to the holy
-office; but instead of committing him, as was the practice, to solitary
-confinement, he was provided with apartments in the house of the fiscal
-of the inquisition. His table was provided by the Tuscan ambassador, and
-his servant was allowed to attend him at his pleasure, and to sleep in
-an adjoining apartment. Even this nominal confinement, however,
-Galileo's high spirit was unable to brook. An attack of the disease to
-which he was constitutionally subject contributed to fret and irritate
-him, and he became impatient for a release from his anxiety as well as
-from his bondage. Cardinal Barberino seems to have received notice of
-the state of Galileo's feelings; and with a magnanimity which posterity
-will ever honour, he liberated Galileo on his own responsibility; and in
-ten days after his first examination, and on the last day of April, he
-was restored to the hospitable roof of the Tuscan ambassador.
-
-Though this favour was granted on the condition of his remaining in
-strict seclusion, Galileo recovered his health, and to a certain degree
-his usual hilarity, amid the kind attentions of Niccolini and his
-family; and when the want of exercise had begun to produce symptoms of
-indisposition, Niccolini obtained for him leave to go into the public
-gardens in a half-closed carriage.
-
-After the inquisition had examined Galileo personally, they allowed him
-a reasonable time for preparing his defence. He felt the difficulty of
-adducing any thing like a plausible justification of his conduct; and he
-resorted to an ingenious, though a shallow artifice, which was regarded
-by the court as an aggravation of the crime. After his first appearance
-before the inquisition in 1616, he was publicly and falsely charged by
-his enemies with having then abjured his opinions; and he was taunted as
-a criminal who had been actually punished for his offences. As a
-refutation of these calumnies. Cardinal Bellarmine had given him a
-certificate in his own handwriting, declaring that he neither abjured
-his opinions, nor suffered punishment for them; and that the doctrine of
-the earth's motion, and the sun's stability, was only denounced to him
-as contrary to scripture, and as one which could not be defended. To
-this certificate the cardinal did not add, because he was not called
-upon to do it, that Galileo was enjoined not _to teach in any manner_
-the doctrine thus denounced; and Galileo ingeniously avails himself of
-this supposed omission, to account for his having, in the lapse of
-fourteen or sixteen years, forgotten the injunction. He assigned the
-same excuse for his having omitted to mention this injunction to
-Riccardi, and to the inquisitor-general at Florence, when he obtained
-the licence to print his dialogues. The court held the production of
-this certificate to be at once a proof and an aggravation of his
-offence; because the certificate itself declared that the obnoxious
-doctrines had been pronounced contrary to the Holy Scriptures.
-
-Having duly weighed the confessions and excuses of their prisoner, and
-considered the general merits of the case, the inquisition came to an
-agreement upon the sentence which they were to pronounce, and appointed
-the 22d of June as the day on which it was to be delivered. Two days
-previous to this, Galileo was summoned to appear at the holy office; and
-on the morning of the 21st, he obeyed the summons. On the 22d of June he
-was clothed in a penitential dress, and conducted to the convent of
-Minerva, where the inquisition was assembled to give judgment. A long
-and elaborate sentence was pronounced, detailing the former proceedings
-of the inquisition, and specifying the offences which he had committed
-in teaching heretical doctrines, in violating his former pledges, and in
-obtaining by improper means a licence for the printing of his Dialogues.
-After an invocation of the name of our Saviour, and of the Holy Virgin,
-Galileo is declared to have brought himself under strong suspicions of
-heresy, and to have incurred all the censures and penalties which are
-enjoined against delinquents of this kind; but from all these
-consequences he is to be held absolved, provided that with a sincere
-heart, and a faith unfeigned, he abjures and curses the heresies he has
-cherished, as well as every other heresy against the Catholic church. In
-order that his offence might not go altogether unpunished, that he might
-be more cautious in future, and be a warning to others to abstain from
-similar delinquencies, it was also decreed that his Dialogues should be
-prohibited by public edict; that he himself should be condemned to the
-prison of the inquisition during their pleasure, and that during the
-next three years he should recite once a week the seven penitential
-psalms.
-
-The ceremony of Galileo's abjuration was one of exciting interest, and
-of awful formality. Clothed in the sackcloth of a repentant criminal,
-the venerable sage fell upon his knees before the assembled cardinals;
-and laying his hands upon the Holy Evangelists, he invoked the divine
-aid in abjuring and detesting, and vowing never again to teach, the
-doctrine of the earth's motion, and of the sun's stability. He pledged
-himself that he would never again, either in words or in writing,
-propagate such heresies; and he swore that he would fulfil and observe
-the penances which had been inflicted upon him.[29] At the conclusion of
-this ceremony, in which he recited his abjuration word for word, and
-then signed it, he was conveyed, in conformity with his sentence, to the
-prison of the inquisition.
-
-The account which we have now given of the trial and the sentence of
-Galileo, is pregnant with the deepest interest and instruction. Human
-nature is here drawn in its darkest colouring; and in surveying the
-melancholy picture, it is difficult to decide whether religion or
-philosophy has been most degraded. While we witness the presumptuous
-priest pronouncing infallible the decrees of his own erring judgment, we
-see the high-minded philosopher abjuring the eternal and immutable
-truths which he had himself the glory of establishing. In the ignorance
-and prejudices of the age,--in a too literal interpretation of the
-language of Scripture,--in a mistaken respect for the errors that had
-become venerable from their antiquity,--and in the peculiar position
-which Galileo had taken among the avowed enemies of the church, we may
-find the elements of an apology, however poor it may he, for the conduct
-of the inquisition. But what excuse can we devise for the humiliating
-confession and abjuration of Galileo? Why did this master-spirit of the
-age--this high-priest of the stars--this representative of science--this
-hoary sage, whose career of glory was near its consummation,--why did he
-reject the crown of martyrdom which he had himself coveted, and which,
-plaited with immortal laurels, was about to descend upon his head? If,
-in place of disavowing the laws of nature, and surrendering in his own
-person the intellectual dignity of his species, he had boldly owned the
-truth of his opinions, and confided his character to posterity, and his
-cause to an all-ruling Providence, he would have strung up the
-hair-suspended sabre, and disarmed for ever the hostility which
-threatened to overwhelm him. The philosopher, however, was supported
-only by philosophy; and in the love of truth he found a miserable
-substitute for the hopes of the martyr. Galileo cowered under the fear
-of man, and his submission was the salvation of the church. The sword of
-the inquisition descended on his prostrate neck; and though its stroke
-was not physical, yet it fell with a moral influence fatal to the
-character of its victim, and to the dignity of science.
-
-In studying with attention this portion of scientific history, the
-reader will not fail to perceive that the church of Rome was driven into
-a dilemma from which the submission and abjuration of Galileo could
-alone extricate it. He who confesses a crime and denounces its atrocity,
-not only sanctions but inflicts the punishment which is annexed to it.
-If Galileo had declared his innocence, and avowed his sentiments; and if
-he had appealed to the past conduct of the church itself, to the
-acknowledged opinions of its dignitaries, and even to the acts of its
-pontiffs, he would have at once confounded his accusers, and escaped
-from their toils. After Copernicus, himself a catholic priest, had
-_openly_ maintained the motion of the earth, and the stability of the
-sun: after he had dedicated the work which advocated these opinions to
-pope Paul III., on the express ground that the _authority of the
-pontiff_ might silence the calumnies of those who attacked these
-opinions by arguments drawn from Scripture: after the cardinal Schonherg
-and the bishop of Culm had urged Copernicus to publish the new
-doctrines; and after the bishop of Ermeland had erected a monument to
-commemorate his great discoveries; how could the church of Rome have
-appealed to its pontifical decrees as the ground of persecuting and
-punishing Galileo? Even in later times, the same doctrines had been
-propagated with entire toleration; nay, in the very year of Galileo's
-first persecution, Paul Anthony Foscarinus, a learned Carmelite monk,
-wrote a pamphlet, in which he illustrates and defends the mobility of
-the earth, and endeavours to reconcile to this new doctrine the passages
-of Scripture which had been employed to subvert it. This very singular
-production was dated from the Carmelite convent at Naples; was dedicated
-to the very reverend Sebastian Fantoni, general of the Carmelite order;
-and, sanctioned by the ecclesiastical authorities, it was published at
-Florence, three years before the second persecution of Galileo.
-
-By these acts, tolerated for more than a century, the decrees of the
-pontiffs against the doctrine of the earth's motion were virtually
-repealed; and Galileo might have pleaded them with success in arrest of
-judgment. Unfortunately, however, for himself and for science, he acted
-otherwise. By admitting their authority, he revived in fresh force these
-obsolete and obnoxious enactments; and, by yielding to their power, he
-riveted for another century the almost broken chains of spiritual
-despotism.
-
-Pope Urban VII. did not fail to observe the full extent of his triumph;
-and he exhibited the utmost sagacity in the means which he employed to
-secure it. While he endeavoured to overawe the enemies of the church by
-the formal promulgation of Galileo's sentence and abjuration, and by
-punishing the officials who had assisted in obtaining the licence to
-print his work, he treated Galileo with the utmost lenity, and yielded
-to every request that was made to diminish, and almost to suspend, the
-constraint under which he lay. The sentence of abjuration was ordered to
-be publicly read at several universities. At Florence the ceremonial was
-performed in the church of Santa Croce, and the friends and disciples of
-Galileo were especially summoned to witness the public degradation of
-their master. The inquisitor at Florence was ordered to be reprimanded
-for his conduct; and Riccardi, the master of the sacred palace, and
-Ciampoli, the secretary of pope Urban himself, were dismissed from their
-situations.
-
-Galileo had remained only four days in the prison of the inquisition,
-when, on the application of Niccolini, the Tuscan ambassador, he was
-allowed to reside with him in his palace. As Florence still suffered
-under the contagious disease which we have already mentioned, it was
-proposed that Sienna should be the place of Galileo's confinement, and
-that his residence should be in one of the convents of that city.
-Niccolini, however, recommended the palace of the archbishop Piccolomoni
-as a more suitable residence; and though the archbishop was one of
-Galileo's best friends, the pope agreed to the arrangement, and in the
-beginning of July Galileo quitted Rome for Sienna.
-
-After having spent nearly six months under the hospitable roof of his
-friend, with no other restraint than that of being confined to the
-limits of the palace, Galileo was permitted to return to his villa near
-Florence under the same restrictions; and as the contagious disease had
-disappeared in Tuscany, he was able in the month of December to re-enter
-his own house at Arcetri, where he spent the remainder of his days.
-
-Although Galileo had now the happiness of rejoining his family under
-their paternal roof, yet, like all sublunary blessings, it was but of
-short duration. His favourite daughter Maria, who along with her sister
-had joined the convent of St. Matthew in the neighbourhood of Arcetri,
-had looked forward to the arrival of her father with the most
-affectionate anticipation: she hoped that her filial devotion might form
-some compensation for the malignity of his enemies; and she eagerly
-assumed the labour of reciting weekly the seven penitentiary psalms
-which formed part of her father's sentence. These sacred duties,
-however, were destined to terminate almost at the moment they were
-begun. She was seized with a fatal illness in the same month in which
-she rejoined her parent, and before the month of April she was no more.
-This heavy blow, so suddenly struck, overwhelmed Galileo in the deepest
-agony. Owing to the decline of his health, and the recurrence of his old
-complaints, he was unable to oppose to this mental suffering the
-constitutional energy of his mind. The bulwarks of his heart broke down,
-and a flood of grief desolated his manly and powerful mind. He felt, as
-he expressed it, that he was incessantly called by his daughter,--his
-pulse intermitted,--his heart was agitated with unceasing
-palpitations,--his appetite entirely left him, and he considered his
-dissolution so near at hand, that he would not permit his son Vicenzo to
-set out upon a journey which he had contemplated.
-
-From this state of melancholy and indisposition, Galileo slowly, though
-partially, recovered; and, with the view of obtaining medical
-assistance, he requested leave to go to Florence. His enemies, however,
-refused this application, and he was given to understand that any
-additional importunities would be visited with a more vigilant
-surveillance. He remained, therefore, five years at Arcetri, from 1634
-to 1638, without any remission of his confinement, and pursuing his
-studies under the influence of a continued and general indisposition.
-
-There is no reason to think that Galileo or his friends renewed their
-application to the church of Rome; but, in 1638, the pope transmitted,
-through the inquisitor Fariano, his permission that he might remove to
-Florence for the recovery of his health, on the condition that he should
-present himself at the office of the inquisitor to learn the terms upon
-which this indulgence was granted. Galileo accepted of the kindness thus
-unexpectedly proffered; but the conditions upon which it was given were
-more severe than he expected: he was prohibited from leaving his house,
-or admitting his friends; and so sternly was this system pursued, that
-he required a special order for attending mass during Passion week.
-
-The severity of this order was keenly felt by Galileo. While he remained
-at Arcetri, his seclusion from the world would have been an object of
-choice, if it had not been the decree of a tribunal; but to be debarred
-from the conversation of his friends in Florence,--in that city where
-his genius had been idolised, and where his fame had become immortal,
-was an aggravation of punishment which he was unable to bear. With his
-accustomed kindness, the grand duke made a strong representation on the
-subject to his ambassador at the court of Rome. He stated that, from his
-great age and infirmities, Galileo's career was near its close; that he
-possessed many valuable ideas, which the world might lose if they were
-not matured and conveyed to his friends; and that Galileo was anxious to
-make these communications to father Castelli, who was then a stipendiary
-of the court of Rome. The grand duke commanded his ambassador to see
-Castelli on the subject; to urge him to obtain leave from the pope to
-spend a few months in Florence, and to supply him with money, and every
-thing that was necessary for his journey. Influenced by this kind and
-liberal message. Castelli obtained an audience of the pope, and
-requested leave to pay a visit to Florence. Urban instantly suspected
-the object of his journey; and, upon Castelli's acknowledging that he
-could not possibly refrain from seeing Galileo, he received permission
-to visit him in the company of an officer of the inquisition. Castelli
-accordingly went to Florence; and, a few months afterwards, Galileo was
-ordered to return to Arcetri.
-
-During Galileo's confinement at Sienna and Arcetri, between 1633 and
-1636, his time was principally occupied in the composition of his
-"Dialogues on Local Motion." This remarkable work, which was considered
-by its author as the best of his productions, was printed by Louis
-Elzevir, at Amsterdam, and dedicated to the count de Noailles, the
-French ambassador at Rome. Various attempts to have it printed in
-Germany had failed; and, in order to save himself from the malignity of
-his enemies, he was obliged to pretend that the edition published in
-Holland had been printed from a MS. entrusted to the French ambassador.
-
-Although Galileo had for a long time abandoned his astronomical studies,
-yet his attention was directed, about the year 1636, to a curious
-appearance in the lunar disc, which is known by the name of the moons
-libration. When we examine with a telescope the outline of the moon, we
-observe that certain parts of her disc, which are seen at one time, are
-invisible at another. This change or libration is of four different
-kinds; viz. the diurnal libration, the libration in longitude, the
-libration in latitude, and the spheroidal libration. Galileo discovered
-the first of these kinds of libration, and appears to have had some
-knowledge of the second; but the third was discovered by Hevelius, and
-the fourth by Lagrange.[30]
-
-This curious discovery was the result of the last telescopic
-observations of Galileo. Although his right eye had for some years lost
-its power, yet his general vision was sufficiently perfect to enable him
-to carry on his usual researches. In 1636, however, this affection of
-his eye became more serious; and, in 1637, his left eye was attacked
-with the same disease. His medical friends at first supposed that
-cataracts were formed in the crystalline lens, and anticipated a cure
-from the operation of couching. These hopes were fallacious. The disease
-turned out to be in the cornea, and every attempt to restore its
-transparency was fruitless. In a few months the white cloud covered the
-whole aperture of the pupil, and Galileo became totally blind. This
-sudden and unexpected calamity had almost overwhelmed Galileo and his
-friends. In writing to a correspondent he exclaims, "Alas! your dear
-friend and servant has become totally and irreparably blind. These
-heavens, this earth, this universe, which by wonderful observation I had
-enlarged a thousand times beyond the belief of past ages, are henceforth
-shrunk into the narrow space which I myself occupy. So it pleases God;
-it shall, therefore, please me also." His friend, father Castelli,
-deplores the calamity in the same tone of pathetic sublimity:--"The
-noblest eye," says he, "which nature ever made, is darkened; an eye so
-privileged, and gifted with such rare powers, that it may truly be said
-to have seen more than the eyes of all that are gone, and to have opened
-the eyes of all that are to come."
-
-Although Galileo had been thwarted in his attempt to introduce into the
-Spanish marine his new method of finding the longitude at sea, yet he
-never lost sight of an object to which he attached the highest
-importance. As the formation of correct tables of the motion of
-Jupiter's satellites was a necessary preliminary to its introduction, he
-had occupied himself for twenty-four years in observations for this
-purpose, and he had made considerable progress in this laborious task.
-After the publication of his "Dialogues on Motion," in 1636, he renewed
-his attempts to bring his method into actual use. For this purpose he
-addressed himself to Lorenzo Real, who had been the Dutch
-governor-general in India, and offered the free use of his method to the
-states-general of Holland.[31] The Dutch government received this
-proposal with an anxious desire to have it carried into effect. At the
-instigation of Constantine Huygens, the father of the illustrious
-Huygens, and the secretary to the prince of Orange, they appointed
-commissioners to communicate with Galileo; and while they transmitted
-him a gold chain as a mark of their esteem, they at the same time
-assured him, that if his plan should prove successful it should not pass
-unrewarded. The commissioners entered into an active correspondence with
-Galileo, and had even appointed one of their number to communicate
-personally with him in Italy. Lest this, however, should excite the
-jealousy of the court of Rome, Galileo objected to the arrangement, so
-that the negotiation was carried on solely by correspondence.
-
-It was at this time that Galileo was struck with blindness. His friend
-and pupil, Renieri, undertook, in this emergency, to arrange and
-complete his observations and calculations; but before he had made much
-progress in the arduous task, each of the four commissioners died in
-succession, and it was with great difficulty that Constantine Huygens
-succeeded in renewing the scheme. It was again obstructed, however, by
-the death of Galileo; and when Renieri was about to publish, by the
-order of the grand duke, the "Ephemeris," and "Tables of the Jovian
-Planets," he was attacked with a mortal disease, and the manuscripts of
-Galileo, which he was on the eve of publishing, were never more heard
-of. By such a series of misfortunes were the plans of Galileo and of the
-states-general completely overthrown. It is some consolation, however,
-to know that neither science nor navigation suffered any severe loss.
-Notwithstanding the perfection of our present tables of Jupiter's
-satellites, and of the astronomical instruments by which their eclipses
-may be observed, the method of Galileo is still impracticable at sea.
-
-In consequence of the strict seclusion to which Galileo had been
-subjected, he was in the practice of dating his letters from his prison
-at Arcetri: but after he had lost the use of his eyes, the Inquisition
-seems to have relaxed its severity, and to have allowed him the freest
-intercourse with his friends. The grand duke of Tuscany paid him
-frequent visits; and among the celebrated strangers who came from
-distant lands to see the ornament of Italy, were Gassendi, Deodati, and
-our illustrious countryman Milton. During the last three years of his
-life, his eminent pupil Viviani formed one of his family; and in
-October, 1611, the celebrated Torricelli, another of his pupils, was
-admitted to the same distinction.
-
-Though the powerful mind of Galileo still retained its vigour, yet his
-debilitated frame was exhausted with mental labour. He often complained
-that his head was too busy for his body; and the continuity of his
-studies was frequently broken with attacks of hypochondria, want of
-sleep, and acute rheumatic pains. Along with these calamities, he was
-afflicted with another still more severe--with deafness almost total;
-but though he was now excluded from all communication with the external
-world, yet his mind still grappled with the material universe, and while
-he was studying the force of percussion, and preparing for a
-continuation of his "Dialogues on Motion," he was attacked with fever
-and palpitation of the heart, which, after continuing two months,
-terminated fatally on the 8th of January, 1642, in the 78th year of his
-age.
-
-Having died in the character of a prisoner of the Inquisition, this
-odious tribunal disputed his right of making a will, and of being buried
-in consecrated ground. These objections, however, were withdrawn; but
-though a large sum was subscribed for erecting a monument to him in the
-church of Santa Croce, in Florence, the pope would not permit the design
-to be carried into execution. His sacred remains were, therefore,
-deposited in an obscure corner of the church, and remained for more than
-thirty years unmarked with any monumental tablet. The following epitaph,
-given without any remark in the Leyden edition of his Dialogues, is, we
-presume, the one which was inscribed on a tablet in the church of Santa
-Croce:--
-
-
-GALILÆO GALILÆI FIORENTINO,
-Philosopho et Geometræ vere lynceo,
-Natura Œdipo,
-Mirabilium semper inventorum machinatori,
-Qui inconcessa adhuc mortalibus gloria
-Cælorum provincias auxit
-Et universo dedit incrementum:
-Non enim vitreos spherarum orbes
-Fragilesque stellas conflavit:
-Sed æterna mundi corpore
-Mediceæ beneficentiae dedicavit,
-Cujus inextincta gloriæ cupiditas
-Ut oculos nationum
-Sæculorumque omnium
-Videre doceret,
-Proprios impendit oculos.
-Cum jam nil amplius haberet natura
-Quod ipse videret.
-Cujus inventa vix intra rerum limites comprehensa
-Firmamentum ipsum non solum continet,
-Sed etiam recipit.
-Qui relictis tot scientiarum monumentis
-Plura secum tulit, quam reliquit.
-Gravi enim
-Sed nondum affecta senectute,
-Novis contemplationibus
-Majorem gloriam affectans
-Inexplebilem sapientiæ animam
-Immaturo nobis obi tu
-Exhalavit
-Anno Domini
-MCXLII.
-Ætatis suæ
-LXXVIII.
-
-
-At his death, in 1703, Viviani purchased his property, with the charge
-of erecting a monument over Galileo's remains and his own. This design
-was not carried into effect till 1737, at the expense of the family of
-Nelli, when both their bodies were disinterred, and removed to the site
-of the splendid monument which now covers them. This monument contains
-the bust of Galileo, with figures of Geometry and Astronomy. It was
-designed by Giulio Foggini. Galileo's bust was executed by Giovanni
-Battista Foggini; the figure of Astronomy by Vincenzio Foggini, his son;
-and that of Geometry by Girolamo Ticciati.
-
-Galileo's house at Arcetri still remains. In 1821 it belonged to one
-Signor Alimari, having been preserved in the state in which it was left
-by Galileo; it stands very near the convent of St. Matthew, and about a
-mile to the S. E. of Florence. An inscription by Nelli, over the door of
-the house, still remains.
-
-The character of Galileo, whether we view him as a member of the social
-circle, or as a man of science, presents many interesting and
-instructive points of contemplation. Unfortunate, and to a certain
-extent immoral, in his domestic relations, he did not derive from that
-hallowed source all the enjoyments which it generally yields; and it was
-owing to this cause, perhaps, that he was more fond of society than
-might have been expected from his studious habits. His habitual
-cheerfulness and gaiety, and his affability and frankness of manner,
-rendered him an universal favourite among his friends. Without any of
-the pedantry of exclusive talent, and without any of that ostentation
-which often marks the man of limited though profound acquirements,
-Galileo never conversed upon scientific or philosophical subjects except
-among those who were capable of understanding them. The extent of his
-general information, indeed, his great literary knowledge, but, above
-all, his retentive memory, stored with the legends and the poetry of
-ancient times, saved him from the necessity of drawing upon his own
-peculiar studies for the topics of his conversation.
-
-Galileo was not less distinguished for his hospitality and benevolence;
-he was liberal to the poor, and generous in the aid which he
-administered to men of genius and talent, who often found a comfortable
-asylum under his roof. In his domestic economy he was frugal without
-being parsimonious. His hospitable board was ever ready for the
-reception of his friends; and, though he was himself abstemious in his
-diet, he seems to have been a lover of good wines, of which he received
-always the choicest varieties out of the grand duke's cellar. This
-peculiar taste, together with his attachment to a country life, rendered
-him fond of agricultural pursuits, and induced him to devote his leisure
-hours to the cultivation of his vineyards.
-
-In his personal appearance Galileo was about the middle size, and of a
-square-built, but well-proportioned, frame. His complexion was fair, his
-eyes penetrating, and his hair of a reddish hue. His expression was
-cheerful and animated, and though his temper was easily ruffled, yet the
-excitement was transient, and the cause of it speedily forgotten.
-
-One of the most prominent traits in the character of Galileo was his
-invincible love of truth, and his abhorrence of that spiritual despotism
-which had so long brooded over Europe. His views, however, were too
-liberal, and too far in advance of the age which he adorned; and however
-much we may admire the noble spirit which he evinced, and the personal
-sacrifices which he made, in his struggle for truth, we must yet lament
-the hotness of his zeal and the temerity of his onset. In his contest
-with the church of Rome, he fell under her victorious banner; and though
-his cause was that of truth, and hers that of superstition, yet the
-sympathy of Europe was not roused by his misfortunes. Under the
-sagacious and peaceful sway of Copernicus, astronomy had effected a
-glorious triumph over the dogmas of the church; but under the bold and
-uncompromising sceptre of Galileo all her conquests were irrecoverably
-lost.
-
-The scientific character of Galileo, and his method of investigating
-truth, demand our warmest admiration. The number and ingenuity of his
-inventions; the brilliant discoveries which he made in the heavens, and
-the depth and beauty of his researches respecting the laws of motion,
-have gained him the admiration of every succeeding age, and have placed
-him next to Newton in the lists of original and inventive genius. To
-this high rank he was doubtless elevated by the inductive processes
-which he followed in all his inquiries. Under the sure guidance of
-observation and experiment, he advanced to general laws; and if Bacon
-had never lived, the student of nature would have found, in the writings
-and labours of Galileo, not only the boasted principles of the inductive
-philosophy, but also their practical application to the highest efforts
-of invention and discovery.
-
-
-[Footnote 1: Childe Harold, canto IV. stanza LIV.]
-
-[Footnote 2: Life of Galileo, Library of Useful Knowledge, p. 1.]
-
-[Footnote 3: De Insidentibus in Fluido.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Opere di Galileo. Milano, 1810, vol. IV. p. 248.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Life of Galileo, in Library of Useful Knowledge, p. 9.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Systema Cosmicum, Dial. II. p. 121.]
-
-[Footnote 7: The authenticity of this work has been doubted. It was
-printed at Rome, in 1656, from a MS. in the library of Somasohi, at
-Venice. See Opere di Galileo, tom. VII. p. 427.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Incredibili animi jucunditate.--_Sid._]
-
-[Footnote 9: Nescio quo fato ductus.]
-
-[Footnote 10: Berlin Ephemeris, 1788.]
-
-[Footnote 11: Edin. Phil. Journ. vol. VI. p. 313.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Life and Correspondence of Dr. Bradley. Oxford, 1832, p.
-523.]
-
-[Footnote 13: See page 22.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Edin. Phil. Journ. 1822, vol. VI. p. 317.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Joh. Fabricii Phrysii de Maculis in Sole observatis, et
-apparente earum cum Sole conversione, Narratio. Wittemb. 1611.]
-
-[Footnote 16: It does not appear from the history of solar observations,
-at what time, and by whom, coloured glasses were first introduced for
-permitting the eye to look at the sun with impunity. Fabricius was
-obviously quite ignorant of the use of coloured glasses. He observed the
-sun when he was in the horizon, and when his brilliancy was impaired by
-the interposition of thin clouds and floating vapours; and he advises
-those who may repeat his observations, to admit at first to the eye a
-small portion of the sun's light, till it is gradually accustomed to its
-full splendour. When the sun's altitude became considerable, Fabricius
-gave up his observations; which he often continued so long, that he was
-scarcely able, for two days together, to see objects with their usual
-distinctness.
-
-Scheiner, in his "Apelles post Tabulanti," describes four different ways
-of viewing the spots: one of which is by the _interposition of blue or
-green glasses._ His first method was to observe the sun near the
-horizon; the second was to view him through a transparent cloud; the
-third was to look at him through his telescope with a blue or a green
-glass of a proper thickness, and plane on both sides, or to use a thin
-blue glass when the sun was covered with a thin vapour or cloud; and the
-fourth method was to begin and observe the sun at his margin, till the
-eye gradually reached the middle of his disc.]
-
-[Footnote 17: See Istoria e Demostrazioni, intorna alle macchie solari.
-_Roma_, 1613. See Opere di Galileo, vol. V. p. 131-293.]
-
-[Footnote 18: Discorso intorno alle cose che stanno in sa l'acqua, o che
-in quella si muovono. Opere di Galileo, vol. II. pp. 165-311.]
-
-[Footnote 19: Opere di Galileo, vol. II. pp. 355-367.]
-
-[Footnote 20: Ibid. 367-390.]
-
-[Footnote 21: These three treatises occupy the whole of the third volume
-of the Opere di Galileo.]
-
-[Footnote 22: It is said that Galileo was cited to appear at Rome on
-this occasion; and the opinion is not without foundation.]
-
-[Footnote 23: Printed in the Opere di Galileo, vol. VI. pp. 117-191.]
-
-[Footnote 24: Printed in the Opere di Galileo, vol. VI. pp. 191-571.]
-
-[Footnote 25: This work is said to have been dedicated to Urban VIII.
-himself (Lib. U. Knowledge, Life of Galileo, chap, VII.), but there is
-no dedication prefixed to the edition we have referred to; and it is,
-besides, unusual to dedicate a volume to any person when that volume has
-the form of a letter to another.]
-
-[Footnote 26: A fine painting in gold, and a silver medal, and "a good
-quantity of agnus dei."]
-
-[Footnote 27: Library of Useful Knowledge, Life of Galileo, chap. VIII.]
-
-[Footnote 28: The communication between Florence and Rome was at this
-time interrupted by a contagious disease which had broken out in
-Tuscany.]
-
-[Footnote 29: It has been said, but upon what authority we cannot find,
-that when Galileo rose from his knees, he stamped on the ground, and
-said in a whisper to one of his friends, "_E pur si muove._" "It does
-move, though."--Life of Galileo, Lib. Use. Knowledge, part II. p. 63.]
-
-[Footnote 30: These phenomena are explained in the volume on
-"Astronomy."]
-
-[Footnote 31: It is a curious fact, that Morin had about this time
-proposed to determine the longitude by the moon's distance from a fixed
-star, and that the commissioners assembled in Paris to examine it,
-requested Galileo's opinion of its value and practicability. Galileo's
-opinion was highly unfavourable. He saw clearly, and explained
-distinctly, the objection to Morin's method, arising from the
-imperfection of the lunar tables, and the inadequacy of astronomical
-instruments; but he seemed not to be conscious that the very same
-objections applied, with even greater force, to his own method, which
-has since been supplanted by that of the French savant. See life of
-Galileo, Library of Useful Knowledge, p. 94.]
-
-
-
-
-GUICCIARDINI
-
-1482-1540.
-
-
-Guicciardini was the contemporary and intimate friend of Machiavelli,
-but their several careers bore small similitude; for worldly prosperity
-attended the first, while the other was depressed by neglect and penury;
-and while his intellect struggled with these chains, the nobler parts of
-his disposition yielded to them. Machiavelli was a republican in
-principle, of humble for tunes, and dependent on his friends for their
-favour and encouragement. Guicciardini was a courtier; he was the
-servant of a prince, not of a state; in birth and position in life he
-had the advantage of his friend; and these combining circumstances
-rendered him more confident in himself, while at the same time it
-inspired him with an avowed dislike for popular governments.
-
-The Guicciardini formed one of the noblest families of Florence: it was
-of ancient origin, and possessed several magnificent mansions in
-Florence. One of the streets is named de' Guicciardini, from containing
-a palace belonging to them; and they had large possessions in the Val di
-Pesa.
-
-Francesco, the subject of this memoir, was the son of Piero de'
-Guicciardini, a celebrated advocate, and at one time commissary-general
-to the Florentine army. Francesco was one of eight children. His mother
-was Simona, daughter of the cavaliere Bongiani Gianfigliazzi, a noble
-Florentine. He was born on the 6th of March, 1482.[32] He was educated
-with care by the best masters, and taught Greek and Latin. He applied
-himself, as he grew up, to the study of logic and of civil law, as he
-was destined for the robe. He was sent to Ferrara by his father, not
-merely for the sake of attending the teachers there, but that his parent
-might have a place of refuge, where to send his property, in the event
-of civil disturbance or external attack upon Florence. Large sums of
-money were remitted to him, and he boasts of the trustworthiness of his
-conduct on this occasion, despite his extreme youth. It was in agitation
-at one time to make him a priest, as, through the interest of an uncle,
-who was rich in benefices, a prosperous career was opened to him in the
-church. He was himself inclined towards the clerical profession, as one
-full of honour and dignity; but his father decided against it, and
-resolved that none of his five sons should enter the priesthood; partly
-induced by the notion that the papal power was on the decline, and
-partly from a conscientious feeling of the impropriety of adopting the
-sacred calling, merely for the sake of temporal advantages. Instead,
-therefore, of assuming the sacerdotal garb, Francesco took a doctor's
-degree in law, and at an early age was appointed by the government to
-read the Institute in the university of Florence. He married the
-following year. His wife was Maria, daughter of Alamanno di Averardo
-Salviati, one of the first men of the city. Several law offices were
-bestowed on him, and he prides himself at this success in early life.
-But he felt himself still more honoured, when he was sent by the
-republic as ambassador to Ferdinand, king of Aragon. Italy was then the
-arena on which the adverse powers of France, Germany, and Spain
-contended for mastery. Florence adhered to the French party, but the
-timid gonfaloniere Soderini, desirous of currying favour on all sides,
-thought it right to preserve a good understanding with Ferdinand.
-Francesco, feeling his inexperience, shrunk from the responsibility of
-this mission, and did not accept it, till his father added his commands
-to those of the state.
-
-He remained two years at Burgos, in attendance on the Spanish court,
-conducting himself in such a way as to acquire the esteem of Ferdinand,
-who presented him with a number of silver vessels of great value on his
-departure. This was no good school for the acquirement of political
-integrity. The Italians were proverbially treacherous, but Ferdinand
-emulated them in the arts of deception. It is related of this monarch,
-that when he heard that Louis XII. complained of having been twice
-deceived by him, he exclaimed, "The fool lies, I have tricked him above
-ten times."
-
-Meanwhile the aspect of affairs changed at Florence. The French were
-driven from Italy, and the republic paid the penalty of the weak and
-disarmed neutrality which it had preserved, by being forced by the
-allied armies to receive back the exiled Medici. The consequence of this
-return was a change of government, from that of a free state, to
-subjection to the will of a single family. Guicciardini acted with a
-prudence that acquired for him the favour of the new rulers; and, on his
-return from Spain, was received with every suitable mark of distinction.
-His joy, however, on returning to his native town, was clouded by the
-recent death of his father.
-
-On the event of the visit of Leo X. to Florence, attended by a numerous
-retinue of cardinals, Guicciardini, who had lately filled the office of
-magistrate, was sent, with others, to receive the pope at Cortona. Leo
-was so struck by him, that the next day he named him his consistorial
-advocate, of his own accord, without solicitation: nor did his patronage
-stop here; he soon after took him entirely into his service, and finding
-that his prudence and sagacity were equal to the good opinion he had
-formed of him, he made him governor of Reggio and Modena. He acquitted
-himself with great credit in this high office. Having been educated for
-the robe, instead of the career of arms, the enemies of the pope
-cherished the notion, that he might be surprised and frightened in his
-government; but his firmness and judgment disconcerted all their
-stratagems.
-
-When Leo X. died, the merits of Guicciardini became yet more
-conspicuous. The papal power was very infirmly established in Lombardy,
-and the duke of Ferrara, who claimed Modena and Reggio as his own, was
-on the alert to take advantage of the interval of weakness caused by a
-delay in the election of a new pope; but Guicciardini foiled him in all
-his attempts. His most memorable action on this occasion was his defence
-of Parma. He relates it with conscious pride in his history. He had been
-sent by cardinal Julius de' Medici to defend Parma from an attack made
-by the French. Guicciardini's chief difficulty was, to inspire the
-citizens with resolution and martial enthusiasm. He convoked them
-together, distributed pikes among them, and causing the defenceless part
-of the town, on one side of the river, to be abandoned, made strenuous
-efforts to intrench the other. The enemy entered the deserted portion,
-and the people were eager to surrender. Guicciardini pointed out to them
-the fact, that the hostile forces were unprovided with artillery, and so
-succeeded in inspiring them with some degree of resolution: he led the
-attack himself, and the success that attended their sortie increasing
-their courage, the enemy was driven, off and the siege raised. Federigo
-da Bozzole, who commanded the attack, had made sure of success, and
-declared that he had been deceived in nothing during the expedition,
-except in the notion that a governor, who was not a soldier, and who had
-newly come to the city, should carry on the defence at his own peril,
-when he might have saved himself without dishonour.
-
-When cardinal Julius became pope, under the name of Clement VII., he
-showed his approbation of Guicciardini, by naming him president of
-Romagna, with greater powers than had been enjoyed by any predecessor in
-that office: thus, a large portion of Italy north of the Apennines was
-under his rule. It was a situation of honour, but attended with an equal
-portion of difficulty and labour, from the unsettled state of the
-country. Prudence and firmness, and even severity, were the
-characteristics of Guicciardini's administration; he was unrelenting
-towards criminals, but at the same time became very popular, in Modena
-especially, by the attention he paid to the comfort and pleasures of the
-people, and the embellishments he bestowed on the city.
-
-At this time the French were again, after the battle of Pavia, driven
-from Italy, and Clement VII., afraid of the overweening power of Charles
-V., formed a league against him. The duke of Urbino was chief over the
-army of the league, and Guicciardini was named lieutenant-general of the
-pontifical army in the ecclesiastical states. The choice that had been
-made of the duke of Urbino, as chief leader, was injudicious. He had
-been driven from his states by Leo X.; Lorenzo de' Medici had been
-gifted with his duchy, and he naturally was inimical to his rival's
-family. His irresolute, shuffling conduct during the disastrous advance
-of the constable Bourbon on Rome, was doubtless a principal cause of the
-sack of that city. Guicciardini, as general of the papal army, exerted
-himself in vain to induce him to more energetic measures: instead of
-throwing himself before the advancing army of the imperialists, he
-slowly followed it. When Bourbon was in the neighbourhood of Arezzo, the
-duke of Urbino entered Florence.
-
-The power of the Medici was odious in that city. A formidable party,
-whose watchword was liberty, regarded with triumph the dangers to which
-Clement VII. was exposed. A number of the younger nobility among them
-took occasion of the alarm excited, to seize on the palace of
-government. The duke of Urbino prepared to attack it, but first sent
-Federigo da Bozzole to treat with the party who held it. Full of
-enthusiasm and courage, the young men refused all terms, and Bozzole
-left them, enraged at their obstinacy and their personal ill-treatment
-of himself. Guicciardini perceived the dangers that threatened his
-country. It was an easy task for the duke of Urbino to attack the palace
-of government, to destroy it and all those within; but an act of
-violence and bloodshed was to be avoided. Guicciardini hastened forward
-to meet Bozzole as he left the palace, and represented to him briefly
-how displeasing such a contest would be to the pope, and how detrimental
-to the confederates; and how much better it would be to calm, instead of
-exasperating, the mind of the duke of Urbino. Bozzole yielded, and gave
-hope to the duke that quiet might be restored without recourse being had
-to arms; pacific means were in consequence resorted to, and the
-insurgents induced to quit the palace. Guicciardini relates this
-circumstance and his interference with pride, in the belief that he had
-done his country as well as the pope good service, but he adds, that he
-got no thanks from either side; the Medici party accusing him of
-preferring the lives and safety of the citizens to the firm
-establishment of that family; while the other party declared that he had
-exaggerated their difficulties, and caused them needlessly to yield
-their advantages.
-
-It had been well for the fame of Guicciardini, if he had submitted to
-the blame of his contemporaries, and secured the approbation of
-posterity, by adhering to a line of conduct so impartial and patriotic.
-Although the fall of the Medici was suspended for a short time on this
-occasion, the taking of Rome decided their expulsion. When the duke of
-Urbino went southward to deliver the pope, besieged in the Castel Sant'
-Angelo, the Florentines seized the opportunity to drive out the Medici,
-and to restore the freedom of their government. The wars carried on by
-Clement VII. had weighed heavily on the republic, since he drew from it
-his chief resources; the people were thus exasperated against his rule,
-and now that they possessed the power, displayed their hatred of his
-family by many acts of outrage. To have served them was to share their
-disgrace, and the odium with which they were regarded. It has been
-related how Machiavelli, republican as he was, and personally attached
-to many of the leaders of the popular party, was unable to overcome the
-prejudice excited by his having entered the service of the Medici.
-Guicciardini was visited by more open marks of the dislike of the new
-leaders; and he was the more angry because he had displayed a wish to
-join them. He neither loved nor esteemed Clement; whom he represents as
-timid; avaricious, and ungracious. He regarded his imprisonment by the
-imperialists with very lukewarm interest, and even raised soldiers for
-the defence of Florence: but these demonstrations did not avail to
-acquire for him the confidence of his countrymen, and he was forced to
-fly the town during a popular tumult. Hence seems to spring his hatred
-of free institutions, and his subsequent conduct in aiding in the
-destruction of the liberties of his country. From this time he entered
-with all the zeal of personal resentment into the cause of the Medici.
-His name has thus received a taint never to be effaced. He became the
-abettor of tyrants, the oppressor of his fellow citizens; and that
-equity and firmness which he before exercised; by establishing order in
-the districts over which he presided, were changed to the persecution of
-the martyrs of liberty.[33] It is impossible to slur over this portion
-of his life as he does himself. For it is remarkable that the only
-events recorded in his history, which are narrated in a slovenly and
-confused manner, are those in which he took a principal share,--the
-second restoration of the Medici, and the final overthrow of the
-liberties of Florence.
-
-When a reconciliation had been patched up between Charles V. and Clement
-VII., the force of their united arms was turned against Florence. The
-republic was headed by gallant spirits, who, seeing their last hope of
-freedom in a successful resistance, exerted every nerve to defend
-themselves. They were willing to suffer any extremity, rather than
-submit to a slavery which must crush for ever the proud independence and
-free institutions of their native city. Guicciardini had been named by
-the pope, governor of Bologna, and took no part in the war against his
-country; but he is accused of participating in the iniquitous
-proceedings which followed the surrender of the city. The pope acted
-with the utmost treachery. He granted generous terms; but when in
-possession, held a mock assembly of the people, keeping off, by means of
-the troops he introduced, all the citizens, except those prepared to
-receive law at his hands. He thus, as it were, obtained a legal decree,
-which changed the form of government, and denounced its late leaders.
-Executions and confiscations became the order of the day; the chief
-power was placed in the hands of Vettori, Guicciardini, and two others,
-and their conduct entailed on them the execration of their fellow
-citizens.
-
-So zealous did Guicciardini show himself, that the pope entrusted him
-with the office of reforming and restricting the list of candidates, who
-were selected to be members of government, and he displayed his prudence
-and sagacity for the reigning family at the expense of the lives and
-liberties of the most virtuous among his fellow citizens. Under his
-auspices, the office of gonfaloniere, which had subsisted for 250 years,
-was abolished, and Alessandro de' Medici was named duke, which title was
-to descend in perpetuity to his successors. This miserable man was the
-son of a negro woman, and regarded as the offspring of Lorenzo, the son
-of Piero de' Medici: but it was more probable that he owed his existence
-to Clement VII.; at least the latter claimed the honour of paternity.
-His disgraceful birth stamped him with contempt; his profligacy and
-cruelty acquired the hatred of the people over whom he ruled.
-
-Guicciardini endeavoured to restrain him in the indulgence of his vices,
-but without avail. He was now wholly devoted to his service. When
-Clement VII. died, his successor wished him to continue governor of
-Bologna, but he refused. While the see was vacant, he had yielded to the
-entreaties of the senators, and remained to prevent popular
-disturbances. They promised him every assistance to maintain his
-authority; but his enemies took occasion to display their disrespect.
-Geronimo Pepoli, and others, who some years before had retired from
-Bologna in distaste, took this occasion to return, accompanied by armed
-followers and public bandits. Guicciardini's haughty spirit was in arms
-against the insult. Among the followers of Pepoli were two outlaws under
-sentence of death; these he caused to be seized, led to prison, and put
-to death. Pepoli manifested the utmost indignation, and was only
-restrained by the authority of the senators from giving public token of
-his resentment. When the new pope was elected, and another governor
-appointed, Guicciardini prepared to quit the city. Pepoli threatened to
-attack him on his departure; but he, undismayed, set out at noon-day,
-accompanied only by a few attendants on horseback. His road led him past
-the palace of the Pepoli, nor would he diverge from it on this account,
-but passed under their windows with a firm and intrepid countenance, and
-was permitted to pursue his way unmolested.
-
-He soon after displayed this energy and firmness of character in a very
-bad cause. The Florentines, unable any longer to endure the tyranny and
-vices of duke Alexander, appealed to Charles V., whom they regarded as
-lord paramount of their state. The emperor summoned Alexander to Naples,
-where he then was, to answer the charges made against him. He obeyed:
-but the emperor was so incensed that he began to fear the result, and
-was on the point of retreating, had not Guicciardini exhorted him to
-remain. He drew up a defence for him, and by a judicious distribution of
-bribes, succeeded in obtaining his acquittal; and Florence was again
-subjected to his yoke.
-
-Two years after, Alexander was murdered by Lorenzino de' Medici, who
-considered that he had a better right to be considered the head of the
-family. But this act, undertaken without the participation of any
-accomplice, was not followed by the results that might have been
-anticipated. Lorenzino, frightened by his very success, fled the city,
-and his cousin Cosmo was raised to the supreme power, and afterwards
-named grand duke of Tuscany. Guicciardini assisted materially in his
-elevation, and hoped to be real chief of the state, while the other held
-the nominal rank. But Cosmo was of a crafty, cold, and ungrateful
-disposition, and treated his benefactor with such neglect, that he
-withdrew himself from public life, and retired to his country seat at
-Montici, in the neighbourhood of Florence.
-
-From this time he occupied himself wholly in the composition of his
-history. It is a fine monument of his genius and industry. It commences
-with the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII., and goes down to the
-exaltation of Cosmo. The fault attributed to him as an author is
-prolixity, and to this he must plead guilty. He dwells with the most
-tiresome and earnest minuteness on the most trivial incidents; and the
-taking of an insignificant castle, followed by no important results, is
-attended by the same diffuseness and exactitude of detail as events of
-the greatest magnitude. But no historian surpasses Guicciardini when the
-subject is worthy of his pen. His animated descriptions of battles, the
-chances of war, and conduct of princes and leaders; his delineations of
-character, and masterly views of the course of events, all claim the
-highest admiration. The orations, which he intersperses, have been
-cavilled at, but they are eloquent, full of dignified exhortation, or
-sagacious reasoning. His account of the rise and formation of the
-temporal power of the popes excited great censure in catholic countries;
-and throughout he is accused of showing himself the enemy of the Roman
-church. It is true, that the pages of no other historian afford such
-convincing proofs of the pernicious effects resulting from the union of
-spiritual supremacy and temporal possessions. His powerful character of
-the infamous pope Borgia; his description of the fiery vehemence of
-Julius II.; his unveiling of the faults of Leo X., and the exposure he
-makes of the mistakes and weakness of Clement VII., present the very men
-and times to our eyes, and form as it were a school in which to study
-the philosophy of history. We perceive no partiality till the last few
-pages, which record the downfall of the republic of Florence. His
-language is, in the eyes of Italian critics, nearly pure; it is
-forcible, without being concise; and the clearness and majesty of the
-expressions in his best passages carry the reader along with him.
-
-Guicciardini was solicited by pope Paul III. to leave his retreat, and
-to enter again on public life, but he refused. The disappointment of his
-ambitious views on the exaltation of Cosmo, and the duke's ingratitude,
-struck him to the heart. He did not live to complete his history, and
-died on the 27th of May, 1540, in the fifty-eighth year of his age. He
-expressly ordered that his funeral should be unattended by any pomp; and
-his directions were so strictly followed, that for some time no stone
-even commemorated the spot of his sepulture.
-
-Little is known of his private life. His letters have all perished,
-except a few addressed to Machiavelli. They are lively in their style,
-and very friendly. He had no son, and seven daughters, and wrote to the
-secretary to ask his advice in settling them in marriage. Machiavelli
-advised his applying to the pope for a dowry; counselling him by all
-means to marry the eldest well, as the others would follow her example;
-and he quotes a passage from Dante, referring to a duke of Provence,
-"who had three daughters and each a queen. And the cause of this thing,
-was Romeo, a poor wandering man," who had advised the duke to be
-unsparing in his dowry to his eldest daughter, so to command a splendid
-alliance, as the best means to advance her sisters also. He gave her
-half his duchy, and she married the king of France. Guicciardini in
-reply says, "You have set me on ransacking Romagna for a copy of Dante,
-and at last I have found one." But he was too high-spirited to apply for
-a gift from the pope.
-
-Guicciardini was tall and of commanding aspect; rather squarely made,
-and not handsome; but robust, and with an animated, intelligent
-countenance. He was ambitious, and even haughty, so that he could endure
-neither contradiction nor advice. Prudence, industry, sagacity, and a
-penetrating understanding, recommended him to his employers; and he was
-frequently entrusted with carrying on and correcting the correspondence
-of the pope and other princes.
-
-The last six books of his history are considered unfinished. No portion
-of it was published till some years after his death, and then the
-passages considered injurious to papacy were omitted. A complete edition
-was first printed at Basle; but, even in this, the objectionable
-passages appeared under the disguise of Latin. His first idea had been
-to write only memoirs of his own life; and it was by the advice of
-Nardi, it is said, that he enlarged his plan into a history of Italy
-during his own times.
-
-
-[Footnote 32: It was a habit among the Florentines to keep memoranda of
-the principal events of their lives, which they called Ricordi. The date
-of the birth of Guicciardini has been disputed, but it is ascertained
-from a MS. book of his ricordi, or records, which Manni cites. He thus
-writes concerning himself:--"I record that I, Francesco di Piero
-Guicciardini, now doctor of civil and canon law, was born on the 6th
-March, 1482, at ten o'clock. I was baptised Francesco, from Francesco de
-Nerli, my maternal grandfather, and Tommaso, out of respect for St.
-Thomas Aquinas, on whose festival I was born. Messer Marsiglio Ficino
-held me at the baptismal font, who was the greatest platonic philosopher
-then existing in the world, and by Giovanni Canacci and Piero del Nero,
-both philosophers also."]
-
-[Footnote 33: See a clever pamphlet, entitled "Saggio sulla Vita e sulle
-Opere di Francesco Guicciardini," by Rosini, a professor of the
-University of Pisa.]
-
-
-
-
-VITTORIA COLONNA
-
-1490-1547.
-
-
-It would be giving a very faint idea of the state of Italian literature,
-or even of the lives led by the learned men of those times, if all
-mention were omitted of the women who distinguished themselves in
-literature. No slur was cast by the Italians on feminine
-accomplishments. Where abstruse learning was a fashion among men, they
-were glad to find in their friends of the other sex, minds educated to
-share their pursuits and applaud their success. In those days learning
-was a sort of wealth; men got as much as they could, and women, of
-course, were led to acquire a portion of such a valuable possession.
-
-The list of women who aspired to literary fame in Italy is very long.
-Even in Petrarch's time, the daughter of a professor of Bologna, gave
-lectures in the university behind a veil, which has been supposed was
-used to hide her beauty, and which at least is a beautiful trait of
-modesty, where a young girl was willing to impart her knowledge to the
-studious, but shrunk from meeting the public gaze. The mother of Lorenzo
-de' Medici is celebrated for her sacred poems, and her patronage of
-literature. Ippolita Sforza, daughter of the duke Francesco, and married
-to Alfonso II., king of Naples, was learned in Greek and many other
-languages. A manuscript copy of a translation of Tully's _de Senectute_
-is preserved of hers at Rome, and marked as having been written in her
-youth; and two of her Latin orations are to be seen in the Ambrosian
-Library at Milan. Alessandra Scala, to whom Politian was attached, wrote
-Greek verses, which have been printed, appended to the Latin poetry of
-her learned lover. There was an Isotta of Padua, whose letters are
-models of elegance, and who composed various poems of merit. The noble
-house of Este boasted of a learned princess. Bianca d'Este has been
-celebrated by one of the Strozzi in Latin verses; he speaks of her Greek
-and Latin compositions with great praise. Damigella Torcila, we are
-told, was numbered among the most distinguished women of her time. She
-was profoundly versed in the learned languages, particularly in Greek;
-she was an admirable musician, and as beautiful as she was wise.
-Cassandra Fedele, however, excelled all her sex in her acquirements. She
-was of a noble family, originally of Milan; born at Venice in 1465: she
-was, by her father's desire, instructed in all the abstruse
-studies--Greek, Latin, philosophy, and music--with such success, that
-even in girlhood she was the admiration of all the learned men of the
-age. There is a letter from Politian to her, which praises her Latin
-letters, not only for their cleverness and elegance of style, but "for
-the girlish and maiden simplicity" which adorned them. "I have read
-also," he says, "your learned and eloquent oration, which is harmonious,
-dignified, and full of talent. I am told that you are versed in
-philosophy and dialectics, that you entangle others by the most serious
-difficulties, and make all plain yourself with admirable ease; and while
-every one loads you with praise, you are gentle and humble." This kind
-of knowledge would not suit these days: but those were times when men
-tried to puzzle themselves by scholastic learning, and when the noble
-Pico della Mirandola took pleasure in disputing on nine hundred
-questions. Isabella of Spain, Louis XII. of France, and pope Leo X. all
-warmly solicited Cassandra to take up her abode at their several courts.
-She showed willingness to accept the queen's invitation; but the
-Venetian republic set so high a value upon her, that they would not
-permit her to leave their state. She married Mapelli, a physician, who
-was sent to Candia by the republic, and Cassandra accompanied him. She
-became a widow late in life, and lived to extreme old age. She was
-elected when ninety years old to be the superior of a religious house in
-Venice; and died at the age of one hundred and two.
-
-This list might easily be much enlarged; but we have no space for
-further dilation; and therefore turn from names less illustrious, to
-Vittoria Colonna, the woman of all others who conferred, by her virtues,
-talents, and beauty, honour on her sex.
-
-Vittoria Colonna was the daughter of Fabrizio Colonna, grand constable
-of the kingdom of Naples, and of Anna di Montefeltro, daughter of
-Frederic duke of Urbino. She was born at Marino, a castle belonging to
-her family, about the year 1490. At the infantine age of four she was
-betrothed to Ferdinando Francesco d'Avolos, marquess of Pescara, who
-was not older than his baby bride. She was educated with the most
-sedulous care, and was sought in marriage by various princes--but that
-fidelity of disposition which was her beautiful characteristic through
-life, prevented her from breaking her contract with her young lover.
-They were married at the age of seventeen. He competed with her in
-talents and accomplishments. They loved each other with the utmost
-tenderness, and lived for four years succeeding to their marriage, in
-solitude, in the island of Ischia, where Pescara had a palace.
-
-But this happiness was of short duration; at the time when Julius II.
-leagued all Italy against Louis XII., the marquess of Pescara joined the
-army of the emperor. Vittoria was full of chivalric feelings; her
-enthusiasm, as well as her tenderness, were gratified by the occupation
-of embroidering banners for her hero, who, at the early age of
-one-and-twenty, was made general of cavalry at the battle of Ravenna.
-That disastrous day was adverse to him. He was taken prisoner and sent
-to Milan, where he remained a year, and wrote a dialogue on love,
-addressed to his wife, in a dedication in which he laments that he can
-no longer visit her as he was used, whenever the duties of his station
-permitted his absence. As a kind of answer to this testimony of his
-affection, Vittoria designed an emblem--Cupid within a circle, formed
-by a serpent, with the motto "_Quem peperit virtus, prudentia servet
-amorem_"--"May prudence preserve the love, which originated in virtue."
-
-After the French were driven from Italy, that unhappy country enjoyed a
-short interval of peace, interrupted by the invasion of Francis I.
-Pescara was present at the battle of Pavia, and distinguished himself by
-his intrepidity, and mainly contributed to the success of the emperor's
-arms. He was not rewarded as he deserved, and the opposite or French
-party thought that his consequent discontent afforded an opening for a
-reconciliation with them. Geronimo Morone was employed by them to seduce
-him from his fidelity to Charles V. He was offered the kingdom of Naples
-as a reward, and every argument was used that might have most
-weight;--the honour he would acquire by driving the barbarous nations
-from Italy, and the favours which the pope and other princes would
-shower upon him. These were, however, but specious reasonings. Pescara
-lent too ready an ear to them; but Vittoria at once detected their
-fallacy, and the disgrace that would befall her husband if he abandoned
-his imperial master. She wrote him a letter full of earnest persuasion
-to refuse the dazzling offers of Morone. She spoke of the glory acquired
-by fidelity and unblemished honour, as far outweighing any that a crown
-could bestow, saying, that for herself, she desired to be called the
-wife, not of a king, but of that great and glorious soldier, whose
-valour and generosity of soul had vanquished the greatest kings.
-Pescara's conduct on this occasion is wholly unworthy of the precepts of
-his admirable wife. He continued faithful to the emperor, but acted the
-base part of a spy and informer: by his means Morone's designs were
-betrayed, and he was thrown into prison. There is no doubt that the
-high-minded Vittoria continued to the last entirely ignorant of this
-ignoble action; and praised her husband for having listened to her
-exhortations, and rejected a crown.
-
-But while the marquess was acting so as to cast an eternal stigma on his
-honour, death was at hand to terminate every ambitious project. His many
-wounds, and the fatigues he had endured during the long wars, had so
-shaken his health, that neither his good constitution nor the skill of
-physicians were any longer able to afford relief. While preparing to
-die, he desired to take leave of his wife, and sent for her to join him
-at Milan; but when he found that he should not survive long enough to
-see her, he sent for his cousin, the marchese del Vasto, and recommended
-Vittoria to him with the warmest affection. Vittoria, on hearing of her
-husband's illness, had left Naples to join him. She passed through Rome,
-where she was received with the greatest honours, but on arriving at
-Viterbo, she received intelligence of Pescara's death: her grief caused
-her to forget her religious resignation and fortitude; its excess
-overwhelmed her with tears and the bitterest anguish.
-
-From that time this illustrious lady never ceased to spend every faculty
-of her soul in lamenting her lost husband. They had been married
-seventeen years, but had no child; she gave herself up entirely to
-sorrow; and her faithful heart, incapable of a second attachment to
-replace one which had begun with her life, cherished only the image of
-her past happiness, and the hope of its renewal in another life. Her
-active mind could not repose tranquilly on its misery; she continued to
-cultivate it, so to render it more worthy of Pescara, and she exercised
-and amused it by the many sonnets she wrote in his honour. An Italian
-author has named her second only to Petrarch. Her verses are full of
-tenderness, of absorbing passion, of truth and life. They fail in poetic
-fancy; and yet, so much does the reader sympathise in the intense and
-fond sorrows of this extraordinary woman, that none can criticise, while
-all are touched by her laments. The best poem in her volume has been
-attributed to Ariosto, I do not know on what authority; but if written
-by her, has that elegance of style and concentration of expression,
-which characterises true poetry. It begins with the affecting
-exclamation, "I am indeed her you loved! Behold how bitter and eating
-grief has changed me!--Scarcely could you recognise me by my voice. On
-your departure, that charm which you called beauty, and of which I was
-proud, since it was dear to you, left my cheeks, my eyes, my hair!--Yet,
-ah! how can I live, when I remember that the impious tomb and envious
-dust contaminates and destroys thy dear and beautiful limbs!" These
-verses may in their original be very justly compared in pathos and grace
-to Petrarch:--
-
-
-Io sono, io son ben dessa! or vedi come
-M' ha cangiata il dolor fiero ed atroce
-Ch' a fatica la voce
-Può di me dar la conoscenza vera.
-Lassa! ch' al tuo partir partì veloce
-Dalle guancie, dagli occhi, e dalle chiome
-Questa a cui davi come
-Tu di beltade, ed io n' andava altera,
-Che me 'l credea, perchè in tal pregio t' era.
-* * * * *
-Com' è ch' io viva, quando mi rimembra,
-Ch' empio sepolcro, e invidiosa polve
-Contamina e dissolve
-La delicate alabastrine membra?
-
-
-For seven years she gave up her whole heart to sorrow. Her relations,
-thinking her too young at the age of thirty-five to continue unmarried,
-pressed her to accept one of the many offers of marriage which she
-received. But, wedded as all her thoughts had been since her earliest
-infancy to one object, she felt unconquerably averse to any second
-nuptials. She lived in retirement either at Ischia or Naples, dedicating
-herself wholly to memory. Her active mind, refusing to find comfort in
-any sublunary blessing, had recourse to religion for consolation. She
-now employed herself in writing sacred poetry, and her enthusiastic
-disposition led her to project a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; but the
-marchese del Vasto opposed her putting it into execution.
-
-She now left Naples on a tour to the north of Italy, and visited Lucca
-and Ferrara. She afterwards took up her residence at Rome, and became
-the intimate friend of the cardinals Bembo, Contarini, and Pole, and
-various distinguished prelates. A love of yet greater retirement induced
-her a few years after to retreat to a convent at Orvieto; from whence
-she removed, after a short time, to the convent of Santa Caterina, at
-Viterbo. Our countryman, cardinal Pole, resided in this town, and an
-intimate friendship subsisted between him and Vittoria. There is a
-resemblance in their characters that renders this intercourse
-interesting; they were both singleminded, enthusiastic, and noble.
-Vittoria added feminine tenderness to these qualities, while religious
-fervour formed a bond of sympathy between them. The companions of
-cardinal Pole were Flaminio and Pietro Carnescecchi: the latter having
-afterwards become a protestant, doubts have been raised concerning the
-orthodoxy of Vittoria; but there is every evidence that she never fell
-off from her adherence to the catholic church.
-
-A short time before her death she returned to Rome, and took up her
-abode in the Palazzo Cesarini; where she died, in the year 1547, at the
-age of fifty-seven. During her last moments her attached friend, Michael
-Angelo, stood beside her. He was considerably her junior, and looked up
-to her as something superior to human nature, and entitled to his most
-fervent admiration. He has written many sonnets in her praise; and there
-is extant a letter, in which he states how he stood beside her lifeless
-remains, and kissed her cold hand, lamenting afterwards that the
-overwhelming grief and awe of the moment, had prevented him from
-pressing her lips for the first and last time.
-
-This almost divine woman was held by her contemporaries in enthusiastic
-veneration. Her name is always accompanied by glowing praises and
-expressions of heartfelt respect. Ariosto joined with all Italy in
-celebrating her virtues and talents, and has addressed several stanzas
-to her in his Orlando Furioso.
-
-
-
-
-GUARINI
-
-1537-1612.
-
-
-Battista Guarani was descended from a family illustrious for its
-literary merits. One of his ancestors, known as Guarino of Verona, was
-conspicuous among the restorers of learning of the fifteenth century;
-and his descendants emulated his labours. Battista was born at Ferrara,
-in 1537. His mother was Orsolina, the daughter of count Baldassare
-Machiavelli. We are nearly in ignorance with regard to any of the
-circumstances of the early youth of Guarini. He studied at Pisa and
-Padua, and visited Rome while very young. On his return to Ferrara, he
-gave lectures on Aristotle in the university. He was made professor of
-belles lettres, and was already known to his friends as a poet. He
-married young, Taddea Bendedei, of a noble Ferrarese family.
-
-But Guarini was not contented with a life of literary labour, and
-preferred the distinction of a court to poetic fame. There is a letter
-of his, dated 1565, which gives token that he had already made the
-paltry ambition of serving a prince the aim of his life. This letter is
-written to a friend at Pisa, who had asked his advice on the subject of
-whether he should enter on the service of his sovereign. Guarini
-establishes the doctrine, that in private life a man is as far from
-tranquillity as in public; he is equally pursued by envy and pride,
-without the compensation he might find in courtly favour. In his own
-person he acted on these ideas, and reaped the usual harvest of
-disappointment and mortification. His wishes were, however, at first
-gratified. He was sent, by the duke Alfonso, to Venice, about this very
-time, to congratulate the new doge, Pietro Loredano; and, his oration
-being printed, he acquired a reputation for talent and learning. He was
-for some time resident at Turin, as ambassador to Emanuel Philibert,
-duke of Savoy. In 1573, he was sent to Rome, to pay homage to Gregory
-XIII., who had succeeded to Pius V. He arrived in the evening, after a
-hasty journey, and passed the night in composing his speech, which he
-delivered the next morning in consistory. Two years afterwards, the duke
-sent him to Poland, to congratulate Henry of Valois on his accession to
-the throne. On his return, he was named counsellor and secretary of
-state. After an interval, he was a second time sent to Poland, on a
-mission of the highest importance. Henry of Valois succeeded to the
-crown of France, and Alfonso was desirous of being chosen in his room to
-the Polish throne. Guarini was sent to negotiate his election. He felt
-the weight and responsibility of his errand fall heavily on him. His
-letter to his wife during the journey has been several times quoted, but
-it is too interesting to be omitted here. It is dated from Warsaw,
-November 25. 1575, and is as follows:--
-
-"This which you read is my letter and not my letter; it is mine, for I
-dictate it,--it is not mine, because I do not write it. But you must not
-so much grieve that I have not a hand to write with, as rejoice that I
-have a tongue to recount that which, from vain compassion or negligence,
-another might conceal. I know you must have been complaining of my
-dilatoriness in writing, but I shall find no difficulty in excusing
-myself, since the cause has been worse than the effect; and, instead of
-lamenting my silence, you may thank God that you at last hear from me. I
-set out, as you know, more in the fashion of a courier than an
-ambassador; and it would have been well if my body alone had laboured,
-while my mind reposed. But the hand used by day to whip on my horses,
-was put to service at night in turning over papers. Thus, formerly, I
-arrived at Rome in the evening by post, and the next day presented
-myself at the consistory. Nature gave way under the double fatigue of
-body and mind, especially as I travelled by the road that passes through
-Saravalle and Ampez, which is inexpressibly disagreeable and
-incommodious, as well from the rudeness of the inhabitants as the state
-of the country; the want of horses, scarcity of provisions, and, in
-short, of every necessary of life; so that, on my arrival at Hala, I
-fell ill of a fever, in spite of which I hurried on to Vienna. I leave
-you to imagine what I suffered from fever, weariness, and thirst: unable
-to procure remedies or medical treatment; cast upon bad lodgings, bad
-food, and into beds that smothered me with their feathers; devoid of all
-those conveniences and comforts which are necessary to the sick. My
-malady increased, and my strength grew less; and every thing, except
-wine, became distasteful to me, so that I had small hopes of life, and
-turned with disgust even from the few days I expected to live. While I
-navigated the Danube, we were nearly overwhelmed by a rapid and
-dangerous stream, and should not have escaped had not the sailors made
-use of the assistance of the strong and active men of the country, who
-are accustomed to contend with this danger, being always on the spot to
-give aid, and who, by force of oars, stemmed the torrent. But for their
-help no vessel could escape wreck; and the place is worthy of the
-infamous reputation it has gained, and the name of the Pass of Death,
-which is bestowed on it. The boldest travellers fear the passage, and
-disembark, and proceed by land, till the boat has got beyond the danger,
-for it is really frightful; but I was so ill, that I had lost all sense
-of peril, and remained on board with the brave boatmen,--I will not say
-whether from stupidity or intrepidity,--yet I may say that I was
-intrepid, since I felt no fear when but two steps from certain death.
-
-"I arrived at last at Vienna, where a physician, without considering the
-symptoms of my illness, gave me a medicine that poisoned me, and my
-malady grew worse. You will all say that I ought to have stopped short,
-and taken care of my life: my common sense, my sufferings, the failure
-of strength, and a natural wish to live, love for my fellow creatures
-and my family, suggested the same counsel; but my honour forced me to
-proceed, and obliged me, since I was at the head of this embassy, and as
-the whole weight of so important a negotiation rested on me, to prefer
-the interests of my prince to my own safety; and I acted so that I might
-testify to all Poland my fidelity to my sovereign by my death, rather
-than, by preserving my life, give room to the suspicion that I feigned
-an illness so to break my promises, the fulfilment of which was expected
-with anxiety; which false notion among those selfish and distrustful men
-would at once have discredited our negotiation, and deprived our prince
-of the crown which we are endeavouring to place on his head.
-
-"It is impossible to form an idea of what I suffered during a journey of
-more than 600 miles, from Vienna to Warsaw; dragged and torn along,
-rather than conveyed, by my incommodious carriage. I do not know how I
-survived: beset by continual fever, without rest, or food, or remedies;
-enduring excessive cold and infinite inconveniences, while I passed
-through an uninhabited country, where I often found it better to remain
-for the night in my uncomfortable carriage, than to expose myself to the
-stench of the inns or, rather, stables, where the dog, the cat, the
-fowls, the geese, the pigs, the calves, and sometimes squalling
-children, kept me awake all night. The difficulties of the journey were
-increased also by the robbers, who, during this interregnum, infest the
-country, robbing whatever they can; so that it was impossible to proceed
-without a strong escort; and, although I took infinite pains to avoid
-them, I had twice nearly fallen into their hands, escaping rather
-through Divine Providence than human foresight. I arrived at last at
-Warsaw, a great deal more dead than alive; nor have I gained any relief
-to my sufferings by being here, except that I am no longer in movement,
-nor dragged along by my carriage; for the rest, I enjoy no repose,
-either night or day. My fever is now my least evil; the objects by which
-I am surrounded are worse: the place, the season, the food, the drink,
-the medicines, the physicians, the servants, the inquietude of my mind,
-and other troubles, are greater ills than the fever, which would soon
-quit me but for these annoyances. Indeed, I have not yet discovered
-whether my sleepless nights arise from illness, or the constant noise
-around me. Imagine a whole nation assembled in a little village, and I
-lodged in the middle of it. There is no spot above, below, to the right
-nor to the left,--there is no room by day or by night, that is not full
-of noise and disturbance. No particular time is set apart for business
-here; they are always at work, because they are always drinking, and
-without wine all transactions grow cold. When business is ended visits
-begin, and when these are over, drums, trumpets, cannons, shouts, cries,
-quarrels, and every other species of tumult, fill up the interval till I
-am distracted. If I suffered these things for the glory and love of God,
-it would be called a martyrdom; and yet, to render service without hope
-of reward, almost deserves the same name. God knows what is to become of
-me! I should feel that my life was no longer in danger if I could take
-any care of myself. Prepare your mind for every evil. It is the part of
-a silly woman to lament a husband who is content to die. Let others
-honour my memory with their tears; do you honour it by your courage. I
-recommend our children to you; for if I die, you must be a father as
-well as a mother to them. Arm yourself with reflection and manly
-fortitude; guarding them from those who have reduced me to this state,
-and teaching them to imitate their father in any thing rather than in
-his fortunes."[34]
-
-This letter presents a lively picture of Guarini's disposition;--his
-energy in struggling with evils; his ambition to please his prince, and
-his fears lest he should not be fitly recompensed; the fervour of
-imagination, which magnified ill fortune, and which, while it gave him
-strength to meet it, yet doubled its power over him. Although he failed
-in the object of the embassy, yet, after all the dangers to which he had
-exposed himself, he felt that he had sacrificed his life to his prince,
-and yet that he should go unrewarded. He was not deceived; but he was
-incapable of meeting the fulfilment of his anticipations with any
-patience or fortitude.
-
-His mind was naturally turned to poetry; but he pretended to disdain
-such occupation. On the subject of his Pastor Fido, he writes to a
-friend:--"This is the work of one who does not profess the poetic art,
-but writes for his own amusement, as a recreation from more serious
-studies; and who would willingly burn his works when they do not appear
-good to good judges." The fame and favour which Tasso was enjoying made
-him depreciate himself, since he could not excel his rival. Tasso and he
-had been friends for many years; they quarrelled at this time, but the
-discord did not result from any literary contest, but from rivalship in
-the favour of a lady. They both loved the countess of Scandiano. Tasso
-wrote a sonnet, accusing Guarini of lightness and inconstancy in his
-passion, as well as of the greater sin of boasting of his triumphs over
-the ladies of his love. Guarini replied, with bitterness, in another
-sonnet, accusing his rival of uttering falsehoods that mirrored his own
-faithlessness, which enabled him to nourish love for two objects at the
-same time.[35] This contention broke off their friendship; but Guarini
-was no ungenerous enemy; he possessed a loyal and noble spirit, and
-never did any thing to injure his unfortunate rival. On the contrary,
-some years after, when the Gerusalemme Liberata of Tasso was about to be
-published in a very defective and erroneous state, he took great pains
-to furnish a correct copy.
-
-[Sidenote: 1582.
-Ætat.
-45.]
-
-After struggling with his discontents at court for some time, he
-requested his dismissal from the duke; and retired to his villa in the
-Polesine of Rovigo, named La Guarina, having been bestowed upon an
-ancestor by a former duke of Ferrara. He now congratulated himself on
-having escaped from the tempests of public life into port; yet his
-disappointments, and the duke's ingratitude, rankled at his heart, and
-overflowed upon paper, even when the subject immediately before him was
-not in accord with the pervading feeling of his mind. He occupied
-himself at La Guarina by writing the Pastor Fido; and he makes one of
-the characters of the pastoral complain of wrongs similar to his own.
-Carino, narrating his story, says,--
-
-
-How I forsook
-Elis and Pisa after, and betook
-Myself to Argos and Mycene, where
-An earthly God I worshipped, with what there
-I suffered in that hard captivity,
-Would be too long for thee to hear, for me
-Too sad to utter. Only thus much know;--
-I lost my labour, and in sand did sow:
-I writ, wept, sung; hot and cold fits I had;
-I rid, I stood, I bore, now sad, now glad,
-Now high, now low, now in esteem, now scorn'd;
-And as the Delphic iron, which is turned
-Now to heroic, now to mechanic use,
-I fear'd no danger--did no pains refuse;
-Was all things--and was nothing; changed my hair,
-Condition, custom, thoughts, and life--but ne'er
-Could change my fortune. Then I knew at last,
-And panted after my sweet freedom past.
-So, flying smoky Argos, and the great
-Storms that attend on greatness, my retreat
-I made to Pisa--my thought's quiet port.
-* * * * *
-Who would have dreamed 'midst plenty to grow poor?
-Or to be less, by toiling to be more?
-I thought, by how much more in prince's courts
-Men did excel in titles and supports,
-So much the more obliging they would be,
-The best enamel of nobility.
-But now the contrary by proofs I've seen:
-Courtiers in name, and courteous in their mien
-They are; but in their actions I could spy
-Not the least transient spark of courtesy.
-People, in show smooth as the calmed waves,
-Yet cruel as the ocean when it raves:
-Men in appearance only did I find,
-Love in the face, but malice in the mind:
-With a straight look and tortuous heart, and least
-Fidelity where greatest was protest.
-That which elsewhere is virtue, is vice there:
-Plain truth, fair dealing, love unfeign'd, sincere
-Compassion, faith inviolable, and
-An innocence both of the heart and hand,
-They count the folly of a soul that's vile
-And poor,--a vanity worthy their smile.
-To cheat, to lie, deceit and theft to use,
-And under show of pity to abuse;
-To rise upon the ruins of their brothers,
-And seek their own by robbing praise from others,
-The virtues are of that perfidious race.
-No worth, no valour, no respect of place,
-Of age, or law--bridle of modesty,
-No tie of love, or blood, nor memory
-Of good received; nothing's so venerable,
-Sacred, or just, that is inviolable
-By that vast thirst of riches, and desire
-Unquenchable of still ascending higher.
-Now I, not fearing, since I meant not ill,
-And in court-craft not having any skill,
-Wearing my thoughts charactered on my brow,
-And a glass window in my heart--judge thou
-How open and how fair a mark my heart
-Lay to their envy's unsuspected dart.
-
-FANSHAWE's _Trans. of Pastor Fido._[36]
-
-
-The Pastor Fido is the principal monument of Guarini's poetic genius.
-Despite his pretended carelessness, he was animated by the spirit of
-poetry, and emulation spurred him on to surpass the Aminta of Tasso; and
-he took pains even to compose whole passages in opposition, and manifest
-rivalship, of that drama. A pastoral presents in its very nature a
-thousand difficulties. It has for its subject the passions in their
-primitive simplicity, and the manners are deprived of all factitious
-refinement; and yet the most imaginative thoughts and the softest and
-noblest sentiments are to flow from the lips of the untaught shepherds
-and shepherdesses. Thus its foundation being purely ideal, our chief
-pleasure must be derived from the poetry in which it is clothed. Guarini
-endeavoured to overcome the want of interest inherent in this species of
-composition, by a plot more complex than that usually adopted. A portion
-of this is sufficiently clumsy, and the bad character of the piece, the
-coquette Corisca, is managed with very little art or probability. There
-is much spirit and beauty, however, in the final developement,--in the
-discovery that the priest makes that he is about to sacrifice his own
-son, and the joy occasioned by the conviction suddenly flashing on his
-mind, that the oracle, on which the whole depends, is happily fulfilled.
-Still the chief charm of the Pastor Fido is derived from its poetry; the
-simplicity and clearness of its diction, the sweetness and tenderness of
-the sentiments, and the vivacity and passion that animate the whole. No
-doubt he was satisfied with the result of his labours, and found pride
-in communicating it. While affecting to despise his poetic productions,
-their genuine merit, and his own vanity, which was great, caused him to
-collect with pleasure the applauses which his Pastor Fido naturally
-acquired for him. He read it at the court of the duke Ferrante di
-Gonzaga, to a society composed of courtiers, ladies, and eminent men.
-[Sidenote: 1585.
-Ætat.
-48.]
-It was acted at Turin on occasion of the festivals to celebrate the
-nuptials of Charles Emanuel, prince of Savoy, with Catherine, daughter
-of Philip II., king of Spain. The drama excited the greatest admiration;
-and Guarini was looked on henceforth with justice, as second only to
-Tasso among the poets of the age.
-
-But he was not fortunate enough to be allowed to dedicate his whole time
-and thoughts to poetry; and he might bring forward his own experience in
-proof of his assertion, that private life is not more exempt than
-public, from cares and the influence of evil passions. He was
-perpetually plunged in lawsuits, his first being against his father, who
-had married a second time, it was said out of spite, and disputed his
-just inheritance. He had a family of eight children to provide for; and
-unrewarded by his prince, he found himself, after struggling for
-fourteen years to advance himself at court, overwhelmed by debt and
-embarrassment. His time and attention were taken up by exertions to
-extricate himself, and to settle his affairs; while his warm, impatient
-disposition ill endured the delays and disappointments, and the contact
-with selfish or dishonest men, which are the necessary concomitants of
-pecuniary difficulties.
-
-[Sidenote: 1586.
-Ætat.
-49.]
-
-Perhaps these annoyances rendered him less unwilling to accept the
-invitation, or rather to obey the commands, of the duke of Ferrara, and
-to return to his post at his court. Alfonso, perceiving the esteem in
-which he was held by other princes, with his usual selfishness resolved
-to appropriate the services of a man, which others also were desirous of
-obtaining: he made him secretary of state, and sent him on missions to
-Umbria and Milan. His stay, however, was short: very soon after his
-children had advanced to manhood, those dissensions occurred between
-them and him, which form a painful portion of Guarini's life. It is
-difficult to say who was most to blame. The poet's temper was impetuous,
-and he perhaps showed himself tyrannical in his domestic circle, at the
-same time that his nature was without doubt, on most occasions, generous
-and artless. His son had married a lady named Virginia Palmiroli, and
-continued, as is so usual in Italy, to reside with his wife under the
-paternal roof. But this arrangement became, it is conjectured, from the
-pride and imperiousness of the father, quite intolerable; and the young
-pair left the house, and instituted a suit at law to obtain such a
-provision as would enable them to live in independence. The suit was
-decided against Guarini; and his indignation, and assertion that his
-defeat was occasioned by the partiality of the duke towards his son,
-seem to evince that he had more justice on his side than we are enabled
-to discover. However this may be, he was so angry at what he considered
-the injustice of the sentence pronounced against him, that he again
-requested permission to retire from Alfonso's court. The duke granted
-his request, but not without such tokens of displeasure, as induced
-Guarini to leave Ferrara privately and in haste. He betook himself to
-the court of Savoy, where the prince willingly took him into his
-service; but the poet found that the change of masters benefited him
-little, and he was so constantly employed, that he had not even time to
-write a letter. Alfonso also set on foot some intrigues against him,
-disliking that any dependant of his should find protection elsewhere.
-[Sidenote: 1590.
-Ætat.
-53.]
-His tranquillity being thus disturbed, he hastily quitted Savoy and took
-up his abode at Padua. He here lost his wife, whom he affectionately
-names in his letters as the better part of himself; and, by the
-separation of his eldest son, and the absence of his daughters, who were
-either married or had places in the palaces of various princesses of
-Italy, his family circle was reduced to one son of ten years of age,
-whom he calls "the hope of his house, and the consolation in his
-solitude." This change gave birth to new projects in his restless mind.
-"This sudden alteration and transformation of my life," he writes to the
-cardinal Gonzaga, in a letter dated from Padua, the 20th of November,
-1591, "appears to me to be brought about by the will of God, who thus
-calls me to a new vocation. I am not so old nor so weak as to be unfit
-to make use of those talents which God has bestowed on me; and it
-appears to me that I act ill in spending without profit those years,
-which by the course of nature I could turn to the advantage of my
-family, and of my young son, whose inclination for the priesthood I am
-desirous of assisting; and I would willingly spend the remnant of my
-days at Rome, if I could obtain such preferment, as would enable me to
-proceed honourably in the advancement of my moderate expectations." This
-idea, however, was but the offspring of disappointed hopes, and it
-vanished when other prospects were opened to him; yet these were
-variable and uncertain. His life, both from the ingratitude of Alfonso
-and his own restlessness, was destined to be passed stormily; discontent
-and distrust had taken root in his mind, and existence wore a gloomy
-aspect.
-
-At length Alfonso died, and this circumstance, and the death of a
-daughter, assassinated by a jealous husband, caused him to quit Ferrara,
-and to establish himself at Florence, where he was honourably received
-by the grand duke Ferdinand. Here doubtless he might have remained in
-peace, but for the irascibility of his temper, the indignation he felt
-when his views were thwarted, and his tendency to consider himself an
-ill-used man. His younger son, whom he mentions in the letter quoted
-above with so much interest, was placed at Pisa for the sake of his
-education, where he contracted an imprudent marriage with a young,
-beautiful, and dowerless widow. Guarini was transported by rage: he
-accused the duke of abetting his son in this act of disobedience, and
-indulged in implacable anger against the youth himself, to whom he
-refused any assistance, when reduced to the most necessitous
-circumstances. Guarini exalted the paternal authority, and exacted
-filial obedience, in a manner that displayed more pride than affection.
-Now in his old age, he was at variance with nearly all his children; his
-violent expressions is a proof that he suffered; but his heart did not
-relent nor open towards them, even when death snatched them from him;
-and it is impossible to sympathise in passions, which thus centred and
-ended in himself.
-
-On leaving Florence, he visited Urbino; but, dissatisfied with his
-reception, he retired to Ferrara. The citizens deputed him to Rome to
-congratulate Paul Usur on his being created pope. It was on this
-occasion that cardinal Bellarmino reproached him for having done more
-harm to the Christian world by his Pastor Fido, than Luther and Calvin
-by their heresies--a singular denunciation--since, though the softness
-and tenderness of love, which pervades the poem, may tend to enervate;
-yet the fidelity, the devotion, and purity of sentiment, exhibited in
-the actions of the chief personages, certainly do not lay it open to
-excessive censure. Guarini retorted by a witty reply, which the respect
-paid to the cardinal by the historians, has not permitted to be
-transmitted to us.
-
-[Sidenote: 1608.
-Ætat.
-71.]
-
-This was the last public service of Guarini. A few years after he was
-invited to be present at the nuptials of Francesco Gonzaga and
-Marguerite of Savoy, during which a comedy of his was represented with
-great splendour. Chiabrera wrote the interludes, and the architect
-Viamini arranged the scenery and decorations.
-
-The last years of his life were taken up by the lawsuits, which so
-strangely chequered his career. He hired a lodging at Venice, where many
-of his causes were decided, as near as possible to the courts, and
-frequently visited that city to attend the proceedings; and he made a
-last journey to Rome at the time that two suits were decided in his
-favour. On his return to Venice he was seized by a fever, of which he
-died, after an illness of seventeen days, on the 7th of October, 1612,
-at the age of seventy-five.
-
-
-[Footnote 34: There is another letter of Guarini, dated from Cracovy,
-during his first visit to Poland, written with less personal feeling,
-and greater toleration:--"I have viewed the climate and manners of this
-country," he writes, "with infinite pleasure; mitigating the annoyances
-resulting from unusual things, by the enjoyment of unusual sights. The
-country and its inhabitants are certainly much less barbarous than is
-generally supposed; and in my opinion there would be no fault to be
-found, if the former was gifted with wine, and if the latter abstained
-from it. But I am afraid that my words will scarcely find credit with
-you, prejudiced as you are by the accounts given by the French who have
-been here. Yet I am sure you would agree with me, if you ever visited
-the country. The kingdom is extensive, rich, powerful, united, abundant,
-and peopled by a brave population. The senators display great talent
-during peace--the cavaliers valour in war: their aim is glory--their
-support liberty. The form of the government is mixed, like that of
-Sparta, but better than that. For the kingdom is neither oppressed by
-the tyranny of one, nor the insolence of a few, nor the baseness of the
-many; but having mingled the best parts of all three modes of
-government, one has resulted, in which the kingly power cannot intrench
-upon liberty, nor licence endanger the monarchy. The nobles cannot
-oppress the people, nor the people injure the nobles. Valour holds the
-first rank, nobility the second, riches the third; and every one,
-however lowly born, may nourish the expectation of rising by merit to
-the highest honours. How I wish that you had an opportunity of visiting
-it: I am certain that you would be highly pleased. A journey to France
-is more fatiguing; and after arriving in Poland, I, to whom an excursion
-to Rome used to appeal an arduous undertaking, begin to think that
-travelling is a natural state for every man."]
-
-[Footnote 35: Abate Serassi, Vita di Tasso.]
-
-[Footnote 36: Come poi per veder Argo e Micene
-Lasciassi Elide e Pisa, e quivi fussi
-Adorator di deità terrena,
-Con tutto quel che in servitù soffersi,
-Troppo nojosa istoria a te l' udirlo,
-A me dolente il raccontarlo fora.
-Si dirò sol, che perdei l' opra, e il frutto.
-Scrissi, piansi, cantai, arsi, gelai,
-Corsi, stetti, sostenni, or tristo, or lieto,
-Or alto, or basso; or vilipeso, or caro.
-E come il ferro Delfico; stromento
-Or d'impresa sublime, or d' opra vile,
-Non temei risco e non schivai fatica:
-Tutto fei, nulla fui: per cangiar loco,
-Stato, vita, pensier, costumi e pelo,
-Mai non cangiai fortuna: alfin conobbi,
-E sospirai la libertà primiera.
-E dopo tanti strazi, Argo lasciando
-E le grandezze di miseria piene,
-Tornai di Pisa ai riposati alberghi.
-* * * * *
-Ma chi creduto avria di venir meno
-Tra le grandezze, e impoverir nell' oro?
-Io mi pensai che ne' reali alberghi
-Fossero tanto più le genti umane,
-Quant' esse han più di tutto quel dovizia
-Ond' ha l' umanità si nobil fregio.
-Ma vi trovai tutto il contrario, Uranio,
-Gente di nome e di parlar cortese,
-Ma d'opre scarsa e di pietà nemica:
-Gente placida in vista e mansueta,
-Ma più del cupo mar tumida e fera;
-Gente sol d' apparenza, in cui se miri
-Viso di carità, mente d'invidia
-Poi trovi, e in dritto sguardo animo bieco,
-E min or fede allor, che più lusinga.
-Quel ch' altrove è virtù, quivi è difetto.
-Dir vero, oprar non torto, amar non finto,
-Pietà sincera, inviolabil fede,
-E di core e di man vita innocente;
-Stiman d' animo vii, di basso ingegno
-Sciocchezza e vanità degna di riso.
-L'ingannare, il mentir, la frode, il furto
-E la rapina, di pietà vestita,
-Cescer col danno e precipizio altrui,
-E far a sè, dell' altrui biasmo onore,
-Son le virtù di quella gente infida:
-Non merto altrui, non valor, non riverenza,
-Nè d' età, nè di grado, nè di legge,
-Non freno di vergogna, non rispetto
-Nè d' amor nè di sangue, non memoria
-Di ricevuto ben, nè finalmente,
-Cosa si venerabile, o si santa
-O si giusta esser può, che a quella vasta
-Cupidigia d' onori, a quella ingorda
-Fame d' avere, inviolabil sia.
-Or io, che incauto e di lor arti ignaro
-Sempre mi vissi, e portai scritto in fronte
-Il mio pensiero, e disvelato il core,
-Tu puoi pensar se a non sospetti strali
-D'invida gente fui scoperto segno.
-
-_Pastor Fido_, atto V. scena 1.]
-
-
-
-
-TORQUATO TASSO
-
-1544-1595.
-
-
-"Tu che ne vai in Pindo,
-Ivi pende mia cetra ad un cipresso,
-Salutala in inio nome, e dille poi
-Ch' io son dagl' anni e da fortuna oppresso."
-
-"Thou, who to Pindus tak'st thy way,
-Where hangs my harp upon the cypress tree,
-Salute it in my name, and say,
-I am bow'd down with years and misery."
-
-
-These few lines, which, in the simple and beautiful original, show what
-a burthen of thought and power of feeling may be compressed within the
-smallest compass that language will allow, were written by Torquato
-Tasso, during his second confinement as a lunatic in the hospital of St.
-Anne, at Ferrara, by the duke of Alfonso, his patron and his oppressor.
-They were written when all Europe was listening to the voice of his
-song, but heard not that of his complaint; in the meridian of his glory
-as a poet, and in the depth of his humiliation as a man. A spectacle
-more deplorable and repulsive could hardly be presented to the eye of
-humanity; nor a fame more enviable and attractive be contemplated by
-young "spirits of finer mould," to tempt them to hazard all perils of
-such suffering for the acquisition of such renown. This fragment--a
-specimen of thousands of fancies, no doubt, equally exquisite and
-affecting, which were continually passing through the darkened chamber
-of his mind, more dreary than the gloom of his prison-house--has been
-quoted at the commencement of this memoir, as letting the reader at once
-into the whole mystery of the poet's life, by a single flash of his
-genius affording a glance at his afflictions. What these were, a long
-and melancholy tale must unfold; what their effect was may be painfully
-conceived, when we recollect that he was scarcely turned upon _forty_,
-at the time that he sends the message to his forlorn harp in the woods
-of Pindus, that he is "oppressed with _years_ and ill fortune,"--"dagl'
-_anni_ e da fortuna oppresso."
-
-If ever man was born a poet, it might be said so of Tasso; while his
-whole manner of life, not less than its remarkable vicissitudes,
-exemplified the poetic character, as it has been idealised in our minds
-from infancy, by the impressions left upon them, both from fabling
-traditions and authentic records, concerning these privileged, but on
-the whole (perhaps) unhappy, beings. The price of greatness must be
-paid, in labour or suffering, by every man who would distinguish himself
-in any way above his fellow-creatures; and the poet (_no_ more, it may
-be, though apparently _much_ more, than the prince, the warrior, the
-statesman, or the philosopher,) must endure hardships, mental and
-personal, in proportion to his enjoyments, and be humbled in the same
-degree that he is exalted above the common lot. Among any ten names,
-which might be mentioned as having secured an imperishable pre-eminence
-beyond the probability of revolution, in the same walk of polite
-literature, Tasso's undoubtedly would be one. At what an expense it was
-acquired, we proceed to show in a train of events, almost as romantic,
-and a thousand times more touching, than any thing in his own
-diversified fictions. He was a poet in every thing and at all times,
-from infancy (if we may believe his biographers) till he died in extreme
-old age (if we measure his life by his own testimony above quoted), in
-his fifty-second year! Smiles and tears, rapture and agony, hope and
-despondency, a palace and a dungeon, were the alternations frequently
-crossing in the course of one who was the companion of princes, the
-delight of ladies, the admiration of the world,--an outcast, a wanderer,
-clothed in rags and asking bread, or the lonely tenant of a maniac's
-cell. Such was he, and such were the changes of his state.
-
-Torquato was the son of Bernardo Tasso, himself a poet of first rank in
-his generation, and who has left works, both in prose and verse, to
-which posterity is yet willing to give honour; but which suffer more
-eclipse by proximity to the surpassing splendour of his son's, than
-might have been their lot had he appeared by himself, the single one of
-his race, who had proved how hard, and yet how possible, it is to climb
-
-
-"The steep where Fame's proud temple shines afar."
-
-
-Bernardo was the descendant of an honourable line of ancestors,--one of
-whom, nearly two centuries before him, had been a benefactor to the
-public, by first introducing the method of epistolary intercourse
-through the medium of posts; and, leaving to his children the reputation
-which he had acquired in the conduct of these, they became his
-successors, not only in establishments for that purpose in their own
-country, but some of them in lands beyond the Alps. It is said that
-noble alliances were formed by various branches of the Tasso family, in
-Spain and in Flanders, while others became sovereign princes in Germany,
-that menagerie for potentates of all genera and species, from the
-two-headed eagle of Austria to the wren of * * * *. It would be
-invidious to set down one out of a hundred who might contend for the
-honour of filling up the blank, as the least of the little among the
-great. But, whatever were the hereditary glories of a name,--drawn like
-a golden chain out of the darkness of the past, and connected, as that
-of the obscurest peasant in a civilised country may be presumed to have
-been, with all the varieties of rank, all the gradations of intellect,
-and all the changes of good and evil fortune,--of all the links which
-formed that chain, those of Bernardo and Torquato were and have remained
-the most illustrious, though the consecutive or collateral series has
-been continued to the present day, when the representatives are still
-found at Bergamo.
-
-Bernardo, who was born in 1493, being left an orphan in early youth,
-with two dependent sisters to provide for out of a very slender
-patrimony, was compelled to quarter himself on the patronage of sundry
-princes and prelates, who, according to the fashion of the times--some
-from parade, and others from attachment to the noble arts,--loved to
-have men of genius and letters in their train. Many of these, indeed,
-were kept, not only to adorn their courts and swell their pomp, but were
-employed as secretaries and counsellors, as well as occasionally
-entrusted with important embassies, which, both in war and peace, were
-frequent between the commonwealths and principalities into which Italy
-was divided, and by whose conflicting interests, or under the malignant
-influence of whose petty intrigues (the rank growth of such a state of
-society), it was continually more or less distracted. Bernardo was,
-therefore, from the pressure of circumstances, a restless and homeless
-man through the principal part of his life, serving the great without
-serving himself, for precarious bread; and at once pursuing fortune and
-fame, in the vain hope of being at length--and at length--and at length
-rewarded for his fidelity to his masters with the former, and leaving an
-inheritance of the latter, which should as much exalt his family by
-distinction in literature, as others had aggrandised it by the
-acquirement of riches and alliances with rank, at home and abroad.
-
-At the age of forty-one, after a youth of liberal study, sanguine
-anticipation, and cherished but ill-directed love for a lady of great
-beauty and no less celebrity, having been praised by Ariosto--in the
-unsuccessful pursuit of which he compensated himself and delighted his
-countrymen with the blandishments of poetry,--he was at length appointed
-secretary to Ferrante Sanseverino, prince of Salerno. Him Bernardo
-accompanied through many strange vicissitudes of prosperity and
-misfortune, in the court and in the battle-field; till, at the end of a
-few years, he shared so grievously, yet so magnanimously, in the ruin of
-his patron, that, the latter being involved in a conspiracy against the
-vice-regal government of Naples, and compelled to flee into France, the
-poet followed him thither at the sacrifice of his small estate, and an
-income which had just raised him above want. Before this ebbing in the
-tide of his affairs, which, "taken at the flood" (had that not been
-arrested in its advance), he might reasonably have expected would have
-led on to fortune, he had married a lady of Naples, named Portia Rossi,
-an heiress in expectance, and of great personal and mental
-accomplishments. This was the golden age of Bernardo's life. After the
-revelry of fancy and romance which had carried him away during his
-former passion, wherein his heart had little share, the love of
-affection endeared him to his home, and he felt the transition like one
-who exclaims, "How sweet is daylight and fresh air!" after the midnight
-splendour of the ball-room, with the dream-like fascinations of music,
-dancing, and spectacle, which vanish as effectually as fairy palaces
-conjured up in the wilderness, and leave the heart desolate.
-
-While Bernardo was at Naples, he commenced a poem of the romantic class
-on the adventures of Amadis de Gaul, or "Amadigi," as the work is
-entitled. This he projected upon the regular plan of a fable, having a
-beginning, middle, and end; but he was not of sufficient authority to
-establish, by his example, a classical form of epic, though his more
-successful and more gifted son seems to have borrowed the idea of doing
-that from him. When he read the first cantos of this performance, as
-originally constructed, he observed, that though the presence chamber of
-the court of Salerno was well filled at first with eager and expecting
-auditors, before he had done nearly all of them had disappeared. From
-this he concluded (not suspecting any deficiency of power in himself),
-that the unity of action prescribed by the severer critics was, in its
-very nature, not agreeable to nature in art, knowing that he had
-punctiliously observed all the rules of the latter. This failure,
-enforced by the persuasions of his friends, and the commands of the
-prince, induced him to remodel what he had written, and elaborate the
-remainder after the precedents of Pulci, Bojardo, and Ariosto. The work
-was extended to a hundred cantos, and, when published, was so well
-received, that the author had cause to congratulate himself on having
-met the public taste and gratified it; but it was the public taste of
-the day only, for his poem passed away with the fashion of it, and is
-now remembered among "things that were," while the three productions of
-his afore-named predecessors still keep their graduated rank of ascent,
-and find readers in every age, notwithstanding all the defects and
-excesses that may be charged upon them. Bernardo's failed; less,
-perhaps, because of its inferiority, than because it did not display the
-proportionate superiority which the others had each in turn manifested
-over all its respective forerunners.
-
-It was while Bernardo resided at Sorrento, a city in the vicinity of
-Naples, where he occupied a palace overlooking the sea, happy in his
-home, and prosperous, or rather promising himself prosperity in his
-fortune, the prince of Salerno having released him from all burdensome
-duties in his service, that his son Torquato, the second of that name
-(the first having died young), was born, on the 11th of March, 1544.
-Sorrento is here put down as the birth-place of the poet, among other
-cities contending for that honour, like those seven
-
-
-----"that strove for Homer dead,
-Through which the living Homer begg'd his bread."
-
-_Ath. I._ 384.
-
-
-For of Tasso, in the sequel, a sarcasm as bitter might be recorded. A
-daughter, elder than either of the boys, was at this time growing up
-under the eyes of their parents. A letter of the father's (previous to
-_our_ Torquato's birth) to his sister Afra, who had retired into a
-convent, gives a lively glimpse of Bernardo's affectionate and domestic
-character.[37] "My young daughter is very beautiful, and affords me
-great hopes that she will lead a virtuous and honourable life. My infant
-son"--Torquato the first--"is before God our Creator, and prays for your
-salvation. My Portia is seven months gone with child; whether a son or a
-daughter, it shall be supremely dear to me; only may God, who gives it
-me, grant that it may be born with his fear; pray together with the holy
-nuns that the Almighty may preserve the mother, who in this world is my
-highest joy." It is ludicrous, yet affecting, to observe what little
-circumstances are eagerly laid hold upon after death, respecting the
-personal history of men who, during their lives, were neglected in their
-hardest trials, or oppressed in their helplessness by those who were
-bound to protect and foster them. The very hour of Tasso's birth, as
-well as the place, has been contested against his own authority: he says
-that it was four o'clock in the morning; Serassi, that it was mid-day.
-"He ought to have been born at Naples," says Manso, "though he happened
-first to appear at Sorrento." It may be settled that he was a native of
-Italy rather than of any place where he may first have seen the light,
-in a country throughout which he was a stranger and a pilgrim all his
-days. Indeed, he ought to have been born on the sea; so little claim, on
-the ground of paternal kindness shown to him, had any city in the
-peninsula to the glory of his birth.
-
-Scarcely had he been welcomed into the world under auspices so cheering
-as those recently mentioned, than the fortunes of his family took an
-adverse turn. Bernardo was summoned away from the delightful retirement
-of Sorrento, to join his patron in the war which had just broken out
-between the emperor Charles V. and Francis I., and in which the prince
-brilliantly distinguished himself. Meanwhile, if we are to believe his
-nursery traditions, the little Torquato was giving, even from his
-cradle, proofs of the spirit that was in him, scarcely less
-extraordinary than if, like Hercules, he had strangled serpents, or like
-another poet of old, attracted bees to his lips, whether to gather or to
-deposit sweetness there we need not stay to enquire. Manso, his latest
-and most munificent patron, his first and most encomiastic biographer,
-(whose memoir, like Boccaccio's of Dante, reads more like romance than
-reality in many passages, and no where more than in this instance,)
-says, that the child, even during his first year, gave evidence of the
-divinity of his genius. For scarcely had he attained his sixth month,
-when, contrary to the usage of children, he began not only to let loose
-his tongue (or to prattle _a snodar la lingua_), but even to speak
-outright, and that in such a manner that he was never known to lisp (or
-clip) his syllables, as all other infants do, but formed his words
-complete, and gave them perfect utterance. If this be true, his
-marvellous faculty of speech, like the produce of a premature spring,
-must have suffered an early blight: for he himself records that, in
-speaking, he was little favoured by nature, having an unconquerable
-impediment of tongue; whence he preferred to communicate his thoughts
-rather in writing than by the audible voice, when he meant to win
-attention or produce impression. His own testimony is so far at variance
-with the assertion of his friend Manso respecting his early fluency,
-that he appeals for confirmation of the fact that he is a stammerer
-(probably to no very inconvenient degree) to some of his correspondents.
-But we are told, on the same authority, that the infant was equally
-precocious in the faculties of the mind; that he could reason, explain
-his thoughts, and answer questions with surprising intelligence.
-Moreover, to crown the climax, it is said that he seldom cried, and
-never laughed; the only exception, it may be presumed, of a healthy
-child since the world began; but that he was grave, dignified, and sage,
-and announced by his behaviour that he was destined for some great
-design.
-
-On the return of Bernardo from the army, he enjoyed a brief prolongation
-of his domestic quiet at Sorrento, during which all that a romantic
-father and a passionately tender mother could do to awaken, cherish, and
-confirm the early intimations of transcendent intellect in their darling
-son, was employed; and such discipline, by its natural effect, no doubt,
-coloured and characterised their son's mind, in the sequel, to the end
-of life. In one of Bernardo's letters to Portia, during his late
-absence, he says, that, while he leaves to her the delicate task to
-adorn their daughter Cornelia with every virtue and accomplishment which
-becomes a maiden, he intends himself to train up their young Torquato
-for his more arduous station in society, when he should be of proper
-age. This purpose was never realised.
-
-In 1552, the prince of Salerno and his adherents being declared rebels,
-Bernardo, as one of the most attached of his friends, was included in
-the proscription: his estate was confiscated, and an income of 900 scudi
-lost; leaving him utterly destitute of resources, with the exception of
-a few valuable trinkets, and the hope of some time recovering his wife's
-dowry--a hope which outlived himself, and which he bequeathed as a
-perpetual plague of expectation and disappointment to his son, who, as
-will be seen, obtained a decree to have it, against his mother's
-brothers, nearly at his own last hour. Bernardo being thus driven into
-exile, his wife remained with the children at Naples, in very narrow
-circumstances, though amongst wealthy relatives, who seem always to have
-treated her and her offspring with unnatural hard-heartedness. Torquato,
-meanwhile, under her superintendence, was making progress in the general
-rudiments of knowledge; but especially in the acquisition of languages,
-in rhetoric, and in poetry, proportioned to the promise of his earlier
-years. His principal tutor was one Angeluzzo, at a college of the
-Jesuits, recently established in that city. So eager and intent was he
-in quest of knowledge (such as lay within his reach), that his mother,
-so far from having to urge or bribe him onward, was obliged, for his
-health's sake, to restrain him. Early and late he was at his books; and
-on the winter's mornings he was sent from his home to the school with a
-lantern and servant to conduct him. At seven years of age he was already
-a considerable proficient in the Greek and Latin tongues, and had begun
-to exercise himself in oral eloquence and written composition; but no
-genuine specimens of either of these have been preserved.
-
-The following beautiful and touching lines, in which he alludes to the
-worst period of his life,--his separation from his mother, when called
-away from Naples to join his father at Rome,--have been absurdly
-attributed to him as actually penned at this date. Hoole, and even Hunt,
-two of his modern translators, have fallen into this error; whereas a
-moment's consideration would convince any man, who understood the
-difference between adult poetry and puerile attempts at rhyming, that
-such verses, at such an age, (nine years!) would have been sufficiently
-remarkable to justify belief in the fables of his babyhood, when he sat
-talking pretty unbroken Italian on his mother's knee, before he was
-twelve months old.
-
-The passage occurs in a figurative canzonet on the river Metauso, but
-addressed to the duke of Urbino, imploring refuge and protection in his
-adversity. Though left unfinished, the fragment is acknowledged to be
-one of the most exquisitely wrought of all the author's lyrics:--
-
-
-"Me dal sen della madre empia Fortuna
-Pargoletto divelse: ah! di que' baci,
-Ch' ella bagnò di lagrime dolenti,
-Con sospir mi rimembra, e degli ardenti
-Preghi, che sen portar l' aure fugaci,
-Ch' io giunger non dovea più volto à volto
-Fra quelle braccia accolto
-Con nodi così stretti, e sì tenaci.
-Lasso! e seguii con mal sicure piante,
-Qual Ascanio, o Cammilla, il padre errante."
-
-
-"Me, from a tender mother's breast,
-Stern Fortune, while an infant, tore;
-Ah! I remember how she press'd.
-Press'd me, and kiss'd me, o'er and o'er,
-Bathed with her tears, with doleful sighs,
-Breathed for me many a fervent prayer,
-Which, ere it reach'd the skies,
-Was scatter'd by the passing air.
-
-"For I was nevermore to meet
-That parent face to face,
-Clasp'd in her clear embrace,
-With folds so strait, so binding and so sweet.
-Alas! 't was mine thenceforth to roam
-With ill-supporting feet,
-And, like Ascanius o'er the trackless floods,
-Or young Camilla, cast on wilds and woods,
-Follow a wandering father without home."
-
-
-These lines--breathing forth such grateful recollections of maternal
-tenderness, watching, weeping, praying, over a most beloved and
-affectionate child, from whom she was parting for ever, and who was
-destined to be far greater than even she, in her fondest entrancement,
-could have hoped--remind us of our own Cowper's filial reminiscences, in
-"words that weep," translating "tears that speak," on receiving, at a
-more distant period of a suffering life, his mother's picture: at sight
-of which, for a while, he lived over again, with a thousand times more
-intense delight, the scenes of infancy, renewed, like a vision of
-pre-existence in some happier state than that which had intervened since
-he had borne the burthen and heat of a long day of life consumed in
-anguish of spirit, for which, on this side of the grave, he found no
-solace, and beyond it, no hope for his bewildered mind; dark as Egypt
-under the ninth plague in that quarter, though, in every other, light as
-the land of Goshen. Between Tasso and Cowper there were many traits of
-sad as well as noble resemblance--kindred genius, a kindred malady, and
-kindred misfortunes; but not kindred alleviations: the advantage here
-was on our countryman's side; but his disease lay deeper than that of
-the former, and the symptoms, if not so violent after the first terrible
-attack, were more inveterate; so that, contemplating the fate of the
-glorious Italian under eclipse, and pitying him with a sympathy which no
-man living but himself could feel, Cowper might have drawn the same
-comparison between Tasso's case and his own, as he has done in those
-heart-wringing verses (the last which he is recorded to have composed)
-under the title of "The Castaway." These were founded upon a
-circumstance mentioned in Anson's Voyage, of a sailor who fell overboard
-in a storm, when the ship could not be stayed to rescue him, but who
-followed in its wake, crying after it, and being heard by his
-companions, while he
-
-
-----"lived an hour
-In ocean, self-upheld;
-And ever, as the minutes flew,
-Entreated help, or cried 'adieu.'"
-* * * *
-"At length he drank
-The stifling wave, and then he sank."
-
-
-The melancholy poet adds, in reference to himself, that
-
-
-"Misery still delights to trace
-Its semblance in another's case.
-* * * *
-No voice divine the storm allay'd,
-No light propitious shone,
-When snatch'd from all effectual aid,
-_We_ perish'd, _each alone_;
-_But I beneath a rougher sea_,
-_And 'whelm'd in deeper gulfs than he._"
-
-
-Both of Tasso's parents had early and deeply impressed upon his mind and
-his affections veneration and love to God. In his tenth year the Jesuit
-fathers, following up the religious instructions of this child of
-promise according to their views of the Gospel, admitted him to the
-sacrament; on which occasion, though he acknowledges, in one of his
-epistles, that he could not enter into the mystery of "the real
-presence," according to the Roman interpretation of the true and simple
-scripture doctrine of "the _communion_ of the body and the blood of
-Christ," yet, impressed with awe by the pomp of the spectacle, and
-elevated almost to transport by sympathy of devotion with the
-surrounding multitude, he received the symbol, according to his own
-ingenuous account, with "a certain indescribable and unwonted
-satisfaction." This circumstance deserves particular mention, because,
-assuredly, by such a course of domestic and school discipline the boy
-was trained up in what he understood to be genuine piety, and of which,
-through after life, he became a zealous professor, however lax on some
-other subjects his writings, and even his actions, may have been. In the
-latter respect, however, he was countenanced by the licentious manners
-of the age, and especially of that class of society, refined and exalted
-as it was, in which his lot was cast, but in which he was rather
-entertained as a guest than recognised as a member of the privileged
-order. His father, in one of his letters to his mother, says, "It is of
-the utmost importance to impress, with all your influence and authority,
-upon the infantine mind the name, the love, and the fear of God, that
-the child may learn to love and honour Him from whom he has received,
-not life only, but all the benefits and mercies of providence and grace,
-which can render man happy in this world, and blessed in that which is
-to come." In the same letter he says, "I condemn those who beat their
-children, not less than if they should dare to lay hands on the image of
-God."
-
-It was after the expatriated party to whom Bernardo belonged had planned
-an attack upon Naples, by the combined fleets of France and Turkey,
-which miscarried in a miserable piratical descent upon the neighbouring
-coast, and a disgraceful re-embarkment, that Portia and her daughter
-were received into a convent, and Torquato was sent to his father at
-Rome; who, an exile, on a bed of sickness, and in deep poverty, was
-solacing himself, amidst his misfortunes, with preparing a volume of his
-Rime for the press, and unweariedly labouring to complete his _Amadigi._
-In "the eternal city," young Tasso prosecuted his studies with
-indefatigable assiduity, and having for companion a cousin of his own
-name, Christofero Tasso, a lad of indolent habits and slow capacity. He,
-by his example and influence, for a while happily stimulated the latter
-to become a worthy competitor of himself; but he soon growing tired in
-the course, Torquato left him, and every rival beside, far behind in
-every learned and liberal accomplishment.
-
-In 1556 Portia died, at Naples, never having seen her husband since his
-original proscription. Her illness was so brief and so violent, that
-Bernardo doubted whether it was poison or a broken heart that had cut
-her off in the prime of her years,--most of which, however, had been so
-melancholy, since her happiness first seemed consummated by her union
-with the man of her choice, and in the children of their love, that
-there needed no auxiliary, in this instance, for Nature to do her work
-in the shape of death. Meanwhile Bernardo, not being permitted to return
-to Naples, was compelled, by the stress of hard circumstances, to leave
-his daughter in the hands of those whom he had but too much reason to
-call her enemies, though the nearest of kin to her deceased mother.
-These--probably from motives of rapacity, though political rancour may
-have added its malignity to the cold venom of avarice--instituted a
-process against young Torquato, to disinherit him, under a pretence
-which a fiend incarnate (had such a wanderer from the abyss of lost
-spirits been permitted to darken the earth with his shadow) might have
-blushed to advance in a court of justice,--that, having followed his
-miserable parent to Rome, the boy (at ten years of age!) had made
-himself partaker of his father's imputed treason, and thereby
-righteously exposed himself to the same penalties of exile and
-confiscation. The issue of this iniquitous proceeding does not appear,
-except it may be gathered from the fact, that the uncles contrived to
-withhold Torquato's portion of his mother's dowry from him till the last
-year of his life: and, further to secure the control, at least, of the
-property by themselves, they married her daughter Cornelia, who, at
-fifteen years, had grown up into a beauty, to a gentleman of Sorrento,
-of narrow fortune, but honourable birth, in spite of the protestations
-of her father, whose ambition had destined her for a higher and more
-wealthy alliance; his hopes and his plans being even a day's march
-beyond his power of overtaking them by performance. There is extant a
-letter written on this occasion by Torquato (probably at the dictation
-of his father) to Signora Vittoria Colonna, in which the lad bitterly
-complains against the cruelty of his uncles in forcing this match upon
-his sister; and implores her interference to prevent the entailment of
-poverty and disgrace upon the young Cornelia, by such a sacrifice of her
-person and property to the mercenary views of her relatives. "It is
-hard," says the reputed writer, "to lose one's fortune; but the
-degradation of blood is much harder to bear. My poor old father has only
-us two; and, since fortune has robbed him of his property, and of a wife
-whom he loved as his own soul, suffer not rapacity to deprive him of his
-beloved daughter, in whose bosom he hoped to finish tranquilly the few
-last years of his old age. We have no friends at Naples; our relations
-are our enemies, and, on account of the circumstances of my father's
-situation, every one fears to take us by the hand." These stern but
-tender sentiments, wrung in the agony of heart-sickness from the father,
-were written, not only by the hand of the son upon the paper of the
-epistle, but on his own heart, and became identified with his personal
-feelings through life. Though he never suffered the escutcheon of his
-family to be blemished by a humbling connection, yet he paid dearly,
-both in his affections and in his pride, to preserve it; and, if the
-tradition of his love for a princess of the house of Este be founded in
-truth, he must have felt that he was himself, in that case, playing the
-part of "some poor gentleman," whose alliance would be a degradation of
-the most ancient blood of Italy. Both the father and the son, in the
-sequel, were reconciled--first for Cornelia's sake, and afterwards for
-his own--to her husband; who proved a worthy and kind consort, with whom
-she lived happily, though not long, and by whom she had several
-children.
-
-In a letter addressed by Bernardo to his daughter, while she was yet a
-girl, occurs the following affecting day-dreams of the comforts of old
-age which he hoped to realise in her filial attentions. After exhorting
-her to mind her lessons, and promising in due time to provide a husband
-worthy of her, with whom she should live near himself, he thus fondly
-adverts to that closing scene of a troubled life, to which many a
-sufferer like him, to the last moment, looked on as a forlorn
-hope--forlorn, yet inexpressibly soothing, and cherished even in the
-heart of despair:--"Sweet and tranquil to me will be old age, when I
-shall see (as I hope it may be the will of God) myself perpetuated in
-your little ones, with my very features impictured on their
-countenances. Death will then appear to me less terrible, when,
-beholding you in honour and in peace, enjoying the love of your husband,
-and the delights derived from the affections of your children, you shall
-close with pale hands these eyes of mine. And surely it is due to a dear
-father to receive the last kisses, the last tears, and every other pious
-and tender office, from a dutiful and loving daughter."
-
-Fresh commotions in Italy rendering Rome an unsafe sojourn for the
-homeless Bernardo, he removed his son and his nephew to Bergamo, and
-fled himself to Ravenna, with two shirts and his _Amadigi_ yet
-uncompleted; as destitute as his contemporary Camoëns, when he escaped
-from shipwreck with his _Lusiad_ in one hand, and with the other
-buffeting the waves--thus saving at once his life and his immortality!
-On as troubled a sea, by land, as any breadth of water between Lisbon
-and Canton, not excepting that round the Cape of Storms, Bernardo was
-tossed to and fro throughout Italy; and continued to the last as poor,
-yet as sanguine, as the only genius that Portugal had hitherto produced,
-and proved itself unworthy to give birth to another by its neglect, if
-not its ingratitude and inhumanity, to that one. But here a gleam of
-sunshine broke upon Bernardo, amidst the darkness of his flight from
-Rome. The duke of Urbino invited him to Pesaro, and afforded him a
-welcome but temporary asylum there from the persecution of his enemies,
-and the pressure of indigence--a retreat, indeed, which he himself
-acknowledged was such as might give inspiration to any poet, and where
-lie, himself, in quiet and amidst that comfort to which he had lately
-been a stranger, might complete his long poem.
-
-Torquato for a little time was pleasantly situated at Bergamo, in the
-family of his cousin and fellow-student, where, being a boy of
-exceedingly prepossessing appearance, amiable disposition, and
-manifestly brilliant talents, he was much noticed and even caressed by
-many of the principal persons in the neighbourhood. Bernardo, however,
-anxious to have him under his own eye and direction, soon reclaimed him.
-At Pesaro, Torquato, as might be expected, won attention from the whole
-circle of his father's acquaintance; and the duke d'Urbino himself was
-so delighted with his graceful modesty and rare accomplishments, that he
-introduced him to his own son as a suitable companion in his studies and
-his pleasures. The young noble of fortune at once became attached to the
-young noble of genius, and a friendship, so natural to kindred minds
-early associated--the dawn of affection preceding the day-star of
-passion in the order of Providence--speedily sprang up, and amidst all
-the splendour of station which through life distinguished the one, and
-the sufferings by adversity which were the subsequent lot of the other,
-was never forsworn or forgotten by either. And well was the lustre, so
-transiently shed by the prince, in the court of his father, upon the
-humble son of the exile there, imperishably reflected upon himself, in
-after years, even from the dungeons of Ferrara, by the glory of the
-author of "Gerusalemme Liberata."
-
-Bernardo having at length put the finishing stroke to his _Amadigi_,
-looked to the munificence of the king of France and the prince of
-Salerno for the means of printing it. In these reliances he was
-disappointed; and it appears that his patron, the prince, was himself so
-impoverished, that the pension to the poet of 300 crowns (a poor
-compensation for all his services and sacrifices) was about this time
-withdrawn. So utterly perished were Bernardo's resources, in this
-extremity, that, according to his own lamentable statement, had it not
-been for the bounty of the duke d'Urbino, he must have been almost
-reduced to the necessity of begging bread for himself and his son. The
-duke liberally supplied him, not with bread only for himself and his
-son, but presented him with 300 ducats, to which were added a hundred
-gold crowns by the cardinal de Tournon. Hereupon he repaired to Venice,
-to publish his work. Being received with great respect by the literary
-characters of that city, then eminent for noble arts as well as
-victorious arms and prosperous commerce, he was adopted by them, and
-made secretary to their academy. To this office was annexed a salary so
-considerable, that, with his wonted improvidence, he immediately
-established himself in a handsome house, sumptuously furnished, and
-adorned with what seems to have been his delight, rich tapestry, the
-poetry of the needle and the shuttle, and which at best is but to
-painting what painting itself sometimes is to nature — a copy
-reminding the spectator of an original, of which one of the greatest
-merits of the imitation is the difficulty overcome in achieving it.
-
-Bernardo's vicissitudes would present a touching but melancholy contrast
-to those of Gil Blas of Santillane, if written in a style of seriousness
-and sympathy with what is most sacred in suffering, and trying in hope
-deferred, equal to the pungent humour and heartless indifference to what
-is "virtuosest, discreetest, best," in the characteristic adventures of
-that gay footman of fortune. But such transitions as both Bernardo and
-Torquato experienced, strange as they seem to us, were events of common
-occurrence, arising out of the state of society in the petty
-principalities and commonwealths of Italy in the middle ages, and long
-after the revival of learning, when those who followed the profession of
-letters were too often dependent for the means of subsistence upon the
-precarious patronage of haughty nobles and ostentatious ecclesiastics.
-The part which Torquato had to bear in the diversities of circumstance,
-scene, and company, into which he was thrown with his parent, was too
-well calculated to cherish and confirm all his natural aspirings; while
-those patrician sentiments, which had been instilled into him from his
-cradle, amidst poverty, ignominy, and all the wretchedness of ephemeral
-favour, ever sustained in him a lofty self-esteem, on the ground of
-honourable birth, the consciousness of innate genius, and the pride of
-acquired learning, to which had been carefully added those gentlemanly
-accomplishments which rendered him a fit companion for people of the
-highest rank in an age of extraordinary display of personal conduct and
-ceremonial bearing. Tasso, in addition to his peculiar advantages,
-excelled in all these conventional ones, except in self-control--that
-especially which degenerates into servility--for (though the most
-exquisite flatterer in the world, as thousands of panegyrical verses
-prove him to have been) he never learned the meaner, but more
-profitable, art of being a court-minion.
-
-While he was thus pursuing his studies with in defatigable application,
-he was not less diligent in cultivating those talents, which had given
-such extraordinary signs of power within him. It is stated that while,
-for the latter purpose, he was reading with intense devotion the poets
-both of old Italy and new, as well as the relics of the nobler bards of
-ancient Greece, like most of his countrymen, (perhaps, from secret
-nationality of feeling,) he preferred the Latins to these, and among the
-Latins Virgil beyond every other bore the palm in his youthful
-imagination. In fact he grew so enamoured of the graces and excellences
-of the Æneid, that his own epic became just such a work as, it might be
-presumed, Virgil himself would have composed in the same age, and under
-the same influences, as Tasso lived; while, on the other hand, had their
-births been exchanged, Tasso might have been the glory of the court of
-Augustus, and flourished then in splendour amidst the greatest and most
-intellectual society of men of talents that were ever contemporary,
-instead of being an almoner, an exile, a prisoner, beholden for food and
-raiment, in his best estate, to the bounty--or rather to the
-parsimony--of "the Great Vulgar" of Italy in the sixteenth century,
-whose names are more illustrious from having been connected with his,
-than for any record of themselves or their ancestors, which could render
-their families illustrious beyond the little boundaries of their
-domains. This supposition, in reference to Virgil and Tasso, may be
-deemed impertinent; hazardous it certainly is, and once would have been
-deemed heretical by the idolaters of the Roman poet. Though this is not
-precisely the place, yet, in a discursive memoir like the present, it
-may be allowable, to remark upon a line of Boileau, which has done more
-injury to the reputation of Tasso than all the splenetic criticisms of
-Sperone, and the verbal persecutions of the Della Cruscans. Ridiculing
-the bad taste of certain personages who haunt courts, and from their
-rank and assurance are permitted to judge as foolishly as they please of
-the merits of authors with impunity, he says (and in a note gives a
-special instance of such aristocratic wrong-headness[38]) that these
-will prefer "_à Malherbe, Théophile_," "Théophile to Malherbe,"--
-
-
-"Et le clinquant du Tasse à tout l'or de Virgile:"
-
-"And Tasso's tinsel to all Virgil's gold."
-
-
-This flippant antithesis, which, from its sparkling ambiguity, might
-itself be quoted as a specimen of sheer "tinsel" (_clinquant_), amounts
-to no more than that there are "fools," as the satirist calls them, who
-prefer what is _false_ in Tasso to what is _true_ in Virgil; but that
-the whole, the half, or even a tenth of the "Gerusalemme Liberata," of
-which he himself speaks elsewhere with sufficient commendation, is
-composed of "_clinquant_," without a greatly overbalancing weight of
-gold even in its worst parts, he has not dared to affirm, though by a
-pitiful insinuation, not less unworthy of the author than unjust to the
-object, he has had the left-handed luck to fix a stigma to that effect
-upon the fair fame of one, in comparison with whose magnificent
-creations of thought his own finely elaborated productions are but as
-"French wire" to "solid bullion." The feeble confirmation of Boileau's
-equivocal sentence, by the elegant but prejudiced Addison, is of little
-weight. The critic, who, in tracing Milton's obligations to some of his
-great forerunners, acknowledges that among these he might have included
-Tasso, but that he does not deem him "a sufficient voucher," could be
-but very imperfectly acquainted with the authority which he affected to
-disparage, but which the poet of "Paradise Lost" held in very different
-estimation. Try Boileau, when he attempts a strain of heroics, as in the
-"Ode on the taking of Namur," or Addison, in his celebrated "Campaign,"
-by any page that may be first opened in all Tasso's multifarious
-compositions in verse, and the "white plume" on the crest of Louis XIV.,
-which the court poet mistook for a star, and the destroying "angel,"
-which the court critics of queen Anne's reign hailed as descending from
-"the highest heaven of invention," and the feather metamorphosis, in the
-first instance, will be pronounced a puerile and pedantic conceit; and
-the "angel," in the second, a piece of commonplace machinery, which
-scarcely escapes the charge of profaneness in its main attribute.
-Marlborough, a mortal man, burning to avenge his country's wrongs, may
-well be imagined as slaughtering, with terrible delight, the thousands
-and tens of thousands of her enemies; but that an angel should be
-"pleased" (as the cold and heartless phrase is) in executing judgments
-upon unresisting victims of divine wrath (righteous as the vengeance may
-be) is utterly inconceivable; nor can the poet shelter himself under the
-doubtful interpretation of the context,--
-
-
-"Pleased _the Almighty's orders to perform_,
-Rides on the whirlwind and directs the storm,"--
-
-
-because the first, last, and only impression upon the reader's mind will
-be, that the destroyer is "pleased" with the _destruction_, though the
-Almighty himself declares that "_He_ hath no pleasure in the death of
-the wicked." Both these passages might have escaped carping criticism;
-but, when Boileau and Addison mislead the public to believe that Tasso's
-writings are "all tinsel," it is fair to show that their own are not
-"all gold."[39]
-
-Torquato's mind now feeling strength, and gaining confidence to
-undertake things beyond his years, he diligently gave his days and
-nights, in the intervals of severer exercises, to reading and meditating
-upon the works of his great Italian predecessors, that he might form,
-after their models, a style of verse and manner of composition which
-should rival theirs, and yet be all his own. Unconsciously, it is
-probable, at first, but gradually as he grew up, through an undefined
-period, he conceived, and, before he reached the age of eighteen, had
-executed, what Dr. Black calls "the most wonderful work that ever was
-written by man," when the youth of the author, and the short time in
-which it was composed--ten months, it is reported--are taken into the
-account. The "Joan of Arc," by our illustrious countryman, Southey,
-produced in a less compass of time, and at an age not much more advanced
-than Tasso's, may fairly be put in competition with the "Rinaldo,"
-without disparagement to either. Nothing connected with the existence of
-man, in this mysterious world, at once living within and beyond himself,
-exceeds, either in purity or intensity, the delight of youth when
-framing poetry at first according to the extent of new-formed powers,
-and anticipating poetry to come, when years shall have matured his
-faculties, and his wings, after their first moulting, shall have
-acquired full vigour of plume to bear him "with no middle flight" above
-the Aonian mounts while he pursues
-
-
-"Things unattempted yet in prose or rhyme."
-
-
-Among real "curiosities of literature" there yet remain copies of Dante
-and Petrarch, with marginal notes in Torquato's handwriting, which prove
-with what microscopic minuteness he examined and studied the productions
-of those masters of that language, to which he himself was destined to
-give consummate grace as well as power of expression--the strength of
-Dante, modified from the muscular proportions of Hercules to those of
-the fine-limbed Apollo,--the delicacy of Petrarch veiled, like the
-Medicean Venus, in the mantle of Minerva. It may here be noticed, that
-Tasso was no more an expert penman than a fluent speaker; his
-manuscripts, according to his own acknowledgment, being very
-indifferently recommended either by the fashion of the letters, or the
-correctness of the spelling. The numberless erasures, interpolations,
-and new readings, with which many of his best works, preserved in the
-library of the house of Este, are disfigured to the eye, are interesting
-marks of that process of elaboration by which he slowly but as
-effectually brought out all the hidden beauty of his thoughts, as though
-they had been suddenly conceived and perfectly expressed in the ardour
-of inspiration.
-
-During their residence at Venice, Torquato was much employed by his
-father in transcribing his own multitudinous poems and letters, as well
-as in preparing for the press the enormous length of the "Amadigi." By
-this exercise the son himself became daily more familiarised with the
-means and artifices by which those who excel others in the productions
-of their genius, form their peculiar style according to their peculiar
-standard of intellect, and identify their whole cast of thinking with
-their whole structure of language. To put a passage of an eloquent
-author to the nicest test of _touch_ (if the expression may be allowed
-for the intercourse of mind with mind, in the communication and
-reception of ideas splendidly conceived and felicitously bodied forth by
-the one, and by degrees only apprehended by the other,)--to put to the
-nicest test of _touch_, as it were, any eloquent passage of poet or
-orator, let the admirer copy it out at length, and he will find that the
-progress of mind, hand, and eye, going all together, and through every
-part, will give him the most distinct possible possession of the whole
-in its full proportion, minutest details, and utmost effect.
-
-But while thus the amanuensis of his father, Torquato was not less
-assiduously cultivating his own talents, and meditating the composition
-already alluded to, in which he was soon not only to rival the former,
-but even while a boy, and upon the enchanted ground of romance itself,
-to prove a greater magician than he. This the sudden and passionate
-admiration with which his "Rinaldo" was hailed throughout Italy, and
-beyond the Alps and Pyrenees, irreversibly established. The failure of
-Bernardo's hopes, in the neglect with which both sovereign princes and
-the reading public, after the first effervescence of applause, treated
-his "Amadigi," was nearly contemporaneous with the first triumph of his
-more fortunate son, who, so far as fame could gratify or reward his
-literary labours, may be said to have succeeded in all that he
-attempted, either in prose and verse, thenceforward, though some of his
-performances had but an ephemeral popularity, being welcomed at first,
-and afterwards formally honoured from the courtesy due to their author,
-and the measure of kindred excellence by which they were all allied to
-the happier offspring of his too prolific mind. Bernardo, after he found
-that the stupendous monument of labour in vain, which he had spent so
-many years in accumulating, was likely to be left to moulder away and
-fall of itself into oblivion,--having at its first appearance excited
-neither enough of envy or admiration to render it extensively attractive
-to public curiosity,--lay down in despondency at its base, amidst his
-perished hopes; and though he made several attempts afterwards to rise,
-these were all equally unavailing, and the latest solace of his life was
-the contemplation of that glory descending upon his son which had
-departed from him.
-
-In considering the fate, by a natural death (so to express it), after a
-date somewhat longer than that of a natural life, of those who have been
-renowned in their own age, but have dwindled into insignificance, or
-become utterly extinct in that which followed, it may be said of the far
-greater number of those who flourish among contemporaries, not, indeed,
-that they,
-
-
-"are born to blush unseen,
-And waste their sweetness on the desert air,"
-
-
-but that they are flowers which bloom in their season, and charm with
-their fragrance the passers by of one generation, then disappear, and
-are remembered no more. This is the order of Providence, and it is wise
-and good; for were the Almighty less liberal of his gifts, though the
-possessors being "few and far between" might be more admired and longer,
-the world would be less benefited than by that perpetual succession and
-supply (according to the demand for literature) of minds worthy,
-perhaps, of any age, but formed peculiarly to suit the taste, the
-manners, and the society of their own. Among Chalmers' "English Poets,"
-for example, how many names, once illustrious, now merely catalogued,
-are prefixed to works, unread though unforgotten, on which talents as
-diversified and as well cultivated as the circumstances of the times
-would allow were painfully expended, to delight and improve mankind;
-each of whose possessors hoped, besides serving his own generation, to
-leave something behind which the world would not willingly let die. Yet
-it may be questioned whether some of these, had they lived in other
-periods, or under different orders of things, might not have taken far
-higher rank among the candidates for fame, and established permanent
-claims to the veneration of posterity. Is not great genius, as we call
-it, when fortunately developed, and favoured by many contingencies,
-without which it never would have been so developed, more common than is
-generally imagined? Is there not at all times and every where a class of
-intelligences which may be trained up to become generals and captains in
-literature, in comparison with the rank and file out of which they may
-be called by peculiar events in their own or their nation's history, and
-without which they could not have risen above the ordinary state of
-their less distinguished, but, perhaps, equally capable companions; as
-the working bees in a hive, as some naturalists tell us, when their
-queen is lost or taken away from the little community, by a particular
-regimen, may be nourished up into queens, and from labourers become
-perpetuators of the race? There seems some probability for this
-hypothesis, fanciful as it may be deemed, because in all extraordinary
-emergencies, whether in the world of politics or of literature, minds of
-the first order are invariably brought into activity from the motives,
-the means, and the opportunities then afforded to them, though they
-could never have risen above the depression, mediocrity, or neutral
-indifference to which they were born, in which they had long lived, and
-must assuredly have died, had it not been for those apparently
-accidental opportunities which gave them distinction and pre-eminence,
-by a change in themselves resembling a new creation, but in reality only
-an awakening of latent powers.
-
-While Torquato was thus continually giving new pledges, and redeeming
-old ones of equal lustre, or surpassing the proudest names in his
-country's literature, the old man, from bitter but unprofitable
-experience as regarded himself, having proved the precariousness of the
-favour of princes, and the vanity of expecting fortune to follow fame in
-verse, determined to indemnify his son for the loss of both his parents'
-property by bringing him up to a profession in which wealth and honour
-might more readily be acquired by common industry than by idly looking
-for the golden rewards of genius at the hands either of aristocratic
-patrons, who bestow them as bounties, or of the multitude that compose
-the public, and who care little about the good or ill fare of those on
-whom their transient applauses are lavished.
-
-
-"So praisen babes the peacock's spotted trayne,
-And wondren at bright Argus' golden eye:
-But who rewardes him e'er the more for thy,
-Or feedes him once the fuller by a graine?"
-
-SPENSER, _Ecl. X._
-
-
-In his seventeenth year, therefore, Bernardo placed his son at Padua, to
-study jurisprudence, as Petrarch and Ariosto had been condemned to do
-before him, by prudent parents, and like each of those hopeful sons, who
-were
-
-
-"born a father's hopes to cross,
-And pen a stanza when he should engross,"
-
-
-Torquato (though it is said that he dutifully and diligently applied
-with his head to the study of the law) gave his heart and his hand in
-secret to the unportioned muse. The issue of this affiance, while he was
-yet embroiled in the nets of legal precedents and practice, was the
-"Rinaldo" already mentioned, a romantic poem, in twelve cantos. The hero
-is not his own champion of that name, the glory of his later poems, but
-one of "the million" that figure in the "Orlando Furioso"--a work which
-so possessed the mind of young Tasso, while he was at Venice, that he
-tells us he could not sleep for the fame of Ariosto. This juvenile
-performance is written more after the manner of that inimitable master
-than the "Gerusalemme;" but, though deficient in the humour and vivacity
-which constitute the all-binding and assimilating spell of Ariosto's
-tissue of episodes, and by which the reader is reconciled to wink at all
-the author's incongruities and caprices, Tasso's poem, nevertheless, by
-a more serious kind of magic, laid hold upon public feeling and so
-happily hit the expiring taste of his countrymen for the extravagances
-of chivalrous fiction, that where his father, after years of hard toil
-in the same fields had miscarried, the son, in ten months, achieved a
-triumph, of which the trophies remain to this day; "Rinaldo" being yet
-one of the metrical romances which are interwoven with the party
-coloured staple of Italian literature.
-
-Well might Bernardo be astonished and delighted, yet humbled and
-chagrined (in some measure), when the manuscript of his son's poem was
-presented to him, seeing himself already eclipsed in his meridian
-altitude (which he fondly imagined he had attained in the "Amadigi") by
-this morning-star of promise just "flaming in the forehead of the orient
-sky;" and perceiving, as he must have done, that his purpose was for
-ever thwarted, of placing the boy in that path where fortune scatters
-her golden apples before the feet of competitors in the race for her
-favour, rather than indulging them with golden dreams under the shadows
-of laurels planted by the wayside, the most precious rewards which she
-bestows on the most successful among poets. The father, however, was too
-great a lover of song to ruin a good poet in making a bad lawyer, as
-might have been the case had he persevered in his former views with his
-son. Wherefore, after some delay, he reluctantly, yet willingly, (a
-state of mind perfectly possible, though hard to reconcile,) gave his
-consent to the publication of the "Rinaldo." He who in the letter to his
-daughter formerly quoted, so tenderly and beautifully anticipated the
-happiness of being himself, with his very features, perpetuated in her
-infant progeny, could not but be transported to see himself, with the
-features of his very soul, perpetuated in the glorious offspring of his
-son's congenial yet surpassing mind. With a smile and a sigh, therefore,
-he permitted the poem to appear, surrendering at the same time his
-cherished expectation of seeing that son as eminent in the law as he was
-now likely to be in that which is remotest from law practice and law
-profits. "Let who will make the laws," said Fletcher of Saltoun, "let me
-make the songs of a people, and by these I will govern them." Tasso's
-songs have assuredly had larger dominion, and had deeper, wider, more
-enduring influence in modifying the subsequent character of his
-countrymen than any legislative enactments, in which it may be imagined
-that he would never have been concerned, could have exercised. But then
-he might have enriched and ennobled himself; he might have escaped most
-of the calamities which hunted him to death in the midst of life; and he
-might not only have been happier himself, but a more useful member of
-that society in which he was born, which he served in his day, and in
-which he died without any monument except some splendid sculpture to
-record his name. It came otherwise to pass; and whether the world has
-been made better or worse by his labours, it must be acknowledged that
-the fame which he sought, and for which he sacrificed all beside, was
-dearly purchased to himself by the sufferings which it cost him to win.
-It is reported that when Bernardo remonstrated with him on his
-indiscreet preference of philosophy (for with him philosophy and poetry
-were identified) to jurisprudence, and angrily demanded, "What has your
-philosophy done for you?" he replied, "It has taught me to bear with
-meekness the reproofs of a father."
-
-The appearance of Torquato's "Rinaldo" was not only the dawn of his own
-day of glory, but the dawn of a new day in the literature of his
-country. The age of absolute romance was succeeded by one of transition
-in public taste, during which what was most truly wonderful and
-meritoriously captivating in the wild fictions of knight-errantry was
-engrafted upon a stock of classical invention, design, and execution.
-This was in fact the nearest recurrence that could be made in epic
-poetry to the models of the ancients,--for the mythological machinery of
-Greece and Rome could not again be revived in poetry any more than in
-religion; Jupiter could never again resume his thunder and his throne;
-Neptune his trident; Pallas her ægis, or Venus her cestus; nor could
-the supernatural interposition of the supreme God, the agency of angels
-and sainted spirits, or of Saturn and his legions, be extensively
-employed (without constructive irreverence, not to say rank blasphemy)
-as auxiliaries in heroic fable, disguised as true history, or true
-history disguised as heroic fable. Tasso, Marino, Camoëns, and Milton
-have indeed presumed upon the perilous experiment of enlisting the
-armies of heaven and hell in conflict with each other, and intermeddling
-with earthly affairs; yet, with the exception of our countryman--and he
-would be a bold critic who should dare to arraign him for impiety in the
-use of what nothing but the most signal, unexampled, and inimitable
-felicity of success could justify,--it may be added, that he would be a
-critic not less bold, who, as a believer in the Christian faith, should
-venture to defend even Milton to the extent in which he has exercised
-this questionable, though hitherto unlitigated, license of
-fiction;--with the exception of our countryman, the authors aforenamed
-have, for the most part, grievously miscarried in the management of
-their agents of this class, whether good or evil, these being among the
-most indifferent and ineffective personages in their respective poems.
-Epic poetry, indeed, either upon classic or romantic precedent, may be
-said to have become extinct from the time of Tasso. "Paradise Lost"
-cannot be classed with either; he having achieved the only work of the
-kind, which, being neither the one nor the other, but combining the
-merits of each, touched the point beyond which improvement could not be
-carried. He may be said to have lived in the last age in which
-supernatural agents and miraculous interventions could be successfully
-introduced into narrative verse, as being consistent with popular
-credulity or superstitious belief--an absolutely indispensable requisite
-for the employment of such means to illustrate human affairs. For
-example, a poem equal to Homers or Ariosto's, written now on the plan,
-and with the gods of the one or the enchantments of the other, would be
-insufferable: no power of genius could create an interest in behalf of
-Apollo and Venus, no longer believed in by the poet or by his readers;
-nor would the achievements of giants and witches, if celebrated by one
-born in this "age of reason," find mercy from criticism, or indulgence
-even from the vulgar students of our _penny_ literature. Monk Lewis's
-Tales of Wonder, and the monstrosities of the German drama, have been
-long ago forgotten; the "Michael Scott" of the great minstrel "of that
-ilk!" alone keeps his ground; but all the other preternatural machines
-of the same creative hand would have perished utterly, had they not been
-associated with records of the doings and sufferings of beings of flesh
-and blood like ourselves, though existing in a state of semi-barbarous
-society exceedingly different from our own.
-
-The "Rinaldo" was the first form of the abstract conception of a regular
-poem, at once to rival Virgil and Ariosto, which originated in the mind
-of Torquato while yet a youth of seventeen, but was not wholly developed
-till, at twice that age, he had produced the "Gerusalemme Liberata." All
-the characteristics of his peculiar genius are perceptible in the
-incidents, style, embellishments, and conduct of this juvenile essay;
-which, contrasted with the matured form and perfect majesty of that
-later offspring of his genius, is, as his own Gabriel, sent to comfort
-Godfrey, at the opening of the siege of Jerusalem:--take the image in
-Fairfax's version,--
-
-
-"A stripling seem'd he, thrice five winter's old,
-And radiant beams adorn'd his locks of gold,"--
-
-
-compared with Milton's "Raphael," "in prime of manhood, where youth
-ended," alighting on the eastern cliff of Paradise, where,--
-
-
-"like Maia's son he stood,
-And shook his wings, that heavenly fragrance fill'd
-The circuit wide."[40]
-
-This prodigy of youthful genius no sooner appeared than it was hailed
-with acclamation throughout Italy, and eager inquiries from every
-quarter were made concerning the author--that prodigality of praise
-might be lavished upon him by the learned, and parsimony of recompence,
-doled out to him by princes, ambitious of attaching so great a "natural
-curiosity" to the collection of live rarities about their palaces. For
-the great of those times coveted the glory, little as they liked the
-expense, of retaining men of talents in the train of their sycophants
-and dependents, even when they regarded them only as remarkable among
-their species, in the same manner as the lions, tigers, eagles,
-peacocks, and other strange and beautiful animals in their menageries
-were in comparison with the meaner ranks of brutes. Ariosto, who had
-experienced all the bitterness of such favour, and felt keenly the
-ignominy of such distinction, plainly tells us, that the patrons of his
-day loved those of their parasites who would minister to their personal
-necessities, pull off and on their boots, share in their orgies, and
-pander to their vices,--rather than those, whose proud stomachs
-disdained to allow them to be any thing less than themselves within the
-precincts of courts,--poets among princes, who could give enduring
-lustre to the names of inglorious patrons, which otherwise would have
-found no better memorial than the registers of their births, marriages,
-and deaths in their family genealogies.
-
-After Torquato's emancipation from the trammels of law by the hand of
-the parent who had so carefully involved him in them,--flushed with the
-new wine of liberty, obtained at the surrender of every thing else in
-prospect, and with nothing but itself in possession,--he repaired to
-Bologna, to pursue his philosophical studies and indulge in his poetical
-passion;--for poetry was truly to him a passion, and the ruling one of
-his existence,--honour, fortune, ease, pleasure, were all in turns but
-ministers _to_ this, while _by_ this he aimed at the acquisition of each
-of them, as the one or the other were, for the moment, the object of
-desire or the subject of lamentation for having lost it. But from Bologna
-he was expelled for a literary squib, the only thing of the kind by which
-he has gained any celebrity, whether it were his own or not. Some
-anonymous censor had been amusing himself with publishing pasquinades,
-ridiculing the principal people of the city, as well as the students of
-the college, with "much malice and a little wit." Those who were exposed
-to these sarcasms were exceedingly galled by the firing from this
-ambuscade of the pen, and the more so as they knew not on whom to wreak
-their vengeance. Torquato, in the reckless gaiety of a youth of twenty,
-on a certain occasion making himself merry among his companions by
-repeating one of these, was immediately pounced upon as the author, not
-only of the unlucky lines, with which he had been caught in his mouth,
-but he was assailed as being the secret manufacturer of all the rest. It
-was in vain that he denied the charge indignantly, and challenged his
-accusers for the proofs, urging that he himself had been the butt of the
-sharp-shooter's shafts, flying out of darkness and hitting in broad day.
-His papers were seized and examined before the criminal magistrate; but
-nothing being discovered to fix the imputation upon him, he was
-nominally acquitted, though the suspicion was not so easily effaced from
-the minds of the offended individuals. He took the matter himself in
-such dudgeon, that he precipitately left Bologna, and removed to Padua,
-whither he had been Invited by his early friend Scipio Gonzaga, who had
-lately established in the latter city the academy _Degli Eterei_, of
-which Tasso--certainly one of the most congenial spirits of the age--was
-worthily enrolled a member, and, according to the pedantic fashion of
-those pompous but puerile institutions, assumed the name of
-_Pentito_--for some fanciful reason not well explained, though there has
-been no small wrangling about it.
-
-To enlarge his mind, to exalt his imagination, and to enrich his
-eloquence, Torquato now devoted much of his attention to the works of
-Aristotle and Plato; but while the former subjected his reason to the
-severest discipline in the ascertainment of principles of truth, he gave
-his whole soul to the guidance of the latter, whose visionary splendour
-and profound speculations, on subjects the highest that created
-intelligences can conceive, and of which comparatively so little can be
-learned without "light from heaven" to illumine the "light of
-nature,"--while infinite space is afforded for everlasting conjectures,
-showing at once the capabilities and the limitations of the human
-intellect,--these peculiarly suited the young student's cast of thought
-and intense delight in contemplating the things that are invisible and
-eternal, as associated with things seen and perishable. Nor was the
-philosophical poet an unworthy disciple of the poetical philosopher,
-even upon his own ground and in his own style. Many of Tasso's sublimest
-compositions are in the form of dialogues, in which he discourses with
-an elevation of sentiment and a power of diction which might have gained
-admiration in the school of his master himself.
-
-Meanwhile the germ of his great poem, which had been quickened, probably
-not later than the publication of the "Rinaldo," was growing up in his
-thought,--for Tasso, by the necessity of his nature, was ever ruminating
-on some premeditated or progressive theme; and some mightier conception
-followed the disburdenment of every matured production of his
-inexhaustibly inventive genius. While this new and magnificent project
-was gradually assuming shape and character before he entered upon the
-deliberate execution of it, he prepared himself for the task by
-composing his "Discourses on Heroic Poetry," which place him among
-critics in as high a rank as that which he holds among poets. The merit
-of these essays, indeed, is so remarkable, that his principal English
-biographer, Mr. Black, is almost seduced by them to assert the
-universality of the author's genius, in the following plausible remark
-and happy quotations from high authority concerning another
-extraordinary poetic genius, which seemed capable of excelling in
-whatever it undertook, whether in prose or rhyme:--"Of the 'Discourses
-on Heroic Poetry' there appear to have been four, only three of which
-have been printed. Though composed at the age of twenty, and published
-without the knowledge and corrections of the author, they are
-exceedingly valuable; and while they display a most refined taste,
-discover also much metaphysical acuteness and geometrical precision.
-Indeed, I am more and more of opinion that what Mr. Stewart says of
-Burns is true in general of every great poetical genius, 'All the
-faculties of Burns's mind,' says he, 'were, as far as I could judge,
-equally vigorous; and his predilection for poetry was rather the result
-of his own enthusiastic and impassioned temper, than of a genius
-exclusively adapted to that species of composition.'"
-
-In this year, 1564, Torquato visited his venerable father, now literally
-"_dagl' anni e da fortuna oppresso_," "borne down by years and evil
-fortune." The transport of affection with which two of the greatest men
-of their age, in the most seductive walk of human ambition, met at
-Mantua, in the relationship of parent and offspring, must have been
-chastened, yet rendered more exquisitely endearing, when the father,
-from his own sad experience, must have foreseen, by "his prophetic
-soul," the sorrows to come which his son would encounter in the course
-that he had chosen; while the son, with emotions not less painful, must
-have looked upon his father, remembering the sorrows past, which he had
-endured in the vain pursuit of fame from the multitude, and fortune from
-patrons, in whose cause he had sacrificed two sources of competence--his
-own small patrimony, and his wife's dowry.
-
-During this visit the youth was attacked by a dangerous illness, from
-which being rescued by the skill of a physician named Coppino, the
-grateful father rewarded the doctor with the fee of a stanza to his
-honour in a new poem, entitled "Floridante," which the aged minstrel,
-whom no medicine could cure of the disease of rhyme, was composing in
-his seventy-third year. This daughter, as she might be called, of his
-"Amadigi," to which it is a sequel, and his own last child of
-imagination, proved as short-lived as its romantic, and almost as its
-natural, parent, though the dutiful Torquato endeavoured himself to
-revive it, in his own dark days; but "Floridante," of whom it could not
-be said that "she had no poet," died though she had two, and those of no
-mean name. Bernardo Tasso himself survived for five years, dying in
-1669, at the age of seventy-six. However undervalued by posterity, he
-was unquestionably the greatest poet who had appeared between Ariosto
-and his son Torquato.
-
-About this time Torquato received an intimation that the cardinal
-d'Este, brother to the duke of Ferrara, had nominated him one of his
-personal attendants, and expected him forthwith in that city.
-Notwithstanding the warnings of his father's old friend, Sperone, and
-afterwards his own, Zoilus, who, exasperated by the disappointment of
-hopes of preferment which he had cherished when he went to Rome, gave
-loose to the most violent invectives against courts and courtiers, and
-earnestly dissuaded Torquato from trusting himself where nothing but
-allurements to ruin would be placed in his way, from which it was hardly
-possible for virtue to escape unscathed or uncorrupted, the young poet,
-however, determined not to profit by the experience of the old one, but
-to learn for himself what experience alone can teach, and what he indeed
-learned at an awful cost in the issue. He resolutely, therefore,
-determined to put both his virtue and his fortune to the hazard of
-temptation, not doubting that he could secure the former and advance the
-latter, where the most illustrious court in Italy was held by a
-descendant of the patron of Ariosto. Accordingly he hastened to Ferrara,
-anticipating every thing that _never_ came to pass, except the one thing
-on which, indeed, his mind was most bent, that there he should complete
-his contemplated epic, and establish a name which should associate him
-with the most renowned of his predecessors. What a bright morning was
-that, forerunning a day of darkness and despair, on which he entered the
-city, happily unsuspecting the troubles that awaited him there! The
-kings of England, of the house of Hanover, are lineally descended from
-the family of Este. These much celebrated princes, in the best period of
-their ascendency, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were
-the magnificent, if not the liberal, patrons of most of the men of
-genius in the finer arts who were contemporary with them; and none was
-more so than the reigning duke, Alfonso II., under whose benign
-influence for a while, but under whose blighting displeasure afterwards,
-poor Tasso flourished and faded.
-
-On the last day of October, 1565, Torquato arrived at Ferrara, where the
-most superb preparations were making for the nuptials of Alfonso with
-Barbara, daughter of the emperor Ferdinand, and sister to Maximilian II.
-He was cordially welcomed, and immediately received into the service of
-the duke's brother, cardinal Luigi, whose establishment consisted of
-nearly 800 persons, ministering to his pleasure or subsisting on his
-bounty. This prince was not less dignified than his brother, but
-altogether more amiable and engaging. On the 2d of December the queen
-(as she was styled from her imperial lineage) entered Ferrara, crowned,
-and accompanied by a gorgeous retinue. The marriage was celebrated by a
-succession of the most imposing spectacles and profuse festivities,
-which continued for six days, when they were suddenly broken off on the
-arrival of intelligence of the death of the pope, Pius IV. Among the
-throng of the great and the small, who had assembled from all parts of
-Italy to witness the tournaments, the pantomimes, the balls, and the
-banquets given on this occasion, Torquato was but a solitary unit;
-observing and treasuring up in his memory all that he saw and heard, as
-materials for celebration in another form of the same scenes of luxury
-and splendour upon a grander scale, and, though in an ideal field, of
-more enduring exhibition. Myriads of eyes may have glanced upon the
-contemplative youth, and passed over him as one of the most
-insignificant personages in the city; but, after the lapse of nearly
-three centuries, even these gorgeous ceremonials are principally
-subjects of interest because he was present at them. Not a human being
-in existence at this remote period (one might imagine) can feel any
-personal sympathy with the bridegroom, the bride, or any other actor or
-spectator, native or stranger, upon the spot; yet even "the
-representation of the Temple of Love, which was erected in the ducal
-gardens, with a stupendous scenery of porticoes and palaces, of woods
-and mountains," is worthy of being remembered, because of the
-far-surpassing glory of imaginative palaces and gardens which were
-suggested to the admiring poet by the tawdry pageant, "which lasted six
-hours _without appearing tedious to the spectators_," as Muratori
-states; though, according to the pithy remark of Gibbon, the latter is
-"the most incredible circumstance" connected with the whole account.
-
-During the four months which intervened between the demise of Pius IV.
-and the election of a new pope, who assumed the name of Pius V.,
-Torquato's patron, the cardinal Luigi, being absent, he was left at
-Ferrara to make his way into favour wherever an opening might be
-presented; and it was then that he became more particularly acquainted
-with the princesses Lucretia and Leonora of Este, by whom he was brought
-under the notice of their brother the duke, who, after all that has been
-said and conjectured, seems never to have regarded him otherwise than
-with stately or selfish condescension. That a youth so gifted with
-genius, so early distinguished among his countrymen, favoured by nature
-with more than ordinary personal advantages, and in many other ways
-gallantly accomplished, should have attracted the esteem of these
-illustrious ladies, who appear to have been more than mere court
-beauties, both in intellect and sensibility, delighting in poetry, and
-occasionally exercising themselves in it, was almost a necessary
-consequence of the parties becoming acquainted. Under such
-circumstances, nothing could be more natural than that, on either side,
-secret presentiments of the most gratifying kind should unconsciously
-spring up and be covertly cherished by the several individuals; never,
-indeed, as must be inferred from the sequel, to be fully disclosed, nor
-even, perhaps, perfectly understood by themselves. If, in the age of
-chivalry, it was imperative upon true knights to assert the beauty and
-maintain the honour of their ladies in all due seasons, and in all
-proper places, it was, in the seventeenth century, equally the duty of
-true poets to celebrate the same virtues and adornments in their verses
-upon those of the better sex, who were either their mistresses or their
-patronesses. Torquato, dazzled by the transition from schools, law
-offices, and colleges of philosophy, to the court region of enchantment,
-has described his own emotions and the influence of the change upon him
-in the language which he puts into the mouth of _Tirsi_ (the
-representative of himself in his "Amintor"), where, after taking
-vengeance on his father's friend, but his own very questionable one
-(Sperone), for having dissuaded him from going to the city, which, he
-assured him, was given up wholly to deceit, voluptuousness, avarice, and
-ambition, the shepherd tells his companions how bravely he was disabused
-when he beheld the marvellous reality; for there, "as gracious heaven
-would have it, I happened to pass near the blissful dwelling, whence
-issued sweet, harmonious voices of swans, of nymphs, of syrens--heavenly
-syrens! and sounds of music soft and clear, with other ravishments so
-strange, that for a while I stood entranced with joy and admiration."
-Being courteously invited to enter by one of noble aspect, who appeared
-the guardian of the enchanted spot, he exclaims, "O then what saw, what
-felt I? I beheld nymphs, goddesses, and minstrels--luminaries new and
-beautiful--all without veil or cloud, as to the immortals, scattering
-silver dews and golden rays, Aurora seems; Apollo and the Muses, too, I
-saw, and in that moment felt myself as growing greater. Filled with new
-virtue, new divinity, I sang of wars and heroes, disdaining my rude
-pastoral pipe. But though I soon returned to these calm shades (to
-please another), I still retained a portion of that nobler spirit; my
-simple reed no longer warbled as before, but, rivalling the trumpet,
-filled the woods with notes more lofty and sonorous. Mopso (Sperone)
-heard it, and, with evil eye, looked on me and bewitched me, so that I
-grew hoarse, and long continued mute. The shepherds thought I had been
-glared at by a wolf--a wolf, indeed, he was to me!" The last allusion is
-to Sperone's savage criticisms on the "Gerusalemme," when submitted to
-his examination in manuscript. Torquato, however, had reason to think,
-after years of disappointing experience, that Sperone's notions of
-courts and courtiers were quite as near the truth as his own, during his
-first visit and sojourn at Ferrara.
-
-Of the duke, his brother the cardinal, and their three sisters, it is
-recorded that thirteen years before this date, on a public occasion, in
-presence of their father, Hercules II., and pope Paul III., the
-"Adelphi" of Terence, in the original, was recited by them with great
-spirit and effect, the parts being sustained by the princesses Anna,
-aged twelve, Lucretia, eight, Leonora, six, the princes Alfonso, ten,
-and Luigi, five years of age. Mr. Black observes, with apparent justice,
-that the court of Alfonso united, "like the poems of Tasso, classic
-elegance with the richness of romance; and every thing conspired to
-kindle the fancy and refine the taste of the youthful bard."
-
-Anna, the eldest of the three sisters above named, in 1548 was married
-to the celebrated Francis, duke of Guise, and, after his decease, to
-James of Savoy, duke of Nemours. Lucretia, some years later than Tasso's
-arrival at her brother's court, was married to the prince of Urbino,
-only fifteen years old, when she herself was thirty-seven. This was one
-of those state alliances which so little resemble treaties of peace,
-that they deserve to be branded as treaties of discord, in which royal
-and noble parents sacrifice their children, if not to Moloch, at least
-to Mammon--nay, too often to both,--for purposes of family
-aggrandisement, by adding territory to territory, and confounding blood
-with blood. On the occasion of these unhappy nuptials, Tasso, "as in
-duty bound," wrote an epithalamium, which had, in its predictions of
-felicity, the equivocal qualification for excelling in that kind of
-poetry which Waller, with experienced adroitness, hinted to Charles II.,
-when rallied by his majesty on having composed a far finer panegyric on
-Cromwell than on himself--the qualification of fiction; for scarcely had
-the ill-paired couple had time to fall out, when the gallant prince left
-his bride to volunteer in a crusade against the Turks, with whom
-everlasting warfare, in every petty form of hostility, was wont to be
-carried on by the states of Italy. The union ultimately was dissolved,
-without the intervention of death; and Lucretia, as duchess of Urbino,
-returned to Ferrara. For many years afterwards, she was, more openly
-than either her brother or her younger sister, the patron of Tasso, and
-to her are some of his most graceful lyrics addressed.
-
-Leonora, the third and younger sister, remained unmarried. Being highly
-attractive in person, in manner, and in mind, it is no wonder if
-Torquato, having many opportunities of ingratiating himself in her
-favour, should be gradually betrayed, under the guise of that romantic
-strain of adulation to rank and beauty (especially in verse) which the
-fashion of the times not only tolerated but sanctioned, to insinuate all
-the fervour of a passion which, though hardly aware of it himself, and
-altogether unacknowledged by its sensitive object, might yet be
-harboured in the bosoms of both, though so secretly, that each more
-complacently and jealously watched the symptoms of a tender attachment
-in the other, than cared to examine the reality of the same in
-themselves. The mystery, thus cherished, for the tantalising delight of
-a hope too remote to be fulfilled, except at the sacrifice of every
-thing but that love, for which, if true, nothing might be deemed too
-much to be sacrificed, has never been cleared up, and all reasoning and
-conjecture on the subject, at this distance of time, must be vain. It
-has been with equal confidence both affirmed and denied, that the poet
-imprudently aspired to the hand of the princess, and that the princess
-as imprudently surrendered her heart to the poet, though, from
-necessity, she withheld her hand. From the numberless _canzoni_ and
-_sonetti_, of which love is the theme, among the _rime_ of Tasso, no
-premises towards the solution of this problem can be drawn. Dante and
-Petrarch, in all their effusions of the kind, are constant each to his
-respective mistress. Beatrice and Laura are the perpetual idols of their
-amorous devotion; but to so many--or, if to one, under so many different
-names and characters,--are Tasso's adorations addressed, that he may
-have had fifty fits of passion for as many flames, and been as true in
-turn to each and equally volatile to all. It is, however, a remarkable
-circumstance, that three of the greatest poets of Italy should owe as
-much of their posthumous renown to their questionable love as to their
-acknowledged genius, having been avowedly attached to ladies whose very
-existence is unascertained at this day, though volumes have been
-written, proving nothing more than (to borrow the comprehensive judgment
-of sir Roger de Coverley) that "much may be said on both sides."
-
-In the mean time, whatever was the subsequent conduct of Alfonso towards
-Tasso, there seems to be no doubt that, for a considerable period during
-which the poet was engaged upon his great work, the duke countenanced
-him in the way most agreeable to his literary ambition and his personal
-vanity; for he loved rich apparel, splendid apartments, sumptuous fare,
-and to be associated with persons of the highest rank--feeling that he
-could adorn and dignify the circle in which he moved, both as a man of
-genius exalted above competition by intellectual endowments, and as a
-man of the world qualified to shine in external demeanour among
-gentlemen and soldiers as well as among students and men of letters.
-During this prosperous period--when the smiles of princesses, who were
-pleased to receive the homage of his muse, flattered his gentler
-affections, and the favour of sovereigns gratified the pride of a heart
-easily elevated to an eminence of self-satisfaction, from which the fall
-when it came was the more terrible, and the dashing to pieces of its
-hopes and its claims the more humiliating and deplorable--Tasso
-accompanied the cardinal Luigi as legate to the court of France. Here
-his fame had prepared the way for his reception with peculiar honour by
-Charles IX., himself both a lover of verse and a versifier. It is said
-that the king offered the poet some splendid presents, which the latter
-declined to accept, though he was so scantily provided with a wardrobe,
-that he left the kingdom, at the end of twelve months, in the same suit
-of clothes in which he entered it. The snake has but one skin, but while
-that is wearing out another is forming beneath: it would be well for
-poets, who live on court expectations, if they were as well provided.
-
-As not many personal anecdotes are related of our poet, two or three
-indifferent ones may be given here as specimens of the tone of his
-conversation and address in public. A poet of some repute having
-committed a crime for which he was condemned to die, Tasso resolved to
-obtain, if possible, a mitigation of the punishment. At the palace he
-learned that the sentence was about to be executed immediately.
-Undiscouraged, however, he pressed forward; and being admitted to the
-presence, he thus addressed the king:--"May it please your majesty, I am
-come to implore you to put to death a wretch, who has brought disgrace
-upon philosophy, by showing that she cannot stand out against human
-depravity." The king, struck with the turn of the request, spared the
-criminal. Being asked by his majesty one day, "Whether men most
-resembled God in happiness, in sovereign power, or in the ability to do
-good?" Tasso replied, "Men can resemble God only by their
-virtue."--Again, before the same monarch a discussion was held to
-determine what condition in life is most unfortunate. "In my opinion,"
-said Tasso, "the most deplorable condition is that of an impatient old
-man, borne down by poverty, who has neither fortune to preserve him from
-want, nor philosophy to support himself under suffering."
-
-In the course of this journey, whatever he may have gained in honour at
-the French court, gratification in the society of eminent
-contemporaries, and knowledge of the country and people of his hero,
-Godfrey, Torquato lost the favour of cardinal Luigi, as Ariosto
-forfeited that of the cardinals kinsman and predecessor, Hippolyto of
-Este; though not for the same reason--want of servility to his highness
-(Luigi probably not exacting such base homage as Ariosto's barbarian
-patron had done), but for having manifested more zeal for the catholic
-faith than, in the opinion of some of his confidants, was deemed politic
-at a time, when, for the most treacherous purposes, previous to the
-massacre of St. Bartholomew, the protestants were treated with unwonted
-indulgence, to throw them off their guard. Hereupon he returned to
-Italy, though not immediately to Ferrara; for, travelling in company
-with Manzuoli, the secretary of the late embassy, we find that he
-arrived at Rome in January, 1572. Here he was cordially welcomed by many
-of his father's old acquaintances, as well as greatly distinguished for
-his own sake. Pope Pius V. honoured him with an audience, and the
-privilege of kissing his foot.
-
-Through the mediation of the duchess of Urbino and Leonora, he was soon
-afterwards formally admitted into the service of Alfonso, with a pension
-of a hundred and eighty gold crowns a year, and the understanding that
-no personal duties would be required of him; but that he should be at
-liberty to pursue his studies and finish his poem at his own leisure.
-Generous as this provision undoubtedly was, it yet made him a captive in
-golden chains, too weak to bind the limbs, but strong enough to enthral
-the soul and enslave the mind. So, at least, Torquato found his
-obligation; and even when on both sides it had been broken, after his
-second imprisonment, he was never in spirit enfranchised from the yoke
-of Alfonso, till death set him free. His own testimony concerning his
-patron's munificence at this time, long after he had lost his favour, is
-honourable to both:--"He raised me from the darkness of my low estate to
-the light and glory of his court; he removed me from penury to
-abundance; he exceedingly enhanced the value of my works, by often and
-willing listening while I read, and treating their author with every
-mark of esteem. He placed me at his table, and countenanced me with his
-personal attention; and he never denied me a favour which I requested."
-
-Under these auspices, while Tasso was still vigorously prosecuting that
-splendid crusade of his muse, the poetical siege of Jerusalem, and had
-now nearly made himself master of it for an everlasting stronghold of
-his poetical sovereignty, his exuberant mind poured out multitudes of
-sonnets, canzoni, and other miscellanies in verse and prose--almost
-entirely on transient themes, love fancies, and panegyrical attempts--
-
-
-----"to give a deathless lot
-To names inglorious, born to be forgot."
-
-
-Among these, in the composition of which it might be questioned whether
-he was wasting his genius or cultivating it, he produced something more
-excellent, in the form of a pastoral drama. Accordingly, the most
-beautiful offspring of his imagination--so far as refers to exquisite
-grace of diction, and consummate skill in adorning a subject altogether
-artificial, and feigning a state of society that never did, never could,
-never ought to exist,--in a story not very natural though the incidents
-are few, nor very happily connected or intelligibly developed,--his
-"Aminta" appeared, written in flowing verse of various measures without
-rhyme, and enriched with lyric chorusses of extraordinary elegance. How
-the public exhibition of such a drama could be tolerated, before the
-most exalted personages of the state, ladies of the highest character,
-and religionists of the most plausible professions, is very difficult
-for us, in our cold climate, and with our severer as well as juster
-sentiments of decorum, to imagine. All that can be said in extenuation
-of the audience, and perhaps of the poet, comes to this presumption,
-that, though the piece abounds with descriptions and allusions the most
-voluptuous and fascinating to awaken the most perilous passions in
-youth, and which no gravity of age ought to endure, such were the
-manners of the day, and so little of evil was apprehended, where the
-serpent, that allured Eve with his wiles of beauty among the flowers of
-paradise, put on this pastoral disguise of the innocence of the golden
-age, that the fair and the virtuous alike imagined themselves as
-guiltless in listening to his blandishments, as Milton represents the
-mother of mankind to have been unsuspicious of danger, when she followed
-the tempter to the forbidden tree, and entered into a parley with him
-there, till at length, beguiled by his subtilty, "she plucked, she ate."
-And here a subject too delicate to be handled on the present occasion
-must be left to every one's conscience who indulges in the luxury of
-such reading as the work under consideration furnishes. It is remarkable
-that the author, designating himself under the name of _Tirsi_, seems to
-have been forewarned of the malady which soon afterwards overwhelmed
-him, and to which, no doubt, from constitutional temperament he had been
-prone from his youth upward, and which, in premature old age, cast such
-clouds of mystery over the gloom and splendour of his latter life.
-"Knowest thou not what _Tirsi_ wrote, when, fired with frenzy, he
-wandered through the forest, at once moving laughter and pity among the
-lovely nymphs and shepherds? Nor _wrote_ he even then 'things worthy to
-be laughed at, although he _did_ such things.'"
-
-The duchess of Urbino being absent from Ferrara, when Tasso's muse, like
-Habington's "halcyon," produced
-
-
-"The happy miracle of this rare birth,"
-
-
-invited him to her delightful retirement of Casteldurante, where she
-heard the pastoral strains from his own lips, which, though not eloquent
-from natural infirmity, would yet convey the soul and passion, the
-delicacy and pathos, of every passage, with an impression which no actor
-on the stage, nor indeed any reader but himself, could give. The living
-voice, in this case, would be the actual language of the spirit that
-conceived the thoughts, speaking to the spirit of her who received them
-through the ear, fresh and flowing from the fountain in his heart; for
-the written copy, to the eye, would be but a translation, wanting the
-incommunicable accompaniments of tone, look, expression, and perfect
-intelligence of the whole in all its bearings and meanings, such as the
-original author alone could possess; for, as Dr. Johnson said, "no
-_words_ can convey _sounds_;" and both sounds and words were requisite
-to do justice to such verse as his. Tasso remained several months with
-the duchess.
-
-All Italy soon echoed with the fame of this poetical phenomenon, which,
-though not the first of the kind, (an indifferent model having been
-produced six years before, by one Arienti,) it was the first that had
-power to compel almost universal admiration, and establish a precedent
-and authority for that fantastic species of literary composition.
-Imitations, by the most gifted of his contemporaries, sprang up in rapid
-succession, and passed away as rapidly, with the exception of one, the
-"Pastor Fido" of Guarini, which not only maintained its ground, but even
-disputed that on which its forerunner stood, and from which no rivalry
-has ever yet been able to remove it. The renown which Tasso acquired by
-the "Aminta" naturally exasperated envy in proportion as it commanded
-applause, and among the multitude of competitors who could not soar to
-his elevation, there were not wanting those who employed every artifice
-to bring him down to their level, that they might trample him under
-foot. Whatever were the causes, Tasso to the end of his life was
-persecuted as much by unmerciful critics as he was oppressed by
-hard-hearted patrons.
-
-But the "Aminta" was not the only episodal enterprise of Tasso, while he
-was slowly but unweariedly proceeding with the "Gerusalemme." Flushed
-with the success of his pastoral drama, he set earnestly about the
-construction of a regular tragedy; but he had not advanced far in the
-second act, when the project was suspended, and the fragment of fine
-promise which remains, compared with the completed performance long
-afterwards, when his faculties were on the decline, exhibits a brilliant
-but melancholy contrast of "the change" that had come "o'er the spirit
-of his dream"--his dream of life, love, and glory, blighting his "May of
-youth," and causing him in the prime of manhood to "fall into the sere
-and yellow leaf." His "Torindo," as this failure was styled, was less a
-failure than the "Torrismondo," as the resumed and perfected task was
-called.
-
-Towards the conclusion of his toils on his main work (as he fondly
-hoped), but the beginning of a series of miseries consequent upon it,
-from which he found no end but in the grave, Tasso was seized with a
-violent fever. This left him in such a state of bodily exhaustion, that
-it was not till the following spring (1575), that from the last lines of
-his poem he could look back upon all the intervening ones to the first,
-as the links of a chain, more subtle than air, yet stronger than
-adamant, which should deliver his thoughts as he had bound them in his
-words, from generation to generation, to delight millions of minds, so
-long as his country's language should be understood. He had already
-enjoyed such exhilarating foretastes of fame by the circulation in
-manuscript of portions of the poem, as they came completed from his
-hands, that he was the less prepared to encounter the enmity and
-opposition, which rancorous and intriguing rivals, or fanatic and
-supercilious ecclesiastical censors of the press, immediately commenced,
-and inveterately continued to manifest towards him to the close of life.
-There was in Tasso--conscious as he must have been of his powers, and
-confident as he must have felt in the exercise of his own judgment--a
-readiness to submit to learned and candid criticism, and a willingness
-to concede to dissentient opinions on minor points of taste, so far as
-was consistent with manly independence,--which can rarely be found among
-men of first-rate talents, but yet might be expected from a court poet,
-accustomed in other matters to defer to superiors, be compliant towards
-equals, and condescending to inferiors. This disposition, however, which
-ought to have conciliated envy herself, only provoked her the more to
-assume every shape of candour or malignity, as best suited her humour,
-to torment and distract him, that she might revel over his wretchedness,
-if she could not accomplish his fall. Years intervened while the
-"Gerusalemme Liberata," in its finished form, was undergoing as many
-ordeals almost as he had friends, and its author suffering almost as
-many martyrdoms as he had enemies. Into the particulars of these
-persecutions it is not necessary to enter here. The poet was certainly
-induced by the force of arguments used by some, and the terror of
-inquisitorial powers exercised by others of his critics, to alter,
-expunge, and amend many parts of the poem, which, after all, suffered
-little from the processes to which it was thus exposed before its
-publication. That publication, however, was long delayed by such
-vexatious hinderances, and at last was effected surreptitiously, to the
-great offence and injury of the author, then in confinement as a
-lunatic.
-
-Tasso's malady was grievously aggravated by these excruciating
-criticisms, when he found himself, on the one hand, charged with heresy
-against Aristotle and good taste, and, on the other, with heresy against
-the church and good morals. Fevers, headaches, strange dreams, waking
-suspicions, restlessness, disappointment, dissatisfaction with his
-patron, to whom he had dedicated his poem, and in honour of whom he had
-created his imaginary hero, Rinaldo,--perhaps, too, the bitterness of
-desponding passion, though that is questionable,--suggested to him the
-idea of absconding from Ferrara and taking refuge at Rome, where he
-purposed to bring out the "Gerusalemme," at his own pleasure, and hoped
-to reap a considerable pecuniary benefit from the sale. Alfonso,
-however, was not willing to lose the glory of the dedication to himself,
-though he seems to have wanted the generosity, the humanity, the justice
-to deal with the author except as an impotent creature in his power, who
-could do him much honour by flattering his pride, but to whom he showed
-at best but stinted kindness. To secure his selfish object, he made the
-poet a prisoner near his own person,--both at Ferrara, and at his palace
-of Belriguardo in the country,--a prisoner at large, indeed, but under
-perpetual observation. Of this the sufferer was aware; and the very idea
-of a human eye for ever upon him, restraining his looks, words, and
-actions, poring over him while he slept, haunting his dreams, and
-entering into his very thoughts--for so he must have felt as though it
-did--this alone was enough to madden a man of iron heart and millstone
-brain, much more a poor hypochondriac, as Tasso had already become.
-
-Notwithstanding the jealousies of Alfonso, and the fascinations of his
-sisters to detain him, the capricious bard escaped from his splendid
-captivity to Rome,--and escaped even with the permission of the duke;
-who gave him a letter of recommendation to the cardinal Hippolyto, to
-befriend him as a stranger there, for the avowed purpose of obtaining
-the accustomed indulgence granted to visiters during the jubilee. Here
-he met with the cardinal Ferdinand de' Medici, afterwards grand duke of
-Tuscany, who renewed to him in person the tender of an honourable asylum
-(formerly intimated to him in private), should he be disposed to leave
-altogether the service of Alfonso. The offer was gratefully
-acknowledged, but not formally accepted; and after six weeks of holidays
-(as he felt them to be) spent in the luxury of literary intercourse, and
-the renewal of the impressions which the scene of Rome's posthumous
-glory in her magnificent ruins, and her not less imposing revival in her
-hierarchal pomp, had left on his mind in youth, he returned by way of
-Sienna and Florence to Ferrara. Here, while his poem was going through a
-second round of critical purgatory, and his soul was sinking under the
-burden of censures laid upon him, like the spirits of the proud in
-Dante, condemned to bear enormous stones along the uneven uphill road,
-he received the appointment of historiographer to the house of Este,
-with a small stipend, which laid upon him another cobweb obligation to
-remain at Ferrara. What were the duties of this office it is of no
-consequence to inquire; he does not seem even to have performed any, nor
-perhaps did he owe any; his fable of the origin of that family from his
-hero Rinaldo--the Rinaldo of his "Gerusalemme"--had already conferred on
-it more of that glory which princes covet, than the true history of all
-its ancestors might have done. When the results of the aforesaid second
-revisal of his poem were communicated to him, in despair of conciliating
-his critics, and determined not to yield altogether to their incompetent
-authority, on points where he felt himself strong in poetical power to
-produce the very effects which they deprecated, but which he had aimed
-at and achieved most triumphantly, he composed an interpretation of the
-whole as an extended allegory, spiritualising its heroes and its scenes,
-with more perverse ingenuity than felicity of success. Of this it may be
-fairly said, that if the original were mainly fiction, the moral was
-wholly so. His censors, however, persisted in condemning the voluptuous
-passages to which he himself was most attached, because he knew them to
-be the most beautiful, and recked not that they were the most seductive.
-In this respect the poet himself was the Rinaldo of his sorceress muse,
-who by her enchantments had wholly captivated his heart, and carried him
-away to her "limbo of vanity;" from which Sperone and Antoniano, his
-remorseless critics, in vain endeavoured to deliver him; as Carlo and
-Ubaldo had rescued his hero from the thralls of Armida in her island of
-sensual delights. He never yielded all, though he conceded many things,
-and sacrificed several extravagant inventions, by which the poem, was
-rather mended than mutilated.
-
-An incident occurred about this time, which exhibited Tasso not less in
-the character of a hero than he had hitherto figured in that of the
-laureate of heroes. Suspecting one of his friends to have been guilty of
-opening his trunks with false keys, to pry into his secrets among his
-papers, he gently remonstrated with the offender, who resented the
-charge by giving him the lie, and received in return a blow upon the
-face. This rencontre took place in the court of the palace, and was
-therefore sufficiently notorious. The cowardly aggressor--one Maddalo, a
-notary--walked away with the dishonour on his brow, but meditating in
-his heart the most atrocious vengeance. Accordingly, having enlisted
-three of his kindred in the quarrel, they sallied forth, armed, to
-assail the poet; and finding him abroad in the street, they fell upon
-him from behind. Tasso promptly turned round, drew his sword, and dealt
-so dexterously with it, that the ruffians were soon put to flight;
-though their fears of being apprehended, no doubt, to their "speed lent
-wings," till they found refuge under the roofs of various friends. The
-circumstance gained him no small reputation, and gave rise to a couplet
-which was often repeated:--
-
-
-"Con la penna e con la spada
-Nessun vai quanto Torquato."
-
-"With the sword and with the pen,
-Tasso beats all other men."
-
-
-It is not practicable, in this succinct memoir, to trace the sufferer
-through all the details which have been recorded of his miseries from
-penury, pride, ambition, and disappointment, the wrongs inflicted on him
-by patrons and rivals, and above all, those growing symptoms of a mind
-diseased, occasioning suspicions, jealousies, misunderstandings, and
-quarrels with his friends and contemporaries; while that insidious
-malady, which no medicine can reach, was making its unchecked ravages
-upon his constitution, and inveterately fixing upon him its evil
-influences, so that, with brief and distant lucid intervals, his
-remaining days were passed in horror and despondency, whether amidst the
-darkness of the dungeons of Ferrara, or wandering amidst the broad
-sunshine on foot, and depending for bread and shelter upon casual
-hospitality, from province to province throughout Italy. Imagining that
-his enemies--enemies as imaginary, in this case, as were his fears of
-them--had accused him to Alfonso of treason, and to the pope of heresy,
-he at length grew so outrageous, that, one day, for some unaccountable
-provocation, he drew a dagger upon a servant, and assaulted him in an
-apartment of the duchess of Urbino. Being instantly disarmed, he was
-confined, by order of the duke, within the precincts of the palace.
-Here, when for the first time he found himself a prisoner, he was
-overwhelmed with anguish, and bitterly bewailed his fate. As soon as he
-could again command his passion, he wrote a very penitential letter to
-Alfonso, suing for pardon and release. Both were granted to him; and he
-was removed, under the eye of the duke himself, to the palace of
-Belriguardo, in the country, that he might recover his health and
-spirits, amidst scenes and with the society in which he had formerly
-delighted to be placed. With a delicate regard to one of his most
-grievous temptations--that he had been guilty of heresy, Alfonso
-introduced to him the head of the holy inquisition at Ferrara, who,
-after duly examining him, fully absolved him from all imputations of the
-kind, and assured him that he was yet a good catholic. Not contented
-with this, he suddenly left Belriguardo, and took refuge in a convent of
-St. Francis, from which he sent word to his patron, that as soon as he
-should be sufficiently restored he intended to enter himself among the
-fraternity. But nothing could calm the troubled waters of his mind; he
-still conceived himself under the displeasure of the duke, and that his
-acquittal by the inquisitor was invalid. In this turmoil of doubts and
-self-reproaches, he importuned Alfonso and the duchess of Urbino with
-letters concerning his imaginary offences, and imploring comfort and
-assurance which they could not give, because he would not receive. With
-Leonora he appears never to have had that freedom and frequency of
-correspondence which he had hitherto been permitted to hold with her
-elder sister. Whether this be in favour of his presumed passion or not
-must be left to those who are skilled in the mysteries of love-making
-between unequal parties. On this subject, as on the poet's strange
-melancholy, and the severity with which it was visited by his patron,
-whether for the punishment of the lover or the cure of the maniac, it
-would be futile to argue here. After all the explanation and
-mystification by Tasso's biographers, the general impression has been,
-is, and probably will remain, that his love for Leonora was real; that
-his imprisonment was vindictive on the part of her brother, and that his
-frenzy was the effect of hopeless passion and impotent resentment
-against oppression. "Historians," says Ugo Foscolo, "will be ever
-embarrassed to explain aright the reasons of Tasso's imprisonment: it is
-involved in the same obscurity as the exile of Ovid. Both were among
-those thunder-strokes that despotism darts forth. In crushing their
-victims they terrified them, and reduced spectators to silence. There
-are incidents in courts, that, although known to many persons, remain in
-eternal oblivion--contemporaries dare not reveal, and posterity can only
-divine them."
-
-In the following summer, Tasso, bewildered and desperate, and not
-knowing whither to turn, or in whom to confide, at length fled secretly
-from Ferrara to visit his sister at Torrento, whom he had not seen since
-they were children together. She was now a widow, the mother of two
-sons, and dependent upon her uncles, who still withheld her mother's
-dowry, for the means of subsistence. With that caution to do every thing
-by stealth, which characterises the hallucination of one who fancies all
-the world conspiring to do him harm, he presented himself before her in
-the habit of a shepherd, affecting to be the bearer of certain letters
-from himself. He found her alone; her children being absent. The letters
-represented her brother at Ferrara as surrounded by enemies, and in the
-most imminent danger of his life, unless she interposed in his behalf,
-and rescued him from their machinations. When she had read the
-distressing intelligence, she implored the supposed messenger to tell
-her all, the worst, at once. He answered by a recital of miseries so
-aggravated, in a tone so earnest and impassioned, that, whether she
-suspected him or not, she fainted with alarm. When she had been
-sufficiently recovered, the cunning minstrel changed the hand that
-played upon her, like Timotheus on his harp, and, from excess of pity
-for her brother's sufferings, gently awoke all her tenderness of
-affection, by old and beautiful recollections of former days, and hopes
-yet possible to be realised in years to come. At length, when she was
-well prepared, he discovered himself fully to her, and they were brother
-and sister again in a moment, and thenceforth to the end of life. With
-her he remained in comparative tranquillity for several months, being
-all the while unacknowledged in the neighbourhood, except as Cornelia's
-cousin from Bergamo, who, coming to Rome, had availed himself of the
-opportunity to visit her.
-
-But, as might be expected, his self-tormenting mind became unquiet
-amidst scenes of repose, which, from day to day, delighted him at first,
-but, from day to day, presenting little change of aspect or incident, he
-sighed again for Ferrara, choosing rather the agony of life to that rest
-which was no longer supportable. Thither, then, he returned, on the
-assurance of pardon from the duke, and the restoration of his papers. It
-was soon after his arrival, that an act of indiscretion attributed to
-him by some, and denied by others of his biographers, is said to have
-caused him to be put in ward as a person of deranged intellect. Being in
-company with Alfonso and his sisters, in the presence of the court, in
-reply to a question from Leonora, Tasso gave her an involuntary salute,
-their faces being so near together that he felt attraction to be
-irresistible. The duke, astonished and indignant, turned to his
-attendants and exclaimed, "See to what a lamentable condition this great
-man has been brought by the loss of his reason!" But the date of this
-circumstance happens to be as disputable as the fact; for it is certain
-that the poet had not long resided at Ferrara, when, still unsatisfied
-with the duke's conduct towards him, he again withdrew from the city,
-and successively sought temporary refuge at Mantua, Urbino, Florence,
-Padua, Turin, and Venice. Being ill at ease every where, by a fatality
-of instinct, as it might be deemed, he returned to Ferrara, and thence
-departed no more till after a confinement of seven years. For, imagining
-himself coldly received at court, and unworthily repulsed when he sought
-an audience, he vented his anguish of disappointment in bitter
-invectives against the duke, who, amidst the festivities of his new
-nuptials with a young bride, his third wife, a daughter of the duke of
-Mantua, was little inclined to hearken to the complaints and
-supplications of one whom he had long looked upon as insane. On this
-ground he was committed to St. Anne's hospital, as a lunatic, which in
-those days of medical ignorance of the proper treatment of such patients
-was to be punished as a criminal for his misfortune. The following
-extract must stand in place of multifarious details of the poet's
-feelings under this long restraint. His imprisonment commenced in March,
-1579. Soon afterwards he thus expressed himself in a letter to his
-friend Scipio Gonzaga:--
-
-"Ah me! I had intended to compose two heroic poems of noble argument,
-and four tragedies, of which I had contrived the plots. Many works in
-prose also, on the most exalted and useful subjects, I had contemplated;
-purposing so to unite philosophy and eloquence, that I might leave an
-eternal monument to my memory in the world. Alas! I hoped to close my
-life with glory and renown, but now, borne down under the load of my
-misfortunes, I have lost all prospect of fame and distinction. Indeed I
-should consider myself abundantly happy, if, without suspicion, I could
-but quench the thirst with which I am tormented; and if, as one of the
-multitude, I could lead a life of freedom in some poor cottage, if not
-in health, which I can no longer be, yet exempt from this anguish. If I
-were not honoured, it would be enough for me not to be abominated; and
-if I could not live like men, I might at least quench the thirst that
-consumes me, like the brutes which freely drink from stream and
-fountain. Nor do I fear so much the vastness as the duration of this
-calamity; and the thought of this is horrible to me, especially as in
-this place I can neither write nor study. The dread, too, of perpetual
-imprisonment increases my melancholy, and the indignities which I suffer
-exasperate it; while the squalor of my beard, my hair, and my dress, the
-sordidness and the filth of the place, exceedingly annoy me. But, above
-all, I am afflicted by solitude, my cruel and natural enemy; which; even
-in my best state; was sometimes so distressing, that often, at the most
-unseasonable hours, I have gone in search of company. Sure I am, that if
-she who so little has corresponded to my attachment, if she saw me in
-such a condition; and in such misery, she would have some compassion
-upon me."
-
-Though such statements must be received with some allowance for the
-power of self-torturing which he possessed in no small degree, and
-exercised with as little forbearance as though he were his own most
-implacable enemy, yet, according to Tasso's representation, the
-treatment which he experienced under the hands of his brother-poet,
-Agostino Morti, formerly a disciple of Ariosto, the keeper of the
-hospital, was almost as bad as that which he received at his own. He
-says that by this man he was not allowed the necessaries of life, the
-medicines which his bodily disease required, nor the spiritual
-consolations which his heart-sickness needed: moreover, that his
-meditations were disturbed by the inmates of the house, so that he could
-not proceed with the preparation of his works for the press; but above
-all, that he was under the power of witchcraft, Morti being in league
-with certain magicians to destroy him by enchantments; and as this was a
-capital crime, he threatens to accuse the keeper to the duke.[41] His
-sonnets to the cats of the hospital, imploring them to lend him the
-light of their eyes to write by, are specimens of that _kind_ of mirth
-which suits and sets off melancholy, in a certain "humorous sadness."
-Their genuineness, however, is not certain, and they are hardly
-translatable.
-
-Whatever were the actual circumstances of Tasso's mental alienation and
-corporal sufferings from disease or ill usage, his life, from the period
-of his first imprisonment, was to himself like one of _the opium-eater's
-dreams_--splendours and horrors, alternations of agony and rapture,
-changes sudden, frequent, and strangely contrasted: he inhabited a world
-of _unrealities_, of which the joys and sorrows, the hopes and fears,
-were the more real in proportion as they were ideal, and therefore
-incurable; acting upon the soul itself like that effect upon the bodily
-senses, excruciatingly susceptible of impressions of pain, so happily
-imagined, and not less felicitously expressed by the most polished of
-our own poets:--
-
-
-"Say what their use, were finer optics given?
-To inspect a mite, not comprehend the heaven;
-Or touch, if tremblingly alive all o'er,
-To smart and agonise at every pore;
-Or, quick effluvia darting through the brain,
-Die of a rose in aromatic pain;
-If nature thunder'd in his opening ears,
-And stunn'd him with the music of the spheres.
-How would he wish that heaven had left him still
-The whispering zephyr and the purling rill."
-
-POPE's _Essay on Man_, Epist. I.
-
-
-And such a being, too exquisitely sensitive, is every poet, whose
-imagination or whose passion overmasters his reason and his judgment.
-Tasso was eminently such--a poet in every thing, and all life long.
-
-Meanwhile editions of his "Gerusalemme" were multiplying throughout
-Italy, and beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees; while the mind that
-conceived and produced it was wandering, like a lost star through the
-infinity of space, unaccompanied by any kindred planet, and unattracted
-by any parent sun; and the poet himself--he whom monarchs had delighted
-to honour, the associate of sovereigns, who had been the favourite of
-princesses, and the admiration or the envy of the highest intellects of
-his age--was treated as a brute, out of whose living frame the rational
-soul had departed, and whose animal appetites were to be subdued by
-severe abstinence, or controlled by harsh discipline.
-
-Yet in his solitude, when the first rigours of his imprisonment had been
-relaxed, and an apartment of less discomfort was allotted to him, he
-pursued, with unabated ardour and intensity, his studies, so far as he
-had the means, and poured out, as he was ever wont, his sorrows and his
-hopes, his remembrances and his imaginations, in every form of verse.
-Indeed, many of his most beautiful compositions are dated within the
-term of his captivity. In course of time, as he grew calmer, his
-friends, and illustrious strangers attracted by his fame, were permitted
-to visit him. Occasionally, too, a day of light and liberty was granted,
-and he was brought out of his prison-house to those splendid mansions
-which he loved to inhabit, and which he was so well qualified to adorn.
-Marfisa of Este, cousin to the duke, especially befriended him in this
-manner, and entertained him at her delightful villa, where, in company
-with her distinguished household and visiters, he looked abroad again in
-sunshine, with all a poet's transport and all an invalid's delight, when
-mere existence, void of suffering, is enjoyment.
-
-
-"See the wretch, who long has tost
-On the thorny bed of pain,
-At length repair his vigour lost,
-And breathe and walk again:
-The meanest floweret of the vale,
-The simplest note that swells the gale,
-The common air, the earth, the skies,
-To him are opening paradise."
-
-
-So sang Gray, and so felt Tasso for a few hours of freedom,--but soon
-remanded back to his lonely abode, he relapsed into despondency; and
-though one such day, while it lasted, might seem to compensate for all
-the past, yet when it was gone, its pleasures appeared too dearly
-purchased by the misery of another day rendered more bitter by the
-transient change.
-
-Having collected a volume of his fugitive verses, principally composed
-in prison, he published it with a dedication to the princesses, the
-duchess of Urbino and Leonora; but the latter lived not to receive this
-mournful proof of the fidelity of his gratitude, if not of his love. She
-died, after a long illness, in 1581, aged 43 years. Tasso enquired
-earnestly after her during her sickness, and offered to do any thing in
-the power of his muse to beguile that part of her suffering which song
-might soothe, while patiently bearing the rest, for which there was no
-relief but from Heaven. After her death he became mute on that theme,
-which most of his biographers would fain prove to have been the real
-though covert one of many an amorous effusion among his sonnets and
-lyrics. "Great griefs are silent."
-
-Among his wild imaginations, Tasso thought himself haunted in his prison
-by a sprite--something akin to our old English Robin-good-fellow--who
-(probably in the very person of his knavish attendant) played all manner
-of petty mischievous pranks to plague him. One extract from a letter on
-this subject will show how little command of his reason he had at this
-time. He says, "The little thief has stolen from me many crowns, I know
-not what number--for I do not, like misers, keep an account of them--but
-perhaps they may amount to twenty. He turns all my hooks topsy-turvy,
-opens my chests, and steals my keys, so that I can keep nothing. I am
-unhappy at all times, especially during the night, nor _do I know if my
-disease be frenzy, or what is its nature._" Far more frightful
-visitations he complains of during this dreadful interval, all which
-seem to prove a lamentable derangement of intellect, of which he was
-himself sometimes so conscious, that he rouses all his powers of
-reasoning to convince himself that he has not really lost his wits. To a
-friend he writes--"I cannot defend any thing from my enemies, nor from
-the devil, _except my will_, with which I will never consent to learn
-any thing from him or his followers, or have any _familiarity with him
-or with his magicians._ * * * * Amidst so many terrors and pains, there
-appeared to me in the air the image of the glorious Virgin, with her Son
-in her arms, encircled with clouds of many colours, so that I ought by
-no means to despair of her grace. _And though this might be an illusion,
-because I am frenetic_,--troubled with various phantasms, and full of
-infinite melancholy,--yet, by the grace of God, I can sometimes
-_cohibere assensum_ (withhold my assent), which, as Cicero says, being
-the act of a sound mind, I am inclined to believe it was a miracle of
-the Virgin."--This vision he celebrates in one of his most brilliant
-sonnets, and also in an elegant madrigal, ascribing to her grace the
-marvellous cure of his mental affliction.
-
-In whatever way that cure may have been temporarily effected, Tasso,
-after more than seven years' confinement, was liberated in 1586, at the
-special intercession of the prince of Mantua. Alfonso refused to allow
-him an audience, and he left Ferrara like a transport released from
-prison, to go into perpetual banishment; for the duke remained
-inexorable, and, indeed, implacable, to the end of his victim's life.
-For a while Tasso enjoyed the sudden transition, again being lodged in
-the palace of Mantua, faring sumptuously, and being admitted to the
-high, amiable, and intellectual society of nobles, ladies, and scholars.
-This pleasant season was not, however, without relapses of his fearful
-disease: the evil spirit came upon him at times, and all the enchantment
-of his harp could not drive it away.
-
-During several years afterwards, the poet wandered about, as his father
-had done, from city to city, and from court to court, experiencing all
-the vicissitudes of what is called fortune, but which, in his case,
-appears to have been the lot which he chose and cut out for himself.
-Princes were ever ready to open their doors to him, and wherever he was
-known, he was honoured according to the reputation which he had so
-painfully but unprofitably acquired; his patrons having only afforded
-him hospitality while he abode with them, and booksellers having been
-enriched at his expense by the spoils of his genius, in a country where
-the property of literary men in their own works was little acknowledged
-and less respected. His controversy with the _Della Cruscan_ academy
-during his imprisonment, the members of which had invidiously prejudiced
-the public mind against him, the living, whom their favour might have
-benefited, by exalting Ariosto, the dead, whom their preference could
-not serve,--while it grievously galled him, rather tended to spread the
-knowledge, and, necessarily with that knowledge, the fame of his
-"Gerusalemme," than permanently to injure his fair fame. But he himself,
-from scruples of conscience and infirmity of mind, became dissatisfied
-with it, and employed no small portion of his brief remaining life in
-remodelling it, under the title of "Gerusalemme Conquistata,"--a scheme
-in which he utterly miscarried. His last great poetical attempt, and
-worthy of him in his palmy state, was a work on the creation, entitled
-the "Sette Giornate" (the Seven Days), which he left unfinished. It was
-composed in _versi scidti_, which nearly correspond to English blank
-verse. There are many passages in this magnificent fragment, which were
-evidently so familiar to Milton's mind, that he fell into the same
-trains of thought, and imitated them in the style peculiar to himself,
-repaying as much as he borrowed, "stealing and giving odours."
-
-Tasso, soon tiring of Mantua, and even languishing for Ferrara, though
-never permitted to return thither, wore away the residue of his
-desultory life, principally at Bergamo, Florence, Rome, and Naples. In
-the latter city (his sister being dead), when it was too late for him to
-enjoy the possession of it, he recovered his mother's long-disputed
-dowry, or such a portion of it as, at an earlier period, might have
-rendered him independent of those eleemosynary supplies from precarious
-hands, on which he generally subsisted. About the same time the pope
-also settled a pension upon him, and consented to allow him the honour
-of a coronation, such as had been granted to Petrarch, two centuries
-before. But wealth and honour, such as mortal hands could confer or
-withhold at pleasure, came too late for him. In his latter years, too,
-he became acquainted with Manso, marquis of Villa, his last patron, and
-his first biographer; known in this country as, in his old age,
-befriending our Milton, then a youth, on his travels in Italy, as, in
-his own youth, he had befriended Tasso sinking to the grave under
-premature decay.
-
-One of the most remarkable circumstances of the last days of Tasso was
-the imagination, that he was occasionally visited by a spirit--not the
-mischievous Robin-good-fellow of his prison, but a being of far higher
-dignity, with whom, alone or in company, he could hold sublime and
-preternatural discourse, though of the two interlocutors none present
-could see or hear more than the poet himself, rapt into ecstasy, and
-uttering language and sentiments worthy of one who, with his bodily, yet
-marvellously enlightened eyes and purged ears, could distinguish the
-presence and the voice of his mysterious visitant. Manso gives a strange
-account of such an interview, when he himself stood by, yet perceived
-nothing but the half-part which the poet acted in the scene.
-
-"One day," says the marquis, "as we were sitting alone by the fire, he
-turned his eyes towards the window, and held them a long time so
-intensely fixed, that when I called him he did not answer. At last,
-'Lo!' said he, the courteous spirit, which has come to talk with me;
-lift up your eyes and you shall see the truth.' I turned my eyes thither
-immediately; but though I looked as keenly as I could I beheld nothing
-but the rays of the sun, which streamed through the window-panes into
-the chamber. Meanwhile Torquato began to hold, with this unknown being,
-a most lofty converse. I heard, indeed, and saw nothing but himself;
-nevertheless his words, at one time questioning, and at another
-replying, were such as take place between those who reason closely on
-some important subject. * * * * Their discourse was marvellously
-conducted, both in the sublimity of the topics, and a certain unwonted
-manner of talking, that exalted myself into an ecstasy; so that I did
-not dare to interrupt Torquato about the spirit which he had announced
-to me, but which I could not see. In this way, while I listened between
-transport and stupefaction, a considerable time elapsed; at length the
-spirit departed, as I learned from the words of Torquato, who, turning
-to me, said, 'From this day forward, all your doubts will be
-removed.'--'Rather,' I replied, 'they are increased; for though I have
-heard many wonderful things, I have seen nothing to dispel my doubts.'
-He smiled, and said, 'You have seen and heard more of him than
-perhaps--' here he broke off, and I, unwilling to trouble him, forbore
-to ask further questions; as it was more likely that his visions and
-frenzies would disorder my own mind, than that I should extirpate his
-true or imaginary opinion."
-
-Throughout the year 1594 the poet was so manifestly breaking down, both
-in his bodily and mental faculties, that his early dissolution was
-anticipated by all his friends. He arrived at Rome on the 10th of
-November; when on being introduced to the pope, his holiness, in the
-most condescending terms, told him that he intended to bestow upon him
-"the crown of laurel, that from him it might receive as much honour as,
-in times past, it had conferred on others." The winter proving very
-tempestuous, the ceremonial was deferred till the succeeding spring. As
-the time approached when all his dreams of ambition were to be thus
-consummated, Tasso drooped daily both in spirits and in strength, so
-that from the 10th of April, when he was seized with violent fever, no
-hope could be entertained of preserving his life. Being informed of his
-danger, he thanked the physician for communicating tidings so welcome.
-Instead, then, of the vain glories of coronation in this world, he set
-himself to prepare, according to his religious views, for his last
-change to that eternal state, where nothing could avail him but to have
-found that mercy, which is the only hope of sinful man beyond the grave.
-On the 25th of April he quietly expired, with the words upon his lips
-(of which the last were inaudible), "_Into thy hands, O Lord! I commend
-my spirit._" He was aged fifty-one years.
-
-The personal and poetical character of Tasso are so strikingly betokened
-in the incidents of his life, that, in a memoir, necessarily so
-circumscribed as the present, no further remark on either need be
-introduced here. To enter into a critical examination of his writings,
-which should at all do justice to their extent, their diversity and
-their excellence, of various kinds whether in prose or verse, would
-require a distinct essay, equal in length to the whole of this article.
-This, however, is little to be regretted, for, of all the Italian poets,
-Tasso is the best known in our country; indeed, he has been almost
-naturalised, for his greatest work has been oftener translated than any
-other continental poem,--so that the style, the story, the sentiments,
-the actors, the scenes, the whole fable, with all its embellishments and
-adjuncts, are better known to general readers than those of the "Faerie
-Queene," and, perhaps, it may be said, than those of "Paradise Lost"
-itself, except among that "fit audience," which, "though few," Spenser
-and Milton must for ever "find," while English poetry holds its
-place--and that the highest, hitherto--in the literature of Christendom.
-
-Besides several inferior versions, those of the "Jerusalem Delivered,"
-by Fairfax, Hoole, Hunt, and Wiffin, have each some peculiar merit,
-though it must be confessed, that, in each, so far as regards the
-diction, that peculiar merit belongs rather to the translation than to
-the author, the grace and harmony of whose verse, unsurpassed in his own
-language, is absolutely unapproachable in ours. Fairfax's version, in
-the original stanza, is masculine and free; Hoole's, in the heroic
-couplet, is easy and commonplace, but as a mere entertaining tale, the
-most _readable_ of the four; Hunt's, in the same measure, may lay great
-claim to indulgence for any defect in vigour, on the score of the
-classic taste and learning which it displays. Wiffin's is unquestionably
-the best; and it is his own fault that it is not as good as any
-reasonable judge could desire a translation of Tasso to be: but, having
-chosen to hamper himself, and to encumber his author, with the intricate
-stanza of Spenser, containing an extra-Alexandrine line beyond the
-Italian octave, he has been compelled to amplify his original _one
-eighth_, which must deduct at least in the same proportion from the
-compactness, precision, and symmetry of every corresponding section. How
-could a master of versification like Mr. Wiffin, himself a genuine poet,
-choose to run such a race, carrying such a weight? He has won it,
-nevertheless, though not in the style that might have been wished; yet
-he that shall hereafter beat him must be a rival, who, beyond the Alps,
-would have been a worthy competitor with Tasso himself, had they been
-countrymen and contemporaries.
-
-
-[Footnote 37: The translation is from Dr. Black's valuable Life of
-Tasso, from which other occasional quotations may be hereafter made,
-with this brief but grateful acknowledgment.]
-
-[Footnote 38: See note, page 117.]
-
-[Footnote 39: It is curious and provoking to observe in how momentary
-and contemptible a circumstance originated this enduring injury to the
-reputation of one of the greatest poets by one of the greatest critics.
-In a note to the clause in Satire IX., Boileau says, "_Un homme de
-qualité fit un jour ce beau jugement en ma présence._" So, because "a
-fool of quality" ("_un sot de qualité_," as he words it in the verse)
-once happened to "say, in the hearing of a wit, that he preferred the
-"Gerusalemme" to the "Æneid," "all Europe" has been made to "ring from
-side to side," for a century and a half, with the _clinquant_ of Tasso
-against the gold of Virgil.]
-
-[Footnote 40: Milton, in the context, has manifestly imitated both Tasso
-and Fairfax;--Tasso in the description of the angel's descent, and
-Fairfax in the lively circumstance here quoted, and which is not in the
-original:--
-
-"On Libanon at first his foot he set,
-_And shook his wings_, with rory May dews wet."
-
-The "fragrance" is Milton's own; and here we have the process of one
-thought, carried onward by three poets, to consummate beauty and
-perfection in the last.]
-
-[Footnote 41: Well might Collins, a kindred spirit, both in his powers
-of song and in his "moody madness," thus celebrate the great Italian,
-whose "Godfrey of Bulloigne" he only knew through Fairfax's
-translation:--
-
-----"In scenes, which, daring to depart
-From sober truth, are still to nature true,
-And call forth fresh delight to fancy's view,
-The heroic muse employ'd her Tasso's art.
-How have I trembled when, at Tancred's stroke,
-Its gushing blood the gaping cypress pour'd;
-When each live plant with mortal accents spoke,
-And the wild blast upheaved the vanish'd sword;
-How have I sat, when piped the pensive wind,
-To hear his harp by British Fairfax strung!
-Prevailing poet! _whose undoubting mind_
-_Believed the magic wonders which he sung._"
-
-_Ode on the Highland Superstitions._]
-
-
-
-
-CHIABRERA
-
-1552-1637.
-
-
-Gabbriello Chiabrera was born at Savona, a town on the sea-shore, not
-far from Genoa, on the 8th of June, 1552. He was born fifteen days after
-his father's death, and his mother, Gironima Murasana, being young when
-she was left a widow, married again; which circumstance caused Chiabrera
-to be brought up by an uncle and aunt, brother and sister to his father,
-who were both unmarried. At the age of nine, his uncle, who resided at
-Rome, took him thither, and gave him a private tutor, who taught him
-Latin. He was twice during childhood assailed by dangerous fevers, which
-left him so weak and spiritless, that his uncle placed him at the
-Jesuits' college, that he might regain vigour and hilarity in the
-company of boys of his own age. The experiment succeeded, and Chiabrera
-became robust and healthy to the end of his long life. During his
-juvenile years, his application, memory, and studious habits attracted
-the applause of his instructors; and the Jesuits were desirous of
-inducing him to become one of them. The youth showed no disinclination;
-but his uncle watched over him, and prevented that sacrifice of liberty
-and independence, which would have rendered him miserable through life.
-When he was twenty this good uncle died; but he had emancipated himself
-from monkish influence, and after paying his relations at Savona a short
-visit, he returned again to Rome, where coming accidentally into contact
-with the cardinal Comaro Camerlingo, he entered his service, in which he
-remained some years.
-
-His residence at Rome, however, came to a disastrous termination: he was
-insulted by a Roman gentleman, and being forced by the laws of honour to
-avenge himself, the consequences obliged him to quit the city; nor was
-he permitted to return till eight years after. He now took up his abode
-in his native town, and grew to love the leisure and independence of his
-life. At one time his tranquillity was disturbed by another quarrel, in
-which he was wounded; but with his own hand, as he tells us, took his
-revenge. He was forced, on this, to absent himself from Savona; and
-remained, as it were, outlawed for several months, when at last a
-reconciliation being brought about, he returned and enjoyed many years
-of complete tranquillity.
-
-Chiabrera had been born rich, but he was negligent of his affairs, so
-that at last his fortune was reduced to a mere competence; and this was
-at one time even endangered by a lawsuit at Rome, all his property there
-being confiscated; but it was returned to him, through the intervention
-of cardinal Aldobrandini. At the age of fifty he married, but had no
-children. With the few interruptions above recorded, he passed a life of
-peaceful leisure, content with his fortunes, honoured and esteemed by
-every body, and rendered happy by the exercise of his talents and
-imagination. While at Rome in his early life, he had cultivated the
-friendship of literary men; and during his leisure, on his return to
-Savona, he occupied himself by reading poetry as a recreation. His own
-genius developed itself as he studied the productions of others. The
-Greek poets particularly delighted him; and perceiving how much they
-excelled all other writers, he made them his study, till, his emulation
-being awakened, he wrote some odes in imitation of Pindar: these being
-much admired, he was encouraged to continue, still making the Greek
-lyrical poets his models, though he did not confine his admiration to
-them only. Homer he preferred to all other writers; he was charmed by
-the versification and imagery of Virgil; and appreciated in Dante and
-Ariosto, the power which they possessed of felicitously describing and
-representing the objects which they desire to bring before their
-readers.[42]
-
-Chiabrera had the ambition of forming a new style; as he expressed it,
-he meant to follow the example of his countryman, Columbus, and to find
-a new world, or be wrecked in the attempt. His wish was, to transfuse
-the spirit of the Greeks into the Italian language. He perceived that
-the fault common to the poets of his day, was a certain cowardice of
-style, and an obedience to arbitrary laws, which limited and chilled the
-poetic fervour. He shook off these trammels, and adopted every possible
-mode of versification, and even bent the dialect of Petrarch and Tasso
-to new and unknown forms of expression. He was no lover of rhyme,
-preferring to it a majestic harmony in the arrangement of syllables and
-sound, which he found more musical and expressive than the mere jingle
-of a concluding word. His style thus became at once novel and exalted.
-He adorned his verses with pompous epithets and majestic turns of
-expression: he was harmonious and dignified, fervent and spirited.[43]
-
-As he dedicated nearly the whole of his long life to the composition of
-poetry, he has left a vast quantity, much of which has never been
-printed,--narrative poems, dramas, odes, canzoni[44], sonnets, &c.; but
-his canzoni, or lyrics, far excel all the rest. This results from his
-style being at once more original and beautiful than his ideas. We are
-apt to say, as we read, we have seen this before, but never so well
-expressed. He does not, like Petrarch, anatomise his own feelings, and
-spend his heart in grief: even in his love poetry, while he complains,
-he does not lament, and there is a sort of laughing and vivacious grace
-and a liquid softness diffused over these poems in particular, which is
-infinitely charming. One of his most celebrated, beginning--
-
-
-"Belle rose porporine,"
-
-
-is in praise of his lady's smile. It is impossible for any thing to be
-more airy and yet heartfelt--he speaks of how the earth is said to
-laugh, when, at the morning hour, a rivulet or a breeze wanders
-murmuring amid the grass, or a meadow adorns itself with flowers;--how
-the sea laughs, when a light zephyr dips its airy feet in the clear
-waters, so that the waves scarcely play upon the sands;--and how the
-heavens smile when morning comes forth, amidst roseate and white
-flowers, adorned in a golden veil, and moving along on sapphire wheels.
-"When the earth is happy," he says, "she laughs; and the heavens laugh
-when they are gay: but neither can smile so sweetly and gracefully as
-you." The flowing measure, the admirable selection and position of the
-words render this and other similar poems models of lyrical composition.
-A fairy-like colouring, and a thrilling sweetness, like the scent of
-flowers, invest them, and render them peculiar in their aerial vivacity
-and spirited flow.
-
-These lighter and more animated productions have not been translated;
-but, as a specimen of his more serious style, we select one of the
-epitaphs or elegiac poems among those which Mr. Wordsworth has
-translated, with his usual accuracy and force of diction:--
-
-
-There never breathed a man who, when his life
-Was closing, might hot of that life relate
-Toils long and hard. The warrior will report
-Of wounds, and bright swords flashing in the field,
-And blast of trumpets. He, who hath been doom'd
-To bow his forehead in the court of kings,
-Will tell of fraud and never-ceasing hate,
-Envy, and heart-inquietude, derived
-From intricate cabals of treacherous friends.
-I, who on shipboard lived from earliest youth,
-Could represent the countenance horrible
-Of the vexed waters, and the indignant rage
-Of Auster and Boötes. Forty years
-Over the well-steer'd galleys did I rule:
-From huge Pelorus to the Atlantic pillars,
-Rises no mountain to mine eyes unknown;
-And the broad gulphs I traversed oft and oft;
-Of every cloud which in the heavens might stir
-I knew the force; and hence the rough sea's pride
-Avail'd not to my vessel's overthrow.
-What noble pomp, and frequent, have not I
-On regal decks beheld! Yet in the end
-I learn that one poor moment can suffice
-To equalise the lofty and the low.
-We sail the sea of life--a _calm_ one finds,
-And one a _tempest_--and, the voyage o'er,
-Death is the quiet haven of us all.[45]
-
-
-The tranquil life of Chiabrera was agreeably varied by his love, not
-exactly of travelling, but of visiting the various cities of Italy, and
-by the honours paid him by its princes, in recompence for his poetry,
-which was enthusiastically admired by all his countrymen. He never made
-any long stay away from home, except at Genoa and Florence, and there he
-possessed friends who were glad to welcome him; for if he was of an
-irascible, he was of a placable disposition, and though serious of
-aspect, he was gay and good-humoured in society. The grand duke of
-Tuscany, Ferdinand I., held him in high esteem, and employed him in
-arranging various dramatic representations on the marriage of Mary de'
-Medici with the king of France. Charles Emanuel, duke of Savoy, made him
-generous offers of remuneration, if he would take up his abode at his
-court; but Chiabrera wisely preferred his independence. It has been
-mentioned that he arranged the interludes of a comedy of Guarini, when
-it was represented on occasion of the marriage of the son of the duke of
-Mantua with a princess of Savoy. All these princes rewarded him with
-gifts, or honours, which he seems to have set a still higher value upon;
-lodging him in their palaces, sending their carriages for his
-conveyance, and permitting him to remain covered in their presence. He
-had been the intimate friend of cardinal Barberini, and when the latter
-was created pope, under the name of Urban VIII., Chiabrera often visited
-Rome, though he would never reside there; and the pope made him priestly
-gifts of _agnus dei_ and medallions, and in the year of the jubilee
-wrote him a brief, or letter of compliment, similar to those sent to
-sovereign princes and men of the highest rank.
-
-Chiabrera was always an orthodox catholic, "a sinner," he expresses it,
-"but not without Christian devotion. He had Santa Lucia for his
-advocate, and during a space of sixty years, he never failed twice a day
-to devote himself to pious thoughts, which continued uppermost in his
-mind all his life." His moderate desires and temperate habits assisted
-to preserve him in uninterrupted good health. He died at the advanced
-age of eighty-six, and was buried in his own chapel in the church of San
-Giacomo.
-
-
-[Footnote 42: Vita di se stesso.]
-
-[Footnote 43: Muratori.]
-
-[Footnote 44: There is no English word that gives the exact idea of a
-canzone; we call such lyrical poems; yet in Italian they form a class
-apart.]
-
-[Footnote 45: _Per il Signor Giambattista Feo._
-
-Uomo non è, che pervenuto a morte
-Non possa raccontar della sua vita
-Lunghi travagli. Il cavalier di Marte
-Dirà le piaghe, e lo splendor de' brandi,
-Ed il suon delle trombe: il condannato,
-Nelle gran Reggie, ad inchinar la fronte,
-De' Re scettrati, narrerà le frodi,
-Le lunghe invidie, ed i sofferti affanni
-Infra le schiere de' bugiardi amici.
-Io, che mi vissi in su spalmate prore,
-Potrei rappresentar l' orribil faccia
-Del mar irato, ed i rabbiosi sdegni
-E d'Austro e di Boöte. Anni cinquanta
-Commandai su galere a buon nocchieri:
-Dal gran Peloro all' Atlantei colonne
-Non sorge monte a gli occhi miei non noto,
-E gli ampj golfi veleggiai più volte:
-D' ogni nube, che in ciel fosse raccolta,
-Seppi la forza, onde marino orgoglio
-A' legni miei non valse fare oltraggio.
-Che nobil pompa non mirai sovente
-Su regie poppe? E pure io provo al fine,
-Che le disuguaglianze un' ora adegua.
-Tutti quaggiuso navighiamo in forse.
-Altri ha tempesta, ed altri ha calma, e poscia
-Nel porto della Morte ognun dà fondo.]
-
-
-
-
-TASSONI
-
-1565-1635.
-
-
-Alessandro Tassoni was born at Modena, in 1565, of a noble and ancient
-family. He was so unfortunate as to lose both parents in early
-childhood; nor had he any near relative to watch over his tender years
-and guard his interests. In consequence, scarcely had he emerged from
-boyhood, than his inheritance was attacked by lawsuits, and he was
-involved in the most annoying struggles with private enemies, while long
-and painful illnesses unfitted him to cope with these evils. Still a
-love of knowledge rose above the multiplied disasters that beset him,
-and from his earliest years he was a student. He learnt the Greek and
-Latin languages under Lazzaro Labadini, a learned and worthy man, but
-somewhat of the Dominie Sampson species: simple-hearted and abstracted,
-he was exposed to ridiculous mistakes; and his pupil records in his
-celebrated poem, how, when a servant informed him of the death of a cow,
-he sent to the apothecary's shop for drugs to cure her.[46] While yet
-under this master's tuition, he wrote a Latin poem named Errico, which
-displayed an extraordinary smoothness of versification and command of
-language. At the age of eighteen he took the degree of doctor of laws,
-and in 1585 he entered the university of Bologna, where he continued
-five years, applying himself to philosophy, under the most celebrated
-masters. He afterwards studied jurisprudence at Ferrara, and acquired a
-reputation for his learning and critical acumen.
-
-It was not till past thirty years of age that he appears to have
-seriously entered on the task of bettering his moderate fortunes.
-[Sidenote: 1597.
-Ætat.
-32.]
-He visited Rome, and entered the service of cardinal Colonna. He
-accompanied his patron to Spain, and two years after was sent by him to
-Rome, to obtain permission from pope Clement VIII. to accept the
-viceroyalty of Aragon. Succeeding in his mission, Tassoni returned to
-the cardinal. It was during these journeys that he amused himself by
-composing his "Considerations on Petrarch," which afterwards occasioned
-so much controversy. The cardinal sent him again to Rome to manage his
-affairs there; but a few years after, for some reason, with which we are
-unacquainted, Tassoni quitted his service.
-
-Restored to independence, he visited Naples, and then took up his abode
-at Rome. He now published his "Considerations on Petrarch," and his
-"Thoughts on various Subjects," which exposed him to the attacks of the
-literati of Italy. Tassoni was of a bold and original turn of mind; he
-hated literary prejudices, and loved to set himself against received
-opinions, merely because they were supported by the greater number. Thus
-he attacked Homer, Aristotle, and Petrarch. He was singularly acute in
-discovering minor defects, and his sarcastic and witty talent rendered
-his criticisms doubly poignant. He was attacked for his publications and
-he replied with a mixture of humour and bitterness peculiarly galling.
-
-He had thus become well known in Italy, when his reputation was raised
-to its highest pinnacle by the "Secchia Rapita," or Stolen Bucket, a
-serio-comic or mock-heroic poem, the first of the kind that had
-appeared. A work of this nature is adapted only to the very region in
-which it is composed; and even then, there are certain minds which never
-relish travesti. How much more is Hudibras spoken of than read, and to
-how many, except in select and peculiar passages, does it prove heavy
-and tedious. To an English reader the "Secchia Rapita" must appear
-greatly inferior to the work of Butler; it is coarser and more
-long-winded; besides that the rhymes, the wrenching and transformation
-of language, the vulgarisms and idioms fall coldly on the ears of those,
-who have not been habituated from infancy to their use or abuse.
-
-The "Secchia Rapita" is founded on those petty wars between two towns,
-so common in Italy in the 14th and 15th centuries. The people of Modena
-had, in 1325, discomfited the Bolognese at Zoppolino, and the vanquished
-fled with such precipitation, that their pursuers entered their town
-with them. The Modenese were driven out again, but carried off, as token
-of their triumph, the bucket belonging to the public well of the city.
-The Bolognese made an expedition to recover it, and this forms the basis
-of the poem. The plebeian names of the "unwashed artificers" who compose
-the several armies, their ridiculous proceedings, their combats, mocking
-those of belted knights, are all infinitely relished by the Italians.
-Tassoni is praised also for the various fancy he displays in
-individualising the combatants, their combats, and the modes by which
-they die, as well as for the dignity with which he invests the really
-noble personages who take a part in the warfare. There are episodes
-also, some more dignified, others more burlesque even than the main
-subject of the poem; the gods and goddesses take part, and the kings of
-Naples and Savoy are brought in on either side. The chief satire of the
-poem falls on an unfortunate count di Culagna, under which name Tassoni
-held up to ridicule count Paolo Brusantini, a noble of Ferrara, who had
-provoked him by instigating a violent and infamous attack on one of his
-works. Tassoni was unable to avenge himself openly, as Brusantini was a
-favourite of his prince, but vowed future vengeance, and writing to a
-friend he exclaims, "If God lends me life, he shall learn, in one way or
-another, that he has furnished a work to the devil." The count di
-Culagna falls in love with the Amazon of the poem, and resolves to
-poison his wife: he makes a confidant of one Titta, a Romagnole, a
-courtier of the papal court, who was in fact the lover of the countess,
-and betrays to her the murderous design. The lady accordingly deceives
-her husband, changes her soup plate with him, and then flies to the tent
-of Titta. The count's physician, however, who had been applied to for
-poison, has only furnished physic, and Culagna recovers. He hears of the
-infidelity of his wife, and defies Titta to mortal combat. Titta is not
-brave, but Culagna is trebly a coward. When his challenge is accepted,
-he takes to his bed, makes his will, and declares that he is going to
-die. His friends cannot inspire him with any valour, but his doctor, by
-administering three or four large cups of wine, imparts the necessary
-courage. The opponents meet; Titta's spear strikes the throat and chest
-of the count, who falls to the ground, and is carried to his tent, to
-bed, while Titta exults in his overthrow and death. The surgeon visits
-Culagna's wound; but, to the surprise of all, the skin even is not
-scratched: "Yet I saw something red," cries the count, "it was assuredly
-my blood!" On this they examine him with more attention, and discover a
-red riband hanging from his throat to his girdle. The blow of Titta
-disordering his dress, had exposed this unfortunate silk of sanguineous
-hue to the eyes of the frightened combatant, who at once believed that
-he had received a mortal wound. Now, perceiving how he had been
-deceived, the count thanked God most fervently, and, in his artless,
-pious gratitude, pardoned his friend and his wife all the injuries they
-had done him. Such is the outline of the principal episode of the
-"Secchia Rapita," which concludes by a peace brought about by the pope's
-legate; the bucket remaining, however, with the Modenese; and there it
-probably is to this day. Goldoni saw it, in 1730, suspended by an iron
-chain from the belfry of the cathedral.
-
-This poem was hailed with rapture, even in manuscript: for some time,
-indeed, it was only known thus, and numerous copies were made at the
-price of eight crowns each. As Tassoni had not spared his countrymen or
-his contemporaries, great obstacles were thrown in the way of its
-publication; and even when printed at Venice and Padua, no edition was
-really on sale till 1622, when it was published at Paris, under the
-inspection of Marini.
-
-Tassoni's slender fortunes meanwhile did not permit him to preserve his
-independence: he accepted the offers of Charles Emanuel, duke of Savoy;
-but scarcely had he entered on his new service, than a series of
-persecutions was commenced against him, which ended by his taking refuge
-in private life.
-[Sidenote: 1625.
-Ætat.
-50.]
-Again free from all slavery, disgusted by the inconstancy of men and the
-intrigues of courts, he took up his abode at Rome, where he had a house
-and vineyard, giving himself up to the enjoyment of solitude and study,
-and deriving his chief pleasure from hunting and the cultivation of
-flowers. Still he was not wholly weaned from the world, nor content to
-be neglected: he said that he reminded himself of Fabricius expecting
-the dictatorship; and to follow up this truly mock-heroic similitude, he
-accepted the offer of cardinal Ludovisio, nephew of pope Gregory XV.,
-and entered his service, in which he remained till his patron's death.
-He afterwards returned to his native town, and being taken into favour
-by its reigning prince, he passed the remnant of his life prosperously,
-under the shadow of that fame, which his works, his arduous studies, and
-great talents caused to gather thick around him. After a few years spent
-in peace and honour, he died on the 5th of April, 1635, in the
-seventy-first year of his age.
-
-
-[Footnote 46: La dove il Labadin, persona accorta,
-Fe' il beverone alla sua vacca morta.]
-
-
-
-
-MARINI
-
-1569-1625.
-
-
-Giambattista Marini was born at Naples on the 18th of October, 1569. His
-father, a celebrated jurisconsult, was desirous of bringing up his son
-to the same profession; but the youth felt an unconquerable distaste to
-the career of the law. Marini possessed a fervid and lively imagination,
-and a facility in the composition of poetry which determined, without a
-question, his destiny in life. There are many poets even, we may say, of
-a higher class than Marini--many more sublime, more earnest, more
-pathetic--but, in his degree, Marini is a genuine poet, and gave himself
-up with confidence and ardour to the pursuit of that fame of which he
-reaped so large a harvest. His father, angry at his resistance to his
-wishes, was doubly indignant when he gave open testimony of his new
-career, and actually published a volume of poetry: he turned him from
-his house, and refused to supply him with the necessaries of life.
-
-But Marini was born under a more fortunate star than usually smiles upon
-men who give themselves to the fervent aspirations of genius. Amiable
-and generous as he was, he did not possess that stern independence of
-disposition, nor that self-engrossed intensity of feeling, which often
-render poets an intractable race. Several noblemen stepped forward to
-assist and patronise the young adventurer in the groves of Parnassus.
-[Sidenote: 1589.
-Ætat.
-20.]
-The duke of Bovino, the prince of Conca, and the marquess of Manso, the
-friend of Tasso, offered him protection and shelter. He became
-acquainted with Tasso, who encouraged him to pursue his poetic career;
-and he published his Canzoni de' Baci, which acquired for him a great
-reputation.
-
-He was concerned in some youthful scrapes; and having assisted a friend
-to escape, who had been imprisoned on account of a love adventure, he
-was himself thrown into a prison. He amused himself there by writing gay
-and light-hearted verses; but soon after he escaped from confinement,
-and fled to Rome, where he took up his abode with monsignore Crescenzi.
-With him he visited Venice, but returned to Rome after a short absence,
-and entered the service of cardinal Aldobrandini. At Venice he published
-a volume of lyrical poetry, which established his fame.
-
-Marini was always a popular man, and beloved and esteemed by his
-friends. When Paul V. was created pope, his patron, cardinal
-Aldobrandini, was sent as legate to Ravenna, and Marini accompanied him.
-He frequently visited Venice and Bologna, and formed intimacies with the
-men of reputation and talent residing in those cities. He was devoted to
-the cultivation of poetry; and here he first conceived the idea of the
-"Adone." He accompanied the cardinal to Turin, where Charles Emanuel,
-duke of Savoy, received him at his court with the most flattering marks
-of distinction. Marini repaid him by a panegyric, which he called "Il
-Ritratto" or the Portrait, and was rewarded by the gift of a gold chain,
-and made cavalier of the order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus. When
-cardinal Aldobrandini returned to Ravenna, the poet was invited to
-remain at the Piedmontese court; and, with the consent of his former
-patron, he accepted the offer.
-
-Marini's life was chiefly diversified by literary quarrels, in which he
-came off with his usual good fortune. He had already sustained several
-skirmishes with various authors, when the most deadly war was declared
-against him by Gasparo Murtola, a Genoese, and secretary to the duke. He
-believed himself to be the first poet of the age, and was indignant at
-the favour shown to Marini. He levelled an attack of epigrams and
-satirical sonnets against him, which Marini answered, and was considered
-to have the best of the battle: they published these collectively
-afterwards, under the title of the Murtoleide and the Marineide: but
-Murtola, still more angry at the advantages gained by his adversary in
-this paper hostility, took a more injurious mode of showing his enmity:
-he shot at him as he was walking in the public square, but, missing his
-aim, wounded a favourite of the duke who was with him. Murtola was
-thrown into prison, and condemned to death. Marini generously interceded
-in his favour, and at his solicitation he was pardoned and liberated.
-Murtola, more angry and envious than ever, brought forward a poem of his
-enemy, which satirised the duke of Savoy. In vain Marini represented
-that this work had been written at Naples in his youth, many years
-before. He was thrown into prison, nor liberated till the marchese Manso
-sent his testimony of the truth of what he had declared, as to the
-period of its composition. His tranquillity does not appear to have
-suffered by this persecution. He continued to devote himself to learning
-and poetry: he applied himself to the study of the Holy Scriptures and
-the writings of the Fathers, and published his poem on the Murder of the
-Innocents, which he considered his best production.
-
-His fame, spread beyond the Alps, had induced queen Marguerite of France
-to invite him to her court. Marini accepted her invitation; but by the
-time he arrived in Paris his patroness had died. Queen Mary de' Medici
-stepped forward, however, in her room, and the place of gentleman to the
-king, with a pension of 2000 crowns, was bestowed on him. He became very
-popular among the French nobility; many learnt Italian for the express
-purpose of reading his works. He lived a happy and honourable life. His
-great pleasure consisted in forming a valuable and extensive library,
-and collecting pictures by the best artists. The queen showed him many
-marks of favour: if she met him in the street, she was in the habit of
-stopping her carriage, for the sake of conversing with him; and such
-generosity was shown him by her, and his other noble patrons, that he
-was enabled to buy a villa near Naples, on Mon Posilippo, whither he
-intended at some future time to retire, and end his days. No doubt, in
-the chill climate of Paris, under the dusky atmosphere of the north, his
-lively imagination recurred with yearning to the beautiful and genial
-land of his nativity.
-
-[Sidenote: 1623.
-Ætat.
-54.]
-
-He published his "Adone" while at Paris. The popularity of this poem was
-extraordinary; nothing was spoken of but it and its author, and the
-rapid sale enriched Marini, though it also exposed him to much literary
-enmity, and the censures of the church. Italian critics have since
-become exceedingly indignant, and consider it the origin of the false
-taste, the conceits, and flowery style of the seicentisti. But, while it
-must be allowed that the imitators of Marini form a school of poetry
-remarkable for its corrupt style, its mannerism, and false and
-metaphoric imagery, it is impossible not to admit that the "Adone"
-itself is a work of great beauty and imagination: it wants sublimity,
-and deep pathos and masculine dignity; but its fancy, its descriptions,
-its didactic passages, are animated by the undeniable spirit of poetry.
-Marini possessed an extreme ease of versification, and a versatility and
-fecundity of style that carries the reader along with it. The "Adone" is
-founded on the well-known mythological story of Venus and Adonis. Cupid,
-having been chastised by his goddess mother, in revenge, resolves to
-wreak on her the miseries of love. He brings the son of Myrrha to the
-shores of Cyprus, and while the Queen of Beauty is regarding the
-beautiful youth as he sleeps, her wily son pierces her heart with his
-love-poisoned arrow. She falls in love on the instant, and Adonis, on
-awakening, is not slow to return her passion. Venus conducts him to her
-palace, where Cupid relates to him his adventures with Psyche, and
-Mercury those of Narcissus, Hylas, Actæon, and other victims of love.
-He is then led through the gardens of pleasure, into the tower of
-delight; but the loves of the goddess and her favourite are interrupted
-by the jealousy of Mars, and Adonis flies in alarm from the angry god.
-He falls afterwards into the hands of a fairy, who imprisons and annoys
-him: he escapes, and, after many wanderings and adventures, returns to
-Venus. It is then that he departs on that fatal hunting expedition which
-brings on the catastrophe. Mars and the malicious fairy unite in sending
-the hoar against him, by which he is destroyed: his death--the grief of
-Venus--his interment--and the combats with which the goddess celebrates
-his funeral, conclude the poem. Its chief fault is, that it is terribly
-wiredrawn, even in the particular descriptions; for as to the story
-itself, that forms but a slender portion of the whole composition.
-Besides this, we are told that an allegory of youth is contained in the
-temptations, pleasures, and fatal catastrophe of the young lover; and
-this, as well as the unreal and fantastic nature of the personages,
-deprives it of all vivid interest. It is far removed from the fire of
-Ariosto, or the pathos and dignity of Tasso; still it is pleasing,
-varied, and imaginative, and but for its length would to this day be a
-more general favourite.
-
-The cardinal Ludovisio, nephew of pope Gregory XV., earnestly entreated
-Marini to forsake Paris and repair to Rome. The king and queen of France
-permitted him to accept the invitation; and he returned to Italy,
-unterrified by the accusation that hung over his head, on account of the
-licentiousness of his work. He was received at Rome with enthusiasm, and
-his society was courted by every person of distinction. Here, as
-elsewhere, however, he was involved in literary squabbles; so that at
-last he resolved to retreat to the home he had prepared for himself at
-Naples. The tribunal, meanwhile, demanded alterations in his poem,
-accused of licentiousness and a tendency to impiety. Two of his friends
-appeared to answer for him; but he permitted two stanzas only to be
-altered. The poem of Marini is certainly in its very texture soft,
-effeminate, and amorous; but there are no passages so reprehensible as
-many in Ariosto: the "Orlando Furioso" was never denounced; and it is
-singular that so pertinacious an outcry should have been raised against
-the "Adone."
-
-Its author, however, was not destined to suffer persecution, nor to
-enjoy his success for any long time. Soon after his return to Naples, he
-established himself at his delightful villa at Posilippo, where his life
-came to a sudden close: he fell ill of a painful malady, and died on the
-25th of March, 1625, aged fifty-six. He was buried in the cloister of
-the Theatin Fathers, to whom he had bequeathed his valuable library.
-
-
-
-
-FILICAJA
-
-1642-1707.
-
-
-Vincenzo da Filicaja was born at Florence, on the 30th of December,
-1642. The families of both his parents were noble; his mother being the
-daughter of Christofano Spini, one of the most distinguished families of
-Tuscany. His father educated him with care, and he attended the public
-schools of Florence. He gave early token of his literary and poetic
-genius: his memory was tenacious, and his industry indefatigable; while
-the seriousness of his disposition rendered retirement and study natural
-and easy to him. Perceiving his inclination for learning, his father
-sent him to the university of Pisa, to fit him for pursuing the legal
-profession. Filicaja attended the lectures of the professors on this
-subject; yet he could not induce himself to bestow his whole time on the
-law, but applied himself also to philosophy and theology, and to the
-imbuing himself with a perfect knowledge of the Latin and Italian
-languages. He was naturally inclined to piety, and spent much of his
-time in prayer and devout exercises. His habits were regulated by strict
-principles of morality; and so devoted was he to the cultivation of his
-intellect, that he always rose two hours before dawn, finding his mind
-clearer, and more capable of grappling with the abstruse subjects of his
-contemplation, in the early hours of morning.
-
-While yet a student at Pisa, when on a visit to his home during the
-vacation, he fell in love; and his poetic talent first developed itself
-in verses addressed to the beautiful and noble girl who was the object
-of his affection. She died soon after, and he lamented her death in
-poetry; but the exact moral discipline to which he subjected his
-inclinations reproached him for giving himself up to the influence of
-passion; and he burnt all his love poetry, and made a resolution, which
-he kept to the end of his life, of dedicating his genius to the
-celebration only of moral and sacred subjects.
-
-After a residence of five years at Pisa, having taken the degree of
-doctor of laws, he returned to Florence, and was placed under Giovanni
-Federighi, a jurisconsult of eminence, that he might add to his
-theoretical, a practical knowledge of law. At the age of thirty-two, he
-married Anna, the daughter of the marchese Capponi. Soon after his
-father died; and, freed from all restraint, he followed the bent of his
-disposition, by retiring into the country, where he spent the greater
-part of each year in domestic retirement, devoting himself to the
-education of his two sons.
-
-Hitherto his poetic merits were unknown beyond the limits of a small
-circle of friends; but public events called his genius to higher
-flights. The Turkish army overrunning Hungary, laid siege to Vienna, and
-filled Christendom with alarm. The enthusiastic piety of Filicaja added
-to the natural disquietude inspired by such a disaster; and while the
-fate of the war was in suspense, and afterwards, when victory drove the
-infidels from the gates of the capital of Austria, he poured out his
-terrors and his exulting triumph in odes, which breathe a pure and
-elevated lyric spirit.
-
-At the time when he wrote, Italian poetry had received a check from that
-unfortunate propensity men have to shackle the free course of genius by
-rules and precedent. There was a distinction made between the poetic and
-prosaic style; the former was founded upon Petrarch, and it became a law
-to use no expressions but such as had his authority. The language of
-Italian verse was thus becoming, as it were, a dead idiom; repeating
-itself, and incapable of any original expressions. Filicaja disdained
-these shackles, and revivified his poetic diction by transfusing into it
-many elevated and energetic modes of speech, hitherto reserved for prose
-only. Facility, dignity, and clearness are his characteristics; and the
-grandeur of his ideas gives force to the originality of his expressions;
-which, emanating spontaneously, as they did, from a mind full of his
-subject, found an echo in the hearts of his readers.
-
-His friends alone had hitherto been aware of his talent; but the
-enthusiasm they felt on reading these spirited odes led them to give
-copies; and they got into the hands of those princes who, as the leaders
-of the armies against the Turks, were celebrated in them. One of his
-finest odes he had addressed to John, king of Poland; who acknowledged
-the honour in letters full of praises and thanks. Christina, queen of
-Sweden, displayed in a more kind and liberal manner her admiration:
-hearing that Filicaja had two sons, she insisted upon providing for
-their education; declaring that she would bring them up as her own
-children. She showed herself so generous, that the poet was accustomed
-to say, that he could not look on his home and family without perceiving
-the marks of her favour. While her modesty was such, that she insisted
-that her bounty should be kept a secret; declaring she was ashamed it
-should be known that she did so little for a man, whom she esteemed so
-much; and her benevolence remained unknown till after her death.
-Filicaja's life was not, however, wholly prosperous: on the death of
-Christina, he became involved in pecuniary embarrassments, and he was
-attacked by a dangerous malady. He lost, also, his eldest son, who,
-since the queen's death, had been appointed page of honour to the grand
-duke of Tuscany. The high opinion entertained of him by Cosmo III.
-extricated him from a part of his difficulties. This prince named him to
-the command of the city of Volterra. Ancient feuds and old and almost
-irremediable abuses of various kinds, afflicted the town; and it
-required all the influence which Filicaja obtained by his justice, his
-benevolence, and urbanity to put an end to these evils. Volterra enjoyed
-tranquillity and plenty under his direction; trade and the arts
-flourished; and this venerable city was restored to a portion of its
-former splendour: he thus became so dear to the citizens, that they
-twice petitioned the grand duke to continue him in the government. Their
-request was accorded; and when, at last, he was recalled, he carried
-with him the universal regret.
-
-On his removal from Volterra, he was, for two years, governor of
-Pisa,--a situation of high trust. On his return to Florence, he filled
-several law offices of great power and emolument. He was popular and
-beloved throughout: equitable, but benevolent; diligent and
-conscientious, his virtues were adorned by his pleasing and affable
-manners. His piety caused him to devote much of his leisure to
-devotional exercises; and his taste led him to cultivate poetry. His
-industrious habits enabled him to compose a great deal when his time was
-otherwise much taken up by his public duties. He wrote much in Latin, a
-small portion only of which has been published; and it displays a deep
-knowledge and command of that language. He employed himself also in
-correcting and adding to his Italian poetry. He was a severe critic on
-his own works; and yet, mistrusting his judgment, he submitted them to
-the further censorship of four selected friends. He was much beloved, as
-well as admired, by all who knew him; and belonged to the Della Crusca
-academy, and to the Arcadian,--of both of which he was the brightest
-ornament. His last work was an "Ode to the Virgin," which occupied him
-but a few days before his death. Filicaja was not only devout, but a
-rigid catholic. One of the acts of his life previous to entering on a
-new career, had been a pilgrimage to Loretto; and, in his dying moments,
-a picture of the Virgin excited his pious and poetic thoughts. There is
-great spirit and sweetness in this ode, in which he recurs to the love
-of his earlier days; and how, on losing the object, he transferred his
-devotion, entire and for ever, to the mother of his Saviour.
-
-While thus employed, he was seized by an inflammation of his lungs. His
-religious faith supported him in his sufferings, and did not forsake him
-to the last. He died on the 24th of September, 1707, at the age of
-sixty-five. He was buried in his family tomb in the church of San Piero,
-at Florence.
-
-
-
-
-METASTASIO
-
-1698-1782.
-
-
-Metastasio was of obscure origin. He owed his prosperity, in the first
-place, to the talents with which nature had endowed him; and, in the
-second, to singular good fortune; while his amiable disposition and
-excellent character gave a scope to the course of felicitous
-circumstances; which, among men of genius, is frequently checked by
-their impetuosity and thoughtlessness, or by the proud sense of
-independence attendant upon their organisation. The name of the poet's
-father was Felice Trapassi, a citizen of Assisi. His poverty had forced
-him to enter into the Corsican regiment of the pope; and he added to his
-slender means by acting as copyist. He married Francesca Galasti, of
-Bologna; by whom he had two sons and two daughters. Later in life, he
-saved money enough to enter into partnership in a shop of _l'arte
-bianca_,--a sort of chandler, where maccaroni, oil, and other culinary
-materials, are sold. His younger son, Pietro, was born at Rome, on the
-13th of January, 1698. The child gave early indications of genius; and
-his father resolved to bestow on him the best education in his power;
-and placed him, at a very early age, with a watchmaker, that he might
-learn a respectable art.
-
-But the boy was born to pursue a nobler career. He was already a poet;
-and, when only ten years old, attracted an audience in his father's shop
-by his talents as improvisatore. It happened, one summer evening, that
-Vincenzo Gravina, a celebrated jurisconsult, and renowned for his
-learning and love of letters, was walking with the poet Lorenzini in the
-streets of Rome. Passing by Trapassi's shop, he was attracted by the
-childish voice of the juvenile poet, who was in the act of reciting
-extempore verses. He joined the audience; and, being perceived by
-Pietro, the little fellow introduced some stanzas in his praise into his
-effusion. Gravina, charmed by his talent and prepossessing appearance,
-offered him money, which the child refused. The lawyer continued to
-question him, and was so satisfied by the propriety and spirit of his
-answers, that he immediately proposed to adopt him as his son; promising
-to give him a good education, and to facilitate his career in the same
-profession as himself. No objection could be raised to so generous and
-beneficent an offer. The boy was not to be taken from his native town,
-nor were his duties towards his parents to be interfered with.
-
-One of Gravina's first acts was to change his adopted son's, name from
-the ignoble one of Trapassi to the better sounding appellation of
-Metastasio, which was a sort of translation of his paternal name into
-Greek. Gravina did not delay to cultivate the boy's understanding, so as
-to fit him for a literary career. Being an idolater of ancient learning,
-his first care was to initiate his pupil in the languages of the writers
-of Greece and Rome, and then to imbue him with a knowledge of their
-works. Metastasio showed himself an apt scholar: at the age of fourteen
-he wrote a tragedy, which, in a letter written in after years, he freely
-criticised. "My tragedy of 'Giustino,'" he says, "was written at the age
-of fourteen, when the authority of my illustrious master did not permit
-me to diverge from a religious imitation of the Greek models; and when
-my own inexperience prevented me from discerning the gold from the lead
-in those mines whose treasures were but just opened to me." The tragedy,
-written thus in strict imitation, is necessarily frigid; nor does the
-language bear the stamp of the ease and grace which so distinguished
-Metastasio's after writings.
-
-He still continued to improvisare verses in company. This attractive art
-renders the person who exercises it the object of so much interest and
-admiration, that it is to be wondered that any one who has once
-practised it, can ever give it up. The act of reciting the poetry that
-flows immediately to the lips is peculiarly animating: the declaimer
-warms, as he proceeds, with his own success; while the throng of words
-and ideas that present themselves, light up the eyes, and give an air of
-almost supernatural intelligence and fire to the countenance and person.
-The audience--at first curious, then pleased, and, at last, carried away
-by enthusiastic delight--feel an admiration, and bestow plaudits, which,
-perhaps, no other display of human talent is capable of exciting. The
-youth, the harmonious voice, and agreeable person of Metastasio added to
-the charm: yet, fortunately, he gave up the exercise of his power before
-it had unfitted him for more arduous compositions. He gives an account
-of his success, and his quitting the practice, in a subsequent letter to
-Algarotti. "I do not deny," he writes, "that a natural talent for
-harmony and rhythm displayed itself in me earlier than is usually the
-case; that is, when I was about ten years of age. This strange
-phenomenon so dazzled my great master. Gravina, that he selected me as
-soil worthy to be cultivated by so celebrated a man. Until I was
-sixteen, he brought me forward to improvisare verses on any given
-subject; and Rolli, Vanini, and Perfetti, then men of mature years, were
-my rivals. Many people tried to write down our effusions while we
-extemporised, but with no success; for, besides that they were no adepts
-in short-hand, it was necessary to deceive us cleverly, otherwise the
-mere suspicion of such an operation would have dried up my vein. This
-occupation soon became burdensome and injurious to me; burdensome,
-because I was perpetually obliged, by invitations which could not be
-refused, to task myself every day, and sometimes twice a day,--now to
-gratify some lady's whim, now to satisfy the curiosity of some high-born
-fool, and now to fill up a blank in some grand assembly,--losing thus
-miserably the greater part of the time necessary for my studies. It was
-injurious, because my weak and uncertain health suffered. It was
-perceptible to every one that the agitation attendant on this exercise
-of the mind, used to inflame my countenance and heat my head, while my
-hands and extremities became icy cold. Gravina consequently exerted his
-authority to prohibit me from making extempore verses,--a prohibition
-which, from the age of sixteen, I have never infringed, and to which I
-believe that I owe the remnant of reasonable and connected ideas that
-are to be found in my waitings." He goes on to state the evils that
-result to the intellect perpetually bent on so exciting a proceeding;
-when the poet, instead of selecting and arranging his thoughts, and then
-using measure and rhyme as obedient executors of his designs, is obliged
-to employ the small time allowed him in collecting words, in which he
-afterwards clothes the ideas best fitted to these words, even though
-foreign to his theme: thus the former seeks at his ease for a dress
-fitted to his subject; while the latter, in haste and disturbance, must
-find a subject fitted to his dress.
-
-On withdrawing his pupil from the exercise of this fascinating art.
-Gravina became aware that his education could not be carried on with
-success amidst the pleasures and idleness of his life at Rome; and he
-sent him to study under his cousin Camporese, who lived near the ancient
-Cortona, a town of Magna Græcia, famous in antiquity for its schools of
-philosophy. Metastasio was very happy at this period of his life; and,
-in a letter written at an advanced age, he recurs to it with yearning
-fondness. "Of how many dear and pleasing ideas, my friend," he writes to
-Don Saverio Mattei, "you have awakened the recollection, by causing me
-to go over in my thoughts the happy time I spent, not less usefully than
-delightfully, between boyhood and adolescence, in Magna Græcia. I saw
-again as if they were present all those objects which pleased me so much
-at that time. Again I inhabited the little chamber, in which the sound
-of the breakers of the neighbouring sea so often lulled me into the
-sweetest sleep; and, by force of my imagination, I revisited in my boat
-the shores of neighbouring Scalea; and the names and aspects of many
-places recurred to me, before forgotten. I heard again the venerable
-voice of the renowned philosopher Camporese; who, stooping to instruct
-one so young, led me, as it were, by the hand among the vortexes of the
-then reigning Descartes, of whom he was a strenuous advocate, and
-attracted my boyish curiosity, by showing me in wax, as if in a game,
-how globules were formed from atoms, and filling me with admiration of
-the bewitching experiments of philosophy. It seems to me as if I again
-saw him labouring to persuade me that his dog was formed upon the same
-principle as a watch; and that the trinal dimension is a sufficient
-definition of solid bodies. And I behold him smile, when, having kept me
-long plunged in a dark reverie, by forcing me to doubt of every thing,
-he perceived that I breathed again, on his assertion, 'I think,
-therefore, I am;' the invincible proof of a certainty which I had
-despaired of ever again attaining." Camporese died, unfortunately, in
-the midst of these studies, and Metastasio returned to Rome.
-
-[Sidenote: 1718.
-Ætat.
-20.]
-
-It was soon after his lot to lose his adopted father, Gravina. He
-expresses, both in letters written at the time, and in after years, his
-deep grief on the death of his benefactor. Gravina kept his word, of
-considering him as his son; and, with the exception of a legacy to his
-mother, left him heir to all that he possessed, to the amount of about
-fifteen thousand crowns. Finding himself thus independent, and even rich
-in his own eyes, Metastasio gave himself up to the study of poetry.
-Hitherto the rules of Gravina had limited his reading: now he emerged
-into freedom; and, having been before allowed only to peruse Ariosto,
-among the Italians, he read the "Jerusalem Delivered" for the first
-time. He was enchanted by the order and majesty of a single action,
-conducted with art, and terminated with dignity. The grandeur of the
-style, the vivid colouring and fervid imagination of Tasso, transported
-him with delight. Ovid was also an especial favourite; and it is
-recorded that he regarded Marini with an approbation which that poet,
-indeed, deserves, but of which, as the original corrupter of the Italian
-style, and the leader of the degenerate Seicentisti, he is usually
-deprived.
-
-Unfortunately, independence and youthful thoughtlessness led Metastasio
-into other deviations from Gravina's lessons, less praiseworthy than
-reading Tasso. The poet was warm-hearted, hospitable, and gay. He was
-surrounded by companions ready to share the pleasures and luxuries which
-his money procured; while he believed his future prospects secured by
-the promises he received from influential protectors. Two years had not
-passed before he was undeceived. He had squandered the greater part of
-his fortune; he had made many enemies, and his friends fell off. With a
-firmness worthy of his education, he stopped short of actual ruin; and,
-disgusted with the society of Rome, and the treatment he had suffered,
-he changed, on a sudden, his whole plan of life, following up his new
-designs with zeal and perseverance.
-
-"There lived at Naples," says his biographer, Venanzio, "a rough incult
-lawyer, called Castagnola, covered with rust and dust, and an enemy to
-every thing that was not allied to forensic struggles and turmoils."
-Wishing to place a barrier between his will and his inclinations,
-Metastasio went to Naples, and chose this man for his master, believing
-that his asperity and detestation of poetry would serve to guard him
-against having again recourse to an art towards which nature impelled
-him. For nearly two years he submitted to the control of Castagnola, and
-devoted himself to the severest study. But he was well known at Naples,
-and his talents were appreciated. He was perpetually solicited to
-compose epithalamiums, theatrical pieces, and occasional verses. He
-resisted the temptation as long as he could: at last, commanded by the
-viceroy, he consented to write a drama, to celebrate the birthday of the
-empress Elizabeth Christina, wife of Charles VI. He, however, obtained a
-promise of secrecy, and hoped to conceal his crime from his master. To
-accomplish this, he was obliged to steal for his work the hours usually
-devoted to sleep; but his natural vein, checked for some time, flowed
-with such felicity, that he accomplished his task before the appointed
-time. The "Orti Esperidi" charmed his august employer, who bestowed on
-it the highest praise, and presented the author with a purse containing
-two hundred ducats.
-
-The success of this interlude on the stage confirmed the judgment of the
-viceroy. It was admirably set to music, and the decorations were most
-splendid. All Naples flocked to the representation--all Naples resounded
-with its praises, and every one was eager to thank and applaud the
-author. But Metastasio, reluctant to quit his legal studies, shrank from
-the censures of his master, and continued to preserve the concealment he
-had at first adopted: he even angrily denied the charge when he was
-accused of being the writer, and put enquiry to fault; till at last the
-discovery was made by the prima donna, Marianna Bulgarelli, usually
-called La Romanina, from her native city. She had received the greatest
-applause in the character of Venus, in this drama; and her gratitude and
-admiration made her eager to learn to whom she owed her success. Despite
-all his efforts, she discovered that Metastasio was the author, and she
-lost no time in spreading the report throughout Naples.
-
-Castagnola was highly indignant. He treated his pupil with severity and
-disdain; while, on the other hand, the Romanina used every argument to
-inspire him with self-confidence, and to induce him to follow the career
-for which he was formed by nature. He consented at last: he quitted the
-angry lawyer, who refused even to listen to his farewell; and, at the
-earnest invitation of his new friend, took up his abode at her house.
-Marianna Bulgarelli had a society around her of distinguished men and
-accomplished artists, and among these Metastasio found every
-encouragement to pursue his new career. He studied the science of music
-under Porpora, the first composer of the day, and acquired a knowledge
-of the art which greatly assisted the melody of his verses; so that, he
-tells us, he never wrote any lyrical poetry without imagining an
-accompaniment at the same time, which regulated its cadences and
-modulated the sounds. His natural inclination led him to desire to write
-tragedies; but, on reflection, he found that it was not sufficient that
-tragedies should be written, if there were no actors to represent them,
-nor an audience which could take interest in the representation. His
-association with musical people, and a prima donna, led him to consider
-the opera as the natural drama of Italy. Operatic dramas owed their
-origin to Florence, the birthplace of so much that is great and
-admirable, and were first brought forward in 1594. After that time they
-fell into disrepute, till Apostolo Zeno, choosing in ancient mythology
-and history the groundwork of his plots, brought out pieces that
-acquired great popularity. To this species of composition Metastasio
-accordingly turned his thoughts. Marianna encouraged him to proceed;
-and, when he received the commission to furnish the Neapolitan theatre
-with an opera for the carnival of 1724, she suggested the subject of
-"Didone Abbandonata," or the desertion of Dido. In this, she filled the
-part of the unfortunate queen; and her dignity, pathos, and musical
-powers imparted an attraction to the piece, which filled the audience
-with enthusiasm, while her heart warmed with gratitude towards the poet,
-whose admirable conception and execution gave a scope to her talents,
-before denied to them. The reputation of Dido spread through Italy:
-during the carnival of the following year, it was acted at Venice, la
-Romanina being still engaged to fill the principal part. Metastasio
-accompanied his friend, and wrote, while in that city, another opera,
-called "Siroe."
-
-This was the last appearance of Marianna on the stage: she was no longer
-young, and retired from her profession. She took up her residence at
-Rome, and with some difficulty persuaded her friend to return to his
-native city. The two families resided under the same roof--Marianna and
-her husband--Metastasio with his father, elder brother, and two sisters.
-The relations of the poet were indigent; but he possessed some property,
-and his friend was comparatively rich. The household was in common;
-Marianna acting as steward and housekeeper, while she still kept her
-station beside the poet; encouraging him in moments of despondency;
-suggesting subjects for his muse; and displaying, at all times, that
-active and generous affection which so distinguished her.
-
-Metastasio did not, however, meet with the encouragement at Rome which
-hailed his first exertions. He wrote his drama of "Cato," which was
-acted in 1727: but it was not attended with his accustomed success. The
-austere character of the Roman hero--the cold loves--and disastrous
-ending--displeased the morbid tastes of the spectators, who were unable
-to appreciate the simplicity of the plot, or the grandeur of the
-sentiments. Metastasio had a true tragic bias for an unhappy
-catastrophe; but his audience did not relish it, and, subsequently, he
-adapted himself better to their tastes, and his operas have usually the
-happy ending, then supposed more consonant to the inherent lightness of
-musical dramas, or, probably, to the talents of the singers: as, in our
-days, the sublime acting of Pasta has induced composers to bring forward
-tragedies of the deepest dye, "Medea" and "Otello," as the subjects best
-fitted for their art.
-
-Metastasio was discouraged: he was poor, and he had many enemies at
-Rome, who prejudiced the pope against him, and rendered his abode very
-disagreeable. At this moment, fortune came to his aid, and his whole
-future life became prosperous and stable. In November, 1729, he received
-a letter from prince Pio of Savoy, director of the imperial theatricals,
-inviting him to become the court poet of Vienna. Apostolo Zeno was at
-that time poet laureate to the emperor Charles VI.; but he also, with
-praiseworthy liberality, seconded the emperor in his wish to invite
-Metastasio to his court; and the way was opened to him by the absence of
-envy in one, who might have looked on him as a rival, but who generously
-preferred regarding him as a fellow-labourer, or rather, successor, to
-his own exertions. Metastasio at once accepted the offer with many
-expressions of gratitude. He was allowed to delay his journey to Vienna
-till the spring of 1730, and to fulfil his engagement of supplying the
-Roman theatre with two pieces for the carnival. These were "Alexander in
-India," and "Artaxerxes." The latter was a favourite from the first: the
-poet considered it the most fortunate of his productions, and was
-accustomed to say that he owed it more obligations than any other of his
-dramas; since, even when set to indifferent music, it never failed to
-meet with success.
-
-Metastasio thus made his appearance at Vienna, surrounded by the halo of
-a recent triumph. He left Rome with pleasure; but he quitted his family
-with regret: more than all he must have lamented his separation from his
-generous and affectionate friend, Marianna, the encourager of his
-youthful timidity, the chief promoter of his fortunate choice of a
-profession, and his unwearied comforter during adverse circumstances. He
-went to new scenes and to a new people, and adapted himself at once to
-the change. He was kindly received by the emperor, and his heart
-overflowed with gratitude for his condescension and beneficence.
-
-It is a strange fact, how little we are contented with negative
-qualities in our fellow-creatures; and, indeed, how amiability, and even
-generosity, become slight in our eyes, if unaccompanied by energy,
-independence, and pride. Metastasio was the most amiable of men: his
-disposition was affectionate and constant; yet he was derided in his own
-time for his courtier-like qualities, and the gratitude he naturally
-evinced towards his imperial benefactors; and censured for a coldness of
-heart of which we can find no trace in his writings or actions. There is
-one circumstance that renders posterity more just, and, in particular,
-induces those who write his biography to regard him with a favourable
-eye: this is the publication of his letters. We possess a series from
-the age of thirty to that of eighty-four, when he died, which let us
-into the secrets of his heart, and display his good sense, his friendly
-disposition, his justice, and the ready sympathy that he afforded to
-those to whom he was attached, in a more undisguised manner than could
-be known to his contemporaries. These letters prepossess the reader in
-his favour; and, while the biographer finds few events to record, and
-little of misfortune or error to mark his pages with high-wrought
-interest, he may envy the tranquil career of the fortunate poet, and
-wish that fate had made him the friend of such a man.
-
-Metastasio entered on his employments at Vienna in the year 1730, at the
-age of thirty-two. He took up his abode in the house of Niccolo
-Martinetz, who held a place in the court of the apostolic nuncio, and
-with whom he remained to the end of his life. The dramas that he brought
-out during the year succeeding to his arrival were eminently successful.
-These were "Adriano," and "Demetrio;" and, during the three following,
-he wrote the "Olimpiade," "Demoofonte," and "Issipile." Each, as it
-appeared, excited still renewed admiration and applause. After the
-representation of "Issipile," the emperor broke through his habitual
-majestic reserve, and expressed his satisfaction to the poet, who was
-enraptured by the unusual condescension. His imperial master soon after
-testified his approbation in a more solid manner, by bestowing on him
-the place of treasurer to the province of Cosenza in Naples, worth
-annually 350 sequins. Unfortunately, the war of the Spanish succession
-deprived him of this income, after he had enjoyed it but for a few
-years.
-
-The poet's heart and soul were in his profession, and his operas were
-written with that fervent and exalted spirit which marks the
-compositions of genius; while his modesty engendered doubts concerning
-their reception, which were delightfully dissipated by the triumph of
-their success. His feelings are all ingenuously expressed in his letters
-to Marianna Bulgarelli, who, together with her husband, still remained
-at Rome with the poet's family. "I did not believe," he writes, "that I
-should have been able to send you the good news I now give--I was so
-entirely prepared for the contrary. My _Demetrio_ was brought out last
-Sunday, and with so great success, that the old people here assure me
-they never witnessed such universal applause. The audience wept at the
-Addio--my august master was not unmoved--and, notwithstanding the
-respect paid to the imperial presence, the public could not restrain
-themselves from giving marks of applause. My enemies have become my
-applauders. I cannot express my surprise, for this opera is so
-delicately touched, without any of that strong colouring that strikes at
-once, that I feared that it was not adapted to the national taste. I was
-mistaken--every one seems to understand it, and passages are recited in
-conversation, as if it were written in German." While composing the
-"Olimpiade," he thus addresses his friend:--"Here is a moral sonnet
-which I wrote in the midst of a pathetic scene, that moved me as I wrote
-it: so that, smiling at myself, when I found my eyes humid from pity at
-a fictitious disaster, invented by myself, I expressed my feelings in
-the sonnet I send. The idea does not displease me; and I did not choose
-to lose it, as it will serve as an incitement for my piety." The thought
-of the sonnet is, that, while he smiles at himself for weeping over
-dreams and fables of his own invention, he may remember that every thing
-that he fears and hopes is equally fictitious,--that all is false, his
-existence a delirium, and his whole life a dream;--and it ends with a
-prayer that he may awaken and find repose in the bosom of truth.
-
-Again, he writes, "Will you suggest the subject of an opera? Yes or no?
-I am in an abyss of doubt. Oh! do not laugh, and say that the disease is
-incurable; for indeed; the choice of a subject merits all this
-inquietude and scepticism. It is my lot to be forced to make a choice;
-and I cannot avoid it; otherwise I should continue to doubt until the
-day of judgment; and then begin again. Read the third scene of the third
-act of my 'Adrian;' remark the character which the emperor gives of
-himself, and you will see my own.[47] From this you may conclude; that I
-know my faults; but not that I can correct them. This pertinacity in a
-fault; which torments me without the recompence of any pleasure; and
-which I clearly perceive; without being able to remedy; makes me often
-reflect on the tyranny which the body exercises over the mind. If my
-understanding is convinced, when reasoning calmly, that this excess of
-indecision is a troublesome, tormenting, and useless vice, and an
-obstacle to the execution of any design, why do I not get rid of it? Why
-not abide by a resolution, so often taken, to doubt no more? The answer
-is clear; that the mechanical constitution of the soul's imperfect
-habitation gives a false colouring to objects before they reach it, as
-rays of the sun appear yellow or green or red, according to the hue of
-the substance which they traverse to meet our eyes. Hence it is clear,
-that men for the most part do not act from reason, but from mechanical
-impulse, subsequently adapting, by the force of their understanding,
-their reason to their actions, so that the cleverest frequently appear
-the most reasonable. Do not get weary, because I play the philosopher
-with you; I have none else with whom to play it; and doing it thus by
-letter, I call to mind conversations of this kind, which made us spend
-so many happy hours together.--O, how much more matter for such has my
-experience in the world given me!
-[Footnote: July 4.
-1733.]
-We will again talk on these subjects, if fortune does not, through some
-caprice, entangle the thread of my honourable but laborious life."
-
-A few months after fortune cut, rather than entangled, the thread of
-these prospects; Marianna died, and, true to her feelings of
-friendship[48] to the end, she left the poet heir to her possessions, to
-the amount of thirty thousand crowns. Metastasio writes thus to his
-brother, on receiving this sad intelligence:--
-
-"In the agitation I feel from the unexpected death of the poor and
-generous Marianna, I cannot long dilate. I can only say, that my honour
-and my conscience have both induced me to renounce her bequest in favour
-of her husband. I owe it to the world to undeceive it from a great
-mistake,--that of fancying that my friendship was founded on avarice and
-interested motives. I have no right to take advantage of the partiality
-of my poor friend to the injury of her husband, and God will by some
-other means make up for what I now renounce. I need nothing for myself;
-I possess sufficient at Rome to maintain my family in decency, and if
-Providence preserves to me my property in Naples, I will give my
-relations other marks of my affection, and think seriously of you in
-particular. Communicate my resolution to my father, as I have not time
-to write to him. Assure him of my intention always to contribute as
-heretofore to his comfort, and even to increase my assistance, if my
-Neapolitan income does not fail me. In short, make him enter into my
-feelings, so that he shall not imbitter them by disapproving of my
-honest and Christian determination.
-
-"You will continue to live with signor Bulgarelli, who will, I hope,
-display towards you that friendly kindness which my conduct with regard
-to him deserves. All will go on as before; only poor Marianna will never
-return, nor can I hope for any consolation, and the rest of my life will
-be insipid and painful."
-
-"I feel," he wrote to another friend on this occasion, "as if I were in
-the world as in an unpeopled solitude; desolate as a man would feel, if,
-transported in his sleep among the Chinese or Tartars, he should, on
-awakening, find himself among a people whose language, manners, and
-customs are alike unknown to him. In the midst of such fancies, so much
-reason remains, as permits me to be aware how without foundation they
-are, and how produced; but reflection has not yet sufficed to dissipate
-them. You will have heard that I have renounced the bequest. I know not
-whether this renunciation will be approved of by all, but I know that
-neither my honour nor my conscience permit me to take advantage of the
-excessive partiality of a woman to the injury of her relations, and that
-the want of the riches which I refuse, is more tolerable than the shame
-which they would produce in me."
-
-Metastasio was, with his accustomed modesty, disturbed by the fear, lest
-his honourable conduct would be disapproved of by his friends and the
-world; and he was agreeably surprised when, on the contrary, it met with
-the general approbation it deserved. "I should be insincere," he writes
-to the same friend, "if, affecting philosophy, I pretended to be annoyed
-by the kind approval which my country has universally yielded to my
-renunciation of Marianna's bequest. It delights me in the first place,
-and like a vow, confirms me in my opinion of the justice of the act; and
-in the second, it surprises me, as being the testimony of the affection
-of so great a mother for the least of her sons."
-
-This, during the space of ten years, from the time of his first arrival
-in Vienna, was the only event that disturbed Metastasio's life. These
-ten years are the period during which his poetic powers flourished most
-vigorously, and during which his best as well as the greater number of
-his works were produced. The favour they met confirmed his situation at
-court, while they caused him to labour unintermittingly. It is difficult
-to give one not versed in the Italian language a correct idea of the
-peculiar merits of his poetry, and the excellences of his dramas. They
-are not absolute tragedies: their happy conclusions, the introduction of
-airs, and their being compressed into three acts, give them a lightness
-and a brevity unlike the heavier march of tragedy. They are to a great
-degree ideal, and yet possess the interest which passion and plot,
-described and developed with masterly skill, necessarily impart. His
-command of language is singularly great, and he adapted poetic diction
-to dramatic dialogue with wonderful felicity. A long and profound study
-of the genius of his native tongue gave him such extreme facility, that
-the perfection of art takes the guise of the most unadorned nature; and
-the flow and clearness of his verses so excite our sympathy, as to make
-us feel as if the thoughts and sentiments which we find in his pages
-were the spontaneous growth of our own minds. The magic of his style
-renders sensible and distinct the most delicate and evanescent feelings,
-so that it has been remarked[49], that many of the movements of the
-human soul, which the ablest writers have scarcely been able to indicate
-in prose, and which, from their subtlety, are almost hidden from our
-consciousness, are brought home to us in his verses with a lucid
-felicity of expression, that leaves no portion of them either obscure or
-vague. He thus formed a language peculiarly his own. In his airs the
-words flow in so unforced a manner and with such extreme propriety, that
-they appear to place themselves: not one can be changed, not one
-omitted. There is no pedantry, no affectation; simplicity is his
-principal charm; it seems as if a child might utter them,--they are so
-unstudied; and yet no other poet possesses to an equal degree the art of
-clothing his ideas with the same easy grace.
-
-When we reflect on the singular perfection of his style, we are not
-surprised that he preserved it with the most jealous watchfulness. He
-was careful not to accustom his mind to the use of any language except
-Italian, and never knew more of German than the few words "sufficient,"
-as he forcibly expresses it, "to save his life." Many nobles of Vienna
-paid him the compliment of learning his language for the sake of
-conversing with him, and Italian being in common use among the
-well-educated, he did not lose so much as might be expected: yet he must
-have felt the privation. He was right, however, in adhering to his
-resolution. He was settled at Vienna for life, while at the same time
-his present occupation and his future glory depended on his preserving
-uninjured that delicacy of taste, and felicity of expression in his
-native language, which characterises his compositions. But to return to
-his operas.
-
-He himself has said, that if he were forced to select one of his dramas
-to be preserved, while all the rest were annihilated, he should fix upon
-"Attilio Regulo." The principal action of this play, founded on the
-well-known heroism of Regulus, in dissuading his countrymen from an
-exchange of prisoners, and his consequent return to servitude and a
-cruel death in Carthage, is conducted with dignity and pathos. But the
-interest of the piece is somewhat marred by an underplot, and the airs
-interspersed are not among his best. Perhaps we are inclined to give the
-preference among them to "Themistocles:" the dignity of the subject
-raises it to this pre-eminence; but in pathos, tenderness, and
-impassioned dialogue, the "Olimpiade" is unequalled. Devoted friendship
-forms the action; the personages are placed in the most interesting
-situations, and the language is sustained to the height of those
-emotions which the clash of heroic feelings would inspire. There are
-scenes in "Demofoonte" as fine as any to be found in Metastasio, but
-there is a reduplication of plot which mars the unity of the action; as,
-after deeply sympathising with the hero in his fears concerning his
-wife's fate, through nearly four acts, we are somewhat exhausted, and
-cannot well reawaken other sentiments, to mourn over the relationship
-that he imagines that he has discovered to exist between them. Voltaire
-and others have praised the scene between Titus and Sestus in the
-"Clemenza di Tito," as surpassing the representation of any similar
-struggle of feeling in any other dramatic poet; and the airs in that
-piece are among his happiest compositions. It was the poet's aim and
-pleasure, in all his writings, to make virtue attractive, and to paint
-patriotism, self-sacrifice and the best affections of the soul, in
-glowing and alluring colours. This gives a great charm to his dramas. We
-live among a better race, and yet the sorrows and passions and errors of
-the personages are represented in a manner to call forth our liveliest
-sympathy. A heartfelt pathos reigns throughout, and if passages of
-sublimity are rare (though there are several which merit that name), the
-elevated moral feeling acts on our minds to prevent the enervating
-influence of mere tenderness and grief.[50]
-
-Besides his dramas, Metastasio composed at this period two canzonetti,
-which are among the best of his productions. The "Grazie agli inganni
-tuoi," or thanks of a lover to his lady for having disenchanted him by
-her caprices, is written at once with feeling and spirit. The "Partenza"
-is yet more beautiful. It was founded on the unfortunate attachment of a
-Viennese nobleman for a public singer, who at last yielded to the
-entreaties of his friends, in detaching himself from her, on condition
-that Metastasio should write some verses of adieu. The lover must have
-been satisfied, and the lady charmed, despite regret, by the passion,
-tenderness, and beauty of the poem which celebrates their separation.
-
-Metastasio's tranquil and prosperous life was broken in upon in 1740, by
-the death of the emperor Charles VI., who fell a victim to either poison
-or indigestion, after eating mushrooms. The poet was unfeignedly
-attached to his imperial master, whose moral and religious character was
-congenial to his own; and the disturbed state of Europe, immediately
-after, added to his regret. This prince had no son, and his daughter,
-Maria Teresa, succeeded to him as queen of Bohemia and Hungary. Her
-husband aspired to the imperial crown; but the influence of France
-caused the duke of Bavaria to be elected, under the title of Charles
-VII. This disappointment was not the only misfortune of the queen; the
-king of Prussia invaded Silesia almost immediately after her father's
-death, and Vienna being threatened with a siege, she was obliged to quit
-it, and to take refuge in Presburg. After a reign of four years, Charles
-VII. died, and the husband of Maria Teresa, then grand duke of Tuscany,
-was elected emperor in the year 1745, under the name of Francis I.: but
-the war still continued, and its various success, and the disasters,
-with which it was attended, gave the court little leisure or inclination
-for amusement, until the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.
-
-On the death of Charles VI., several of the European sovereigns invited
-Metastasio to their courts, and made him advantageous and honourable
-offers; but, as Maria Teresa still continued him in the place he held
-under her father, the poet felt that fidelity and gratitude alike
-forbade him to change masters during her adversity. His naturally
-sensitive mind was strongly agitated by the various success of the
-empress queen's arms. His susceptibility of disposition did not allow
-him to regard the course of events with a stoical eye; and to the
-disquietude he suffered is attributed the bad state of health into which
-he fell after the year 1745, when he was forty-seven years of age. His
-malady was chiefly nervous; hysterical affections, and a rush of blood
-to the head, were brought on by the slightest mental exertion, followed
-by a total temporary inability to write, or even to think: he was thus
-obliged entirely to suspend his poetic labours; and when he forced
-himself to them, they bear the mark of a falling off in his powers. It
-cannot be doubted that this unfortunate state was brought on in a great
-degree by climate. He was a native of Rome, and, till the age of
-thirty-two, had resided constantly in the south of Italy. What a dreary
-contrast did Vienna present to the enchanting land in which he passed
-his youth! The clear skies, the perpetual summer, the cheerful feelings
-produced by the habits of a southern life, were injuriously changed for
-the gloom of the freezing north. The very precautions which the natives
-take to protect themselves from cold during the interminable winters,
-the stoves, closed windows, and consequent want of fresh air and healthy
-exercise, being in diametrical opposition to the more hardy habits of
-southern nations, are injurious to the health and spirits of those who
-are accustomed to regard the "skiey influences" as friendly instead of
-inimical to their comfort and well-being. Metastasio never left Germany
-after he first entered it. A part of his occupation, in the sequel,
-became the teaching the archduchesses, daughters of Maria Teresa,
-Italian: this was an office he felt that he could not desert, with any
-grace, even for a limited number of months. The kindness of the empress
-in yielding to the total suspension of all theatrical composition on his
-part, forced on him by ill health, bound him yet more devotedly to her.
-As he grew older, he became a man of habit, and consequently averse to
-travelling. It is impossible, however, not to believe, that if he had
-varied his residence in Germany by occasional visits to his native
-country, the disease under which he laboured, which embittered though it
-did not shorten existence, would have been dissipated and cured.
-
-Metastasio's life, we are told, is only to be found in his letters, yet
-these detail no event; one of them contains, indeed, an offer of
-marriage to a lady, whose name is omitted: it is well written, and with
-considerable delicacy of sentiment; but, as he had no acquaintance with
-the object, and aspired to her alliance on account of her character, and
-his friendship for her father, his feelings could not be very deeply
-interested. Many of his letters are addressed to his brother, and they
-display a warm interest for his family. After the death of Marianna, the
-management of his affairs in Italy devolved on his relatives, and many
-are taken up with directions and advice. Leopold, and the rest of
-Metastasio's family, fell into the common error of supposing, that since
-he was in favour at court, the greatest prosperity would flow in upon
-him. The poet endeavoured to undeceive him:--"Princes and their
-satellites," he writes, "have neither the will nor power to confer
-benefits correspondent to the notions people are pleased to form. I do
-not know what definition merit bears among them; and I religiously
-abstain from inquiring, placing it among those mysteries which are
-beyond, though not contrary to, our understanding. Following these
-principles, I do all that is enough to prevent my feeling remorse for
-sins of omission; but I never allow hope to interfere in the guidance of
-my cautious line of conduct. It is a long time since I have ceased to be
-the dupe of hope, and it would be shameful to become such at our age.
-Expect less, therefore, on my account, and you will find the scales more
-even. This letter speaks more freely than any other, as I write only for
-you, and among other earthly goods, I desire for you the most useful of
-all,--a clear perception, if not of all, of the greater part of those
-innumerable errors, contracted through our lamentable education, and our
-intercourse with fools."
-
-These sentiments did not float merely on the surface of Metastasio's
-mind,--he made them the guides of his actions. As he says, gratitude and
-duty regulated his conduct, but no servile hunting after greater
-benefits mingled with the deference he manifested towards those in
-power. He acted on the defensive in his intercourse with courts, with
-such consistency of purpose, that he refused the honours chiefly valued
-there, and declined the various orders, and the title of count, which
-the emperor Charles VI. had offered to bestow on him.
-
-It is from passages such as these, interspersed in his letters, that we
-can collect the peculiar character of the man--his difference from
-others--and the mechanism of being that rendered him the individual that
-he was. Such, Dr. Johnson remarks, is the true end of biography, and he
-recommends the bringing forward of minute, yet characteristic details,
-as essential to this style of history; to follow which precept has been
-the aim and desire of the writer of these pages.
-
-In other letters Metastasio writes concerning his works, and explains
-his views in the developement of his dramas; but he never makes himself
-the subject-matter without an apology. "Never in my life," he writes on
-one occasion, "did I before write so much concerning myself. I perceive
-this at the end of my letter, and blush, not because I feel myself
-guilty of too great self-love, but because I shall appear so to you.
-Remember that few people distrust themselves to a fault, as I do; and in
-communicating to you the perfection which I desire to attain, I do not
-fancy that I am exempt from those defects, to which human nature and my
-own weakness expose me."
-
-All his letters to his brother express the most earnest and affectionate
-interest. It is the more necessary to mention this, as one of the
-calumnies propagated against him was, an aversion to render service to
-his relatives. "You know," he writes to his brother, "that your honour
-and welfare have always been the objects of my solicitude, and that I
-never proposed to myself any reward, except the agreeable consciousness
-that my endeavours to introduce you and sustain you in the career of
-letters, have not failed of success; if you think that you owe me any
-gratitude, pay it by increasing my self-satisfaction on this account.
-You can never show yourself more generous to me than by meriting that
-esteem which begins to be your due."
-
-On the death of their father he writes with great feeling:--"The loss of
-our poor father did not surprise, while it filled me with the liveliest
-grief. I measure your sorrow by my own. I feel that it will require time
-to render me reasonable. I thank you for your fraternal kindness in the
-midst of your affliction. Dear brother, you now fill the place of a
-father in his stead: do it worthily, and if there is any thing that I
-can do to comfort you, demand it from me without reserve: your
-consolation will produce mine. My poor sisters!--how lost they will feel
-themselves! take care of them, dear Leopold: reflect how much fewer
-supports they have than we against the assaults of passion, especially
-of that feeling which is derived from the most sacred of nature's laws.
-Adieu. If I have always loved you, consider how this affection is
-augmented by the loss of him who possessed before so large a proportion
-of it. Let yours increase also."
-
-His brother distinguished himself afterwards by some writings in favour
-of religion; and it appears that he even had the design of writing the
-poet's Life. Metastasio, while he praised Leopold for occupying himself
-in a praiseworthy manner, advised him against publishing controversial
-arguments, which would occasion him to be attacked by the cleverest men
-of Europe; and which, doubtless, were not stamped with that talent which
-could insure success. Metastasio, while deprecating the spread of
-unbelief occasioned by the French philosophers of those days, yet joined
-with the throng in fearing their attacks, and in flattering
-Voltaire,--showing in how great awe he stood of the enmity and sarcasm
-of that wonderful man. It is supposed that Leopold died in 1770, after
-which date no more letters appear addressed to him.
-
-One of the principal correspondents of Metastasio, and to whom his most
-agreeable letters are addressed, is Farinelli. The poet and the singer
-were nearly of the same age; both began their career at Naples at the
-same time; which causes Metastasio to give his friend the affectionate
-appellation of his twin. Both met with immediate and complete success;
-and they formed a friendship, which the letters of the poet prove to
-have been maintained on his side with sentiments of the warmest
-affection, and the most active wish to render service. After having met
-with the greatest applause in the various theatres of Europe, Farinelli
-was invited to Spain, in 1737; where his voice had the peculiar effect
-of calming and solacing the accesses of malady to which the king, Philip
-V., was subject. On this account he was retained at the Spanish court, a
-large income was settled on him, and he never sang again on the public
-stage, being, to please the Spanish notions of etiquette, made cavalier
-of the orders of St. Jago and Calatrava, that he might be considered of
-rank sufficient to attend the private hours of the monarch. Philip V.
-died in 1746, but Farinelli continued in equal favour with his
-successor. His prosperity continued till the accession of Charles III.,
-in 1763, when he was ordered to quit Spain, and, with singular cruelty,
-not permitted to make choice of an abode. At last, Bologna was
-prescribed to him as the place that would best please the Spanish
-monarch,--we are not told for what reason, except that Farinelli was as
-a foreigner in that city, and cut off from all personal intercourse with
-his friends.
-
-An interesting volume might be formed out of Metastasio's letters to the
-singer. They are full of enthusiastic friendship; now dwelling on
-alterations made to operas for the peculiar benefit of Farinelli,--now
-on more personal topics. Metastasio's days were clouded by ill health,
-and his genius impaired through the same cause; but it did not check the
-overflow of his kind heart, nor injure the happy influence of his
-contented disposition. It is difficult, however, to select passages,
-since the interest consists in the openness, friendship, and warmth of
-the whole, and mere isolated extracts would be devoid of attraction. The
-whole correspondence is replete with frank exhibitions of the writer's
-mind, and the style is remarkable for its vivacity as well as elegance.
-
-With the exception of his physical sufferings, which were rather
-annoying than painful, and that sensibility of character which could not
-fail to chequer his life with a thousand various emotions, Metastasio's
-latter years was singularly prosperous, and perfectly monotonous. A few
-weeks spent each autumn in Moravia was his only change. The empress
-kindly excused him from forcing his powers to compose new dramas, and
-his occupation principally consisted in the easy task of instructing the
-archduchesses in Italian. When the empress Maria Theresa died, the
-emperor Joseph II. continued to him his protection; and the esteem and
-even affection in which he was held at the imperial court prevented the
-death of his benefactress from injuring his fortunes, or disturbing his
-repose.
-
-He filled, however, a place in the public eye which exposed him to a
-good deal of trouble. As the first Italian poet of the day, each minor
-aspirant to the laurel sent their verses for his criticism, or rather
-approval. He has been accused of lavishing praise without moderation or
-judgment. It is difficult for one author not to flatter other authors,
-since severity of criticism will be attributed to envy or ill-humour;
-and, besides, the Italian genius is singularly inclined to superlative
-panegyric. But it may be remarked that, though Metastasio gilds the
-pill, he never fails, particularly to his friends, to point out the weak
-points of their works, and to bestow sagacious and valuable
-observations.
-
-When Dr. Burney visited Vienna in 1772, Metastasio was an old man; and
-his life, uninterrupted by any events, flowed on in one unbroken and
-quiet stream. "He lives," writes the doctor, "with the most mechanical
-regularity, which he suffers none to disturb. He has not dined from home
-these thirty years. He studies from eight o'clock in the morning till
-noon. Then he is visited by his acquaintance. He dines at two; and at
-five receives his most intimate friends. At nine, in summer, he goes out
-in his carriage, pays visits, and sometimes plays at ombre. He returns
-at ten o'clock, sups, and goes to bed before eleven. In conversation he
-is constantly cheerful; fanciful, playful, and sometimes poetical; never
-sarcastic or disputatious; totally devoid of curiosity concerning the
-public news or private scandal in circulation; the morality of his
-sentiments resembles that of his life. In confidence with few, but
-polite to all, his affection to his countrymen is great, and extends to
-ecclesiastics, painters, musicians, poets, and ministers from the
-Italian states, who are all sure of his kindness and good offices. I was
-no less astonished than delighted to find him look so well; he does not
-seem more than fifty years of age. There is painted on his countenance
-the genius, goodness, propriety, and benevolence, which characterise his
-writings. I could not keep my eyes off his face,--it was so pleasing and
-worthy of contemplation."
-
-He thus spent in ease and peace the last years of his life. It has been
-said that, like Dr. Johnson, he had a great aversion to any allusion
-being made to death in conversation, and carefully avoided all
-lugubrious subjects. He continued to live with his friend Martinetz,
-whose daughter, Marianne, being educated by Gluck, became a celebrated
-musician; and in this family he met with that respect, attachment, and
-attention that rendered old age easy.
-
-His last letter was written to Farinelli. He complains of the "dreadful
-season," and says, that he "cannot find a friend or acquaintance who
-does not complain of ill health."--"We are all equally obliged," he
-writes, "to have recourse to resignation. My neighbour prays for me, and
-I pray for my neighbour; and we all are wishing better health to our
-afflicted friends. My complaints obstinately defend their posts, and I
-my patience."
-
-This letter is dated in March, 1782, and was written but a short time
-before he died. Though advanced to the age of eighty-four, his death was
-unexpected, as the vigour of his constitution, and his vivacity and
-unbroken powers, promised several years more of life; nor did his
-nervous indispositions threaten dissolution, for they neither interfered
-with his sleep nor appetite, nor the enjoyment he both conferred and
-received in his domestic circle. A fever, attended with weakness and
-loss of speech, and lethargy, carried him off after an illness of only
-twelve days. He died tranquilly, and without pain, on the 12th of April,
-1782. He left the family of Martinetz his heirs to considerable wealth;
-his property consisting of about 130,000 florins, in addition to many
-valuables presented to him by sovereign princes. He was sincerely
-regretted at Vienna; and Martinetz struck a medal in his honour. Nor was
-he forgotten in his native country; and the various literary academies
-of Italy vied with each other in offering poetic testimonials of
-veneration to his worth and genius.
-
-
-[Footnote 47: "Ah, tu non sai
-Qual guerra di pensieri
-Agita l'alma mia.
-* * * *
-Trovo per tutto
-Qualche scoglio a temer. Scelgo, mi pento;
-Poi d' essermi pentito
-Mi ritorno a pentir. Mi stanco intanto
-Nel lungo dubitar, tal che dal male
-Il ben non distinguo: alfin mi veggio
-Stetto dal tempo, e mi risolvo al peggio."
-
-"Ah, thou knowest not the war of struggling thoughts
-That agitates my soul. I find in all
-Some peril still to dread. I choose; and then,
-My choice repent--and then again regret
-Having repented; while protracted doubt
-Wearies my mind, so that the ill from good
-No longer I distinguish; till at length
-The flight of time impels me to the worst."]
-
-[Footnote 48: We have made no remark on the nature of this kind-hearted
-and generous woman's attachment. In Italy it is customary to look on
-such as formed by friendship only, and to consider that they are
-rendered respectable by constancy. The Italians lavish the greatest
-praise on Marianna Bulgarelli for her perception of the poet's merits,
-her zeal in persuading him to, and assisting him in, his arduous career;
-and the disinterested affection which caused her at once to make a
-sacrifice of her own feelings, and to advise his journey to Vienna. Her
-errors are those of her country. Any one who has visited Italy must at
-once censure, and deeply deplore, the social system there carried on--a
-system which blights the affections, degrades the moral feeling, and
-causes almost universal unhappiness. But it is unjust to heap the
-censure of a system belonging to a whole country, and carried on for
-centuries, on the head of an individual, whose virtues, we may presume
-to say, redeemed an error, the very existence of which is, after all,
-uncertain.]
-
-[Footnote 49: Baretti.]
-
-[Footnote 50: There is a curious instance in Metastasio of a poet using
-the same image adopted by a preceding writer, which yet, it is probable,
-that the later one had not read. The explanation may be, that both drew
-it from an ancient writer; but we have been unable to find it. The
-passages are subjoined as, if both are unborrowed, it forms a curious
-though natural coincidence of thought.
-
-And as goodly cedars,
-Rent from Oeta by a sweeping tempest,
-Jointed again, and made tall masts, defy
-Those angry winds that split 'em, so will I
-New pieced again,
-And made more perfect far,
-Stand and defy bad fortunes.
-
-FLETCHER, _Tragedy of "Valentinian._"
-
-Spezza il furor del vento
-Robusta quercia, avezza
-Di cento verni, e cento
-L' ingurie a tollerar.
-
-E se pur cade al suolo
-Spiega per l' onde il volo,
-E con quel vento istesso
-Va contrastando il mar
-
-_Adriano._]
-
-
-
-
-GOLDONI
-
-1707-1792.
-
-
-The life of Goldoni, written by himself, is, as well as his comedies, a
-school, not of crabbed philosophy, but of Italian manners, in their
-gayest, lightest guise. At a time when it is hoped that a change is
-taking place in the system of society in that country, resulting in a
-great degree from the concourse of English, it is interesting to observe
-what they were anterior to the French revolution, and to remark the
-state of the Italians before they awoke to the sense of their
-oppression, or, rather, while oppression was in exercise only of the
-first of its effects--the demoralisation of its victim, before the
-second stage of its influence, that of producing a noble and impatient
-disdain of servitude.
-
-Carlo Goldoni was born at Venice, in the year 1707, in a large and good
-house, situated between the bridge of Nomboli and that of Donna Onesta.
-The Venetians, who, when on land, spend their lives in running up and
-down the bridges that cross the canals, make them the chief land-marks
-of their directions. The family of Goldoni came originally from Modena.
-His grandfather, while studying at Parma, formed an intimacy with two
-Venetian nobles, who persuaded him to accompany them to Venice; and the
-death of his father rendering him soon after independent, he established
-himself in the native city of his friends. He had an employment under
-government, and was sufficiently rich, but not at all economical. He
-loved the drama; comedies were played in his own house; the most
-celebrated actors and singers were at his orders; and he was for ever
-surrounded by a concourse of theatrical people. His son had married a
-lady of the Salvioni family, and resided with his father. Carlo was
-born in the midst of all the bustle and hilarity attendant on a
-predilection for actors and acting: his first pleasures were derived
-from plays; his first recollections were of histrionic gaiety; and his
-future life retained the colouring imparted by the amusements of his
-early years.
-
-He was the delight of the family. His mother devoted herself to his
-education, and his father to his amusement. He made a puppet theatre for
-him, and, with two or three friends, drew the cords and acted plays to
-the boy's infinite delight. But a change soon came over this holiday
-life. His grandfather died, in 1712, from the effects of a cold, caught
-at an assembly. His extravagance had dissipated his fortune; and, from
-abundance and luxury, the family fell into the narrowest circumstances.
-The prospects of the father of Goldoni were dark. He had no employment
-and no profession, and his inherited property was all sold or mortgaged.
-In the midst of this distress, his wife gave birth to a son: this added
-to the solicitude of the father; but, unwilling to be the prey of
-useless gnawing cares, he set out on a visit to Rome, for the sake of
-diverting his thoughts. His wife remained at home with her sister, and
-two sons. The second, never a favourite, was put out to nurse; and she
-devoted herself to Carlo. He was gentle, obedient, and quiet. At the age
-of four he could read and write and say his catechism; on which they
-gave him a tutor. He grew to love books, and made progress in grammar,
-geography, and arithmetic; but the old instinct survived, and plays were
-his favourite reading. There were a good many in his father's library:
-he pored over them at his leisure hours, copied the passages that
-pleased him most; and, incited by a noble hardihood, at the age of
-eight, wrote a comedy. Some laughed at it; his mother scolded and kissed
-him at the same time; while others insisted that it was too clever to
-have been written by a child of his age, and that his tutor must have
-helped him.
-
-Meanwhile his father, instead of returning after a short visit, remained
-four years at Rome. He had a rich friend there, who received him
-cordially, lodged him in his own house, and introduced him to Lancisi,
-physician and private attendant to Clement XI. He attached himself
-warmly to Goldoni, who was clever and agreeable, and sought to advance
-himself. Lancisi advised him to study medicine. The advice was taken.
-After attending lectures and hospitals for four years at Rome, he took
-his doctor's degree; and his patron sent him to Perugia to exercise his
-profession. He became in vogue in this town: if he were not the best
-physician in the world, he was an agreeable man, and quickly gained the
-esteem and friendship of the first families. Thus fortunately situated,
-he resolved to have his son with him. He does not appear to have thought
-of inviting his wife also; and the mother and child were separated, to
-the deep grief of the former. Carlo quitted Venice for the first time,
-in a felucca. He disembarked at the mouth of the Marecchia, and it was
-proposed that he should continue his journey on horseback. Carlo had
-never seen a horse except at a distance: he was frightened when placed
-on the saddle, confused when told to hold reins and whip; but, as the
-novelty wore off, he made acquaintance with this new and strange animal,
-and fed him with his own hands.
-
-On arriving at Perugia he was placed at school. His first trial by the
-masters, for the purpose of judging what progress he had made in Latin,
-was infelicitous; he became the ridicule of his companions; his masters
-conceived a slight opinion of his abilities; his father was in despair,
-and Carlo fell ill from mortification. The holidays drew near, when it
-was usual for the scholars to present a Latin composition, as a specimen
-of their powers, on which their advancement to a higher class was
-determined upon. Carlo had no hope of any such promotion. The day came:
-the master gave out the theme; the pupils wrote. The boy summoned all
-his powers; he thought of his honour, his father, his mother; he saw his
-companions look at him and laugh; rage and shame animated him to
-redoubled exertions; he felt his memory clear--his thoughts free: he
-finished, sealed, and delivered his paper before any of his comrades.
-Eight days after, the school was assembled--the decision announced:
-Goldoni had the first place--his translation was without a fault. He now
-received compliments on all sides, and his father was desirous of
-rewarding him. He was aware of his love for theatricals, and shared it.
-He assembled a company of young actors in his own house, and erected a
-theatre. A play was got up, in which Goldoni took the part of prima
-donna, and was much applauded; but his father told him that, though not
-devoid of talent, he would never make a good actor, and after experience
-proved the justice of his decision.
-
-The signora Goldoni bore her husband's absence very philosophically; but
-she could not consent to continue separated from her son: she entreated
-her husband to return; and, on his refusal, removed herself to Perugia.
-But, accustomed to the soft air of Venice, the climate of that city,
-placed on the summit of a hill, and surrounded by mountains, disagreed
-with her: other circumstances tended to disgust her husband with
-Perugia; and, as soon as Carlo had finished his course of education at
-the school, they resolved to return to Venice. Passing through Rimini in
-their way, they were received kindly by a friend, who persuaded them to
-leave Carlo for the sake of his pursuing his studies under a celebrated
-professor. His parents embarked for Chiozza. Chiozza is a town
-twenty-five miles from Venice, built, like that city, upon piles in the
-midst of the sea; it contains 40,000 inhabitants; the population were
-divided between rich and poor; the rich wore a wig and a cloak; the
-poor, a cap and a capote. These last, who were fishermen and sailors,
-while their wives fabricated lace, had often more money than many
-individuals of the class named rich. The signora Goldoni took a liking
-to this place; and her husband was averse to return to Venice till his
-circumstances should have become more easy. To further this end, he was
-obliged to make a journey to Modena: he proposed to his wife to
-establish herself at Chiozza till his return; and she consented.
-
-Carlo, meanwhile, remained at Rimini. He did not like his master, who,
-bigotted to rules and systems, wearied him to death: he escaped from
-him, to read Plautus, Terence, Aristophanes, and the fragments of
-Menander; and soon the incarnate spirit of drama arriving at Rimini, he
-was wholly turned from his abstruser studies. A company of actors made
-their appearance, and Goldoni became familiar with them: he went behind
-the scenes; joined in their parties of pleasure; and they, being all
-Venetians, were happy to find a countryman. One Friday it was announced
-that they were leaving Rimini, and that a boat was engaged to carry them
-to Chiozza. "To Chiozza!" said Carlo, "My mother is at Chiozza!"--"Come
-with us, then," cried the director. "Yes, come with us," cried the whole
-company, "come in our boat; you will have a pleasant passage; it will
-cost you nothing: we shall laugh, dance, and sing, and be as happy as
-the day is long." A boy of fourteen could scarcely resist so strong a
-temptation. His master refused leave, and the friends of his family
-interfered with objections. There was but one resource: Carlo put two
-shirts in his pocket, and hurried to hide himself in the boat. It made
-sail, and he was on his way to Chiozza. The light-hearted rambling life
-of strolling comedians was alluring beyond measure to a mirthful lad,
-who loved plays better than any thing in the world. The company
-consisted of twelve, besides scene-shifters, mechanists, and prompters;
-there were eight men servants, and four women, two nurses, a quantity of
-children, dogs, cats, apes, parrots, birds, pigeons, and a lamb. The
-prima donna was ugly, clever, and cross; the suicidical drowning of her
-cat diversified the time; and, after a prosperous and merry voyage, the
-whole cargo, with the exception of poor puss, arrived safe at Chiozza.
-
-The signora Goldoni received her son with a mixture of gladness and
-scolding, which evinced no violent disapprobation of his truant
-disposition; but he himself began to regret it, and to reflect seriously
-on the consequences, when he read a letter just received from his
-father. Business had taken Goldoni from Modena to Pavia. The governor of
-Pavia was named the marchese di Goldoni-Vidoni. On hearing of the
-arrival of a namesake in his town, he sent for him, and invited him to
-dinner. The governor belonged to one of the best families of Cremona;
-but he considered that Cremona and Modena were not far distant from each
-other, and he had the whim of finding out and assisting a poor relation:
-he promised to get a presentation for Carlo to a college of the
-university of Pavia, and the father gladly consented to accept it. He
-set out to seek his son with this news, and found him sooner than he
-expected, and was by no means pleased at a scrape which promised little
-for his future steadiness; but Carlo was penitent, and Goldoni gloved
-actors, and was acquainted with several of this very company in
-question: so, good easy man! he forgave the runaway, and accompanied him
-to thank the companions of his voyage.
-
-Goldoni's fame as a physician had spread to Chiozza, and he found it
-worth his while to establish himself, and to enter upon practice there:
-while waiting for the presentation for the university of Pavia, he
-resolved to initiate his son in the rudiments of a profession which he
-intended him hereafter to pursue. He did not put him to the more
-difficult part of the medical science; but made him accompany him in his
-visits to his patients, as the easiest mode of giving him a superficial
-knowledge. Carlo did not like this plan, though he was forced to submit.
-But passive obedience of will does not conquer the mind: with all his
-gaiety, the youth was subject to fits of hypochondria and low spirits,
-and under the paternal discipline he lost his appetite, and grew thin
-and serious. His mother easily extracted from him the cause of his
-dejection, and sought to bring a remedy. She represented to her husband,
-that the patronage of the marchese Goldoni could be of no possible
-service to their son in a medical career; while, on the contrary, if
-they brought him up to the bar, a senator of Milan could without
-difficulty open to him the road of fortune. She advised his going to
-study under an uncle at Venice, proposing to accompany him herself, and
-to stay with him till his removal to Pavia. Goldoni resisted for a long
-time, but at last he became aware that her representations were
-reasonable: poor Carlo listened to the discussion with tearful eyes and
-a beating heart; and his indisposition vanished as soon as his father's
-consent was given. Four days after, he and his mother set out for
-Venice. They were kindly received by signor Paolo Indric, who had
-married his father's sister; and Carlo found his home with him perfectly
-delightful. The study of law was infinitely to be preferred to his
-father's medical initiation at Chiozza; he fulfilled his duties with
-exactitude, and his uncle was satisfied with him.
-
-Meanwhile he enjoyed his residence at Venice. "Oh! la triste ville que
-Vénice!" Madame de Genlis exclaimed, on entering the sea-paved city.
-Scarcely any but a French person would echo her exclamation; and _we_,
-who people the palaces and bridges with the shades of Othello,
-Desdemona, Pierre, and Belvidera, find a peculiar charm in its strange
-and beautiful appearance. There is something charming to the imagination
-in the wide-spread lagunes, in the palaces rising from the waves, the
-sea that flows through the streets, and the sombre-looking but luxurious
-gondolas: no picture, no description, can convey an idea of Venice, that
-is, of the impression made by its singular aspect, and the modes and
-machinery of daily life--dissimilar to those of every other city in the
-world. The young Goldoni, as a native, yet returning to it after so long
-an absence, was enchanted by the novelty of all he saw. His stay,
-however, was short; the presentation to a College at Pavia arrived: he
-was forced to quit Venice; and, after a harried visit to Chiozza to join
-his father, they set out together.
-
-[Sidenote: 1723.
-Ætat.
-16.]
-
-On arriving at Milan, several obstacles presented themselves to impede
-his entrance into the university, which, being under clerical
-jurisdiction, required a number of attestations and documents, with
-which the travellers were wholly unprovided, and which could only be
-obtained at Venice. Signora Goldoni hastened thither to get them, while
-the father and son enjoyed themselves at Milan, hospitably entertained
-by their kind and noble soi-disant relation; till, the necessary papers
-having arrived, they pursued their way to Pavia, and Goldoni left his
-son at his college.
-
-The university of Pavia was on a more expensive and luxurious footing
-than is usual in Italy, and dissipation and liberty were the order of
-the day. The students were regarded in the town like officers in
-garrison: the men hated, and the women welcomed them; while the studies
-principally followed up were dancing, fencing, music, and games of
-hazard: the latter were prohibited, and, therefore, the more sought
-after. Carlo's youth, gaiety, and Venetian dialect pleased generally;
-and he easily suffered himself to be seduced from study to pleasure.
-
-His success caused him to make many enemies among his fellow-students,
-augmented by the distinction derived from the kindness of the marchese
-Goldoni; still he passed two years happily enough, returning to Chiozza
-during the vacations, and spending his time between unforced studies and
-pleasant society. But misfortune was at hand to blight his happiness.
-The time approached when he was to take his degree; and this very moment
-was seized upon by his college enemies to ensure his disgrace. He had
-been admitted into the university at sixteen: the legal age was
-eighteen. He was a boy among men, and an easy prey. A serious quarrel
-arose between the inhabitants of Pavia and the students: four among the
-latter, who had conspired to ruin poor Carlo, persuaded him to revenge
-himself and his comrades by a satire. The verses of which he was the
-author attacked and insulted many families: his four false friends
-dispersed them and betrayed him: the outcry was prodigious; and, despite
-every exertion made by his protectors, Goldoni was expelled. The youth
-repented very bitterly at once his imprudence and the easiness of his
-disposition. Shame and regret overwhelmed him, and the idea of his
-parents' reproaches filled him with terror. To escape these he meditated
-plans of flight, resolving to seek his fortunes at Rome. It appeared of
-slight import to him that he should go on foot without money or
-resources, so that he could fly from those who were justly offended.
-This idea was frustrated by the vigilance of those about him: he was
-sent back to his family under the especial care of the master of the
-boat, who never lost sight of him; and a good monk, who was a passenger
-with him, comforted him by his pious but kind admonitions. His mother's
-affection and his father's easiness of nature led them to pardon his
-fault, from which he had suffered severely enough. A few days after he
-accompanied his father to Friuli. Goldoni exercised his profession as
-physician at Udine, and Carlo studied the law under an eminent advocate;
-after a short time, the former proceeded to Gorizia, to the house of
-count Landieri, lieutenant-general of the army of the emperor Charles
-VI. The count was ill, and having heard of the skill of Goldoni, sent
-for him. Carlo, left behind at Udine, got into several youthful scrapes,
-very little to his credit: he found himself deceived and betrayed; and,
-fearing a dangerous termination, he hurried away, and found his father
-at Vispack, where count Landieri had a mansion. They remained there for
-some months, till the count was convalescent, hospitably entertained,
-and very happy. A dramatic puppet-show was got up, which exercised the
-theatrical talents of Carlo; and afterwards he made a tour to Laubeck,
-Gratz, and Trieste, with the count's secretary. On his return to
-Vispack, he and his father set off on their journey home, the latter
-having happily effected the cure of his patient, who rewarded him
-handsomely for his trouble. "We arrived at Chiozza," said Goldoni, "and
-were received as a fond mother receives a son, and a wife a beloved
-husband, after a long absence. I was delighted to see again a virtuous
-mother who was tenderly attached to me. After having been deceived and
-betrayed, I needed the consolation of being loved. This, indeed, was
-another species of attachment, but, until I felt a virtuous and
-engrossing passion, my mother's love formed my greatest happiness." Soon
-after his arrival at Chiozza, his father received a letter from a cousin
-at Modena, to inform him that the duke of that state had revived an
-ancient decree, which forbade the possessor of any landed property
-within it, to absent himself without an express permission from the
-sovereign, which it was very expensive to obtain. This relation added,
-that his best course would be to send his son to Modena, which would
-satisfy the law, and he might there pursue his legal studies. The advice
-was followed, and the youth sent to Modena.
-
-He went by water; and the master of the boat was a very religious man:
-each evening he invited the passengers to join him in prayers. When
-Goldoni arrived at Modena, this man, whose name was Bastia, asked him
-where he meant to lodge, and, learning that he had his lodgings to seek,
-asked him to select his house as his place of abode; and, with the
-assent of his cousin, who had been the cause of his journey, Goldoni
-agreed to the proposal. He found that the family of Bastia was equally
-devout with himself; father, sons, and daughters, all were given up to
-pious exercises. No great amusement could be derived from their society;
-but, as they were respectable people, and lived in concord, Goldoni was
-satisfied and happy under their roof. He grew as religiously inclined as
-themselves, while, as is often the case in youth, this sentiment was
-accompanied by feelings of despondency and even terror. One day he
-happened to pass through the public square while an unfortunate
-churchman was doing public penance for his conduct towards a female
-penitent. The sight struck him in the most painful manner: he brought it
-home to his own heart; he thought of his past life, his expulsion from
-college, his adventures in Friuli: the world seemed beset with
-multiplied dangers, and there was no refuge from them, except in total
-retirement. He wrote to his parents to express a part of these feelings,
-and to declare his resolve of entering the order of Capuchin monks. His
-parents acted on this occasion with prudence: they were both, especially
-his mother, pious, but without bigotry. They wrote in answer, that he
-should do exactly as he pleased, but in the mean time entreated him to
-return to them without delay. He immediately obeyed: he was received
-with caresses, and no opposition was made to his project. His father
-proposed to take him to Venice, and he refused with that boldness which
-the fancy of acting in immediate obedience to God, alone inspires; but,
-on being told that he was to be introduced to the guardian of the
-Capuchins, he consented. They went to Venice, visited their relations
-and friends, dining with one and supping with another: he was even
-tricked into going to the theatre. His low spirits and ascetic vocation
-vanished insensibly, and he returned to Chiozza cured of every wish to
-shut himself up in a cloister.
-
-It became matter of anxiety to know what to do with him. His brother, an
-adventurous, gallant youth, had entered the army, and was in garrison.
-But Carlo was nothing; the plaything of fortune, all the expense gone to
-on his account had been of no avail; the only resource seemed to be to
-obtain an employment under government; and, at the moment when it
-appeared impossible to succeed in so doing, one presented itself to
-them. The republic of Venice governed the towns under their dominion
-through an officer called a podestà, who had under him a chancellor, or
-criminal judge, who was assisted in his duties by a vice-chancellor, or,
-as he was called, a coadjutor; and where there was much to do, this
-officer also had an assistant. These places were more or less lucrative,
-but were always desirable, since they included the privilege of dining
-at the governor's table, and making one of his society. The father of
-Goldoni was intimately acquainted with the governor of Chiozza, and with
-the judge, and through their means Carlo was employed to assist the
-coadjutor.
-
-Goldoni was not of a noble and enterprising disposition, but he
-possessed great integrity, and that habit of scrupulously examining his
-own motives, and those of others, which makes a part of the nature of
-one whose bent it was to enter into and describe character. On this
-occasion he was earnest to do his duty, and interested to observe the
-variety of human action and motive, which presented themselves to his
-enquiry in the exercise of his office as assistant to the criminal
-judge. He acquitted himself to the satisfaction of his superiors; and,
-when the governor of Chiozza was changed, and the chancellor was
-appointed to go to Feltri, the latter offered Goldoni the place of
-coadjutor, which was eagerly accepted.
-
-Feltri is at a distance of 180 miles from Venice, high up among the
-mountains, whose snows besiege it during the winter, and block up the
-streets and houses. Goldoni found plenty of amusement here, for there
-was a company of comedians; and he also fell in love. He assures us that
-this was his first passion, and a sincere one; but the future writer of
-comedies had not that tenderness and passion of soul which creates a
-profound and engrossing attachment. He made parties of pleasure for the
-lovely girl, who returned his affection, and got up a tragedy for her
-amusement, which did not amuse her at all; for, too bashful to act
-herself, with all the delicacy of love, she was pained at witnessing her
-lover's familiar conduct with other women. "Poor girl!" exclaims
-Goldoni, with naïveté; "she loved me tenderly and sincerely, and I
-loved her with all my heart; and I may say that she was the first person
-for whom I felt a sincere attachment. She was desirous of marrying me;
-and would have become my wife, but for some considerations which
-prevented my proposing for her." These considerations were a notion he
-formed that her beauty was of a delicate, evanescent species, and that
-she would soon fade and become old, while he remained in the pride of
-youth. Such was the force of his first passion, that it was at once
-overcome by selfish foresight, and the habit, innate in him, of
-dissecting the materials of life, despoiling them of their sunny gloss,
-and handling the most frail, yet precious, among them with a roughness
-that iron and rock could not have resisted. This dry, analytical spirit
-is very apparent in his comedies: he dignifies it with the name of
-morality and honour; but its root is often in coldness and tameness of
-feeling and fancy.
-
-On his return from Feltri his father had accepted a medical situation at
-Bagnacavallo, a town of Romagna, near Ravenna. Carlo joined him; but,
-after a short time, the elder Goldoni fell ill of a malignant fever, and
-died in the month of March, 1731, when his son was four and twenty years
-of age. He was sincerely lamented by his wife and son, who wept together
-over their loss. As soon as the funeral was over, Goldoni accompanied
-the widow to Venice, and established her with her sister at the house of
-a relation. She was most anxious to have her son resident with her, and
-her persuasions, and those of other friends, induced him to yield, and
-to enter on the profession of barrister at Venice. The profession of
-advocate at Venice was exceedingly honourable; the first men of the city
-practised it: but there were 240 registered barristers, and few among
-them rose to eminence; the rest spent their time in running after
-briefs. Goldoni, however, was of a sanguine disposition, and did not
-doubt that he should rank among the most celebrated pleaders at the bar.
-He calculated how much could be gained, and found that a barrister might
-make an income of 2000_l_. a year,--a large fortune at Venice, which at
-that time, before it fell under the Austrians, whose aim is to ruin it
-by the imposition of a vexatious taxation, was one of the cheapest
-places in the world. It is true that the beginning of a forensic career
-is in all countries trying to the patience; and, while Goldoni indulged
-in castles in the air with regard to future eminence, he spent his time
-attending the courts without a brief, or in waiting for clients, who did
-not appear: still he might hope for better success than the major part
-of his brethren of the robe, since, during the first six months of his
-being at the bar, he carried on and won a cause; but his destiny
-concurred with the genius still unformed and dormant within him to draw
-him another way.
-
-At the very moment of triumph on gaining his suit, and when he might
-fairly hope for an influx of clients, an incident occurred to destroy
-his prospects, causing him to form the resolution to quit Venice.
-
-He had fallen in love with a lady at Venice, who, though forty years of
-age, was as fair and beautiful as a girl. She was rich and unmarried:
-the affection was mutual, and he already looked forward to their union,
-when the attentions of a noble awakening the ambition of the lady, she
-jilted him for his patrician rival. This lady had a married sister with
-two daughters, one deformed and the other ugly, but not without
-attraction; she had beautiful eyes, a laughing countenance, and
-graceful, fascinating manners. She had often deprived her beautiful aunt
-of lovers, and inspired her with jealousy. She tried to win Goldoni from
-her; and, on her tergiversation, vengeance induced him to make the niece
-an offer. Her mother entered into her plans, and the contract of
-marriage was drawn up and signed; but when the moment came to fulfil it,
-a variety of doubts presented themselves to Goldoni's mind. He was
-himself in debt, and several years must pass before he could hope to
-make an income at the bar. The mother of his promised bride was wholly
-unable to fulfil the conditions of the marriage contract, and he found
-that he should be burdened with the expense of his wife's family. He
-consulted his mother, and his own sense of prudence: he had become very
-much in love but, in his light heart, every motive and impulsa was
-stronger than the strongest affection: frightened at the prospect before
-him, he made a sudden determination; paid his debts, threw up his
-profession, and quitted Venice; leaving a letter for the unfortunate
-girl's mother, attributing to her his sudden departure, and promising to
-return if she would fulfil the conditions of the contract. He received
-no answer.
-
-Again he was thrown on the world, and all his prospects of future
-subsistence were centred in a tragedy, called "Amalassunta," which he
-had written in his leisure hours. It has been mentioned how, born amidst
-theatricals, his early pleasures had all been derived from plays. When
-he first went to Pavia, he had studied the ancient drama; and, finding
-that Italy had no theatre, he had already conceived the idea of
-bestowing one on her, on a more enlarged plan, more intricate as to
-plot, and more diversified as to character, than those of Plautus and
-Terence. In the course of his youth, to get up a play was his chief
-pleasure; and now, with "Amalassunta" in his pocket, he felt sure that
-his fortune would be made at Milan, at the theatre of which city he
-intended to offer it; and, with this expectation, his happy disposition
-caused him easily to forget prospects, friends, love, and
-disappointments,--all but his mother; while the pleasure of freedom
-easily consoled him for the loss of his bride.
-
-Poor and almost friendless, the first piece of good fortune that
-happened to him was finding at Bergamo the noble who had been governor
-at Chiozza when he was vice-chancellor. He presented himself at his
-palace, and was kindly received. The governor perceiving that he was
-depressed in spirits, enquired the cause: and Goldoni confessed that he
-was penniless: his kind protector offered him his purse and a home at
-his house. Goldoni contented himself with borrowing ten sequins, and, in
-lieu of the latter offer, asked for letters of introduction at Milan,
-which were instantly given him. These served him in good stead in that
-capital. The Venetian resident received him kindly, asked the object of
-his journey, and, when Goldoni had recounted his adventure, offered to
-lend him money, which was declined.
-
-"Amalassunta" was the anchor of his hope, and he lost no time in seeking
-the actors and directors of the theatre. He paid a visit to the first
-ballerina, whom he had formerly known, and offered to read his opera to
-her circle of actors, and musicians, and theatrical patrons. His offer
-was accepted: he took the manuscript from his pocket, and
-commenced--"Amalassunta!" The chief actor, Caffariello, began to object,
-in the first place, to so long and ridiculous a name. Every one joined
-in the laugh thus raised, except the poor author, who went on to read
-the list of dramatis personæ. New censure followed the too great number
-of persons introduced; and, when it was found that the opera commenced
-by a scene between the two principal actors, he was told that would
-never do: the chief singers would never consent to begin during all the
-bustle of the first entrance of the audience. The criticisms multiplied
-as he went on, till a kind amateur, count Prata, took him by the hand,
-and, leading him into another room, asked him to read the opera to him
-alone. Poor Goldoni consented, and the whole piece was gone through.
-When finished, the count pointed out its defects, not with regard to
-plot and situation, but to operatic rules; how he had given airs of
-passion and interest to secondary personages, and curtailed the first of
-what they considered their just proportion. The count would have gone on
-to find more fault, but Goldoni begged him to take no more trouble, and
-took his leave. He returned, mortified and miserable, to his inn. His
-first impulse was to burn his unlucky opera. The waiter asked him if he
-would sup. "No," he replied, "no supper, only a good fire." While this
-was making, he looked over his poor "Amalassunta:" it appeared to him
-very beautiful, and worthy of a better fate: the actors were in fault,
-not it. Yet; after all his pains, his hopes were fallen; and, in a fit
-of desperation, he cast it on the flaming brands, glad to see it burn,
-and busy in collecting all the fragments, that none might escape
-destruction. While thus employed, he began to recollect that no disaster
-which had yet happened to him, had ever caused him to go to bed
-supperless. He recalled the waiter, ordered his repast, ate it with a
-good appetite, and went to bed to sleep till morning. It is no wonder
-that love could exercise so little power over so well-regulated an
-appetite!
-
-The next morning he was obliged to reflect seriously on his desperate
-situation, and he paid Signor Bartolini, the Venetian resident, a visit,
-that he might consult with him. He asked for a private interview, and it
-was granted; and then he related the occurrences of the previous
-evening, the impertinent criticisms of the actors, and the decisive
-judgment passed by count Prata, and ended by declaring that he was
-totally at a loss what to do. Bartolini laughed at his recital, and
-asked to see the opera. "The opera?" cried Goldoni, "I have not got
-it!"--"Where is it, then?"--"I burnt it; and with it my hopes, my
-possessions, and my whole fortune." The minister laughed still more at
-this _dénouement_, and ended by offering him the situation of gentleman
-in his palace, with a good suite of rooms. Goldoni now found that he had
-gained by his loss: without doubt, as he declares himself, he was a
-lucky man, and it was his own fault whenever he fell into misfortune.
-Yet he did this so frequently, that the best part of his luck was that
-cheerful buoyant disposition which never allowed him to be overwhelmed
-by adversity, and an integrity that always kept him from any
-dishonourable scrape.
-
-"Amalassunta" was burnt, but Goldoni's predilection for theatricals
-continued as strong as ever. There arrived at Milan a singular man,
-named Buonafede Vitali, who had talents and knowledge enough to practise
-as a regular physician, but who preferred strolling as a mountebank,
-under the name of the Anonymous. As a part of the paraphernalia of his
-trade, he had with him a company of comedians. Goldoni sought out this
-man, who availed himself of his protection, to obtain leave for his
-company to act on the Milanese theatre. There were several good actors
-among them, but their representations were made on the old Italian plan.
-Goldoni was particularly scandalised by a travestie of the story of
-"Belisarius," given out as a tragedy; and, to prevent the future
-degradation of historical names and sentiments, he promised to write a
-tragedy on the subject, but was interrupted by events of greater moment.
-
-The king of Sardinia allying himself with France against the Austrians,
-in the war of 1733, he sent an army of 15,000 men, to which was added
-some French troops, to occupy Milan. That city being too wide in circuit
-for defence, it was forced to receive the soldiers; who immediately
-entered on the siege of the citadel. On this event, the Venetian
-resident was ordered by his government to quit Milan, and to take up his
-abode at Crema: he had before quarrelled with his secretary, and he took
-this opportunity to dismiss him, and to install Goldoni in his place. He
-was now fully employed, and his situation was at once honourable and
-lucrative; but soon after he lost the good graces of the minister,
-though not from any fault of his own. His brother had quitted the
-Venetian service, and, seeking employment, visited him at Crema. He
-introduced him to the governor, who gave him the situation of gentleman
-of his chamber, formerly occupied by Goldoni; but both were violent and
-irritable, and they did not agree. The resident dismissed his gentleman,
-and no longer regarded Goldoni with the same favour as heretofore. They
-had a quarrel; Goldoni asked for his dismission, and set out for Modena,
-where his mother was residing.
-
-The country through which he passed on his way was the seat of war;
-robbers took occasion of the unsettled state of the country, and the
-roads were unsafe: Goldoni was the sufferer; the little carriage in
-which he travelled was attacked by five men, who robbed him of his
-money, watch, and effects, while he escaped across the country, glad to
-preserve the clothes he had on. After running a long way, he came to an
-avenue of trees, by which flowed a rivulet. He drank of its waters in
-the hollow of his hand, and then, fatigued in body, but more composed in
-mind, he proceeded quietly along the avenue, till he encountered some
-peasants, to whom he related his misfortune, and who in return told him
-that there were a set of outlaws who took advantage of the war to attack
-not only travellers, but gentlemen's seats and cottages; while a number
-of men of some wealth near, who had formed themselves into a company to
-purchase the spoils of war, became their accomplices by becoming the
-purchasers of the stolen goods. "Such," exclaims Goldoni, "are the
-miseries of war, which fall alike upon friends and enemies, and ruin the
-innocent!" The sun was now declining, and the peasants offered Goldoni a
-part of their supper, of which, notwithstanding his disaster, he partook
-with appetite. They then guided him to a village, and recommended him to
-the care of the curate, who received him hospitably. To him he related
-his adventures, making his manuscript tragedy of "Belisarius," then in
-his pocket, the principal hero of the tale. He was invited to read it.
-The curate, two abbés, and the servants of the house, were his
-audience; and they all applauded it with enthusiasm. The offers and
-kindness of these good simple-hearted people filled Goldoni with
-gratitude. Unwilling, however, to burden them with his maintenance, he
-hastened to take leave; the curate lent him his horse, and sent his
-servant with him to defray the expenses of the day's journey to Brescia.
-
-From Brescia, Goldoni proceeded to Verona. He was in a deplorable
-situation; he only possessed a few sequins, lent him by an adventurer
-whom he met by accident at Brescia; but with "Belisarius" in his pocket,
-he did not fear the enmity of fortune, and "Belisarius" did not prove so
-false a friend as "Amalassunta." When at Verona, he went to the
-celebrated amphitheatre, a portion of which was arranged as a theatre,
-and here a drama was about to be performed. To his infinite joy, he
-discovered in the principal actor a man who had formed one in the
-companions of the mountebank at Milan, and for whom he had promised to
-write "Belisarius." He instantly went behind the scenes, and was
-welcomed with joy. He was on the moment installed poet to the company.
-"Belisarius" was read, approved, and the parts distributed. In the month
-of September they proceeded to Venice. Goldoni was presented to the
-proprietor of the theatre, who received him with kindness. On the 24th
-of November, 1734, he being then twenty-seven years of age, "Belisarius"
-was acted, and met with the most complete success. All actors in Italy
-are strollers, and looked upon with a good deal of contempt. Goldoni
-might have been expected to regret the exchange he had made from the
-honourable profession of an advocate, for that of poet to a theatre; but
-his light heart and easy temper were not to be afflicted by trifles of
-this nature, and the talent that perpetually impelled him to take
-interest in theatricals, prevented him from feeling degraded by his
-association with the professors of the art: and their existence and all
-its vicissitudes bear another aspect under a sunny sky, and amidst a
-laughter-loving people, unspoilt by pride. Goldoni had much of the
-spirit of Gil Blas in his disposition, and possessed in his own person
-all the talent which belongs, not to the hero of that book, but its
-author. Several pieces, operas, and interludes of his were brought out;
-and in the spring he accompanied the actors to Padua and to Friuli,
-where, leaving them, he returned to Venice to see his mother, who had
-arrived there from Modena. His success as an author, and the talent he
-displayed, raised him in the estimation of his fellow-citizens. His
-relations crowded around him; and he repaid their kindness by relating
-his adventures to his old uncles and aunts, making those laugh, who had
-never laughed before. In September the actors returned to Venice, and he
-recommenced his labours, which were not all literary, but interspersed
-by those occasioned by the jealousy of the actors, or rather of the
-actresses. After the winter season had passed, he consented to accompany
-the manager to Genoa and Florence, and was glad, without expense, to
-visit two of the most celebrated cities of Italy.
-
-He was delighted with the aspect of Genoa; and the first good fortune
-that happened to him, was to gain 200 crowns in the lottery; the second,
-to marry a girl, "who," he tells us, "was beautiful, virtuous, and
-prudent, and who, after all he had suffered from the treachery of women,
-reconciled him to the sex."
-
-His acquaintance began in the true Italian style: he saw her at an
-opposite window, and, pleased with her appearance, saluted her. She
-curtsied, and hastily withdrew, nor again presenting herself at the
-window. His curiosity was thus excited; he made enquiries, and learnt
-that her father's name was Corrio; that he was a notary, with a large
-family and small fortune. He contrived to make acquaintance, and within
-a month asked permission to marry his daughter. The affair was soon
-concluded: he was married in July; and, omitting the promised visit to
-Florence, returned to Venice at the beginning of September.
-
-Hitherto Goldoni's pieces had been rifaccimenti of old dramas.
-"Griselda," "Don Giovanni," and "Rinaldo di Mont' Albano," were
-melodramas or tragedies, written in the old style. But at this time,
-finding that the company of actors at Venice, through various changes,
-had become one of great excellence, he began to think the time arrived
-when he might enter on the reform of the Italian theatre, which he had
-long meditated: he commenced writing comedies of character, which are
-the genuine source of the dramatic merit, following the example of
-Molière, who had surpassed all ancient models, and even now stands
-alone, as the first comic writer in the world. "Was I wrong," he asks,
-"in presuming to enter upon such an undertaking? for my natural bent
-leading me to write comedies, excellence in the art was the proper aim
-of my endeavours."
-
-The old comedy in Italy was on a singular system: there were four masks
-on which all the farcical incidents turned. Pantaloon, a Venetian
-merchant, who was the father of the heroine; a garrulous, kind-hearted
-old gentleman. The doctor, a Bolognese, also an old man, whose learning
-was opposed to Pantaloon's simplicity: and two Bergamese servants.
-Brighella and Harlequin. Brighella, a clever rogue; Harlequin, a greedy
-simpleton; his many-coloured clothes symbolising the poverty that forced
-a patched garment. The actors who filled these respective parts seldom
-played any others. It required ready wit and cleverness; for the plot
-only being sketched, and the scenes indicated, the dialogue was left to
-their own invention. Of course, no great refinement could be expected:
-practical tricks and broad jokes were sure to command the laughter and
-applause of the audience; while, there being in the Italian character
-something peculiarly adapted to extempore exercises of the intellect,
-and a vivacity that renders them good actors, many people regarded this
-rude but amusing effort at drama, as something at once so national and
-so genuine, as rendered it preferable to the studied productions of the
-closet. Goldoni, on the contrary, saw farce take place of comedy, and
-the whole action and conduct of the piece often sacrificed to the
-petulance of a favourite mask; while no real sentimental interest, nor
-any comic incident out of the common routine, could be introduced. He
-proceeded, however, slowly in the reform he meditated. At first writing
-only the more serious portions of his plays; then the parts of the masks
-themselves, and only after some time, and at intervals, dispensing with
-them altogether. Nor, at the time of which we are writing, did he bring
-out any of his best dramas; though those which he did produce were
-eminently successful.
-
-To add to the respectability, and, as he hoped, to the emoluments of his
-situation, the relations of his wife obtained for him the Genoese
-consulship at Venice. This office, however, turned out more honourable
-than lucrative: no salary attended it, and the fees did not amount to
-more than 100 crowns a year. To do the republic he served honour, he had
-taken a better house and increased his number of servants, and found
-himself considerably embarrassed. To add to these annoyances, his income
-from Modena failed him; and he came to a resolution to make a journey,
-with the triple object of bringing out a comedy with a part for a
-favourite actress at Bologna, to solicit a salary at Genoa, and to look
-after his possessions at Modena: the first object failed before he set
-out, through the sudden death of the actress, while an unexpected
-disaster rendered the two latter even more imperative than before. His
-brother, who was out of employ, introduced to him a Ragusan of agreeable
-and gentlemanly manners. He asserted that he was sent on the secret
-service of raising a regiment of 2000 men for his state. He showed his
-commission as colonel, offered a company to Goldoni's brother, and the
-office of auditor, or judge, to the author. Goldoni, always
-easy-tempered and credulous, though a little frightened by the danger
-incurred if the Venetian state should come to suspect these proceedings,
-was soon talked over, and, on an alleged emergency, lent the man a large
-sum of money. The fellow was an adventurer: he ran off with the money,
-and left Goldoni so disagreeably implicated by his tricks, that he
-judged that his only resource was to quit Venice on the instant. The
-Ragusan had disappeared on the 15th of September, and on the 18th of the
-same month Goldoni and his wife embarked for Bologna.
-
-[Sidenote: 1741.
-Ætat.
-34.]
-
-Their journey was full of "many accidents of flood and field." The
-melancholy and thoughtfulness occasioned by his disaster vanished under
-the influence of his happy temperament; and his wife was even better
-skilled than he in that best philosophy which makes light of worldly
-misfortunes. On their arrival at Bologna, he was surrounded by the
-directors of theatres, who asked for comedies. He gave them three, and
-wrote another on the subject of the Ragusan swindler, in which he
-comforted himself, and dissipated the rest of his regrets, by
-representing to the life all the actors in that too real drama. This
-task concluded, he was about to proceed to Modena, when he heard that
-the duke was absent at the Spanish camp at Rimini, and that his best
-chance of pursuing his claims was to accompany Ferramonti, a celebrated
-pantaloon, to the latter town; where, in default of justice being done
-him by his sovereign, he might have a further resource in the company of
-actors to which this comedian belonged. This latter staff turned out the
-stoutest of the two: the duke changed the conversation when Goldoni
-mentioned his claims on the ducal bank; but as long as the carnival
-lasted, he supplied the actors with dramas, and lived a comfortable life
-at Rimini. At length it became necessary to depart for Genoa. The armies
-which then occupied the country rendered it impossible to get horses;
-and he and some other travellers agreed to embark for Pesaro. The sea
-was high, the passengers suffered: weary of their sea voyage, they
-disembarked half way, at Cattolica, and, leaving their effects to the
-care of servants, proceeded in a cart to Pesaro.
-
-A new misfortune here awaited him. The Spanish army had changed
-quarters, and were replaced by their enemies, the Austrians. The
-soldiers entered Cattolica, and seized on the boat, the servants, and
-the effects of the unlucky passengers. All was lost: trunks and
-band-boxes, dresses and jewels, were the spoil of the ravagers: even the
-signora Goldoni was moved by so overwhelming a calamity: but some remedy
-was to be found. Goldoni resolved to apply in person to the Austrian
-officers for the restitution of his property; and his wife, with great
-cheerfulness, prepared to accompany him. Pesaro is ten miles distant
-from Cattolica: with great difficulty they hired a carriage to take
-them. The vetturino was very averse to the job, but showed no signs of
-discontent. When three miles from Pesaro, the pair alighted to walk a
-short distance; and the cunning fellow, seizing the opportunity, turned
-his horses' heads, and gallopped back to Pesaro, leaving them in the
-middle of the road. No house, no living being was to be seen; the
-inhabitants had fled on the arrival of the armies. Signora Goldoni began
-to cry. "Courage!" said the husband; "it is but six miles to Cattolica:
-we are young and strong; it will not do to turn back; let us walk on."
-The journey was not, however, an easy one; the road was crossed by
-several torrents, and the bridges were broken. Goldoni carried his wife
-over the swollen streams; but they had been obliged to make a circuit in
-search of a ford, and found themselves fatigued beyond measure. At
-length they arrived at the first advanced post of the Austrians. Goldoni
-presented the passport with which he came provided, and they were
-conducted to the commanding officer. The colonel at first took them for
-two wandering pedestrians; but, reading the passport, he made them sit
-down, and, looking kindly on them, said: "What, are you signor
-Goldoni?"--"Alas! Yes," replied the other. "Author of 'Belisarius?'"--"I
-am indeed."--"And this lady is the signora Goldoni?"--"She is the last
-good I possess in the world."--"I hear you came on foot."--"Alas! sir,
-you heard the truth." Goldoni now explained the nature of his
-expedition, and the officer reassured him: he restored his luggage, and
-liberated his servant, and, happy in the recovery of their property,
-Goldoni and his wife returned to Rimini.
-
-After spending some weeks happily in this town, he set out on a tour
-through Tuscany, meaning to proceed afterwards to Genoa. He visited
-Florence, Siena, Volterra, and then arrived at Pisa. While walking
-about to see the "liens" of this town, he passed by a palace, and,
-perceiving that a great concourse of people were entering its gates, he
-looked through, and saw a large court, and the company all seated in a
-circle round. He asked a servant in livery, who waited, what the
-occasion was of so large an assembly. "That assembly," replied the man,
-"is a colony of the Arcadians of Rome, called the Alphean colony; that
-is, the colony of Alpheus, a celebrated river of Greece, which flows
-near the ancient Pisa of Aulis." Goldoni asked if he might make one of
-the audience, and the servant ushered him to a seat. After a variety of
-pieces of poetry had been read, he sent the servant round to ask if a
-stranger might be permitted to recite; and, on being answered in the
-affirmative, he repeated an old sonnet of his, which, with a little
-alteration, seemed extemporised à propos for the occasion. The Pisans,
-charmed at once by the compliment and the talent of the stranger,
-crowded round him. He made many acquaintances, was invited to their
-houses, and their cordial kindness seemed at one time to change the
-whole tenour of his life for ever. For, invited and pressed by them, and
-promised protection and patronage, he became a pleader once again, and
-for three years practised at the Pisan bar. Briefs flowed in, clients
-were numerous, all were satisfied, and Goldoni, content with his lot,
-abjured the theatre. He was too well known to be without temptations to
-break his resolution: actors wrote to him for plays, and he tried to
-refuse, and then, yielding to the desire, he wrote pieces for them in
-hours borrowed from sleep, and gave his days entire to his profession.
-Still law and the drama contended for him, and his heart was with the
-latter, though he tried to turn his back on her, and to devote himself
-to her rival. But he lost the game. A manager, named Mendebac, arrived
-at Pisa with a company. Goldoni went to see the representations. They
-acted his comedy of "La Donna di Garbo," which he considered his best
-piece: he had written it for a favourite actress; but she died, and he
-had never seen it acted. The wife of the manager was young, beautiful,
-and a good performer, and she took the part of the Donna di Garbo. It is
-difficult exactly to translate, in one word, this expression: as used by
-the Tuscans it means, the worthy woman--the woman whose conduct is
-upright and estimable. The heroine of the piece, however, deserves more
-the name of the cunning than the worthy; and her chief merit consists in
-her success. Rosaura is the daughter of a lace-maker of Pavia; and her
-mother's house being frequented by many of the students and professors
-of the university, she acquires a good deal of the scholastic pedantry
-of the schools. She is seduced by a student, who deserts her; on which,
-for the sake of revenge, she gets, herself introduced as a servant into
-the house of his father, where, by pleasing every body, and adapting
-herself to their humours, and by great display of learning, she hopes to
-force her lover into a marriage, and succeeds. This is by no means one
-of the best of Goldoni's comedies, but it pleased on the stage; and on
-this occasion the principal part being filled up by the wife of the
-manager, who was a clever actress, it met with the greatest approbation.
-Goldoni, warmed by success, enticed by the offers of the manager, and
-drawn on by the instinctive bent of his disposition, suddenly resolved
-to leave Pisa and the profession which he was pursuing with so much
-advantage, and returning to Venice, to enter again on the task of
-writing comedies for its theatre. Such a determination was sufficiently
-strange and imprudent; but Goldoni's love for his art was such, that he
-never regretted the sacrifice he made; on the contrary, being now wholly
-devoted to the drama, his enthusiasm rose, and, filled with projects for
-its reform, he worked with an ardour, which was rewarded by success, and
-which inspired his best pieces.
-
-It is, perhaps, difficult for a person who has never visited Italy to
-enter with zest into all the merits of Goldoni. His perfect fidelity to
-nature, the ease of his dialogue, and the dramatic effect of his pieces,
-can only be entirely appreciated in the representation. The best of them
-have often a slight plot, but the interest is kept alive by the variety
-of the dialogue. It was only slowly, however, that he proceeded to the
-reform of the Italian comedy; the substitution of natural incident for
-violent and forced situations, and the higher properties of comedy for
-the mere burlesque of farce. Obliged to bring out his plays in quick
-succession, they are, of course, unequal, and did not meet always with
-the same approbation. Unfortunately, his first season ended with a piece
-which had no success. The company for which he wrote, had to contend
-with others, longer established in the city; and; at the end of the
-carnival; these circumstances combined to afford a dreary prospect for
-the following year. At this moment Goldoni stepped forward in the most
-singular manner; to the assistance of the manager. He publicly promised
-sixteen new comedies for the next season; and the audience, wondering
-and anxious, instantly engaged all the boxes. His enemies ridiculed, his
-friends trembled for him; but he felt secure that he could fulfil his
-engagement, although at the moment he had not conceived the plot or plan
-of one of the promised sixteen.
-
-This certainly was a great stretch of invention and mental labour. Out
-of the sixteen, for he completed the whole number, there were not more
-than three or four mediocre ones, and some were among his best. The
-"Donne Puntigliose," or Punctilious Ladies, is exceedingly amusing. A
-Sicilian trader's wife from the country, desires to be received among
-the noble ladies of Palermo: she contrives to get herself invited to
-small parties, where there are many men, and no lady except the mistress
-of the house; but finds it impossible to get admitted to their
-ceremonious assemblies. At last, an old countess, high-born, but poor,
-promises to give a ball, to which she shall be invited, on certain
-conditions, to which the low-born lady readily consents, though they
-draw rather largely on her purse. But to her consternation, as soon as
-she enters the ball-room, every woman flies as if she brought infection
-with her, and leaves her alone with her hostess. The punctilious
-scruples of those who try to make use of her without derogating from
-their own dignity, and who are ever ready to receive, but never to
-confer favours, form a very amusing picture of manners. "Pamela" was
-among the most successful of these pieces. Richardson's novel of
-"Pamela" is a great favourite with the Italians; and Goldoni was often
-asked to write a drama on the subject. As the Venetian laws are severe
-against the children of a _mésalliance_, he considers the catastrophe
-of the novel as not inculcating a recommendable line of conduct. He,
-therefore, transformed Gaffer Andrews into a Scottish lord of the
-rebellion of '45, and gave Pamela good blood to render her marriage with
-her lover a commendable act on his part. This comedy had the greatest
-success. "The Donna Prudente" was equally a favourite. The story is
-founded on a jealous husband, afraid of ridicule, who is tortured by the
-attentions of the cavaliere servente of his wife, yet who dares not
-encounter the laughter that would ensue if he forbade the service. The
-prudent lady exerts herself with success to get rid of her cavaliere
-without its being supposed that her conduct arises from her husband's
-jealousy. The last of his sixteen was a purely Venetian subject, written
-almost entirely in the Venetian dialect: it is called "I Pettegollezzi,"
-or The Gossipings, and turns on the misfortunes brought on the heroine
-through the gossip of her female acquaintances. It was brought on the
-last day of carnival. "The concourse," Goldoni writes, "was so immense,
-that the price of the boxes was tripled and quadrupled; and the applause
-was so tumultuous, that those who passed near the theatre were uncertain
-whether the sound was that of mere plaudits, or of a general revolt. I
-remained tranquil in my box, surrounded by my friends, who cried for
-joy. When all was over, a crowd of people came for me, forced me to
-accompany them, and carried, or rather dragged, me to the Ridotto, and
-overwhelmed me with compliments, from which I would fain have escaped. I
-was too tired to support all this ceremony; and, besides, not knowing
-whence all this enthusiasm sprang, I was angry that the piece just
-represented should be more extolled than many others which were of
-greater merit. By degrees I discovered the true motive of the general
-acclamation: it celebrated the triumph of my fulfilled engagement."
-
-Goldoni was now forty-three years of age. His invention had not yet
-fallen off, but he tried his strength too much. An illness was the
-consequence of this extraordinary exertion, and he felt the effects of
-it all his life after; yet during the ensuing season he brought out
-scarcely a smaller number, and, as he proceeded, attained a yet purer
-style of comedy; and he became the censor of the manners, and satirist
-of the follies, of his country. The peculiar system of what is called
-service, paid by gentlemen to the ladies of their choice, all over
-Italy, would have presented an ample field both for ridicule and
-reprehension, could he have ventured on it openly; but he was obliged to
-treat it with the same reserve, when bringing it on the stage, as is
-used when it is spoken of in society; and he could attack only the
-ridicule, not the real evils of the system. This comedy, called the
-"Villeggiatura," which turns on this subject, is particularly amusing;
-but it can scarcely be called an attack upon it. An Italian gentleman,
-returned lately from Paris, offers to serve a lady in the French manner:
-he is not to perform those thousand services required of the cavaliere
-servente, nor to attend on her, nor to be of any use or amusement to
-her: they are to be friends secretly; and, to preserve their friendship
-more sacredly, they must abstain from nearly all intercourse with each
-other. The lady, accustomed to be constantly waited upon, and to find in
-her cavaliere a resource against the ennui of solitude, is at a loss to
-understand the good that is to result from a negative of all the
-ordinary uses of friendship. The "Smanie della Villeggiatura" attacks
-another of the foibles of the Venetians. It is their custom, each
-autumn, to spend several weeks at their country seats; but, instead of
-this being a period of economy and retirement, it was the fashion to
-invite their friends, and to transport with them the dissipation of the
-city. Besides this, it being necessary, as a mark of fashion, to retire
-to a villa, those who were poor, and did not possess one, fancied
-themselves obliged to hire a house, and to go beyond their wealthier
-neighbours in the number of their guests and the splendour of their
-entertainments: nor can any idea be formed out of the country of the
-sort of fanaticism with which this custom was pursued; even to the
-bringing ruin on those who imagined themselves forced to so unnecessary
-an expense. Goldoni wrote three comedies on this subject: the first
-consisted in describing the preparations for the villeggiatura, or visit
-to the country. It has for its subject the difficulties of a a poor
-proud family, who were bent on following the general example; the
-thousand obstacles that rendered it almost impracticable; and the envy
-with which they view and vie with the preparations of their wealthier
-acquaintance. At length they depart triumphant, resolving to forget
-their debts and difficulties until their return. The second comedy
-consists of the adventures in the country; where, in the midst of
-gambling, pleasure, and apparent enjoyment, a thousand annoyances
-distract, and jealousy and envy prevent, all real happiness. The third
-comedy, of the return from the country, shows the unfortunate lovers of
-rural pleasures overwhelmed by debt; surrounded by a thousand
-difficulties, sprung up while there; and saved only, when on the verge
-of ruin, by a kind and prudent friend who assists them, on their promise
-never to undertake a villeggiatura again. These plays are without the
-masks, and give a perfect representation of Italian conversation and
-manners. As he wished to criticise the Venetians, he did not venture to
-place the scene at Venice; but the audience easily brought home to
-themselves the faults and follies of the Tuscans or Neapolitans. In thus
-making a detail of some of the best of his plays, it is impossible to do
-more than to indicate those which appear the best worth reading. The
-"Vedova Scaltra," or The Gay Widow, was a great favourite in Italy. A
-rich widow, with four lovers from four different nations, seeks from
-each a proof of love, and gives her hand to the Italian, who, by his
-jealousy, evinces, she imagines, the sincerest testimony of the tender
-passion. The "Feudatario" has in it more of farce than he usually
-admits, and is peculiarly amusing; as well as the "Donna del Maneggio,"
-or Managing Lady, whose avaricious husband, after incurring a thousand
-ridiculous disasters, ends by placing the disposal of his property in
-his wife's hands. It would be too long and uninteresting to enter on
-even this brief notice of more; but we may mention the titles of some of
-his best, to guide any one who wishes to read only a portion of the vast
-quantity he wrote: among these may be named "Il Cavaliere e la Dama,"
-"Il vero Amico," "La Moglie Saggia," "L'Avanturiere Onorato," "Molière
-e Terenzio," which he names himself as the favourite offspring of his
-pen.
-
-He spent many years thus respectably and happily. He loved his wife and
-his domestic circle. The applause of a theatre perpetually ringing in
-his ears, he was gratified by the consciousness that he was reforming
-the national taste. Sometimes he was attacked for what he considered the
-chief merit of his dramas. The advocates of the old comedy condemned his
-new style as puerile and tame. He defended himself, and was satisfied
-that he obtained the victory. During the summer, when the theatres at
-Venice were closed, he visited the various cities of Italy; and his life
-was diversified, and his invention refreshed, by these occasional tours.
-He had reason to be dissatisfied with the manager, Mendebac, who had
-allured him from Pisa, as he not only was illiberal enough not to add to
-his salary on these extraordinary efforts, but appropriated the profits
-arising from the publication of his works. Goldoni was unwilling to
-enter into a lawsuit with him; he contented himself, therefore, by
-bringing out an edition of his play at Florence; and as soon as his five
-years' engagement with Mendebac was over, he transferred himself to the
-theatre of San Luca, on terms at once more advantageous and honourable.
-
-With some few reverses, attendant on an entire change of actors, and his
-ignorance of the peculiar abilities of the company, to which he was not
-accustomed, his career on this new stage was equally successful. He
-wrote several comedies in verse, which became peculiar favourites. This
-success was the occasion of his being invited to Rome during the
-carnival: but his dramas did not succeed so well there. The actors,
-unaccustomed to his style, were unable to give them with any effect, and
-the Roman audience called out for Puncinello.
-
-In 1750, he received an offer from the French court of an engagement for
-two years, on very advantageous terms. Goldoni hesitated a little about
-accepting it. A few years before, his brother had returned to Venice, a
-widower, with two children. Goldoni gave up to him all his property in
-Modena, and adopted the children, having none of his own. He made a good
-income in Italy; but he had no provision for old age: still he was
-unwilling to leave his native country--whose climate and people were
-dear to him--where he was honoured, loved, and applauded. He made some
-enquiries with regard to the possibility of getting a pension from the
-Venetian government; but this appearing a vain hope, he considered it
-right to close with the offer of the king of France. He hesitated the
-more before taking this step, as, although the engagement in question
-was but for two years, he felt that, once in Paris, and acquiring an
-honourable maintenance, it was probable that he should never see Italy
-again.
-
-During the carnival of 1761, the last pieces he wrote for the Venetian
-theatre were represented: one, the last acted, was a sort of allegorical
-leave-taking, which was so understood by the audience; and the
-acclamations and adieus of the public moved him to tears. He left Venice
-in April 1761, accompanied by his wife. His mother was dead; his niece
-he placed in a convent, under the superintendence of a respectable
-family at Venice; his nephew was soon to follow him. As he passed
-through Italy, on his way to France, he was received at the various
-towns with distinction and kindness. He spent some little time at Genoa,
-with his wife's relations, and then they proceeded by slow stages to
-Paris.
-
-Goldoni's _débût_ as an author in the French capital was not a happy
-one. The Italian comedians there were not accustomed to regular
-comedies, which they were to learn by heart, but to the old style of
-their native farce, where the plot and arrangement of the scenes were
-all that was written, and they filled up the dialogue themselves.
-Goldoni wrote two or three pieces for them on this plan without success.
-His stay in Paris was, however, decided by the post of Italian master to
-the daughters of Louis XV. being bestowed on him. He knew so little of
-French, that he gained as much knowledge from the princesses as he
-imparted to them. His salary was very slender, but it was increased in
-the sequel; and his nephew also was provided for by the post of Italian
-teacher in the military school.
-
-Goldoni was charmed by the French actors; and his ambition was excited
-to write a comedy to be represented by the excellent comedians who then
-flourished. His desire was fulfilled to the utmost. He brought out "Le
-Bourru Bienfaisant," into which he endeavoured to instil the spirit of
-French dialogue and plot with great success; so that Voltaire praises it
-as the best French comedy written since Molière. He wrote another on
-the same plan; but it fell to the ground, and he at last desisted from
-adding to the immense number of pieces of which he is the author.
-
-He lived tranquilly and content with his moderate means. His niece was
-married at Venice; his nephew settled happily at Paris. The revolution
-did not, fortunately, disturb the repose of his last years. The National
-Convention confirmed his pension to him, and continued it to his widow
-after his death. Goldoni died in the year 1792, at the age of
-eighty-five. No man was ever more born for the career which he pursued.
-His heart was excellent, and his disposition gay. He never allowed
-himself to be cast down by adversity, and met the attacks of his enemies
-with good humour, or such replies as caused the laugh to be on his side.
-He is numbered by his countrymen as among the best of their authors,--an
-opinion confirmed by all those sufficiently cognisant with the Italian
-language and manners to enter into the spirit of his compositions.
-
-
-
-
-ALFIERI
-
-1749-1803.
-
-
-The Italian poets of the early ages were eminently distinguished for
-their patriotism. The haughty spirit of Dante burst forth into indignant
-denunciations against the oppressors of his country; the gentler, but
-not less fervent, Petrarch was never weary of adjuring its rulers to
-bestow upon it the blessings of justice and peace; and the latter years
-of Boccaccio's life were ennobled by his public services, and his
-earnest endeavours to implant a love and reverence for literature in the
-minds of his countrymen. The pages of Roman history and the writings of
-Roman poets made them proud of the country which had given them birth,
-and which added to its moral grandeur, of having been once the sovereign
-and civiliser of the world,--the natural affection inspired by its
-being, from its fertility, the diversity of its woods, lakes, and
-mountains, and surrounding sea, the most beautiful country upon earth.
-
-The national spirit died away in after times. The devastating wars
-carried on in the Peninsula by France and the emperor, the rise of minor
-principalities, and the struggles of rival states, so excited the
-passions and absorbed the interests of the Italians, that they became
-incapable of enlarged views for the good of their country. The
-depressing influence of courtly servitude checked the free spirit of the
-writers; Ariosto and Tasso were both conspicuous for personal
-independence of character; but they did not extend their love of liberty
-to any exertions for the redemption of Italy. A darker day was at hand.
-The Peninsula, divided and weakened, became a mere province. A Spanish
-viceroy reigned over Naples, and the northern portion was controlled by
-France and Austria. The Italians were taught to take pride in the
-virtues of slaves; in submission, patience, and repose. The prosperity
-of the country was gone, its trade destroyed, its armies annihilated. No
-scope was given to generous ambition; no career offered, by entering on
-which a man might exercise the peculiar privilege of the free--that of
-instructing their fellow countrymen: to be inoffensive to the ruling
-powers was the aim of all. The love of money--not the love of gain, for
-to gain was impossible, but mere parsimony, arising from the necessity
-of regarding the domestic expenditure as the only business of
-life--engrossed the fathers of families; the women were uneducated and
-degraded, and though they preserved, as is often the case in a depraved
-state of society, a nature more generous, artless, and kindly than the
-other sex, yet these virtuous feelings found no scope for their
-developement, except in the passion of love. While the law of
-primogeniture interested not only the large class of younger sons, but
-even the heads of families, who wished to prevent their children from
-marrying, to establish a system of society, which, beginning by
-subverting the best principles of morality, ended by destroying all
-social happiness. While the higher orders were thus occupied by
-money-saving and intrigue, the lower orders were tamed by hard labour,
-and rendered submissive by the priests. The writers were the servants of
-princes: they administered to the pleasures of their countrymen, without
-uttering one word that could call them from their state of debasement,
-or inspire a love of the active and disinterested virtues.
-
-Full of talent as the Italians are, and formed by nature for the noblest
-scenes of action, doubtless "many a village Hampden" was born and died
-in obscurity and inaction; and yet this expression gives rise to a false
-notion. The peasants of Italy have no education, and, although
-infinitely superior in talent, perhaps, to any other peasantry in the
-world, are incapable of that generalisation of ideas which produces
-patriotism. But, among the better sort of gentry,--men of simple habits
-and strong good sense, among the men of science and the professors at
-the universities,--there were individuals who mourned over the ruin of
-Italy. These men did not so much dwell on the ancient greatness of Rome,
-as on the achievements of their countrymen during the middle ages.
-Literature had been revived by them; the arts had flourished among them:
-they were proud of the past, but they despaired of the present.
-
-The voice of liberty was silent. The Italians hated and despised their
-masters, but never dreamed of rebelling against them. Tuscany was
-slothful under a mild sway, whose tyranny was never felt, except by the
-few who believed that they were not merely _fruges consumere nati_, and
-were bitten with a noble mania for benefiting their race. Piedmont was
-ruled by a prince, who, by cultivating in his subjects, not a martial,
-but a military spirit (a very different thing), gave his idle nobles
-something to do. Lombardy was crushed by foreign bayonets. The voice of
-liberty was silent, when the French revolution awoke the world, and the
-hope of freedom spoke audibly in the hearts of all; and, afterwards,
-when the victories of Napoleon crushed this hope, they could not impose
-a silence for ever broken. Its language is now felt and understood from
-one end of the country to the other, and the day must come when the
-oppressors will be unable to oppose the veto of mere physical force to
-the overpowering influence of moral courage.
-
-It was while Italy yet reposed submissive and mute, that a poet was
-born, who dedicated all the powers of his mind to the awakening his
-countrymen from their lethargy--to strengthening their enervated minds,
-and spreading such knowledge and such sentiments abroad among them, as
-would at once reveal their degraded state, and give them energy to
-aspire to a better.
-
-Vittorio Alfieri was born at Asti, in Piedmont, on the 17th of January,
-1749. His parents were noble, wealthy, and respected. To these three
-circumstances Alfieri attributes many of the prosperous circumstances
-that attended his literary career. "Since I was born noble," he says, "I
-could attack the nobility without being accused of envy; since I was
-rich, I was independent and incorruptible; and the respectability of my
-parents prevented my ever being ashamed of my rank."
-
-His father was named Antonio Alfieri, and his mother was Monica Maillard
-de Tournon, whose family, originally from Savoy, had long been
-established at Turin. His father was a man of blameless life: he had
-never entered on any public office, and was without a spark of that
-ambition which might have led him to seek distinction at court. He was
-fifty, five when he married, and his wife, though very young, was
-already a widow. Their eldest child was a daughter. Two years after, to
-the infinite joy of his father, Vittorio was born. He was put out to
-nurse, at a village called Rovigliasco, two miles from Asti; but such
-was the tenderness of his father, that he went on foot each day to see
-the child. This was a strong mark of affection, and testified also his
-simple and unostentatious disposition: for the Italian nobility usually
-love repose beyond all things, and their greatest pride is never to go
-on foot. This solicitude unfortunately cost him his life: he caught cold
-on occasion of one of his visits, and died after a few days' illness,
-leaving his wife about to give birth to another son, who, however, died
-in his infancy. She was an amiable and excellent woman, and still young
-when her second husband died; so that she was induced to marry a third
-time. Her husband was a cadet, of another branch of the Alfieri family;
-but, by the death of his elder brother, he in process of time inherited
-the wealth of his family, and became very rich. This marriage proved a
-very fortunate one. The cavaliere Giacinto was handsome and amiable; the
-couple grew old together in happiness; and the lady, as she advanced in
-years, gained the love and respect of all by her piety and works of
-charity and kindness.
-
-On the marriage of his mother, Vittorio and his sister went to live in
-their father-in-law's house, who proved himself a kind parent to the
-orphans. Although his health was not robust, Alfieri's childhood was
-little interrupted by sickness; and his first grief was experienced at
-the age of seven, when his sister Julia was sent to a convent for her
-education. Although he was, at first, permitted to see her every day,
-yet he felt, on her removal from the parental roof, that violence of
-emotion and boiling of the blood which was apt to seize on him, in after
-life, when forced to separate from any one to whom he was warmly
-attached. Thus his sensibility developed itself early; and sensibility
-and pride, both exalted into passions rather than feelings, were always
-the prominent traits of his disposition, and which at last, from the
-excessive influence they exercised over him, generated that gloomy
-melancholy to which he was a victim.
-
-Alfieri remained at home, under the tutelage of a worthy priest, named
-Don Ivaldi, with whose assistance he began to learn the rudiments of
-Latin. His disposition was, for the most part, taciturn and placid: now
-and then he became loquacious and gay in the extreme, and, at other
-times, the melancholy already nascent in his heart, filled him with
-strange and passionate thoughts. He was obstinate when treated unkindly,
-but readily yielded to affection; and, above all, he was susceptible, to
-a painful degree, of the sense of shame. When, as a punishment for
-childish faults, any sort of public penance was imposed on him, he
-endured such transports of agony as affected his health for weeks.
-
-At the age of nine, his uncle, the cavaliere Pellegrino Alfieri, who was
-his guardian, returned from a tour in France and England, and visited
-Asti, on his way to Turin. He found his nephew happy under the domestic
-roof, but learning little or nothing; accordingly, he thought this a
-very bad state of things, and insisted that he should be placed at the
-public school at Turin, where ignorance, rather than knowledge, was
-taught, but where, as he would be neglected and enslaved, it was to be
-supposed that his education would prosper better than under the
-indulgent care of a fond mother. She was obliged to consent, and parted
-from her son with reluctance and tears. The boy's grief at the moment of
-separation was vehement; but it was quickly dissipated by the delight of
-travelling post, and the pleasure he took in bribing the postilions to
-go at their utmost speed. He was accompanied by a servant only; and,
-while the old man slept, the little fellow sat proud and gay in the
-carriage, as it whirled past village and town in quick succession. When
-arrived at Turin, his uncle received him kindly. He was at first
-depressed by the change of scene, and missed the caresses of his loving
-mother; but soon he became so joyous, and even riotous, that the
-cavaliere Pellegrino hastened to place him at the academy: and here he
-was, at the age of nine, torn from the domestic circle to which he was
-accustomed, at a distance from all his friends, isolated and abandoned.
-The only species of education, such as it was, entered upon at the
-academy, regarded their literary studies: the feelings were left to form
-themselves; lessons of morality and the duties of life making no part of
-the instruction afforded the pupils.
-
-"The academy," Alfieri tells us, "was a large, handsome quadrangular
-building, with a large court in the middle; two sides of the square were
-occupied by the students, the other two by the king's theatre and royal
-archives. The side occupied by us, who were called of the second and
-third apartment, was opposite the latter; that occupied by the students
-of the first apartment being opposite to the king's theatre. The upper
-gallery on our side was called the third apartment, and was devoted to
-the younger boys and lower schools. The gallery on the ground floor was
-called the second, and occupied by the pupils rather more advanced in
-age: a portion of these studied at the university, another edifice
-adjoining to the academy; the rest received their education in the
-military college. Every gallery contained at least four chambers, each
-occupied by eleven youths, over which an assistant, or usher,
-presided,--a poor fellow, whose only payment consisted in being boarded
-and lodged free of expense, while he studied theology or law, at the
-university; or, if he were not a poor student, he was an old and
-ignorant priest. A third portion of the side destined to the first
-apartment was occupied by the king's pages, to the number of twenty or
-twenty-five, who were totally separated from us of the second, at the
-opposite angle of the court, and close to the galleries of the archives.
-We, the younger pupils, could not have been worse placed. On one side,
-was a theatre which we were only permitted to visit about five or six
-times during the carnival; on the other, the pages who attended on the
-court, and who, continually hunting and riding, appeared to enjoy much
-freer and happier lives than the poor imprisoned boys; besides these, we
-overlooked the proceedings of the first class, which was composed almost
-entirely of foreigners, Russian and German, with a large proportion of
-English;--this class was restrained by no rule except that of being in
-by midnight; and their apartment was a mere lodging house to them,
-instead of being a place of education."
-
-Alfieri was placed in the third apartment: he had the luxury of a
-servant to attend on him; but the fellow, unchecked by superior
-authority, became a sort of petty tyrant over his young master: in all
-other respects, he was on an equality with the rest of his comrades.
-
-The basis of the system of education consisted in strict imprisonment,
-little sleep, and unwholesome food. To this was added a certain degree
-of parrot knowledge of the Latin language: the boys were taught to
-construe Cornelius Nepos; but so little pains were taken, or, rather, so
-little power was there in their instructors to enlarge their stores of
-real knowledge, that Alfieri tells us, that not one of them knew who the
-men were whose lives they read; nor what the country, government, or
-times were in which they lived, nor even what thing government was. The
-boy made progress, however, in what he was taught: his emulation was
-excited, and his memory was cultivated; but, on the other hand, he grew
-sickly and stunted in growth, the effects of bad food and too little
-sleep. He had only his drunken, his dissipated servant to attend on him
-when he was ill; who often, on such occasions, left him half the day
-alone, which increased the constitutional melancholy of his disposition.
-His pleasures were few; and the want of all affectionate treatment
-blighted his life. It seems strange to us that his mother did not visit
-him, and that he never went home for a vacation: but such were the
-customs of the country, and he was brought up in conformity with them.
-
-The spirit of emulation, caused him, in some degree, to distinguish
-himself, and he advanced to higher classes and attended lectures on
-philosophy, humanity, and mathematics; but such was the style in which
-they were taught, that, when he had gone through six books of Euclid, he
-was unable to demonstrate the fourth proposition; and, though he studied
-a whole year under the famous Beccaria, he did not comprehend a word of
-what he was taught. This is the less extraordinary, since, speaking the
-patois of Piedmont, Italian was as a foreign language; and, though he
-contrived to obtain a copy of Ariosto, he was unable to understand a
-word of it. His teachers were, for the most part, equally ignorant; so
-that while his time was devoted to Latin, his native language was a
-sealed book to him. He had a few relations at Turin, and when he became
-really ill, they interfered that he should have more sleep and better
-food; but he continued a puny and ailing boy.
-
-Some few pleasures diversified his life. His uncle found that the
-education of his sister Julia was entirely neglected at Asti, and she
-was removed to a convent at Turin. She was fifteen--in love--and divided
-from the object of her affections. Her brother became her confidant: he
-visited her twice a week, and tried to inspire her with constancy and
-resolution; but youthful spirits were of more avail than the lessons of
-romance, and, in short time, she was consoled. Another pleasure he
-enjoyed was, when a relation took him, on one occasion, to the opera
-buffa, sung by the best comic singers of Italy. The opera was the
-"Mercante di Malmantile." The spirit and vivacity of the music made a
-profound impression on him, leaving, as it were, a trail of harmony in
-his ears and heart, so that for many weeks after he remained immersed in
-an excessive, but not painful, melancholy. During this time he abhorred
-and nauseated his usual studies, while a world of fantastic images
-crowded his mind; and had he known how, he would have composed verses,
-and have expressed the most lively emotions, had not all language in
-which to express them been denied to him, through the ignorance of his
-teachers. This was the first time that music exercised so great an
-influence over him, and it remained long impressed upon his memory. At
-all times he was excessively susceptible to the impressions made by
-harmony, and he found that vocal music, especially female voices,
-possessed a peculiar power to disturb and agitate his mind. Nothing, he
-tells us, awakened in him more violent or various emotions; and almost
-all his tragedies were conceived while in the act of listening to music,
-or a few hours after. One other pleasure that he enjoyed during this
-period, was spending a fortnight with his uncle at Cuneo. This little
-journey did his health good, and occasioned him infinite delight. It was
-here that he wrote his first sonnet, addressed to a lady admired by his
-uncle, and who pleased him. As he knew nothing of Italian, or, as it is
-called, Tuscan, this sonnet must have been very bad. It pleased the
-lady; but his uncle, who was a soldier, and of an austere disposition,
-and who, though imbued with sufficient knowledge of history and
-government, despised poetry, ridiculed the boyish effusion, and put all
-thought of writing another out of his head.
-
-At the age of fourteen, the circumstances of his life were considerably
-altered. His guardian uncle died. By the Piedmontese laws, children of
-fourteen are considered, to a certain degree, of age, and are allowed
-the entire disposal of their incomes; while a trustee is appointed to
-prevent their alienating any part of the principal or real property.
-Alfieri was thus raised at once to independence; and, to add to his
-comfort, his servant, who had tyrannised over him, and who, unwatched,
-and unchecked, had fallen into the worst vices, was dismissed. Alfieri
-parted from him with regret, despite his ill-treatment, and showed the
-kindliness of his heart by visiting him twice a week, and giving him
-what money he could spare. He tells us that he can ill account for his
-attachment to one who had shown so little kindness to him: he could not
-attribute it to generosity on his part; but partly to habit, and partly
-to the talents of the man, who, besides being singularly sagacious, was
-accustomed to tell him long adventures and tales full of imagination and
-interest.
-
-The first fruit he reaped from the death of his uncle was being
-permitted to attend the riding school, which had been before denied. He
-was then of diminutive stature and weak of frame, and little able to
-control his horse; but perseverance, and a great desire of success,
-supplied every other defect. To this noble exercise he owed the good
-health, robustness, and increase of stature, that he soon acquired. The
-next great event that followed was, his being removed from the second to
-the first apartment of his college. In the second, the students were
-mere boys, and they were kept in strict discipline; in the first, entire
-freedom and idleness was the order of the day. He made his entrance on
-the 8th of May, 1763. His comrades were almost all foreigners, many were
-French, a still greater number were English. An excellent table was
-served in the best style, and all breathed luxury, comfort, and freedom.
-Much amusement, a great deal of sleep and of riding, gave Alfieri
-renewed health and spirits. He spent his money on horses or dress. His
-trustee quarrelled with him for his extravagance, but that did not alter
-the state of things. With liberty and money he acquired friends and
-companions in every amusement and enterprise. "Yet," he says, "in the
-midst of this busy vortex, being little more than fourteen, I was not
-nearly so unreasonable as I might have been. From time to time, I felt a
-silent impulse within me to apply to study, and a good deal of shame for
-my ignorance, concerning the extent of which I never deceived myself,
-nor others. But, grounded in no one study, undirected by any, not really
-acquainted with a single language, I knew not how nor to what to apply
-myself. I read French romances, and conversed with foreigners, and
-forgot the little Italian I had before contrived to pick up from my
-Ariosto. At one time I took it into my head to immerse myself in the
-thirty-six volumes of Fleury's Ecclesiastical History, making extracts
-in French; but soon I threw it aside, and took to romances and the
-'Arabian Nights.'"
-
-Riding, and horses, and fine clothes were his passions. He and his
-friends went out in troops, leaping over every obstacle, fording rivers,
-and breaking down the unfortunate animals they rode, till at last no one
-would let them any. But these active exercises invigorated Alfieri's
-health, strengthened his frame, and filled him with spirit and
-resolution; preparing his mind to support, and even to make good use of,
-the physical and moral liberty he afterwards acquired.
-
-The youth of the first apartment were perfectly free, but they were all
-young men: Alfieri was as a boy among them, being only fifteen; and it
-was considered right that his servant should attend him constantly, and
-act as a check upon him. The man who had replaced his former tyrant was
-a foolish, good-humoured fellow, who easily yielded to bribery and
-persuasion, and let his young master do as he pleased. But this did not
-satisfy the youth's pride; he resolved to be on an equality with his
-comrades, and, without saying a word to his valet, or to any one, went
-out alone. He was reproved by the governor, but repeated his offence
-immediately. On this he was put under arrest for a few days; but no
-sooner was his prison door opened, than, in open defiance, he went out
-again unaccompanied; and although, on the renewal of his offence, the
-term of his imprisonment was prolonged, it was without avail. At length
-he declared that his arrest must be perpetual, since as soon as he was
-set at liberty he should exercise the same privilege, being resolved not
-in any way to be on a different footing from his comrades; that the
-governor might remove him from the first, and replace him in the second
-apartment, but that he insisted upon being put in possession of all the
-rights of his companions. On this he was kept confined for more than
-three months; nor would he make any request to be liberated, but,
-indignant and stubborn, had died rather than have yielded. "I slept
-nearly all day," he tells us; "towards evening I got up from my bed,
-and, having a mattrass placed near the fireplace, I stretched myself
-upon it on the ground. Not choosing to receive the usual college dinner,
-I caused food to be brought into my room, and cooked pollenta and
-similar things at my fire. I never dressed myself, nor allowed my hair
-to be touched, and became an absolute savage. Though I was not allowed
-to quit my room, my friends were permitted to visit me; but I was sullen
-and silent, and lay like a lifeless body, not replying to any thing that
-was said; and thus I continued for hours, with my eyes fixed on the
-ground, and full of tears, though I never suffered one to escape from
-them."
-
-This obstinacy must have annoyed his masters considerably, and they
-were, no doubt, glad to make use of the first fair occasion for
-restoring him to liberty. The marriage of his sister gave them a
-pretext, of which they availed themselves. Julia married count Giacinto
-di Cumiano on the 1st of May, 1764: the wedding took place at the
-beautiful village of Cumiano, ten miles from Turin. Alfieri enjoyed the
-spring season and his newly recovered liberty with intense delight, and,
-on his return to college, was admitted to all the privileges of the
-class of students to which he belonged. The control over his income
-being now almost entirely in his own hands, he launched out into a
-variety of expenses, the first of which was the purchase of a horse, a
-fiery but delicate animal, which he loved so passionately, that he could
-never after call him to mind without emotion: if it was ill, he could
-neither eat nor sleep. The delicacy of this beloved horse was the
-occasion of his buying another; and after that he bought carriage
-horses, and cab and saddle horses, till he had a stud of eight, to the
-great dissatisfaction of his trustee; but, as he could set his
-reprehensions at nought, he gave no ear to them, but plunged into every
-kind of expense, principally in dress, competing in extravagance with
-the English members of the university. In the midst of this vanity, the
-ingenuousness of his disposition manifested itself. He made display
-among the rich foreigners, who were his associates; but, when he was
-visited by his poorer friends and countrymen, who, though of noble
-birth, were yet straitened in means, he was accustomed to change his
-dress, to put on modest attire, and even to hide his finery, that he
-might not appear to possess any superiority over them: this delicacy of
-feeling extended itself to other parts of his conduct, and showed the
-genuine urbanity and benevolence of his disposition.
-
-In the autumn of 1765, he made a short journey to Genoa with his
-trustee: this was the first time that he had left Piedmont; and here,
-for the first time, he saw the sea, the aspect of which transported him
-with admiration, and so exalted his imagination, that he says, if he had
-understood any language, or had had any poetry before him, he should
-certainly have composed verses. During this journey, to his infinite
-delight, he visited his native town, and his mother, whom, strange to
-say, he had not seen for seven years. There seems something
-incomprehensible in a state of society that should admit of the
-propriety, or, rather, enforce the necessity, of a boy of nine being
-separated from all maternal care, and left to struggle as he might,
-during the precarious season of childhood and of adolescence, without a
-parent's eye to watch over his well-being, and administer to his health
-and happiness. On his return to Turin, he was not a little proud among
-his countrymen of his journey to Genoa; but among the English, German,
-Polish and Russian students he felt the utmost rage and shame to think
-that they had seen countries so much more distant. This uneasy sense of
-inferiority inspired him with a passion for travelling, and made him
-resolve to visit the various lands of which his comrades were natives.
-
-In the first impulse of expectant manhood, he had petitioned to be
-allowed to enter the army. As he grew older he began to find that his
-liberty was dearer to him than any military parade; but, as he did not
-withdraw his request, he found himself admitted, in 1766, as ensign into
-the provincial regiment of Asti. He had chosen this, as the duties
-attendant on it were slight, it being only required to assemble for
-review for a few days twice a year: however, this necessity annoyed him,
-especially as it forced him to quit the university, where he would have
-been well pleased to remain; but there was no help, and he left college,
-after an abode of nearly eight years. He took a small apartment in the
-same house with his sister, and spent all he could in horses and all
-sorts of luxuries, as well as in dinners given to his friends. A dislike
-of military discipline, and a love of travelling, made him soon after
-ask a year's leave of absence; and he set out for Rome and Naples under
-the care of an English Catholic, who was about to make that tour, as
-tutor to two young Flemish gentlemen. It was with great difficulty that
-he obtained the necessary permission; the king was averse to the nobles
-leaving the country, and it was only by a thousand petty artifices and
-intrigues that at last he succeeded in his wishes.
-
-Agitated by an inexplicable disquietude of mind, ignorant of all with
-regard to literature and the arts, that could make travelling
-interesting. Alfieri had at this time but one pleasure in a journey,
-which was, going along the high road with the greatest possible speed.
-His companions were as little awake to rational inquiry as himself; and
-the only one among them, he tells us, who had common sense, was his
-valet, who also acted as courier,--a man named Elia, who served him for
-many years with the greatest fidelity. The first city at which the party
-stopped was Milan. They went to see the curiosities, and visited the
-Ambrosian library. The treasures of the collection were wasted upon
-Alfieri: when an autograph of Petrarch was shown him (perhaps the Virgil
-on whose cover the poet has recorded his passionate sorrow on the death
-of Laura), he, barbarian like, pushed it away, saying, it was nothing to
-him. This act did not arise from mere indifference; but partly from a
-grudge he felt against Petrarch, arising from his not being able to
-understand his poetry; and shame for his own ignorance took the guise of
-contempt of another's genius. On visiting Florence, the only object that
-called forth any emotion was the sight of Michael Angelo's tomb; when
-the recollection of the fame which had been acquired by this master of
-his art filled him with ideas that he could not define; and the thought
-rose in his mind, that those men only were truly great, who left some
-enduring monument of genius behind them. But these notions were vague
-and transitory; he lived only for the present hour, even while that
-afforded no one object to occupy or please him.
-
-On leaving Florence, he hurried through Pisa and Siena; but such is the
-magic of the name, that the approach to Rome made his heart palpitate,
-and his torpid soul warmed into something like enthusiasm. He was
-charmed by the magnificent aspect which the eternal city presents as it
-is entered by the Porta del Popolo; and scarcely had he alighted at the
-hotel in the Piazza di Spagna, than he hurried off co behold the wonders
-of the place. Ignorance narrows the intellect, and takes the living
-colours from the imagination. Alfieri, after all, regarded coldly those
-objects which render Rome a city of absolute enchantment. He was best
-pleased with St. Peter's. At each successive visit, the solemn vastness
-of the mighty aisles of the cathedral made a deeper impression; the
-splendour of the architecture, the sublime stillness of its
-incense-breathing atmosphere, and the soft twilight that reigns beneath
-its dome, kindled his soul to something like poetic inspiration. But
-even these feelings could only for a few moments appease the
-restlessness that pursued him, and he hurried away from Rome with all
-the impatience of one ill at ease in himself. At Naples he grew still
-more disturbed and melancholy: music, which he loved, only tended to
-increase his gloom; and his reserve prevented him from forming any
-intimacies. All day he drove from place to place, in those droll little
-Neapolitan _calesine_, which go at such a prodigious rate under the
-guidance of their Lazaroni drivers,--"Not," he says, "that I wished to
-visit remarkable objects, for I had no curiosity nor knowledge about
-them, but merely for the sake of being on the road: I was never satiated
-of rapid motion, but a moment's quiescence filled me with annoyance."
-... "And thus I lived, a riddle to myself, believing that I had
-capacity for nothing; feeling no decided impulse or emotion, except a
-continual melancholy; never finding peace nor quiet, yet not knowing
-what I desired; blindly obeying my nature, although I neither studied
-nor comprehended it. Many years afterwards I perceived that my
-unhappiness proceeded from the want, nay the necessity, which I have, to
-have at once my heart occupied by some worthy object, and ray mind by
-some ennobling pursuit; for, whenever either of these two fail me, I
-remain incapable of the other, satiated and weary, and beyond all things
-miserable."
-
-In the midst of this disturbed and unprofitable state, he nourished the
-ardent desire to travel on and on, beyond the mountainous boundaries of
-his country, uncontrolled and alone. For this purpose he applied to the
-Sardinian minister; and, representing how correct his conduct was, and
-how capable he showed himself of managing his own affairs, he besought
-him to obtain leave from their sovereign, that he might detach himself
-from the tutor, and proceed alone. To his great joy, his request was
-complied with; and, with infinite delight, he left Naples for Rome,
-eager to make use of his entire independence, and to find himself
-solitary and lord of himself, on the high road, more than three hundred
-miles distant from his native Piedmont.
-
-How little does mere freedom of will satisfy the mind, when not
-ministered to and filled by thoughts that go beyond the present moment.
-The aimless uneasiness of Alfieri was not to be dissipated by the mere
-ability of satisfying his craving for locomotion. He obtained leave of
-absence for another year, and permission to visit France and England:
-but the same spirit accompanied him of melancholy and ennui; and all
-objects were stale and unprofitable to his languid senses. Motive was
-absent; and his ardent feelings, left to prey on themselves, produced
-tears and regret but no power of finding a means of exercising them with
-advantage and happiness. If his ignorance was ever brought home to him,
-he was rendered uncomfortable, but felt no wish to improve. He tells us
-that, at Rome, he was accustomed to visit each day the count of Rivera,
-minister of Sardinia,--a worthy old man, who showed him every kindness,
-and gave him the best advice. One morning he found the count occupied in
-reading the sixth book of the Æneid; and when Alfieri entered, he
-signed to him to approach, and began to recite the beautiful lamentation
-for Marcellus. Six years before, Alfieri had translated, and known by
-heart, the greater part of Virgil; but he had now forgotten it, and felt
-thoroughly ashamed, but with little courage to amend; so that the result
-of this scene was only that he sullenly ruminated over his disgrace, and
-never went near the count again. The desire of some sort of interest
-drove him into a fit of avarice. He was slenderly provided with means
-for his ultramontane journey; and he resolved to save all he could in
-Italy, that he might not be restricted when among foreigners. He
-followed up his system of parsimony with his usual ardour, and carried
-it to an excess which became its cure, since he got weary of the
-privations and annoyances he thus brought on himself.
-
-From Rome he proceeded to Venice, passing through Ferrara without a
-thought of Ariosto or Tasso; and Padua, without visiting either living
-professors, or the tomb of the illustrious dead in the neighbourhood.
-What was Petrarch to him? he again asked himself; he wrote in an unknown
-tongue, of which, after all, he felt ashamed of being ignorant. He was
-pleased with Venice, and was diverted by its amusements; yet the spring
-season brought his usual annual fit of melancholy, and he spent many
-days brooding over he knew not what, and weeping he knew not why.
-Spurred on by restlessness, he hurried away from Venice: he passed
-solitarily and ennuied through the beautiful cities of Lombardy, seldom
-presenting letters of recommendation, and always keeping out of the way
-of acquaintances: proud and shy, he hated new faces; and besides, his
-desire of travelling made him avoid the ties of friendship and even of
-love, though once or twice the smiles of beauty almost softened his
-heart. All his desire was to hasten to France, and to enjoy the delights
-he there promised himself. He was destined to be disappointed; for his
-ill-regulated imagination always exaggerated the pains and pleasures of
-the future, while it did not possess the better power of exalting and
-adorning the objects which in anticipation had appeared so desirable,
-and which in possession grew contemptible and barren.
-
-One of the singularities of Alfieri's character was the extravagant
-hatred of France which he cherished all his life. He attributed this, in
-the first place, to a vehement childish dislike of his French
-dancing-master. Still he read nothing but French books, French was the
-language he commonly spoke, and he left Italy in eager anticipation of
-the pleasures of Paris. But Alfieri did not know his own nature; nor was
-he aware that he could find happiness through the medium of his passions
-and intellect only, while amusement and even dissipation had the effect
-of wearying and disgusting him. The circumstance of his first entrance
-into Paris sufficed to cloud his stay; nay, the feelings of his whole
-life were influenced by the painful impression then made. It was the
-month of August, in Italy so sunshiny and festal; a drizzling rain,
-accompanied by a chilling temperature of air, impressed him most
-disagreeably; the streets, houses, and people were all mean, dirty, and
-impertinent in his eyes; his illusions vanished, and, but for a sense of
-shame, he would on the instant have quitted the city he had come so far
-to visit. The lapse of a quarter of a century did not erase the profound
-traces of disgust and aversion that were then trenched in his mind. At
-the time, the principal effect of his disappointment was a little to
-diminish his passion for travelling; and to find that, beyond the Alps,
-he learned to appreciate the beauties of the divine country he had been
-so eager to quit.
-
-He delayed his departure from Paris till January, and then hurried to
-London, which delighted as much as Paris had disgusted him; and he thus
-gives evidence of a fact of which many English, who have travelled, must
-be aware--that there is something in Italy and the Italians, in the
-rural beauty of the country, and in the unpretending but highly gifted
-natives, more congenial to our taste, than in the peculiar habits and
-manners of the French. Industry does here, in beautifying the landscape,
-what nature does beyond the Alps; while in France, there is a discomfort
-and a desolation apparent in the midst of its civilisation and plenty,
-which is singularly disagreeable. In this country, the roads, the inns,
-the horses, the women, all charmed Alfieri; the appearance of general
-competence, the activity of life, and the cleanliness and comfort of the
-houses, diminutive as they struck him to be, made an agreeable
-impression, which each successive visit renewed. Yet he led a strange
-life--avoiding society, although in the midst of it. He had been
-accompanied from Paris by a friend; and he amused himself, each morning,
-by driving him about town, and acting the coachman for him at night,
-sitting on the box for hours, and taking pride in his dexterity in
-extricating his carriage amidst the difficulties and confusion attendant
-on the vast multitude of equipages that throng round places of amusement
-during the London season. This did for a little while; then, in
-obedience to his wandering propensity, he made a tour to Portsmouth,
-Bristol, and Oxford. He was pleased with all he saw; and began to
-entertain a wish to settle in a country whose aspect was so agreeable,
-where the manners were simple, the women modest and beautiful, the laws
-equitable, and the men free. The enthusiasm he felt, made him disregard
-the melancholy generated by the gloomy climate, and the ruinous expense
-of living. He observes, and with justice, that Italy and England are the
-only countries in which it is desirable to live: the former, because
-there nature vindicates her rights, and rises triumphant over the evils
-produced by the governments; the latter, because art conquers nature,
-and transforms a rude ungenial land into a paradise of comfort and
-laughing abundance.
-
-In June, he left England for Holland; and at the Hague for the first
-time became really in love, and at the same time his heart opened itself
-to friendship. The lady whom he admired, and who returned his affection,
-was unfortunately a married woman, but an Italian education and habits
-prevented any scruples of conscience from interrupting the felicity he
-enjoyed. His friend was Don José d'Alcunha, Portuguese minister in
-Holland. Alfieri describes him as clever and original, with a cultivated
-understanding and firm unbending character: with tact and efficacy the
-Portuguese awoke in his new friend shame for his idle, aimless life. It
-was a curious circumstance, he tells us, that he never felt a strong
-desire for mental improvement, except at such periods as when he was
-passionately in love, and his time so employed that he could bestow none
-of it on literature. In process of time, when he became worthily
-attached, he may have perceived in this, the beneficent action of the
-passions in our nature, when their objects are what they ought to
-be--ennobling and permanent.
-
-After a period of great happiness, he was forced to separate from the
-lady to whom he was attached,--she being obliged to join her husband,
-who had gone to Switzerland; and Alfieri suffered the mildest of the
-punishments that result from loving one to whom you cannot consecrate
-your life. But though a separation, attended neither by disastrous
-incident nor infidelity, is the gentlest penance for such an error, it
-visited the young Italian in no gentle manner. It was a natural wish, as
-any one will acknowledge who has attended to his own sensations, on
-first being subjected to passionate sorrow, that which he formed--for
-being bled: prevented by his friend and a faithful servant from allowing
-this bleeding to be fatal, his grief became gloomy and taciturn; Holland
-grew hateful to him; and he returned to Italy with the utmost
-speed--never resting till he found himself at Cumiano, in his sister's
-villa, after a three weeks' journey, during which time he saw nothing
-and said nothing, communicating only by signs with his faithful servant,
-Elia, who never lost sight of him, and bore with exemplary patience his
-caprices and heedless tyranny.
-
-This state of melancholy regret augmented his love of solitude, and
-engendered, moreover, a desire to study: he passed the winter at Turin,
-in his sister's house, seeing absolutely no society, and spending his
-time in reading. He turned over the pages of Voltaire, Rousseau,
-Helvetius, and Montesquieu; but his chief delight was derived from the
-perusal of Plutarch's lives. His mind was strongly excited by the heroic
-virtues of the great men of whom he read, and tears of mingled
-admiration and indignation gushed from his eyes. He felt the misfortune
-it was to be a native of Piedmont; and to have been born in a country,
-and at a time, when no scope was afforded for word or action, scarcely
-any for thought and feeling.
-
-In the spring of 1769 he set out on another and a longer tour. He had
-been disappointed in a matrimonial project, proposed to him by his
-brother-in-law. The young lady was rich and beautiful, but she preferred
-a handsome young courtier to a man already remarkable for the
-eccentricity of his conduct and the sombreness of his disposition: for
-Alfieri, withdrawn from the common routine of society by his passionate
-and earnest nature, could but awkwardly and reluctantly fulfil the
-thousand minute duties which an Italian is accustomed to pay to his
-lady; nor, on this occasion, did love inspire him with that devotion of
-heart which might have proved acceptable in lieu of petty attentions. He
-was now twenty, and, according to the laws of his country, of age--so
-that his entire fortune was at his disposal: this consisted of an income
-of 2500 sequins, or about 1200_l_. a year, and a large sum of ready
-money; and, to augment the value of his possessions, he had acquired the
-habits of rational economy, which sprang from the scantiness of the
-allowance which his prudent trustee had made him. Thus he set out with
-"money in his purse," and no love in his heart, except the tender
-recollection of his half-extinguished Flemish flame; and if with a head
-not much fuller of ideas, yet with a thousand sentiments awakened, which
-afforded matter for thought. As he drove along, he read Montaigne, or
-reflected on what he read--a little galled by finding that he could not
-construe the Latin quotations, and still more so by being obliged to
-skip the Italian ones. Vienna and Berlin were hastily visited, and seen
-without pleasure: he had beheld the results of liberty in England, and
-he had read of them in Plutarch, and his natural sense of independence
-made him revolt from the military despotisms of the north. Instinctive
-good sense served him better than the philosophy of Voltaire, and he
-recognised the cloven foot of arbitrary power in the barrack capital of
-the philosopher of Sans Souçi. He hurried away from these mockeries of
-liberalism, and found more pleasure in the simplicity of the Swedes: the
-contrast which barren nature afforded, in these frozen regions, to the
-luxuriance and glory of Italy interested and pleased him; the velocity
-of his sledge, as he proceeded through the silent pine forests, and over
-the ice-covered lakes, fostered an agreeable melancholy; and he
-describes his spring journey from Sweden to St. Petersburgh with a
-vividness and beauty which it would spoil to abridge. Embarking at the
-first breaking up of the frost on the Gulf of Bothnia, his boat had to
-struggle through the floating ice; and the novelty of his situation was
-a source of amusement. "This is the country of Europe," he says, "most
-agreeable to me, from its savage rudeness; fantastic, gloomy, and even
-sublime, ideas are created in the mind by the vast, undefinable silence
-that reigns there, making you feel as if transported away from the
-globe." St. Petersburgh disappointed him; nor would he see the empress
-Catherine, whom he regarded as the murderess of her husband, and whose
-conduct--having failed in her promise of bestowing a constitution on her
-subjects--was unredeemed, in his eyes, by any mitigating circumstances.
-
-From Russia he traversed Germany to Holland, and again visited England.
-His time, during his second visit to this country, was engrossed by an
-attachment for a lady of rank, who proved herself not only unworthy of
-the affection of the husband whom she betrayed, but the lover to whom
-she was false. The more violent passions of Alfieri were all roused to
-their utmost vehemence by the various chances of this adventure, which
-was attended by all those hairbreadth escapes, menacing dangers, and
-final ruin and misery, which usually wait upon intrigue in England.
-First it was love, accompanied by the "sin and fear" which attends on
-mystery and deceit; then separation came to drive him to despair. The
-London season over, the lady went to her country house near Windsor; and
-Alfieri could only visit her clandestinely, on such nights when her
-husband was absent in London. His impatience and agony during the
-periods of separation were only appeased by excessive exercise: he rode
-about all day, performing such feats of horsemanship as endangered his
-life. Leaping a five-barred gate, with his thoughts wandering to his
-lady, instead of being fixed on his bridle-hand, his horse fell on him,
-and dislocated his shoulder; but that did not prevent a visit to Windsor
-on the following evening, the last that he was destined to make. The
-servants observed and watched him, and the husband of the lady had
-intelligence of her infidelity; "and here," he writes, "it is impossible
-not to laugh at the contrast between English and Italian jealousy, so
-different are the passions in different characters, in another climate,
-and, above all, under other laws. Every Italian would now expect to hear
-of blows, poison, stabs, or, at least, of the imprisonment of the lady,
-under such violent provocation: nothing of all this happened, though the
-English husband adored his wife after his manner." It was much according
-to the present customs, that the English husband, besides instituting
-legal proceedings against his wife and her lover, called out the latter.
-The duel was, however, a very harmless proceeding: Alfieri could not
-fence, and his adversary was satisfied by merely drawing blood by a
-scratch in the arm, carefully abstaining from inflicting the wound or
-death which he had it in his power to bestow. A far deeper and more
-painful wound was reserved for the Italian, when he learned how grossly
-the lady had deceived him. A groom of her husband had formerly been her
-lover: he still lived in the house; and, fearing that his lord would
-risk his life in an encounter with Alfieri, he hastened to inform him
-that the lady was totally unworthy such a chivalrous encounter. All
-these disgraceful circumstances came out on the trial. Alfieri, maddened
-and enraged, was yet unable, at first, to separate from his treacherous
-mistress. They travelled together in England, he furious at his own
-weakness, and perpetually struggling to vanquish it; till, seizing on a
-moment when shame and indignation were stronger than love, he left her
-at Rochester, on her way to France with a relative, and returned to
-London. In after times, the chief impression left on his mind from this
-adventure was, a feeling of mixed respect and gratitude towards her
-husband, who spared both his life and his purse, neither killing him,
-nor demanding damages: the first the English noble, apparently, had at
-his mercy; but it is unlikely, under all the circumstances, that the
-latter should have been awarded him, to any great extent.
-
-After tempests like these, it was long before the impetuous and
-sensitive soul of Alfieri settled into any thing like calm: paroxysms of
-rage, love, grief, and despair succeeded one to the other, and his only
-relief was derived from locomotion. He left London, and after visiting
-his friend Alcunha at the Hague, he hurried on to Paris; he traversed
-France, and entered Spain, struggling with the passion that warred
-within him, and devoured by the gloomiest melancholy. At Barcelona he
-bought two Spanish horses, and with these resolved to proceed on his
-journey to Madrid. His carriage went on first, under the care of the
-servants and muleteers; and he followed, chiefly on foot, his beautiful
-Andalusian trotting beside him with the docility of a dog. This mixture
-of idleness and change--of solitude and independence--soothed his
-disturbed mind. He was given up to endless reverie, now engrossed by
-melancholy and moral trains of thought; now possessed by images wild,
-terrible, or gay. He knew no language, and could express nothing that he
-felt--all was confused and vague, and mingled with violent transports of
-grief and despair. He spoke to no one; and his taciturn, self-devouring
-misery irritated him almost to madness. His faithful servant, Elia, who
-followed him during all his journeys, had nearly become the victim to an
-explosion of the pent-up volcano. In combing the count's long
-tresses,--which it was the fashion then to wear,--he accidentally pulled
-one hair; and Alfieri, starting up like lightning, hurled a candlestick
-at his head, which struck him on the temple and inflicted a wound.
-Elia's Italian nature was roused, and he flew on his master. Other
-people interfered, and no more harm was done. Alfieri told his servant
-that he might kill him if he chose: he deserved it, and would take no
-precautions against his vengeance; and he praises his own courage in
-thus exposing himself, and the magnanimity of the man for not rising in
-the night and murdering him as he slept. The whole scene is inexplicable
-to our northern imaginations, and borders on the excesses of savage
-nature. "It would be difficult for any one," says Alfieri, "to
-understand the mixture of ferociousness and generosity on both sides,
-who has not had experience of the manners and hot blood of the
-Piedmontese."
-
-After a journey through Spain and Portugal more savage, wild, and
-solitary than was even his wont.
-[Sidenote: 1772.
-Ætat.
-23.]
-Alfieri returned to Turin; and here he seemed to be in greater danger
-than he had ever been of losing all the exaltation of character and
-feeling that clung to him despite his excesses, his ignorance, and the
-total absence of all mental culture. He took a magnificent house, and
-fitted it up with luxury and taste. He had a circle of friends, who
-formed themselves into a society, with laws and regulations. One of
-their amusements was a sort of literary budget, to which the various
-members contributed writings for the recreation of the general society.
-Alfieri wrote several papers, which obtained a good deal of applause: he
-had a turn for satire, and that is always a popular style of writing in
-a coterie. These compositions were all in French.
-
-A worse degradation than this sort of vegetative dissipation awaited the
-count: he became a cavaliere servente. The lady was of rank, a good deal
-older than himself, but of extraordinary beauty. She was noted for her
-gallantries; and Alfieri, who was not in love, her style of beauty even
-not being exactly to his taste, was drawn in, at first, by mere
-idleness, and a belief in the excessive attachment she bore him. Soon a
-most vehement passion engrossed him. Friends, diversions, even horses,
-were neglected; from eight in the morning till twelve at night he was
-continually with her--discontented with his servitude, but unable to
-stay away.
-
-It is difficult to understand, and impossible to sympathise with, the
-sort of frenzy he describes. He did not esteem the lady, and he despised
-himself for the humiliating state to which he was reduced. The situation
-of a cavaliere servente is, we are told by high English authority in
-such matters, "no sinecure." To be constantly in attendance is its chief
-duty. A cavaliere sits with his lady, drives with her, walks with her,
-goes to assemblies and the opera with her: he follows her like her
-shadow, and no matrimonial exigence can equal the total abnegation of
-all independent occupation to which the cavaliere must submit. The lady,
-indeed, may equally become weary; but an Italian woman is used to this
-excess of indolence. Her life is monotonous, her passage from one
-amusement to the other invariable, sameness forming the essence of her
-existence: nothing animates it except love, scandal, or quarrelling:
-these, and the natural vivacity of southern blood, which can diversify
-the indolence which would otherwise mantle over and incrust every
-faculty. But all this was torture to the fiery spirit of the count, who,
-born for better things, struggled with his fetters, and roared like a
-lion in the toils. His slavery lasted for two years. At one time, the
-nervous irritation produced a violent and inexplicable malady, which the
-wits of Turin declared he had invented exclusively for himself. He was
-unable for several days to swallow aliment in any shape; and the
-convulsions brought on by any attempt to force it on him almost deprived
-him of life. At another time, he acquired resolution enough to scheme a
-journey to Milan, and actually set out; but scarcely had he passed the
-gates of Turin than his heart failed him, and he returned, burning with
-indignation against himself, to resume his chains. His friends saw and
-pitied his miserable state, and their compassion aggravated his
-sufferings, while it did not enable him to rise above the enthralment.
-Day after day, month after month, he formed new resolves to extricate
-himself, and for a long time in vain.
-
-At length, in the February of 1775, being now twenty-six years of age,
-he, in desperation, came to a determination to break off the disgraceful
-intercourse. His old remedy of change of place had proved of no avail,
-so he resolved to remain on the same spot; to shut himself up in his own
-house, which was opposite that of the lady, but to receive no letters,
-hear no messages, and to be induced by no failing of the heart ever to
-behold her more. In token of his fixed purpose, he cut off his long
-hair, and sent it to a friend, as a proof that he could not present
-himself in society so shorn and disfigured.
-
-And now a better day dawned on the tempest of passion that darkened his
-soul. In Lisbon he had been acquainted with the abate Caluso, a man of
-learning and talent, who had, in some degree, awakened in him a desire
-for knowledge, while, with the utmost forbearance and kindness, he tried
-to lighten the shame inspired by every glimmering light that displayed
-his excessive ignorance. They had passed many long evenings together,
-and Alfieri preferred his instructive but unpretending conversation to
-the gaieties of society; and here he felt an awakening of that dormant
-power of composition which afterwards was to expand into worthy and
-perennial fruit. In Turin, also, he was acquainted with several
-literati; and now, a voluntary prisoner, and passing many long hours in
-entire solitude, unaware and almost unsought, a true, strong, and
-enduring love of knowledge sprang up within him, never after to be
-weakened or destroyed. The first token of the spirit of composition, was
-a sonnet in commemoration of the freedom he had acquired. Some years
-before, in Paris, he had bought a collection of Italian poets, and by
-reading them had gained a slight knowledge of versification, and of his
-native language; yet so ludicrously imperfect was this, that, when he
-showed his sonnet to a literary man, the first advice he received was to
-learn to spell. Orthography, grammar, and rhythm were alike defective in
-his production. He was not discouraged. This same friend, father
-Paciaudi, had given him the "Cleopatra" of cardinal Delfino. Alfieri
-fancied that he could write a better tragedy himself; and he began one
-on the same subject. He consulted his friends upon it, and tried to gain
-some instruction as to style and poetic laws, of which, hitherto, he had
-remained in profound ignorance. His house became a sort of academy;
-while he, desirous of learning, but proud and indocile, wearied himself
-and all around him by his alternate fits of industry and despondency. At
-length, a tragedy and a farce were the result of his endeavours, and
-both were acted on the same nights, at the theatre of Turin, with
-applause, on two consecutive evenings, and were given out for a third
-representation. But Alfieri by this time began to discover the entire
-want of merit of these productions: which prove, as we may judge from
-the passages he has preserved, that ideas and feelings are of no avail
-in composition, where there is a total absence of style, and an absolute
-incapacity of finding language in which to clothe the naked and unformed
-conceptions of the brain. On the third night, therefore, Alfieri
-prevented the representation; and on the same night he was seized by so
-vehement and burning a wish to deserve the applause of an audience,
-that, he tells us, no fever of love had ever assailed him with similar
-impetuosity.
-
-"And thus," he says, "at the age of seven and twenty, I entered into the
-difficult engagement with the public and myself to become a writer of
-tragedies; and these were the props I had to sustain me in my
-undertaking,--a resolved, obstinate, and untamed spirit; a heart boiling
-over with all sorts of emotions, among which predominated the transports
-of love, and a profound and indignant abhorrence of every species of
-tyranny; a very slight recollection of the French tragedies I had seen
-acted, having read and studied none; an entire ignorance of the rules of
-the drama; and a total incapacity to command the language of which I
-made use;--all this was surrounded by a husk, not so much of
-presumption, as of petulance, and an impetuosity of character which
-stood in the way of my ever, except with reluctance, acknowledging,
-investigating, or giving ear to truth."
-
-The first thing he found he had to do, was to apply himself to a
-spelling-book and grammar: this necessity was not admitted without a
-struggle; but the ardour of his enthusiasm enabled him to triumph over
-these petty but perplexing and irritating obstacles; and he gave himself
-up to the study of language with a mixture of impatience and
-perseverance that kept his mind in a perpetual tumult. He was under the
-necessity of driving away all French words and forms of speech from his
-mind, and of imbuing his thoughts in the idiom of Tuscany,--a work of
-unspeakable labour, uniting the studies of a man with those of a child,
-and sufficient to have overcome the resolution of any temper less ardent
-and ambitious than his own. After all, it must be acknowledged that it
-was to a great degree an insuperable difficulty; and, though overcome,
-in appearance, by Alfieri, yet in composition he had always two
-labours,--that of giving birth to ideas, and that of examining with the
-attention and scepticism of a foreigner the words in which he clothed
-them. This, perhaps, is the cause, that although, in process of time,
-his prose style became unexceptionable, and that of his tragedies full
-of fire and strength, his lyrics are such lamentable failures.
-
-For nearly a year he was given up to the ungrateful task of clearing
-away the rubbish of another language, and placing the foundation stones
-of a pure and classic Italian. He retired to a village near Turin, that
-his attention might not be called off; and there, with a literary
-friend, he laboured at all that nauseates a schoolboy, with the still
-greater disgust of mere verbal difficulties which is felt by a man.
-After a year of much industry, he began to be aware that he should never
-attain his object as long as he merely translated himself from the
-French, which had become the language of his thoughts; and he resolved
-to pass six months in Tuscany, to learn, to hear, speak, think, and feel
-Tuscan only.
-
-In this journey he sought the acquaintance of the first literary men,
-and exerted himself strenuously to acquire the knowledge of which he was
-so deficient. He never deceived himself by fancying his deficiencies
-were less than they were. He was born endowed with genius; uncultivated
-and empty of all knowledge as his mind was, yet it was filled with
-thought and feeling, and, during his solitary journeys and long
-incommunicative days of reverie, he had studied his own character. At
-one time he had kept a journal, in which he put down not only his
-actions, but their motives, investigating his moral nature in its inmost
-recesses. This was an exercise of mind which, joined to his natural
-talent, peculiarly adapted him to developement of feeling and motive,
-which is the essence of the tragic art; and it was towards this species
-composition that, from the first, he felt himself irresistibly impelled.
-
-He had now fully entered on his dramatic enterprise. Several months
-before, he had written his tragedies of "Philip" and "Polinices," in
-French prose, which with unwearied industry, he put into Italian verse
-three or four several times; endeavouring to form a rhythm adapted to
-dialogue, and to concentrate and simplify his style as much as possible.
-While studying Italian, he had also applied himself to re-learning
-Latin; and the tragedies of Seneca suggested other subjects. "Antigone,"
-"Agamemnon," "Orestes," and "Don Garzia," were all conceived, and in
-part written, while he was indefatigable in the labour, it cannot so
-well be said of polishing his language, as of modelling and remodelling
-it, as his greater use of Tuscan, and his critical taste suggested.
-
-He had now an aim in life, from the pursuit of which he never deviated,
-but followed it up with incredible enthusiasm and perseverance. His
-labours were great in literature, yet confined chiefly to the formation
-of style; and he translated Sallust, and other Latin authors, for the
-sake of improving in force and conciseness.
-[Sidenote: 1777.
-Ætat.
-28.]
-He did not continue in one place: after a few months spent at Florence,
-he returned to Turin, recalled by the love of his friends and his stud:
-but during the following spring he obtained the necessary permission of
-the king to quit Piedmont and return to Tuscany, for the purpose of
-imbibing at the purest source that energetic and concise language, which
-he considered yielded in elegance and force of expression to no other in
-the world.
-
-As the city where the purest Tuscan is spoken. Alfieri visited Siena,
-and spent the summer there. He there formed an intimacy which served to
-encourage him in his laborious pursuits; for he tells us he was never
-capable of arduous and sustained undertakings, except when the feelings
-of his heart were exercised by an intercourse of friendship or love.
-Francesco Gori was of ignoble birth, and his ostensible pursuits were
-those of traffic, which he pursued more for the sake of pleasing his
-family than for gain. In the obscurity of his warehouse he occupied
-himself with classical literature, and nurtured an admirable and
-delicate taste for the fine arts. Extreme philanthropy formed the
-essence of his character, and a warm-hearted sympathy, that led him to
-forgive and love all mankind. The idle and opulent nobles of the city
-could not, by their worthlessness, excite his hatred or contempt. With
-Tacitus in his hand, and the pure love of liberty in his heart, how
-could he hate the victims of tyranny? he might exclaim, with a poet of
-modern days, whose political principles were equally derived from the
-sensibility of his heart,--
-
-
-"I hate thy want of love and truth:
-How should I then hate thee?"
-
-
-Self-knowledge deracinated pride in himself, and contempt for others;
-and thus, humbly occupied in his shop, he could extend forbearance to
-all, except the primal causes of the degradation of his countrymen;
-while his only happiness was derived from books, and his chief grief
-from comparing himself and his times with the men and times of which he
-read.
-
-There is a simplicity in Italian manners that renders the friendship
-between count Alfieri and Gori, the mercer, by no means extraordinary.
-To the sympathy produced by an agreement in opinions was added the
-respect which Alfieri felt for the virtuous qualities of his
-unpretending friend. Their talk was of the ancient glory of their
-country, and of the literary ambition of Alfieri. In the course of
-conversation, Gori suggested the conspiracy of the Pazzi as a good
-subject for a tragedy. Alfieri was ignorant of the history of the
-republic of Florence, and had never heard of the Pazzi. Gori placed the
-Florentine annals of Machiavelli in his hands. Machiavelli (whatever his
-motives were for writing "The Prince") was an enthusiastic republican.
-He tells us in his letters, that while writing the history, he delighted
-himself by exposing the conduct of the princes who had ruined Italy: his
-spirit of freedom found an echo in Alfieri's heart, and so sharpened his
-hatred of despotism, and his love of liberty, that, throwing aside his
-tragedies, he wrote a treatise on tyranny,--a work of eloquence, but
-rather a juvenile ebullition of feeling, than an argumentative essay.
-
-On the advance of winter, Alfieri transferred himself to Florence; and
-here an event happened that altered the colour of his future life,
-through the influence of a constant attachment, which, accompanied by
-esteem for the good qualities and talents of its object, remained fixed
-in his heart to the end of his life.
-
-Louisa de Stolberg, countess of Albany, was at that time twenty-five
-years of age, beautiful and full of talent. Her rank and wealth gave her
-a distinguished place in society. She was the wife of the last of the
-Stuarts who made pretensions to the throne of England, who unfortunately
-disgraced his illustrious house, and even the private station to which
-he was reduced, by habits the most deplorable. Alfieri now regarded his
-future prospects as fixed: he had long determined never to marry,
-considering that, under the despotic government to which he was a
-subject, the ties of husband and father would add weight to the chains
-imposed upon him: attached for life to a woman whom he esteemed worthy
-of him, and beyond all things ambitious of distinguishing himself as an
-author and a defender of the cause of liberty, he began to put into
-execution the schemes which had long presented themselves to his
-imagination, for acquiring entire personal freedom. The nobles of
-Piedmont were in a peculiarly enslaved state: they could not quit the
-territories of their sovereign except by especial leave, granted for a
-limited time; nor could they publish any writings in a foreign country,
-without the licence of their native prince, under penalty of a fine, and
-even imprisonment, "if" (so the law was expressed) "it was necessary to
-make a public example." These shackles were intolerable to a man of
-independent mind, bent upon giving testimony of his abhorrence of
-despotic rule: but few men would have freed themselves at the cost that
-Alfieri paid. He came to a resolve to make a donation of the whole of
-his property to his sister Julia, reserving to himself only the annual
-income of 1400 sequins, or about 600_l_. a year, the half of his actual
-receipt. To execute this design, the king's permission was necessary,
-who readily gave it, "being," says Alfieri, "as willing to get rid of me
-as I was to emancipate myself from his authority."
-
-The transfer, however, was not completed without a good deal of
-annoyance; and Alfieri was irritated, at one time, into making a
-declaration, that, if his brother-in-law would not receive the donation,
-he must the count's abandonment of his whole property; and that he would
-resign his claim to every possession rather than be fettered by the laws
-attendant upon keeping it. In the exaltation of his imagination, he
-almost imagined that this latter offer would be acted on; and, finding
-himself reduced to merely a few thousand sequins of ready money, he fell
-into his second fit of avarice, selling his horses, and all his
-superfluous plate, furniture, and even dress, renouncing the Sardinian
-uniform, to which he had adhered, from boyish vanity, even after
-quitting the service. He spent a good deal of money in books; but this
-was his sole expense; while his abstemiousness of living, directed by
-economy, became of the most rigid kind. Thus, even in extremes, resolved
-never to marry, resolved to be an author, he completed sacrifices, which
-a thousand circumstances might afterwards have caused him to regret, but
-which, he assures us, he never for a moment repented. He did not confide
-the secret of this change in his affairs to the countess until it was
-past recal; for, as their ultimate effect was to render their union more
-stable and permanent, he felt that she might consider it right, as a
-mark of her disinterestedness, to oppose them. When all was over, her
-blame was of no avail, and she forgave the mystery he had practised.
-
-These various annoyances, joined to the perturbations of love, and the
-ardour of his literary application, occasioned an illness from which he
-only recovered when the season of summer brought that healthiness of
-feeling, that lightness of spirit, and that energy for composition,
-which summer and its heats always imparted to his constitution. During
-this summer, Alfieri, as he tells us, "in a frantic delirium of a love
-of freedom," wrote his tragedy of the "Pazzi," and that of "Mary Stuart"
-(Mary Queen of Scots); the latter at the request of the countess of
-Albany. During the following year he completed these and made the first
-sketch of "Rosmunda," "Ottavia," and "Timoleon." Since his tragedies
-have become so numerous, and many of his best are written, it will be as
-well to glance over them, and to give some account of his progress and
-success in an art to which he devoted his life and fortune.
-
-Energy and conciseness are the distinguishing marks of Alfieri's dramas.
-Wishing to bring the whole action of the piece into one focus, he
-rejected altogether the confidantes of the French theatre, so that his
-dramatis personæ are limited to the principals themselves. The
-preservation of the unities of time and place also contributed to
-curtail all excrescences; so that his tragedies are short, and all hear
-upon one point only, which he considered the essence of unity of action.
-Thus, in the "Merope," there are but four interlocutors, the queen and
-her son, his foster-father, and the tyrant. Instead, therefore, as is
-the case in the French dramas, of the action being carried on by a
-perpetual talk about it, at once tedious and unnatural, the interest is
-always at its height between the parties themselves; and it is singular,
-in the "Merope" in particular, with what talent and success he keeps the
-action in perpetual progress, and the passions developed by such slender
-means. It was the turn of Alfieri's character to consider it a duty in
-an author rather to conquer difficulties than to acquire facilities. He
-would read no other tragedians, for fear of imitating them, and
-abstained from a perusal of the great master of the art, Shakspeare,
-from the same mistaken notion. Genius need not fear to be imitative; but
-genius, unaided by cultivation, and by a study of what has gone before,
-can never surpass what is already written: it were as if a scientific
-man were to refuse to be initiated in the discoveries of science, that
-he might pursue his labours in a new and original path. Thus he might,
-we will say, re-invent gunpowder and printing, but never a new law and a
-new power. To use a more homely illustration, it were as if an
-agriculturist refused to manure the ground, and was bent on forcing the
-native soil, to produce by labour what would arise with greater
-fertility and ease if aided by extraneous nutriment. It is a law of
-mechanics, never to waste power, but to proportionate on all occasions
-the means to the end. If, instead of refusing to read the finest
-dramatic works, Alfieri had studied in them the genius and essence of
-the art; he might; instead of simply restricting his invention to the
-bald and inconclusive expedient of contracting the personages of his
-drama, have invented some original method of combining the simplicity of
-design consequent on an observance of the unities, with a more natural
-and inforced arrangement of plot, and with a greater variety and truth
-of character.
-
-The great distinction between Shakspeare and almost every other dramatic
-writer arises from his developement and variety of character: all his
-personages are individuals. In other authors, we have a lover, an
-ambitious man, a tyrant, or a victim of tyranny; but in Shakspeare it is
-not the passion that makes the man, but the peculiar character of the
-person that gives reality and life to the passion. Thus Richard III. and
-Macbeth are both ambitious; but how differently do their respective
-dispositions modulate their conduct and feelings! The cruel, remorseless
-Richard can never, in a single line he utters, be mistaken for the weak,
-vacillating usurper, whose cruelties result from the necessities of his
-situation, and not from inborn ferocity of character. Juliet, Imogen,
-and Rosalind, are alike girls in love; but how variously do they display
-their sentiments! the ardent Italian, the fond, devoted wife, and the
-sprightly, spirited daughter of an exiled prince, are all individuals
-characterised by distinctive marks; so that a painter would give to each
-a physiognomy utterly dissimilar the one from the other. If Alfieri had
-read Shakspeare, he might have discovered and appreciated this
-incomparable mark of his excellence; and his knowledge of the human
-heart would have led him to imitate a model which, if succeeded in,
-could not, from its very nature, bear any resemblance to mere
-plagiarism. He himself felt that one tyrant should not quite resemble
-another, nor one lover be but the mirror of another: but so it is with
-him, with few exceptions--situation, not character, forms the interest
-of his pieces.
-
-Besides this, Alfieri was not an imaginative poet: his sonnets and
-longer poems are failures; his tragedies are vacant of ideal imagery;
-his sensible objects are never animated by a soul infused into them by
-the speaker; his daggers and poisons, and all the other tragic
-paraphernalia, are the mere things themselves--the poet's eye never
-gives "to airy nothing a local habitation and a name." His inventive
-powers consisted in being able to conceive situations of passion and
-interest, and giving to his personages feelings and language at once
-natural, powerful, and pathetic.
-
-His mode of writing his tragedies shows, indeed, how spontaneous was his
-conception of the action of a piece, how mechanical the effort by which
-he clothed it in verse. He was accustomed to throw off the design of the
-intended action in a sketch of a few pages, and then to lay it by: after
-an interval, he read this sketch, and, if it pleased him, he arranged
-the plot into acts, and scenes, and speeches, putting down every idea
-that presented itself, and the whole in prose; and again he put aside
-his labour for future consideration. If, on reading it over, he felt his
-imagination warmed and excited, and the ideas renew themselves in his
-mind vividly and forcibly, then he completed his work by versifying it.
-This is not the routine which a genuine poet follows: something of the
-improvisatore's art is inherent in him, and he writes "in numbers, for
-the numbers come."
-
-"Philip" was the first of Alfieri's tragedies: it was originally written
-in French prose; and he was so well pleased with its conduct, that he
-was never weary of composing and recomposing it in Italian verse, till
-he was satisfied that the language was equal in vigour to the ideas it
-expressed. The subject of "Philip" is the death of don Carlos, prince of
-Spain; and the contrast of character in the three principal persons is
-finely conceived and well executed. There is the obdurate, deceitful,
-cruel tyrant. His son, educated near him, in perpetual fear and
-suspicion, is never his dupe: he sees through all his subterfuges, and
-perceives the snares laid for him in his pretended mercies; and love,
-while it causes him to expose himself to his father's vengeance, only
-renders him doubly watchful and cautious. Isabella, on the contrary, a
-daughter of France, at the same time that, from feminine delicacy, she
-is more restrained in her feelings, yet is unsuspicious, unguarded, and
-ready to give credit to the professions of those around. Her heart opens
-itself readily to hope; while that of her lover is impassive to every
-delusion, and he regards with terror and grief the peril to which, in
-her generous trustingness of nature, she heedlessly exposes herself.
-
-As the genius of Alfieri led him to depict the passions in their
-simplest though most energetic form, unaccompanied by the influence of
-manners, the metaphysical subtleties of Shakspeare, or the wild, but
-deeply interesting intricacy of plot of Calderon and our old dramatists,
-so classical subjects were treated by him with peculiar felicity.
-"Agamemnon" and "Orestes" are among his best dramas: the dignity and
-tenderness of Electra, the remorse and struggles of Clytemnestra, and
-the haughty, rash disposition of Orestes, have more of truth, of nature,
-and grace than is to be found among any modern tragedies on similar
-subjects: but this very simplicity becomes, to a certain degree,
-baldness in modern subjects; and though the conspiracy of the "Pazzi"
-was written, he says, with a delirious enthusiasm for liberty, there is
-a want of developement and relief that renders it more like the sketch
-of a tragedy, than one filled out in all its parts. "Virginia," equally
-pregnant with the spirit of liberty, has more grace and more pathos.
-
-While the mind of Alfieri was thus fully occupied by the composition of
-his dramas, he was happy in the enjoyment of the friendship and love of
-the persons dearest to him in the world. He was the _amico di casa_ of
-the countess of Albany; that is, he spent his evenings in her society,
-and attended her in mornings during her visits and excursions: he kept
-up a constant correspondence with Gori, at Siena; and the abbate Caluso,
-the friend who had first awakened his desire for literary composition,
-many years before, at Lisbon, and to whom he was warmly attached, came
-from Turin, and spent a whole year at Florence, that he might enjoy his
-society. But the tranquil course of happiness is seldom allowed to human
-beings, especially when they feel and acknowledge their perfect
-well-being, and repose content on the accomplishment of their desires.
-The conduct of the unfortunate prince, who was the countess of Albany's
-husband, poisoned every enjoyment, and, at last, forced his wife to
-separate herself from him. Given up to the most degrading vice,--in his
-drunken fits his ferocity and madness endangered her life, and she lived
-night and day, haunted by the terror inspired by his outrages. Alfieri
-exerted himself to obtain permission from the government for their
-separation; and, that being obtained, she retired to a convent in
-Florence, and afterwards, under the sanction of the pope, she removed to
-another convent at Rome.
-
-Alfieri found that thus he had succeeded in saving the life of his
-friend; but the separation necessary to prevent any injurious opinions
-being formed as to the motives of his interference, was a cruel reward
-for his exertions. Florence grew hateful to him in her absence; he
-became incapable of every occupation, and his whole thoughts were bent
-on contriving their re-union: it was matter of difficulty, but not
-insuperable to his earnest endeavours. After some months, the pope
-allowed her to quit her convent, and to take up her abode in the palace
-of cardinal York; and Alfieri, having already quitted Florence and spent
-some time at Naples, ventured at last to fix himself at Rome also,
-having, as he tells us, paid court, made visits, and employed a thousand
-servile and humiliating arts, from which his nature revolted, to obtain
-the sufferance of the pope for his residence in the same city as the
-countess. No honours, no glory, no worldly advantage, could have induced
-him to submit to what he considered the excess of meanness and
-degradation; love alone exalted the debasement in his eyes.
-
-Now again he was happy: he lived at the villa Strozzi, near the baths of
-Dioclesian. He spent the long mornings in study, never leaving his house
-except to ride over the solitary and uncultivated country around Rome,
-whose immense and lonely expanse invited him to reverie and poetic
-composition. He spent the evenings with the countess, retiring at eleven
-to his tranquil home, which, divided from all others, rural though in
-the city, and surrounded by objects of antique grandeur and natural
-beauty, was an abode such as Rome only in the world can afford, and
-peculiarly adapted to the noble poet's temper, character, and
-occupations.
-
-His imagination received its happiest inspirations during this period.
-Besides continual labour on his former compositions, he wrote the
-tragedies of "Merope" and "Saul," both conceived and executed with a
-fervour of inspiration that allowed him no pause between the various
-operations into which he divided the composition of a tragedy. The
-"Merope" was written in a sort of indignant burst, to prove that the
-tragedy of Maffei on the subject, could be easily surpassed. The "Saul"
-emanated from reading the Bible, in the study of which he at that time
-occupied himself, and which awoke in him a desire to write several
-dramas on scriptural subjects; had it not been that, fond of forming
-resolutions and of adopting voluntary chains, since he cast away and
-abhorred all others, he had determined to limit his tragedies to twelve.
-The "Saul" and "Merope" caused him to exceed this number by two; but he
-would not be allured to go beyond.
-
-The "Saul" is, there can be little question, the chef-d'oeuvre of
-Alfieri: character forms the basis of the interest, and the situations
-are deeply pathetic. Saul, in some degree, reminds the reader of king
-Lear. The Hebrew king is not, like Shakspeare's dethroned monarch,
-thrust from his state, and turned out by his children, a victim to the
-pitiless elements, and, more bitter still, the sense of undeserved
-injury from those whose duty it was to foster and shelter him. The
-children of Saul, and his son-in-law David, surround him with
-protestations of duty and a heartfelt wish to soothe him by their
-affection and care; but he is struck by God; prosperity has departed
-from his house, victory from his banner; and his vacillating reason
-discerns rebellion and dethronement in the very submissions of those
-around him. He struggles with the sense of ill fortune, and the sad
-consciousness of the occasional aberrations of his intellect; now
-lamenting the days of his prosperous youth, now melted to tenderness by
-the caresses of his children; and again, seized upon by suspicion, envy,
-and pride, he wildly and madly casts from him every support and hope, to
-find himself, in the end, alone, defeated, lost; till in a transport of
-shame and despair, he ends a life so tarnished and abhorrent. "Saul" is
-the best of Alfieri's tragedies; and, if we were called upon to point
-out his best scene, we should select the second act of that play.
-
-[Sidenote:1782.
-Ætat.
-33.]
-
-Alfieri felt proud and happy when he had completed his fourteen
-tragedies. "That month of October," he writes, "was memorable to me,
-since I enjoyed a repose no less delicious than necessary, after so much
-labour: full to the brim of vainglory, I breathed no word of my
-achievements to any but myself, and, with a sort of veiled moderation,
-to her I loved; who, through her affection for me, probably, seemed well
-inclined to believe that I was capable of being a great man, and always
-encouraged me to do all I could to become one." His works, also, were
-becoming known. A few of the nobility of Rome formed themselves into a
-company, and acted his "Antigone," in which he took the part of Creon:
-the representation was crowned with success. He was, besides, in the
-habit of reading his tragedies in society, partly for the sake of the
-mute criticism displayed by the attention and interest they excited in
-his audience; and, under the superintendence of his friend Gori, four
-among his dramas were printed at Siena.
-
-But this very celebrity was the cause of the disaster that hung over his
-head, and, by drawing attention to him, engendered enmity and
-disturbance. His familiar intercourse with the countess, and the daily
-habit of his life, in forming a part of the society she gathered around
-her, began to excite censure: this roused at once his fears and
-indignation. His mode of life was in strict accordance with the notions
-of propriety, as they rule manners in Italy. Injurious and to be
-deprecated as the system of society is, no individual thinks, when he
-follows the example of the whole of his countrymen, that he should be
-selected as an object for blame. However, in a moral and religious view,
-the so-named friendship of the countess and Alfieri was blameable, yet
-they scrupulously attended to the rules of decorum, which form the whole
-of an Italian's conscience, generally speaking, and believed that they
-had every right to be happy in each other. As we have said in another
-place, we are not inclined to bestow vehement blame on individual
-conduct, resulting from a system of manners which has endured for ages,
-while that system itself merits the utmost abhorrence, and, we are happy
-to be able to say, is in progress of being extirpated in Italy: until it
-is, there can be no hope of moral regeneration, or for the happiness and
-improvement of its inhabitants.
-
-However, it must be remembered that though, especially in those days, no
-one would have been so unreasonable or barbarous as to prevent a lady
-from having a cavaliere servente, yet the peculiar cavaliere she selects
-is usually forbidden; and as much misery is often produced by an
-interference in the lady's choice as by a total prohibition to be
-allowed a friend at all. In the present instance, the husband of the
-countess complained to his brother, the priests of the holy city were
-roused to a perception of the scandal, and the pope induced to consider
-it right to interfere. Alfieri found only one mode of mitigating the
-violence of the menaced storm, which was to meet it: he voluntarily
-quitted Rome, and, to prevent any actual measures of prohibition and
-banishment, went into voluntary exile.
-
-Affections and habits which had subsisted so long could not be thus
-rudely torn up without intense suffering. After several years of
-happiness, Alfieri found himself cast from the shelter he had selected,
-wherein to place his warm and sensitive heart, upon solitude,
-uncertainty, and bitter regret. Poetry and composition became
-distasteful to him; he could not even enjoy his friend Gori's society,
-whom he visited immediately upon quitting Rome: he was ashamed to annoy
-him by his melancholy, and his restlessness and desire for travel
-returned. He visited Venice, and wandered for some time in Lombardy, and
-then again returned to Siena, to attend to the printing of six other
-tragedies, although he had become indifferent even to the lately
-engrossing desire of fame; and then he suddenly resolved to visit
-England, for the sole purpose of buying horses.
-[Sidenote: 1783.
-Ætat.
-34.]
-He had long put himself on short allowance with regard to these
-favourite animals; but, having saved a large sum of ready money, during
-several years, at first of parsimony, and then of economy, he determined
-to spend it on the purchase and maintenance of a number of English
-horses of the best breed. A journey thus undertaken, with but one
-object, was executed with a mixture of impetuosity and persevering
-patience characteristic of Alfieri. He went to England; he bought his
-horses, fourteen in number, to equal that of his tragedies; he
-transported them safely across the straits of Dover, conducted them with
-unwearied care through France, and led them across Mont Cenis with a
-success--they being injured neither in wind or limb--on which he for the
-moment prided himself scarcely less than on his dramatic labours.
-
-On his return to Italy, he remained a few weeks at Turin; and the king
-showed a disposition to employ him under government. His minister
-sounded the count: but he refused to entertain any proposition on the
-subject; for, although he acknowledges that the sovereigns of the house
-of Savoy were not tyrannically inclined, but showed every inclination to
-benefit their subjects, his uncompromising, and even fierce, spirit of
-independence spurned every shackle, and he felt to breathe more freely
-when he had quitted the territories of Piedmont. The countess of Albany
-was now on her way to Baden for the summer. She passed northwards along
-the shores of the Adriatic, while Alfieri proceeded south, by Modena and
-Pistoia, to Siena. He had resisted the temptation of crossing the narrow
-portion of Italy between them, and obtaining a brief interview; but when
-she had arrived at Baden, and he at Siena, this fortitude gave way, and
-he suddenly left his horses, and his friend Gori, and posted with all
-haste to Alsatia, there for three months to enjoy her society.
-
-During the two years of absence which he had endured. Alfieri had
-forgotten poetry, study, glory, and his tragedies. But the countess's
-presence awoke every dormant energy, and scarcely had he arrived, before
-he conceived and wrote "Agis," "Sofonisba" and "Mirra." The last
-deserves to be particularly mentioned as one of the best of his dramas,
-particularly as he overcomes difficulties of the most appalling
-description. "I had never thought," he says, "either of Myrrha or Biblis
-as subjects for the drama. But, in reading Ovid's "Metamorphoses," I hit
-upon the affecting and divinely eloquent speech of Myrrha to her nurse,
-which caused me to burst into tears, and, like a flash of lightning,
-awoke in me the idea of a tragedy. It appeared to me that a most
-original and pathetic piece might be written, if the author could
-contrive that the spectator should discover by degrees the horrible
-struggles of the burning but pure heart of the more miserable than
-guilty Myrrha, without her betraying the half, nor scarcely owning to
-herself so criminal a passion. My idea was, that she should do in my
-tragedy what Ovid describes her as relating, but do it in silence."
-
-There is something touchingly beautiful in the first description of
-Myrrha, in a scene between her mother and her nurse. She is described as
-so gentle, docile, soft, and pliable of nature--so fearful of doing
-wrong--so sweetly earnest to please her parents--and now to be labouring
-under a melancholy so dark and gloomy, as to deface her beauty, and bow
-her in appearance to the grave. As the action is developed, the notion
-that she is under a supernatural curse adds to the awe and pity of the
-reader; but, at last, it must be confessed, her violence and frenzy pass
-the bounds of modest nature, and the passion she nurtures fails in
-exciting our sympathy. This is the fault of the subject; inequality of
-age adding to the unnatural incest. To shed any interest over such an
-attachment, the dramatist ought to adorn the father with such youthful
-attributes as would be by no means contrary to probability: but then a
-worse evil would ensue; and the more possible such criminal passion
-becomes, the more violently does the mind revolt from dwelling on it.
-
-While at Baden, Alfieri received the afflicting intelligence of the
-unexpected death of his friend Gori. This misfortune disturbed his
-enjoyment of the last days of his visit, which of themselves were sad,
-from the approximation of so painful and bitter a separation. With
-reluctance and grief he left the countess and returned to Siena; but his
-sorrow was too acute to admit of a prolonged stay in a town where he had
-enjoyed the company of a friend lost for ever. He removed to Pisa; while
-the countess took up her abode at Bologna. The Apennines only divided
-them, but he dared not cross them. The gossip of the small Italian towns
-is unconceivably eager and pertinacious; and it was necessary for her
-future liberty to guard their conduct from all remark. Early in the
-following spring, the countess departed for Paris, resolving to fix
-herself in France, where she had friends, relations, and resources. In
-the month of August she again visited Baden, and Alfieri joined her.
-Again his mind was vivified and warmed by happiness, and again two
-tragedies were the result of the inspiration. The subjects were the
-Brutus of the monarchy of Rome and the Brutus who died at Philippi. In
-the first he displays great force and energy; but the second, we must be
-permitted to say, is a complete failure. To make a perfect equality of
-sacrifice between the two heroes, as Lucius Junius Brutus caused his
-sons to be decapitated, so he makes his descendant, Marcus, assassinate
-his parent. The idea that Cæsar was the father of Brutus is so totally
-devoid of foundation, and so little in consonance with the simple
-majesty of the character of the patriot, that it deteriorates from the
-interest of the drama, and, instead of exalting him, the discovery, the
-resolution he declares nevertheless to persist in the assassination, the
-sympathy and admiration he gains, is all so feeble, so puerile, and so
-false, that it is astonishing that Alfieri did not detect his mistake.
-To us, who possess the most admirable portrait ever drawn of magnanimous
-and single-minded virtue in Shakspeare's delineation of the character of
-Brutus, this failure becomes more glaring, and gives further proof of
-the Italian poet's error in not studying the pages of the greatest
-writer the world ever produced.
-
-After some months spent at Colmar, the countess returned to Paris; while
-Alfieri remained at the former place, writing letters and sonnets,
-mourning over his separation, and correcting his tragedies. He passed
-two or three years at this place, the countess joining him during the
-summers. In that of 1787, he had a most dangerous illness. His friend,
-the abbate Caluso, came from Turin to visit him; and but for this
-illness, he had been perfectly happy. On the approach of winter that
-year, he accompanied the countess back to Paris, and established himself
-there. The death of her husband restored her to liberty; but a number of
-circumstances led them to continue for some time in France. Whether they
-were married now, is a secret that never has been revealed; but their
-union was acknowledged, and it was understood that their constant,
-inviolable attachment had received from time a sanction which prevented
-any blame from being cast on it by their relations and friends. Alfieri
-mourned over the necessity that brought him back to his abjured
-Gallicisms; but he was somewhat consoled, during a three years'
-residence in Paris, by superintending and bringing out an edition of his
-tragedies, on which he bestowed the last labours of correction with
-regard to style, and brought the language as near to his standard of
-perfection as he was capable of attaining.
-
-The disagreeable and, to his sensitive temperament, irritating task of
-correcting the press, seems to have exercised an injurious influence
-over his temper and genius. According to his own account, it dried up
-his brain, quenched the fire of youthful enthusiasm, and prevented his
-ever again writing with equal vigour and felicity. After terminating the
-correction of his tragedies, he fortunately betook himself to writing
-the memoirs of his life, which are the groundwork from which the present
-pages are taken. It is written unaffectedly, and with great frankness
-and self-knowledge; the style is unstudied, and the egotism of feeling
-which produced it imparts extreme interest to the details. After
-bringing down the history of his life till the year 1790, when he was
-forty-one years of age, he still felt an utter inability to any high
-flight in literature, and he occupied himself in translating the
-"Æneid" and the Comedies of Terence. He had long enthusiastically
-admired the versification of Virgil, and tried to model his own upon it,
-adapting it, at the same time, to dramatic dialogue. This circumstance
-is curious, since no style can be so opposite; the mellifluous,
-dignified, and graceful flow of the Latin poet being a contrast to the
-rough and concise energy of the modern Italian. This observation
-regards, however, only his tragedies; less praise must be bestowed on
-his other productions in verse: his translation of the "Æneid" is
-feeble in the extreme; his longer original poems are devoid of even
-secondary merit; and his love sonnets are, to say all in a word, the
-very antipodes of his immortal master, Petrarch. Alfieri is a great
-tragedian: it is impossible to read his best dramas without being
-carried away by the eloquence and passion of the dialogue, and deeply
-interested by the situations of struggle or peril in which his
-personages are placed. The rapidity of the action, and the earnestness
-and life with which every scene is instinct, renders it impossible to
-close the volume till the catastrophe ends all. Alfieri was also an
-excellent prose writer: his treatise on "Princes and Literature" is full
-of power; the style is correct, flowing, yet simple, and without
-meretricious ornament. The pure spirit of independence burns like a holy
-lamp throughout, and gives a charm to every sentiment and expression.
-But never was line so distinctly drawn between the poetry of
-circumstance, so to speak, and ideal poetry: In all the pages of Alfieri
-there is not one imaginative image; and we feel this most in his lyrics,
-since ideality is the soul of lyric poetry. He seems never to have been
-conscious of this defect. He would readily have admitted that Dante and
-Petrarch were superior to him in genius; but he seems unaware that they
-possessed a quality of which not one glimmering ray is to be found in
-the whole course of the flood of rhymes to the composition of which he
-alludes frequently as being the overflowings of poetic inspiration. It
-is possible that Alfieri might have been a great novelist, had he ever
-turned his attention to that species of composition. Or had he continued
-to invent, instead of drying his brain up with the irksome task of
-correcting what he had already written, he might have bestowed on us
-tragedies finer than any we have of his, or, at least, several equal to
-the "Saul." But, with all his philosophy and self-examination, he did
-not understand the texture and capabilities of his intellect.
-
-To return to his life in Paris. The disquietude arising from the French
-revolution added to the irritable state of Alfieri's mind. We all see
-the visible universe through a medium formed by our individual
-peculiarities; but it is curious to find the advocate of liberty lay
-most stress on his fear lest the tumults of Paris should interrupt the
-completion of Didot's edition of his works. Probably his intense
-abhorrence of the French prevented his fostering rational hopes for the
-ultimate advantages to be gained by the overthrow of the time-worn and
-corrupt monarchy of France, at the same time that it prevented his ever
-being blinded by any illusion as to the real character of the events
-passing around him. He prides himself on never having seen or conversed
-with any one of the revolutionary leaders, and on having always regarded
-the rise of a lawless democracy as the stepping-stone to military
-despotism. From the first, he was eager to get away from these scenes of
-bloodshed and horror, and in the spring of 1791 accompanied the countess
-of Albany to England. This country did not please her; and he, grown
-querulous and subject to the gout, was quickly disgusted by the climate,
-and annoyed by the peculiar habits of life of the English. A great
-portion of his and the countess's fortune was in the French funds; and
-the fall of the assignats made it advisable for them to live in the
-country where they still bore a value. This circumstance induced them to
-return to Paris; and, resolving to fix themselves there, they took a
-house, furnished it, and Alfieri collected a voluminous library: but the
-whirlwind that swept over unhappy France included them in its
-devastations. They became alarmed by the increase of lawless violence;
-and when, on the 10th of August, 1792, Louis XVI. was dragged from the
-Tuilleries and imprisoned in the Temple, they determined to fly from a
-city, where it appeared that no one of rank or wealth could remain in
-safety. The impetuosity of the poet's character was of great advantage
-on this occasion. With infinite difficulty passports were obtained for
-the countess and himself; and they fixed on the 20th of August for their
-departure. The impatience of Alfieri caused them to anticipate their
-journey, and they set out on the 18th. With a good deal of difficulty
-they passed the barrier of St. Denis, and hastened to a place of safety.
-Two days after, on the 20th, the municipality of Paris sent to arrest
-the countess: had she remained, she would have been thrown into prison,
-and, in all probability, have fallen a victim during the massacres of
-the 2d of September. Not finding her, their income arising from the
-French funds was sequestrated, their furniture, horses, and books
-confiscated, and though foreigners, they were both declared emigrants.
-Alfieri chiefly lamented his library, and the edition of his works. Some
-years after, a French general, then at Turin, with a good deal of
-ostentation, offered to obtain the restoration of his books, a list of
-which he sent him. Alfieri has left about 1600 volumes: the list
-contained the names of 150 of the least valuable. He refused to avail
-himself of what he ironically calls a "French restitution;" and surely,
-if national contempt and hatred is ever pardonable, it was to be excused
-in an Italian, who saw his country over-run by soi-disant liberators,
-who displayed their friendly intentions by a thousand acts of plunder
-and arrogance.
-
-Burning with an unquenchable hatred for all things French, Alfieri
-returned to Florence with the countess of Albany, in which city he
-remained till his death. In the tranquillity of his position, his love
-of study awoke with renewed force. But whether it was that his fiery
-temperament burnt itself quickly out, or that the ardour of his studies,
-joined to ill health and intemperate abstemiousness, exhausted him.
-Alfieri appears to have grown prematurely old. The spirit of invention
-was dead within him; and nothing can be more deplorable than that which
-he mistook for such, under whose influence he wrote laughterless
-comedies and toothless satires, the most dolorous and innoxious that can
-be imagined. Still, though original invention was dead, industry,
-perseverance, and fervour in the pursuit of learning were as warm as
-ever in his heart. He brought to a conclusion his translations of
-Terence, the "Æneid," and Sallust: the latter is an excellent specimen
-of style; but his poetic translations are languid and unworthy. As to
-the unlucky "Misogallo," in which he accumulates, in prose and verse,
-the whole force of his detestation of the French, it remains a monument
-of how little men know themselves, and the mistakes to which genius is
-liable, when it exchanges the nobler pursuit of the good and beautiful,
-to soil itself by the pettier passions of our nature.
-
-While thus employed, a more genial pursuit occupied him for a short
-period, which he calls waste of time, but which, by linking him in
-agreeable intercourse with his fellow creatures, and wearing away the
-rust produced by despondency and over-excited feelings, would have made
-his latter years happier; but Alfieri, ever bent on fighting with
-difficulties, and thwarting his natural tendencies, cast from him the
-medicine offered to his diseased mind. Some friends of his, possessed of
-histrionic talent, got up his tragedy of "Saul:" Alfieri filled the part
-of the unfortunate king. Others of his plays were afterwards
-represented, in which he also acted; but he always preferred the part of
-Saul, which confirms our opinion, that it is, of all the characters he
-has pourtrayed, the best fitted for the stage, and the nearest approach
-to those unrivalled princes of the drama, the heroes of Shakspeare.
-
-After some months had been occupied by these representations, Alfieri
-gave them up, and devoted himself exclusively to study. He had many
-plans for composition: the chief of these were what he called
-tramelogedie, or tragic melodramas, only one of which, "Abel," he found
-energy to write, and this is an entire failure. He entered on a new
-field, to which his genius was not adapted--the mingling of human beings
-and spirits, of the passions of the heart and the airy creations of our
-fancy; a species of composition which is to be found in perfection in
-Calderon, and which Goëthe, Byron, and Shelley have made familiar to us
-in modern times, and, according to their various capacities, adorned
-with the mystery, fire, and glowing imagery peculiar to each.--But of
-this creative power, that peoples our world with beings not of it,
-though in it,--Alfieri was wholly destitute. We have already remarked
-how entirely his writings are wanting in the more ideal attributes of
-imaginative poetry.
-
-At the age of forty-six he applied himself with desperate ardour to the
-study of the Greek language. Forty-six is no advanced age: how many men
-are in their prime at that epoch! but it was not so with Alfieri; his
-very memory failed him, but he persevered with his accustomed energy,
-battling with difficulties as if they had been opponents, inspired with
-a sense of opposition. Thus he read the most difficult authors, with the
-notes of the scholiasts, learning an infinite multitude of verses by
-heart, and acquiring, in the end, by dint of unwearied industry, a
-considerable knowledge of the language.
-
-His health was infirm and his quiet disturbed by the progress of the
-French armies. They came, they said, to liberate Italy, and, under this
-pretence, destroyed its native governments, introduced their own crude
-institutions, and then, on pretence of the opposition their tyranny met,
-despoiling the Italians of their works of art, endeavouring even to
-supplant their divine language, and treating with contempt and insolence
-their peculiar manners and customs; so that any welcome given by the
-Italians to these pretended friends only showed more plainly their
-insulting pretensions and rapacity. When the French first appeared in
-Florence, Alfieri and the countess hurried away as if it had been
-visited by the plague. They established themselves at a villa in the
-environs, having removed all their property from their house in the
-city; and here they remained till the French were temporarily driven
-from Tuscany. On their second invasion, Alfieri had no time to retreat,
-and he satisfied his feelings of scorn and hatred by never speaking to a
-Frenchman, or admitting the visits of the leaders of its armies.
-
-His melancholy increased with the irritation caused by political events,
-by unwearied study, and the physical weakness produced by his systematic
-abstinence. He was happy in the society of the countess of Albany, and
-that of his dear friend, the abbate Caluso: but many long hours he spent
-by himself in gloomy reverie. The bitterness and asperity of his mind
-was thus increased, and his dislike of society prevented the beneficial
-action of sympathy and mutual forbearance. He considered himself, to a
-great degree, a disappointed man in his literary career, and was
-ignorant of the universal applause bestowed upon his tragedies. He
-divided his time with the most scrupulous exactitude, and his horses
-were still dear to him. Many hours were spent in the aisles of Santa
-Croce, or other churches of Florence, listening to the music, and
-absorbed in reverie.
-
-During the last years of his life, he was visited each spring by a fit
-of the gout, and each summer by a desire to employ himself upon original
-composition, to which he devoted himself with an ardour which brought
-on, each autumn, a dangerous illness. His six unlucky comedies were the
-principal objects of these ill-fated labours; and his life was at last
-their sacrifice. A theorist in all things, he imagined that, as the gout
-proceeded from inflammation, it could be starved out of his frame; and
-he commenced a system of abstinence that deprived him of the nutriment
-necessary to support life. The countess in vain implored him not to
-adhere to so senseless a plan: it has often happened that, by resisting
-the prescriptions of physicians, and the aid of medicine, a man has
-conquered inherent disease, and lived to an old age; but as soon as he
-begins to administer remedies to himself, and to act from theories,
-instead of from that long and arduous practice necessary to give the
-smallest insight into the delicate structure of our physical nature, he
-must become the victim: thus it was with Alfieri; hard study and
-abstinence reduced his life to a mere flickering spark; he became a
-skeleton in appearance; each day he took less nourishment, and the
-weaker he grew, the more resolutely did he apply himself to study, as
-the sole solace of his worn-out and burthensome existence. In the month
-of October, 1803, he was attacked by gout in the stomach. The physicians
-wished, by means of blisters and sinapisms, to draw it to the
-extremities; but a childish dislike to the inconvenience which would
-ensue, and the impossibility of taking his daily walk, if these remedies
-were applied to his legs, caused him to refuse them. Opium was given
-instead, and his pain was moderated; but still he sat up; and his mind
-was rather excited than calmed by the narcotics administered: he
-remembered as in dreams, but with the utmost vividness, various
-incidents of his past life, or passages from his own writings and those
-of others; and these he repeated to the countess, who sat by him
-watching. No idea of approaching death seems to have entered his mind;
-and the priest, who came to offer the usual offices of the catholic
-religion to the dying, was sent away with an invitation to return on the
-morrow; whether because he believed that by that time he should be
-beyond such interference, or as a mere excuse for delay, cannot be told.
-As he grew weaker, he sent for the countess, and when she came he
-stretched out his hand, saying "Stringetemi la mano, cara amica; mi
-sento morire." "Press my hand, dear friend; I am dying." These were his
-last words. He died on the 8th of October, 1803, at the age of
-fifty-five.
-
-He was buried in Santa Croce, and the countess of Albany erected a tomb
-to his memory, sculptured by Canova. It is not one of his happiest
-efforts; but the inscription, which has been called pretending, appears
-to me simple and affectionate. "Louisa de Stolberg, countess of Albany,
-to Vittorio Alfieri," is surely no impertinent obtrusion of the name of
-his dearest friend; and it may be remarked, that, while the countess has
-been censured for recording her name so prominently. Alfieri, in the
-epitaph he himself composed for her, makes it her chief praise that she
-was "quam unice dilexit,"--the only love of the poet.
-
-This account of the life of a man who was endowed with the chief
-attribute of genius,--that of spontaneously forming and manifesting
-itself, despite every obstacle or adverse circumstance,--may be
-concluded by the quotation of the sonnet in which he describes his own
-person; a faithful translation of which, which we also append, appeared,
-some years ago, in "The Liberal." It may be quoted with the more
-propriety at the end of his life, since it was written when time had
-robbed him of the graces of youth; giving instead those characteristic
-marks stamped by the action of his disposition and pursuits.
-
-
-"Sublime specchio di veraci detti
-Mostrami in corpo e in anima qual sono.
-Capelli or radi in fronte, e rossi pretti;
-Lunga statura e capo a terra prono;
-Sottil persona su due stinchi schietti;
-Bianca pelle, occhi azzurri, aspetto buono,
-Giusto naso, bel labbro, e denti eletti,
-Pallido in volto più che un re sul trono.
-
-"Or duro, acerbo, ora pieghevol mite.
-Irato sempre e non maligno mai,
-La mente e il cor meco in perpetua lite,
-Per lo più mesto, e tal or lieto assai,
-Or stimandomi Achille, ed or Tersite;
-Uom, se' tu grande o vii? Muori, e il saprai."[51]
-
-
-[Footnote 51: "Thou lofty mirror, Truth, let me be shown
-Such as I am, in body and in mind.
-Hair plainly red, retreating now behind;
-A stature tall, a stooping head and prone;
-A meagre body on two stilts of bone;
-Fair skin, blue eyes, good look, nose well design'd;
-A handsome mouth, teeth that are rare to find,
-And pale in face, more than a king on throne.
-
-"Now harsh and crabbed, mild and pleasant soon;
-Always irascible, no malignant foe;
-My head and heart and I never in tune;
-Sad for the most part, then in such a flow
-Of spirits, I feel now hero, now buffoon;
-Man, art thou great or vile?--die, and thou 'It know."]
-
-
-
-
-MONTI
-
-1754-1828.
-
-
-Monti is, without question, the greatest Italian poet that has appeared
-since the golden days of its poetry: he alone emulates his predecessors
-in the higher flights of the imagination. It has been pronounced of
-Dryden, that if each of the princes of poetry surpassed him in their
-peculiar vein, yet his fire and originality give him a near place beside
-them. Thus Monti has not the sublimity of Dante, nor the tenderness of
-Petrarch; neither the inventive flow of Ariosto, nor Tasso's epic
-conception and voluptuous grace: but he has a fervour, a power of
-imagery, an overflowing and redundance of ideal thought, that mark the
-genuine poet.
-
-He came to revive the languid and unnatural style that flourished under
-the reign of the Arcadians. Some few real poets had sprung up in Italy
-in the interval between Ariosto and Monti: they are recorded in this
-volume. Chiabrera and Filicaja are the chief. These men found in the
-inspiration of their own minds the power that led them to adopt a style
-of their own, and to bestow originality--which, in one shape or another,
-is the vivifying soul of composition,--on their productions. Metastasio
-carried clearness and grace of expression to a great perfection, but he
-wanted strength and daring: Alfieri had not a trace of that sunshiny and
-rainbow-like (so to speak) colour-giving power of fancy, without which
-there is no real poetry. For the rest, the poets of those days were
-Arcadians; the very word seems to express volumes of inane affectation,
-and turgid, yet soulless, language. It is thus that a clever Italian
-critic of the present day speaks of them:--"To the hyperboles and
-conceits of the seicentisti, succeeded the follies and pastorals of the
-Arcadians. The subject treated by these poets were restrained in narrow
-limits; they were all futile, trite, vulgar, or silly,--adulatory, or
-false. A new-married pair, a nun,--the new-born babe of some sovereign
-or noble,--the election of a cardinal, or a bishop, or even of an
-abbé--a funeral or a feigned love; such were the favourite themes of
-the Arcadians. Was a marriage in question,--Hymen was adjured to bring
-its chains to link two hearts; and a new Hercules or Achilles was
-prognosticated as the future result of the union. If a girl shut herself
-up in the cloister, the poets expatiated on her happiness; they
-described the heavenly bridegroom as descending and stretching out his
-hand to her, while the mischievous Cupid angrily threw away his golden
-quiver; a censurable mixture of sacred and profane imagery was thus
-introduced, and their ideas were steeped in two fountains, in
-contradiction one to the other, the Bible and mythology. The most
-shameless flattery blotted their pages, as they praised one another, and
-depicted themselves on the heights of Parnassus,--beside the waters of
-Hypocrene,--in the company of Apollo and the Muses; and the wonders of
-Orpheus and Amphion were renewed, to express the charms of each other's
-verses. No Arcadian dared imagine himself enamoured of a human being:
-she was no mortal woman, but a goddess,--a Venus sprung on the instant
-from the foam of the sea: lips, and eyes, and hair, had all their
-appropriate, still-repeated epithets: did their lady sigh, or did one
-word escape the paling of her ivory teeth,--tempests fled, the winds
-were stilled, and Jove was again tempted to transform himself into a
-bull for her sake."[52]
-
-Men can do strange things when they associate in companies, and keep
-each other in countenance by a wide-spread folly, that bars out the
-wholesome fear of ridicule. Thus, the Arcadians had colonies all over
-Italy. They gave feigned names to each other; they lauded, and
-celebrated, and crowned each other. Good sense and good taste were
-sacrificed in the emulation each felt to transcend his rivals in a
-sonorous and turgid system of words, in which neither passion nor
-thought appeared.[53] A new genius was wanted to trample on this
-overgrowth of vanity or folly, and to gift the tamed and chained
-language of Dante and Bojardo with wings and liberty. Such was the poet,
-the incidents of whose life we now proceed to detail.
-
-Vincenzo Monti was born in Romagna, on the 19th of February, 1754. His
-father's simple, and even humble, but pretty and agreeable, house was
-situated among the vineyards and agricultural country which lies between
-Fusignano and the Alfonsine, in the Ravennese territory. The air is
-healthy and serene, the country fertile and diversified, and the style
-of life of his parents such as at once cultivated simplicity of taste
-and kindness of heart. Nothing can be more primitive and patriarchal
-than the mode of life of the smaller landholders in Italy; and to this
-class Monti's father belonged. The farm-house--or villa, as it is
-called, if a little better than a cottage--is situated amidst the ground
-they cultivate. The name of _podere_ is given to these small farms,
-enclosed by hedges, within whose limits grapes, corn, vegetables, and
-fruits are all cultivated in a sort of picturesque confusion. The vines,
-trained on trellises, form covered walks; and the sound of the
-water-wheel is continually heard, and of the water trickling through the
-conduits that lead it to the various parts of the grounds. The Italian
-farmer works very hard, and the cottager still harder. He divides the
-produce of the land with his landlord, entertains few servants, and his
-habits are at once laborious and frugal. The parents of Monti were an
-excellent specimen of the virtues of this unpretending race. They are
-still remembered in the country by numbers of the poor whom they
-assisted and comforted. Their children were brought up to consider it a
-valuable privilege to bestow help upon those in want of the necessaries
-of life, and Vincenzo in particular inherited from them a warm heart and
-a tenderness of feeling that caused him to be idolised in his domestic
-circle.
-
-Monti passed his early boyhood in this rural retirement. To the end of
-his life he remembered with fondness the days of his childhood, which
-were spent gaily amidst a large family of three brothers, older than
-himself, and five sisters. The reward for good behaviour among them was
-a permission to distribute charity among the indigent,--a sacred,
-soul-saving duty with catholics. The well-known benevolence of his
-parents drew numbers to their house, where portions of food were
-distributed to them. His mother never felt so happy as when thus
-engaged; and it is related of her that, when, a few years after, the
-family removed to Majano, where their charitable habits were at first
-unknown, she complained in a sort of alarm that they were no longer
-visited by the poor. The same biographer relates a story of Vincenzo. On
-one occasion he was permitted to distribute the portions of food to
-mendicants, who entered at one door and went out at the other: some
-among them fancied that they could deceive the child, and returned
-twice; and he, with ingenuous shame, turned away, and gave to them twice
-without looking, that he might not be obliged to accuse them of their
-trick. "An anecdote," continues his biographer, "perhaps scarcely worth
-relating, only that it describes the character, or rather, it may be
-said, the whole life of Monti, who, even in old age, frequently suffered
-himself voluntarily to be imposed upon." Were a philosophical analysis
-of Monti's disposition to be attempted, it might be discovered how this
-sensitiveness to the shame of others, this sparing of their feelings in
-preference to the assertion of truth and honesty, makes a part of the
-same weakness that led him always to regard as a secondary consideration
-moral truths and political integrity, when put in competition with the
-happiness and welfare of his domestic circle. We call this sort of
-sensibility weakness, because, though usually united to great private
-rectitude of character, it is incompatible with the heroism of the
-patriot and the martyr.
-
-For several years Monti had no instructors except his kind parents; but,
-soon after their removal to Majano, he was sent to the seminary of
-Faenza, which enjoyed a good reputation for the solidity of its
-instruction; there he learnt early and well the Latin language. His
-first attempts in Latin verse were, however, so singularly infelicitous,
-that his master thought it necessary to put him into a lower class than
-that in which he had first been placed. The boy, roused to indignation,
-made no complaints, but secretly learned by heart the whole of the
-Æneid; and persevered so earnestly in conquering the difficulties, that
-his Latin verses soon became distinguished for a style and harmony that
-announced his poetic talent. His second trial was so different from the
-first, that his masters began to regard him as a sort of prodigy; and he
-himself entered with delight and ardour on the study of the Roman poets.
-The full force of his impetuous and fertile imagination was early
-awakened by them, and he began to exercise the art peculiar to his
-country of extemporising verses; but his master had the judgment to
-withdraw him from an exercise so pernicious to the strength and critical
-delicacy of poetry, and induced him to write with care and meditation.
-He was yet a boy when, under this tutelage, he composed a volume of
-elegies, several of which have been printed.
-
-It is the usual custom among the smaller landholders of Romagna to
-destine their youngest sons to the agricultural labours of their farms;
-and this was fixed as the career of Monti. He yielded to his father's
-commands, but with reluctance. His mind was opened to the necessity of
-cultivation, and mere manual labour and low-thoughted cares were
-infinitely distasteful to him. His heart was with the Latin poets, from
-whom he could not separate himself; and his dislike to every occupation
-that was not intellectual grew to be insurmountable. His father thought
-it necessary to reprove him; and a scene ensued similar to one recorded
-as having taken place, several centuries before, between Petrarch and
-his father. Vincenzo, moved by his parent's reproof to a belief that his
-literary predilections were reprehensible, made a resolution to renounce
-them. He led his father into his chamber, and there, before him, threw
-his favourite authors into a large fire. The good man, touched by this
-act of docility, gave him twelve sequins; and the youth, unable to
-resist the temptation thus held out, hastened to the neighbouring fair
-of Luga, and spent the whole sum in buying over again the authors whose
-works he had left at home, still warm in the ashes of the fire into
-which he had thrown them. His father, seeing the inutility of combating
-with his inclinations, sent him to the university of Ferrara, wishing
-him to enter on the legal or medical profession. But, after a few vain
-attempts to apply himself to these studies, Monti gave up every other
-pursuit, and dedicated himself wholly to the cultivation of literature
-and poetry. He still continued to write in Latin, and always retained a
-predilection for this language, and later in life translated some of his
-own works into it. His first Italian poem was "The Prophecy of Jacob."
-It was, of course, inexact in versification, and unequal; but when Jacob
-prophesies the future glory of the Lion of Judah, the style rises into
-vigour, and even sublimity. At this time the "Visions" of Varino and the
-sonnets of Minzoni, two Ferrarese poets, fell into his hands. They rose
-above the inanities of the Arcadians, and indicated to him the path he
-should pursue. Through reading them he was brought to the perusal of
-Dante, and his soul opened at once to the conception of all that Italian
-poetry contains of grand and beautiful. Henceforth Alighieri was his
-model and master, and he regarded at once with admiration and a sort of
-worship the elevated and godlike powers of this most inspired of poets.
-He wrote the "Vision of Ezekiel" in a sort of imitation of his
-favourite, in which he displayed that grandeur of imagery and command of
-language which distinguish his compositions.
-
-Cardinal Borghese was at that time legate at Ferrara. Admiring the
-youth's genius, he took him under his protection. On his return from his
-legation, he obtained the elder Monti's consent to his son's
-accompanying him to Rome. He was now eighteen. The first intimacy that
-he formed in the capital was with Ennio Quirino Visconti, a man of vast
-erudition; and under his direction Monti extended his classical
-knowledge. It happened, while he was at Rome, that the Erme of Pericles
-and Aspasia were discovered,--one in excavations made in the villa of
-Cassius at Tivoli, the other at Cività Vecchia. Visconti wrote a
-treatise on these marbles, and invited his friend to celebrate them in a
-poem; and he wrote the "Prosopopea di Pericle," which is preserved in
-the Vatican museum, written with great simplicity of style, and his
-usual easy flow, yet fervour, of language. This was the first time that
-he appeared in the character of a poet at Rome; and it was followed by
-several other attempts. He thus attracted attention; but, having no
-fixed situation, after remaining some years in the capital, he was on
-the point of complying with his father's frequent requests that he would
-return home, when a circumstance happened to change his plans. The
-Arcadians of the Bosco Parrasio celebrated the Quinquenalli of Pius VI.
-(1780, ætat. 26.); when Monti recited some of his compositions, which
-attracted so much applause that the duke of Braschi, the pope's nephew,
-sent for him the next day, and offered him the place of his secretary,
-which was at once accepted. Monti remained at Rome in the house of the
-prince, who treated him with all the kindness of friendship, and he
-enjoyed full leisure to pursue his literary studies.
-
-Yet it is, perhaps, matter of regret that Monti should have been thus
-employed. It is very difficult to make rules for the education of
-genius, when, on the one hand, care and want may fetter, and even crush,
-its loftiest aspirations; or too much case and leisure wean it from
-habits of industry, and foster the dissipation of thought and feeling
-which too frequently accompanies the poetic temperament. Monti's muse
-had surely not been silent if he had remained in his father's farm,
-surrounded by the luxuriant beauty of nature, and supported by conscious
-worth and independence. But no people need so much sympathy as poets.
-The interchange of thought and feeling, the fresh spirit of inquiry and
-invention, that springs from the collision or harmony of different
-minds, are with them a necessity and a passion. And though solitude is
-named the mother of all that is truly sublime, yet this solitude ought
-not to be that of desolation, but retirement to meditate on the stores
-heaped up in our intercourse with our fellow-creatures. Monti, among the
-uncultivated peasantry of Romagna, might have found his glowing
-enthusiasm grow cool from the absence of appreciation, and the want of
-sympathy and equal intercourse.
-
-Yet servitude at the court of Rome was no good moral school. To the
-years he spent in the service of the pope's nephew, the habits of
-dependence, and his daily intercourse with courtiers, may be attributed
-that want of political integrity, and ready worship of ruling powers,
-which was the great blot of Monti's character. The genuine glow of real
-talent, the ambition natural to conscious genius, and the instinct of
-one, in whom invention and the power of expression were indigenous, to
-pour forth his ideas and sentiments, qualities which indefeasibly
-belonged to him, would, in almost any situation, have made Monti a
-writer. He might have been less refined in the farms of Romagna, but
-more useful as a moral and dignified asserter of truth and independence.
-Yet we must reflect that the germ of each man's character is born with
-him, to be checked or fostered by education, but still there to colour
-the tide of thought and influence the motives of conduct. And as
-independence and strength of principle never displayed themselves as a
-part of Monti's character, temptation might have found him as willing a
-slave in the poverty of his farm as in the luxurious servitude of papal
-Rome.
-
-At Rome, at least, he continued to cultivate his poetic tastes. He
-produced several poems which kept alive his fame. On occasion of the
-marriage of his patron, the duke of Braschi, he wrote an ode entitled
-"Beauty of the Universe;" and he celebrated the journey of Pius VI. to
-the imperial court in a poem entitled the "Apostolic Pilgrim." But he
-aspired to signalise himself by some greater work, and long meditated
-writing a tragedy. As early as 1779 he writes to a friend,--"I am weary
-of writing verses on frivolous subjects. A tragic drama is the notion
-that most delights me. But how can I satisfy the craving I have to write
-a tragedy, since I am not able to tranquillise my mind, and am occupied
-by affairs which have no connection with poetry? An hundred times I have
-begun, and as often broken off." And in another letter he expresses a
-feeling which has often entered the mind of any one deeply interested in
-carrying on some literary labour:--"I have a ravenous desire," he says,
-"to write tragedies, which preys upon me. This is my madness; and I am
-in despair, because I fear to die before I finish one."
-
-His ambition was further excited by the emulation inspired by Alfieri.
-This great tragedian was now residing at Rome; and Monti was present
-when he read his "Virginia" in a society composed of the most celebrated
-literati of the day. Monti listened with transport, and, burning with a
-desire to rival this production, he instantly began his tragedy of
-"Aristodemo," founded on a story he had read a few days before in
-Pausanias. He was the more eager to accomplish his purpose, as lie
-perceived the faults of Alfieri's style, and hoped to avoid them. The
-fecundity of his imagination rendered it easy for him to rise above the
-baldness and unideal versification of his rival; so that it has been
-pronounced, that a perfect tragedy would be produced, were "the grandeur
-and penetration of Alfieri adorned by the style of Monti." "Aristodemo"
-was acted with the greatest success at Rome in 1787. Monti writes to a
-friend,--"My tragedy was represented yesterday evening at the theatre of
-Valle. I was not present; but when it was over, my house was inundated
-by my acquaintances, who seemed mad with delight. I ought not to mention
-this, but I write to a friend, and I assure you that every one agrees
-that so great a success and so much enthusiasm was never known at Rome
-before."
-
-And here it is impossible not to remark the different feelings of
-Alfieri and Monti. Alfieri entered upon his literary career when the
-more brilliant portion of the fire of youth was passing away. He had
-sufficient enthusiasm to animate him to mental labour, and to warm his
-imagination to the conception of fictitious situations, but not enough
-to foster the delusion of success. While he pretended stoicism and
-disdain, he was very sensitive to criticism; but when applause was
-afforded, he scanned the merits of his judges, was annoyed by the faults
-of the actors, and never reaped the just reward of his toils--the sense
-of triumph. While the more youthful Monti, early catching the spark of
-enthusiasm from his audience and his friends, enjoyed, to its full
-extent, the celebrity which a successful tragedy, more than any other
-species of literary composition, is able to confer.
-
-The genius of Monti, however, was not that of a tragedian: lyrical and
-imaginative rhapsodies, rather than the concatenation of a plot and the
-impersonation of human passion, were the native bent of his mind. The
-story of "Aristodemo" is eminently simple in its construction; the
-interest is entirely confined to the principal character, and there is
-almost no action to support the piece. Aristodemo had, to acquire the
-popular favour, and his election to the throne of Mycene, resolved to
-sacrifice his daughter, when some angry god required that the blood of a
-virgin should be shed on his altar. To save the girl, her lover declares
-that she has yielded to him, and is about to be a mother. In his fury
-the father destroys her, and afterwards discovers that she is innocent.
-To add to his misfortunes he loses his only other child, a little girl
-of three years old, in a skirmish with the Spartans. Henceforth he is
-pursued by remorse; the spectacle of his murdered daughter for ever
-haunts him, and horror and despair darken his soul. The tragedy opens,
-fifteen years after these events, at the conclusion of a war with
-Sparta, with the discussion for a treaty of peace, when the prisoners on
-both sides are to be given up. Among those taken by Aristodemo is a
-girl, to whom he has attached himself with paternal fondness, and who
-devotes herself to mitigating his sufferings. She, of course, is
-discovered to be his long lost daughter; but this is not made known to
-him till the last scene, when the agonies of remorse, joined to sorrow
-at losing his last consolation, have driven him to destroy himself. The
-pure but warm attachment between him and his unknown child is delicately
-and sweetly described, while his passionate and remorseful ravings,
-though they rise to sublimity, shock us by going beyond ideal terrors
-into images palpably disagreeable. From this sketch it may be seen how
-deficient in action the piece is. Aristodemo comes before us to lament
-and to rave. Still, despite his woe, he is a hero and a king; and, when
-the interests of his country require it, he can dismiss his private
-griefs, and assert the majesty of the crown. His character is conceived
-in the truth and sublimity of tragic nature; and the interest that
-hovers over him, the dim but harrowing horrors of his spectral visions,
-the mingled remorse, terror, and love that tear his heart, and the
-poetry in which these overpowering passions are expressed, take
-absolutely from the languor which the want of action might otherwise
-impart.
-
-The success of "Aristodemo" induced Monti to write another drama.
-"Galeotto Manfredi" is, however, a failure. It is founded on the passion
-of jealousy. In his preface the poet mentions that it is wanting in
-tragic dignity: such is not of necessity the fault of his subject, but
-it decidedly is of his method of treating it, and there is no poetry to
-redeem it from the charge of mediocrity.
-
-He married, about this period, the daughter of the celebrated cavaliere
-Giovanni Pickler, who had died a short time before. It is a singular
-fact, that he made choice of his wife without having seen her, and not
-on account of her extraordinary beauty, of which he was ignorant, but
-from respect for the reputation of her father, and a wish to console his
-afflicted family; while she accepted him on account of her admiration
-for the author of "Aristodemo." And now we enter on a new epoch of
-Monti's life, when he composed his most celebrated poem, and at the same
-time gave to his productions that political groundwork which, from his
-vacillation of principle, has not redounded to his honour.
-
-The French revolution was at its height; and the time-worn and absolute
-governments of every country of Europe were shaken, as by an earthquake,
-by the mere echo of the Parisian tocsin. The French, drunk with
-enthusiasm, were eager to call the whole world into a fraternity of
-liberty and equality; and many were the warm young hearts, long bowed
-down by the yoke of the continental systems of slavery, that beat
-responsive to the call. One of the persons sent by the French to spread
-their revolutionary tenets beyond the Alps was Hugh Basseville. He was
-the son of a dyer at Abbeville; the talents he early displayed induced
-his father to wish him to pursue a more dignified career, and he
-educated him for the church, as the only profession then open to the
-lowly born. But Basseville studied theology only to find doubts as to
-his creed; he soon abandoned the clerical profession, and, going to
-Paris, gave himself up entirely to literature. He here fell in with two
-Americans, who engaged him as their companion, or tutor, in a journey
-they made through Germany. At Berlin, Basseville became acquainted with
-Mirabeau. Leaving his Americans he visited Holland, and wrote a work on
-the Elements of Mythology, and a volume of amatory poems. When the
-revolution began, he attached himself to the royal, or rather
-constitutional, party, and instituted a journal which took that side. He
-wrote also a "History of the French Revolution," dedicated to La
-Fayette, with whom he was intimately acquainted; and the views he
-developes are moderate and rational. He was naturally eloquent, and his
-manners were agreeable, while he joined to these fascinating qualities
-the more solid ones of industry, intelligence, and boldness, so that he
-acquired the confidence and friendship of several of the Girondist
-leaders. General Demourier named him secretary to the embassy at Naples;
-and while there he visited Rome, for the purpose of secretly propagating
-revolutionary doctrines. This imprudence cost him his life. On the night
-of the 13th of January, 1793, he was assailed by the populace, and
-received a stab, of which he died thirty-four hours after. In his last
-moments, it is said that he was induced to regard his conduct, in
-endeavouring to raise sedition against the pope, as criminal, and to
-have exclaimed several times that he died the victim of folly.
-
-Monti, who lived in the service of the pope's nephew, and was thus
-attached to the papal court, and without that ardour for liberty which
-is so natural to many hearts, and which appears at once senseless and
-even wicked to those who do not feel independence of thought to be the
-greatest of human blessings, of course looked on the French revolution
-as a series of crimes, and saw no redeeming good in the madness that
-urged a whole nation to so terrific a mixture of heroism and guilt. He
-was acquainted with Basseville, and, hearing the recantations of his
-dying moments, celebrated at once the repentance of his friend, and the
-awful tragedy acted almost at the same moment (Louis XVI. was beheaded
-on the 19th of January, 1793), in a poem entitled the "Basvilliana." In
-this he feigns that the great enemy of mankind contended with the angel
-of God for the soul of the murdered man. His death-bed remorse caused
-the good spirit to remain triumphant; but as the crime-tainted soul
-could not, according to the tenets of Catholicism, be received at once
-into Paradise, the disembodied spirit of Basseville was condemned to
-visit once more the banks of the Seine, and to view the horrors there
-perpetrated, as the consequence of his guilty and impracticable
-theories. The imagination of Monti developed itself in the happiest
-manner in treating this theme; and the mingled emotions of horror and
-grief that pervade the poem take a shape at once sublime and pathetic.
-The soul of Basseville hovers over Paris at the moment that Louis XVI.
-loses his head by the guillotine. The imagery with which he adorns the
-scene is original and majestic. Four mighty shadows rush on the
-scaffold, and hover over the dying monarch; shadows of former regicides,
-who glory in the companionship of crime. Ravaillac, Ankerstrom, Damiens,
-and one (the executioner of our Charles I.) who veils his face with his
-hand, proudly assist in giving the fatal blow. Louis dies, and before
-his beatified ghost Basseville prostrates himself; but his penance is
-not got over, and he is forced to view other scenes of greater bloodshed
-and more frightful violence; but as the poem enters upon these, it
-breaks off abruptly, and is left unfinished.
-
-The style of this poem does not resemble modern Italian poetry, but is
-modelled on that of Dante; so faithfully modelled, that many
-expressions, ideas, and even whole lines are, as it were, transfused,
-into Monti's verses. It is a singular fact that no poet was ever a
-greater plagiarist than the author of the "Basvilliana;" but the verses
-of others, which he thus employs, are framed, as it were, so
-magnificently by original ones, and are placed with such propriety, and
-acknowledged with such frankness, that, as an English author observes,
-"so far from accusing him of plagiarism, we are agreeably surprised by
-the new aspect which he gives to beauties already familiar to every
-reader." And thus transfusion expresses his imitations better than the
-word borrowing: for though the form of expression is the same, a new
-soul and a new sense--not better, certainly, but different from their
-former one--are breathed into them. In some sort Dante and Monti
-resembled each other in the cast of their ideas. They were both painters
-of the mind's images. Dante was the more faithful, delicate, and
-heartfelt; but there is a shadowy grandeur joined to a perfection of
-taste and fire of sentiment in Monti, which renders his poetry highly
-fascinating and beautiful.
-
-The "Basvilliana" at once raised Monti's reputation higher than that of
-any poet who had for centuries appeared in Italy; and he might have been
-considered the laureate of royalty, but that his character was not
-adorned by that sincere and exalted enthusiasm, without which no man
-can, with any success, advocate any cause which embraces the interests
-of human nature.
-
-The tide of French republicanism, checked a little in its first
-advances, now swelled by Bonaparte's victories, overflowed the Alps and
-deluged Italy. The Austrians, defeated at Montenotte, Lodi, and Arcoli,
-were driven from Lombardy: and the Italians hoped to exchange servitude
-to a foreign power for national independence; forgetting that liberty,
-when given, may also be withdrawn, and that it is only by force that any
-real freedom can be acquired. While resistance was made to the French
-arms, the requisitions of the victor, and the seizure of the finest
-works of art, might have opened their eyes to the real views of their
-_soi-disant_ deliverers. Napoleon himself had but one idea with
-regard to liberty, which was a free scope to the exercise of his own
-will. When that was given him, he could be generous, magnificent, and
-useful; but when his measures were obstructed, no tyrant ever exceeded
-him in the combinations of a despotism which at once crushed a nation,
-and bore down with an iron hand every individual that composed it.
-Bonaparte's ambition, however, could only be gratified in France, and
-the conquest of Italy was but the stepping-stone to the French empire.
-Still, when all the north of the peninsula was subjected to him, when
-the pope had submitted to his terms, and the haughty queen of Naples had
-been induced to enter into a treaty with her sister's destroyers, he
-could no longer with any grace refuse the shows of freedom so often
-promised. On the 3d of January, 1797, the Cisalpine republic was
-erected.
-
-Monti had been before invited to accept a professor's chair in the
-university of Pavia, which he had refused. In the month of February
-1797, general Marmont was sent to Rome on occasion of the treaty of
-Tolentino, to carry letters from Bonaparte to the pope. Monti became
-acquainted with him; being then in a bad state of health, and advised to
-change the air of Rome for that of Tuscany, he accepted Marmont's
-invitation, who offered him a seat in his carriage, and proceeded to
-Florence. It may be imagined, that familiar intercourse with one of
-Napoleon's generals was the foundation of Monti's admiration for the
-French hero, and the cause of his opening his eyes to the good to be
-derived from adhering to the new order of things in his native country.
-At first he entertained the delusive hope that the blessing of liberty
-had really been conferred on Italy by the French arms, and that his
-countrymen would rise from chains and slavery to the enjoyment of
-national independence under national institutions; and yet the
-extravagant praise of Napoleon, which he indulges in, in all his poems
-written at this time, does not bear the marks of a sincere patriotism.
-Besides this, he had to struggle with many personal mortifications. The
-"Basvilliana" was not forgotten. French exactions and French assumptions
-had already alienated the minds of the noble born among the Italians.
-They feared the conqueror, but disdained the masquerade of liberty in
-which they were invited to play a part: thus the better classes shrunk
-from forming a part of the new governments, and the offices devolved
-upon men who had little to lose either in possessions or character. They
-regarded Monti with envy and aversion, and, instead of receiving him as
-a convert with open arms, his superior claims as a man of talent caused
-them to persecute him as an interloper and almost as a spy. The heads of
-the government, indeed, at first favoured him: he was invited to Milan,
-and elected central secretary of foreign affairs; but he was soon
-disturbed by persecutions. "My arrival," he writes several years
-afterwards, "was hailed by the usual abuse of the republican journals,
-who censured the directory for employing an enemy of the republic. I
-loved liberty; but the object of my love was the freedom described in
-the writings of Cicero and Plutarch: that which was adored on the altars
-of Milan appeared to me a prostitute, and I refused to worship her.
-Hence my excommunication,--hence the public burning of the
-'Basvilliana.' On this I was obliged to prostrate myself before the
-idol. I sang her virtues, and became a revolutionary poet: I grew insane
-with the rest, and my conversion procured me patronage and grace."
-
-It was not without a struggle that he stooped to these abject
-submissions, and several events first intervened. The hatred of the
-democrats, then the rulers of the Cisalpine republic, caused them to
-pass a law which decreed that no one should be permitted to hold any
-public employment who, since the year 1 of the French republic, had
-published any books tending to throw odium on democracy. Monti's poem
-was the principal object of this law; and one of his adversaries
-exclaimed, "Let us get rid, not of the author of some foolish sonnet in
-praise of kings, but of those who, with powerful enthusiasm and
-Dantesque imagination, have inspired a hatred for democracy." This law
-being passed, Monti lost his situation. He had published other poems
-since the "Basvilliana;" but even these were not considered sufficiently
-democratic.
-
-The "Musogonia," or Birth of the Muses, is almost entirely mythological;
-but, in the concluding verses, he apostrophises Bonaparte. He implores
-him to be at once the Alexander and Numa of Italy: he beseeches him to
-bestow laws upon her, and to unite her scattered members; and, with a
-noble voice, he calls upon the Italians to cultivate concord and
-unanimity. "Brothers!" he exclaims, "bear the voice of your brother!
-What do you hope from divided opinions and counsels? Ah, let there be in
-our country, in its danger, one mind, one courage, one soul, one life!"
-The republicans perceived a hankering for royalty and tyranny in his
-dislike of their measures.
-
-The "Prometeo" is a finer poem, or rather fragment, for but few of the
-cantos are written. The subject of it is the history of Prometheus; but
-we have only a small portion of it in the poem as it stands. It opens
-with the foolish act of Epimetus. Jupiter had sent to him a casket
-containing the various intellectual attributes and moral qualities, to
-be distributed among the new creation on earth. Epimetus begins by
-bestowing various qualities on animals, and is so prodigal of his gifts,
-that when he comes to man he finds the casket empty. On this, he has
-recourse to his wiser brother Prometheus, who reprimands him for his
-folly. This opening is the weaker part of the poem. Lyrical outbursts
-were more accordant to Monti's genius. The appearance of Constancy
-before Prometheus is sublime, and the hero's prophecy of the future
-state of man is full of fire and grandeur. It ends, however, by a
-prophecy of Napoleon, on whom is heaped every epithet that admiration or
-adulation could suggest. Jupiter gives him his lightning, which loses
-none of its terrors in the young hero's hands. He shakes the bolts over
-Germany, and the Rhetian Alps resound with the hoofs of the Gallic
-cavalry. One after the other, Prometheus celebrates the glorious
-victories achieved in Italy, and hails with enthusiasm French Liberty,
-as the mother of heroes who shiver the chains that bound Ausonia, and
-wipe the tears from universal Europe--obstructed in its beneficent
-career only by the English robber. Bonaparte must have exulted in the
-bitter and venomous abuse that Monti never fails to heap upon England.
-He tells us, in the preface to this poem, that its scope is to bring
-into favour the neglected literature of Greece and Rome, and to merit
-well from a free country by speaking in the accents of freedom. There is
-something in the applause heaped on the conqueror that jars with our
-notions of real independence and patriotism.
-
-Monti, at this time, entertained the idea of returning to republicanised
-Rome. But his friends dissuaded him; and his reputation, and probably
-his adulation of the victor, caused him soon after to be named
-commissary of the province of the Rubicon. But a poet makes a bad
-politician; and Monti's integrity stood in the way of his success, and
-he was obliged to give up his office. He made many enemies, and,
-naturally timid and fearful for the welfare of his family, he was
-terrified into making a complete _amende_ to the democrats of his
-country by writing odes, whose violent sentiments went beyond those of
-the most furious demagogues: and it is to these poems that he alludes
-when he speaks of the worship he was forced to pay to the mockery of
-liberty; and ever after he regretted his pusillanimity, and despised
-himself for his concessions.
-
-At the time they gained this point, his enemies were pacified; and the
-survivorship of the professor's chair of belles lettres in Brera, then
-occupied by Parini, was bestowed on him. But scarcely had he overcome
-the enmity of the friends of liberty and equality, than their star was
-eclipsed, and their reign came to an end.
-[Sidenote: 1799.
-Ætat.
-45.]
-During the absence of Bonaparte in Egypt, Suvaroff and the Austrians
-crossed the Alps, and the French were driven from Italy. Her republics
-vanished like a forgotten dream; and their partisans, Monti among them,
-were forced to follow the retreating army of France, and to take refuge
-beyond the Alps.
-
-Monti fell into a state of deplorable destitution. He had left his wife
-and young daughter in Italy, and he roamed alone and friendless among
-the mountains of Savoy. His sufferings during the brief period of his
-exile were frightful. He wandered about, subsisting on the fruit he
-picked up under the trees. Often seated on the rugged banks of a
-torrent, he satisfied his hunger with roots and nuts, and wept as he
-thought of Italy and his ruined fortunes. The benevolence of his heart
-manifested itself in the midst of this adversity. It is related of him,
-that, as he was wandering one evening in a narrow lane, near Chamberi, a
-stranger accosted him and asked charity, relating that he had a sick
-mother and five children. Monti's heart was moved: two sequins was all
-that he possessed in the world; he gave one of them to the suppliant.
-His health failed through the hardships that he endured; the labour of
-collecting his food became intolerable, and he forced himself to gather
-at one time sufficient for two days, so as to secure himself one of
-uninterrupted rest. His wife, who had remained to put their affairs in
-some order, now joined him. She found him stretched on a wretched bed,
-weak from inanition, but disdaining to apply to any one for relief in
-his need. She brought money with her, and proper food soon restored his
-strength; nor did he again fall into such an extremity of disaster,
-though it was long before the fickle goddess smiled upon him.
-
-The minister, Mareschalchi, invited him to Paris; and the new victories
-of Bonaparte in Italy, on his return from Egypt in the following year,
-revived his hopes of better times. Mareschalchi obtained that he should
-be employed to write a hymn and an ode in celebration of the victory of
-Marengo, which had driven the allies from Italy and restored it to the
-French. He was to have been paid 1500 francs for these two poems, with
-the further reward of the professorship of Italian literature in the
-French university. But fortune was not weary of persecuting him; and
-this remuneration was withheld, on its being represented to government
-that he was, at heart, inimical to the French. Mareschalchi continued to
-befriend him, and obtained 500 francs, or about 20_l_. "No small relief
-to me," he writes, "in my necessitous circumstances." He was very eager
-to return to Italy, and he writes to his brother,--"Of the many thousand
-refugees who were here, almost all have returned to their country,
-because all have instantly received the necessary succour from home. I
-alone find myself abandoned by my relations, in a strange country,
-without friends, and without resources; unless, indeed, I can make up my
-mind to renounce my country for the sake of earning my bread in some
-office. But an irresistible sentiment is linked to the name of my native
-land. I possess in Italy the objects dearest to my heart--my child, my
-mother, brothers, friends, studies, habits; all, in short, that renders
-life dear. I pant, therefore, to return; and I implore you to send me
-assistance in the shape of a remittance for my journey, and to discharge
-my debts here. Every delay injures my interests, particularly at this
-moment. Direct to 'Citizen Vincenzo Monti, Post-office, Paris.' I shall
-count the days and moments--make my account short, if my happiness is
-dear to you."
-
-Soon after his wishes were fulfilled, and he celebrates his return to
-his beloved Italy by a beautiful hymn, which begins--
-
-
-"Bella Italia, amate sponde,
-Pur vi torno a riveder,
-Trema il petto, e si confonde
-L' alma oppressa di piacer."
-
-
-He does not forget the victor in this song of joy and triumph. Marengo
-is mentioned with exultation; and Bonaparte celebrated with enthusiasm,
-as liberating Italy from the barbarians, and again bestowing upon her
-the blessings of freedom.
-
-On his arrival at Milan, Monti employed himself in correcting his poem,
-entitled the "Mascheroniana," which he had begun amidst the Alps, when
-overwhelmed by misery, an exile, weeping over the disasters of his
-country and his own wrongs. Lorenzo Mascheroni, a celebrated
-mathematician as well as an elegant poet, was forced to quit Italy at
-the same time as Monti, and died in France shortly after. In this poem
-the poet vents all his spleen against his democratic enemies. In his
-preface he exclaims, "Reader, if you really love your country, and are a
-true Italian, read! but throw aside the book if, for your and our
-misfortune, you are an insane demagogue, or a cunning trafficker in the
-cause of liberty." The poem opens with the death of Mascheroni, and the
-ascent of his soul to heaven. He here meets Parini, who laments the
-unhappy condition of Italy. "When I saw her misery," he cries, "I
-desired to die, and my wish was fulfilled. I first beheld her woe when
-dressed in her new freedom, which was called liberty, but which, in
-truth, was rapine. I then beheld her a slave, alas! a despised slave,
-covered with wounds and blood, complaining to heaven that she was
-betrayed by her own children--by the many foolish, base, and perverse
-tyrants, not citizens; while the few remained mute or were destroyed.
-Iniquitous law's were given her; discord waited on her, and pride, and
-hate, and madness, ignorance and error; while the tears and sighs of the
-people remained unheard. O, wretches! who spoke of virtue in
-high-sounding words, and called themselves Brutus and Gracchus, while
-they proved themselves traitors and monsters. But short-lived was their
-joy. I saw the Russian and the Austrian swords destroy the hopes of the
-fields of Italy, and the armed people commit crimes exceeding the supper
-of Atreus and the vengeance of Theseus!" While Parini is thus pouring
-out his angry and bitter denunciations, Mascheroni interrupts him.
-"Peace, austere spirit!" he exclaims, "your country is again saved. A
-deity has caught her by the hair, and drawn her from the abyss:
-Bonaparte!" At this name, the frowning Parini raises his head, and a
-smile illuminates his countenance. The victories of Egypt, of Marengo,
-and Hohenlinden, are commemorated; and the "British felon" assailed with
-the usual violence of hate. In the midst of the conversation of the
-friends, God appears with his cherubim,--one the herald of peace and
-pardon, the other of war and vengeance: they are sent out on the earth
-to assist and wait on the Gallic hero. This poem, like so many others of
-Monti, which celebrated what was then the present, and is therefore
-truncated of its catastrophe, is a fragment. Such praise, dressed in all
-the magnificence of poetry, must have sounded sweetly in Napoleon's ear.
-The "Mascheroniana," whose chief object is to bestow on him new wreaths
-of victory, is one of Monti's finest compositions. It is full of
-strength, vehemence, and beauty. His imitation of Dante is even more
-apparent than in the "Basvilliana." The machinery of the poem, and the
-peculiar versification, are borrowed from the "Divina Commedia." But, as
-we have before observed, Monti's was too original a mind to be a
-plagiarist. What he took from another, he remoulded and brought forth in
-a new form, in fresh and brilliant hues, all his own. He has not the
-sublimity, the sweetness and pathos, nor the distinct yet delicate
-painting, of his prototype; but no one can read his verses without
-feeling that the true spirit of poetry breathes in every line, and that
-the author pours out the overflowings of a genuine and rapt inspiration.
-
-His third tragedy of "Caius Gracchus" had been written at Paris, and he
-occupied himself in finishing and correcting it on his return to Milan.
-This tragedy has been praised by some as superior to "Aristodemo," but
-it is difficult to coincide in this opinion. It possesses fine passages
-and some energy, but it is wanting in poetry; and the characters want
-the simple heroism of antiquity, and resemble rather violent Italians of
-modern days. The defects of monotonous dialogue and often repeated
-situations flow also from an observation of the unities, which, by
-confining the subject in narrow limits, permit no variety of action,
-and, except in peculiar instances, force the poet to repeat himself;
-making one scene frequently little else than a repetition of what had
-gone before.
-
-Monti had begun his literary and poetic life by servitude, when he
-became secretary of the duke of Braschi. In his present desperate
-circumstances he saw no hope, except in conciliating the ruling power of
-the continent, and entering on the service of the man who looked on all
-men as merely engines to fulfil his vast and illimitable projects.
-[Sidenote: 1802.
-Ætat.
-48.]
-Napoleon had by fresh victories driven the Austrians from Italy; and a
-congress, called the Cisalpine, was held at Lyons, to fix on a form of
-government for the north of the peninsula. This was a kind of mockery
-that Bonaparte was fond of encouraging in the early days of his
-elevation, since, under some of the forms of popular election, new
-powers were, with a show of legality, bestowed on him. The Italians of
-the congress fixed on a plan of government, at the head of which was to
-be a president: they entreated Napoleon to accept this office, as the
-disunited state of the country rendered ii unadvisable to elect an
-Italian to it. Napoleon consented. This was a happy moment to bring
-himself before the supreme power, and Monti seized on it. He wrote an
-ode to Bonaparte, in the name of the Cisalpine congress; he chose the
-motto from Virgil, and it was a happy one,--
-
-
-"Victorque volentes
-Per populos dat jura."
-
-
-The verses are very beautiful, and worthy of a better cause than laying
-the liberties of his country prostrate at the first consul's feet. Still
-Monti was aware that, degraded by long servitude and disunited by petty
-passions, the Italians were ignorant of the nature of true liberty. He
-saw party spirit, oppression, and rapine as the result of any attempt on
-the part of his countrymen to govern themselves; he knew also how vain
-it was to contend with the conqueror, and he was very probably sincere
-in his belief that the welfare of his country was safest in his hands.
-Still, while we admire the harmony of the verses and the beauty of the
-imagery, we repine at the slavish spirit that lurks within them.
-Bonaparte, who loved to be borne up by the wings of men's imaginations
-into a superior sphere of glory and success, must have been pleased by
-the halo of poetry with which Monti stooped to adorn his name.
-
-He did not go unrewarded. When peace was restored to Italy, the
-institutions for public education became objects of interest to the
-government; and a professorship was offered Monti; either at Milan or
-Pavia, at his choice. Monti preferred the latter, for the sake of
-enjoying the society of the able professors who filled the chairs of
-that university. He was diligent and conscientious in his attendance to
-the duties of his situation, and his lectures were fully attended: the
-best of his prose writings being his inauguration lecture, which had for
-its subject the praise of the literary men of Italy, and the claiming
-for them the merit of many discoveries usually attributed to the natives
-of other countries. After three years spent at Pavia, he was invited by
-the governor to Milan, and a number of offices and honours were bestowed
-on him. He was made assessor to the minister of the interior for the
-department of literature and the fine arts; he was named court poet and
-historiographer, and made cavalier of the iron crown, member of the
-institute, and of the legion of honour. Monti was no laggard in
-fulfilling the duties of the first of these places. He wrote a variety
-of poems in praise of Napoleon, and in celebration of his victories. In
-the "Bard," a fictitious personage, Ullino, attended by the maiden
-Malvina, while watching with enthusiastic admiration the advance of the
-French arms, falls in with a young wounded warrior; they, of course,
-take him home, and watch over his recovery, when he relates, at their
-request, the events of the expedition to Egypt and the battles that
-illustrated Napoleon's return to Europe. There is the merit of
-enthusiasm and glowing description in portions of this poem. The canto
-on the expedition to Egypt contains the best passages.
-
-[Sidenote: 1805.
-Ætat.
-51.]
-
-When Napoleon was crowned king of Italy, Monti was commanded to
-celebrate the event. He writes to Cesarotti,--"While you are robing the
-magnificent spleen of Juvenal in beautiful and dignified Italian, I am
-sounding the Pindaric harp for the emperor Napoleon. The government has
-commanded me, and I must obey. I hope that love of my country will not
-make my thoughts too free; and that I may respect the hero, without
-betraying my duty as a citizen. I am in a path where the wishes of the
-nation do not accord with its political necessities, and I fear to lose
-myself. St. Apollo help me! and do you pray that I may be endowed with
-sagacity and prudence." This poem, in which he tries to trim his sail so
-nicely between patriotism and servitude, is called "Il Benificio;" or
-The Benefaction, a vision. It has great merit. All that Monti ever wrote
-is graced with such a happy flow, and with so much beauty of imagery and
-expression, that it is impossible not to admire as we read. He describes
-Italy as appearing to him in a vision; she is personified by a woman,
-wounded and drooping, the victim of grief and slavery. The poet, struck
-with compassion and horror, evokes the shades of mighty Romans from
-their tombs to assist the degraded queen of the world; but they turn in
-scorn from the fallen and lost one. Then a warrior, godlike and
-majestic, descends from the Alps,--Victory attends him,--yet he
-disregards her, and prefers the olive to the laurel (a most unfortunate
-compliment to a man whose whole soul was war). He approaches the
-unfortunate prostrate being,--raises her, and bids her reign; nor could
-the livid glare cast by the British cannon over the Tyrrhene sea avail
-against him. The warrior smiles, and at his smile all danger vanishes.
-Then the austere and noble spirit of Dante arises and apostrophises
-Italy, telling her that the regal power of Napoleon was exactly the
-restraint and law he had wished her to fall under; and, taking the crown
-from her head, places it on that of the French emperor. Spain salutes
-the new diadem. The German, still crimson with his own blood,
-acknowledges the victor, and bends his eyes to earth; while the British
-pirate, powerful in fleets and fraud, curses aloud. "I send you a copy
-of the Vision," Monti writes to a friend, "which I have written for the
-coronation of our king: it has succeeded perfectly, and no work of mine,
-since I began to write verses, has prospered so well." It is impossible
-not to congratulate him on his success in attaining prudence. Assuredly
-there was nothing too free in these verses; and Napoleon might accept
-them without an unpleasant thought being awakened as to his usurpation,
-tyranny, and rapacious, unbounded ambition.
-
-Every fresh victory, every new conquest, was a theme for the venal muse
-of Monti; venal we have a right to call it, since he acknowledges the
-bond of a salary and the necessity of obedience. Thus, on occasion of
-the battle of Jena, he brought out the "Spada di Federico;" or, the
-Sword of Frederic,--the most popular of his odes of triumph. In this
-poem he images the spectral hand of the warrior king of Prussia
-disputing with Napoleon the possession of his sword, and yielding to the
-proud assumptions and tenacious grasp of the Gallic victor. Ten editions
-of this work were sold in the space of five months, and it was
-translated into the French and Latin languages.
-
-The attempted usurpation of the Spanish throne did not go uncelebrated.
-The "Palingenesi" has for its subject the regeneration of mind and of
-political institutions wrought in Spain, under the auspices of the
-French emperor and his brother Joseph. If we could dismiss from our
-minds the truth, and fancy, as Monti assumes, that a great and generous
-nation had sunk into the depths of slavery and degradation through the
-evil influence of a corrupt government, and that Napoleon was bent on
-loosening its fetters and raising it to freedom and knowledge, it would
-be impossible not to be filled with enthusiasm by the noble ideas and
-grand imagery of this poem. But the taint of falsehood prevents any
-sympathy, and our admiration of the imagination displayed is checked by
-our contempt of the flatterer; while we smile at the bitter and violent
-curses poured upon the English, whose motives for assisting the
-Spaniards in resisting the French are painted in the most odious
-colours.
-
-We wonder as we read. There is fire, sublimity, and power in every line.
-Can these be inspired, as we are assured by Monti's friends, by the mere
-desire of acquiring the loaves and fishes, if not for himself
-individually, for his wife and daughter? Are the shadowy forms which he
-invests with so much beauty--the conceptions into which he infuses so
-much energy and seeming sincerity--the mere playthings of his thought,
-and not the genuine offspring of a mind teeming and overflowing with a
-sense of usefulness and truth? We cannot believe it; we are so apt to
-forget what our feelings were when the occasion that called them forth
-has vanished like morning mist. When Napoleon fell, men forgot the
-wonder and admiration with which they had regarded him during his
-prosperity. He had come on the time-worn world like an incarnation of
-the memories of antiquity. The greatest sovereigns, who traced their
-descent from the middle ages--the thrones of the world, so long the
-objects of worship and fear--the crowns and sceptres which had been
-looked upon as the sacred and inviolable symbols of divine right--were
-all at his feet, dispossest, transferred, and broken. It could be no
-wonder that men looked upon the cause of these things as something
-prodigious and superhuman. Monti may be excused that he joined in the
-common feeling of awe and admiration; while, afterwards, seeing how
-little good arose from the breaking up of the ancient tyrannies, and how
-the indomitable will of one man was enforced by means of treachery and
-slaughter, he might forget that he could ever have been so blinded, and
-fancy that acknowledged fear was the cause of an inspiration which
-really sprung from the slavish worship of success, which is too
-naturally inherent in human beings.
-
-Although Monti brought forward this disingenuous plea to excuse his
-celebration of the hero of the age, he was sincere in one feeling,--an
-attachment to the offspring of his brain, and in the indignation he felt
-against those who depreciated his poetic merits. The "Sword of Frederic"
-was attacked by the critics with great asperity, and he replied with
-still greater acrimony. He had been charged with mannerism and sameness,
-especially in the machinery of his poems, in which visions, spectres,
-and cloudy spiritual essences play for ever a principal part. He would
-not allow this to be a defect, and railed at the unimaginative minds who
-conceived it to be such. He tries to be jocose in his indignation, but
-his laugh is bitter; and he heaps the accusations of ill faith and envy,
-as well as of ignorance and bad taste, on those who attack him. There
-may be justice in this, but there is no dignity. There is always a
-degree of degradation in noticing the enmity of a race of ephemera, and
-not calmly relying on the award of the public.
-
-Besides the poems above mentioned, Monti wrote several other poems in
-praise of the conqueror. "The Jerogamia" and the "Api Panacridi" were
-compositions which, whatever their apparent subject might be, turned,
-after all, on the praise of the emperor. They maintained, if they did
-not increase, the poet's fame. His best works were already written; and
-these may be named to be the "Aristodemo," the "Basvilliana," passages
-in the "Prometèo," the "Mascheroniana," and the "Palingenesi" and of his
-shorter odes, that to Bonaparte, on occasion of the Cisalpine congress,
-and his hymn on his return to Italy.
-
-Years began to tame the fire of his imagination, and he felt the spirit
-of original composition fail him. His active mind turned to other
-subjects on which to exercise it: his love of classical learning led him
-to works of criticism and erudition, and he wrote "Remarks on the Winged
-Horse of Arsinoe." A want of knowledge of the Greek language must,
-however, have been a great drawback to this species of study; but we
-must regard with still greater wonder, considering this defect, his next
-enterprise, which was the translation of the Iliad. He had been looking
-out for a subject, and meditating in what way he could employ his
-powers, when a word, spoken by chance by Ugo Foscolo, at once awoke in
-his mind the desire and the energy requisite for so arduous a task. Not
-being acquainted with Greek, he applied himself to every kind of literal
-translation, and was, besides, mainly assisted by his friend Mustoxidi,
-who explained passages, compared his version with the original, and
-bestowed a degree of labour which, barren as it was of reputation to
-himself, must be regarded as a singular proof of disinterested
-attachment. Monti applied himself so vigorously to the task, that, in
-spite of all his disadvantages, in less than two years he brought it to
-a conclusion.
-
-This new labour yielded him a large harvest of reputation. Other Italian
-translations of the Iliad already existed: that of Salvini is valuable,
-from his profound knowledge of the Greek and Italian languages. It is
-elegantly and faithfully translated, but it wants spirit; and the
-sublime Homeric fire, which renders the Iliad the greatest of human
-works, glimmers feebly in his version. The translation of Ceruti is as
-faithful as is compatible with his ignorance of Greek; but, besides the
-want of the true spirit of the original, his style, modelled on that of
-Metastasio and Rolli, wants vigour and versatility.
-
-Monti possessed, beyond any other poet, the faculty of warming himself
-with his subject, of penetrating himself with its soul, and imparting,
-by the vivacity of his language and the glowing brightness of his
-imagination, his own sentiments to the reader. The very act of
-versifying seemed to be to him what the sound of song is to the
-sensitive, in elevating and moving the soul. His mind possessed the
-qualities of the harp, which gives forth sweet music when swept by the
-breezes: thought with him was always pregnant with harmonious and
-animated expression, with glowing and various imagery. On this has been
-founded his excuse for writing with such apparent fervour on subjects
-that did not really interest his feelings; and this facility is a good
-quality in a translator. Monti could conceive and imbibe the spirit of
-the original, and give it out, in his own language, with vigour and
-life. Visconti, in waiting to the poet, says, "The choice and variety of
-diction and phrases, the equal and sustained tone of the verses, and the
-noble simplicity of the style, place your work among the few that
-transmit the poetic name with honour to posterity." This praise was
-accompanied by a few judicious criticisms which showed the care and zeal
-with which he had examined the translation. Monti paid attention to
-them, and endeavoured to amend all the errors pointed out in the
-subsequent editions of his work.
-
-[Sidenote: 1814.
-Ætat.
-60.]
-
-When Napoleon was overthrown, and the north of Italy fell under the yoke
-of the Austrians, Monti of course lost all his public employments, and
-he was menaced in his old age by the miseries of hopeless poverty. But
-his submissive disposition and plastic opinions were just of that sort
-which kings delight to honour; and the emperor of Austria bestowed such
-pensions on him as enabled him to pursue his studies in leisure and
-competence. No doubt Monti felt glad, in common with all his countrymen,
-to get rid of the antinational sway of the French, and hoped that a
-better state of things would result from any change. His experience of
-popular rule in Italy had disgusted him with it. He had not that zeal
-and ardour of feeling resulting from a conviction that, however perilous
-the passage from slavery to liberty, it must be attempted and persevered
-in, with all its attendant evils, if men are to be brought back from
-that cowardice, indolence, and selfishness which mark the slave, to the
-heroism, patience, and intellectual activity which characterise the
-freeman. Besides this, the armies of Austria admitted of no reply from
-the unwarlike Italians. The remnants of their army which had returned,
-wasted and broken, from the Russian campaign had been forced, after some
-show of resistance, to capitulate: submission was their only resource,
-and submission was in accordance with Monti's disposition. Nor did he
-afterwards ever give umbrage to the jealous and revengeful government
-whose pay he received, when hopes of better times and of redemption
-warmed the hearts of all the nobler Italians to attempt the destruction
-of their tyrants. He was acquainted with many of the Austrian victims;
-and when we find in his letters complaints of sorrows and misfortunes,
-we must attribute these to the real sympathy he felt for these unhappy
-martyrs: but, though he sympathised with the men, it is probable that he
-disapproved of their attempts. He was hopeless, and a hopeless struggle
-presented to him only the too real picture of aggravated oppression in
-general, and frightful individual suffering; he did not feel that
-boiling of the heart, that fire of the spirit, which makes the great and
-good risk all, rather than live subject to a power which exerted all its
-leaden strength to press down genius, crush every exertion of mind, and
-to reduce men as nearly as possible to the condition of the herds who
-graze in the fields, without a thought beyond the food and rest which
-the fertility of the soil and the beauty of the climate afford. Monti
-was not one of these: his mind was active, and, in his way, he wished to
-benefit his country. So when a thousand hearts were convulsed by the
-throes arising from all the hopes and fears of a just rebellion, he
-turned his attention to the study of the Italian language, to the task
-of freeing it from the shackles which critics had thrown over it, and of
-gifting it with the new spirit and animation which must arise from the
-introduction of living forms of speech, instead of the classic and
-restricted limitations imposed by the Della Crusca society.
-
-He composed few poems after the fall of Napoleon. When the emperor of
-Austria sent the archduke John to receive the oath of fealty from the
-provinces of Lombardy, he wrote, by command, a cantata, entitled
-"Mistico Omaggio," or the Mystic Homage, which was brought out at the
-principal theatre at Milan. When the emperor himself visited Italy he
-celebrated the event by a poem, called "The Return of Astrea," and
-another, named "The Invitation to Pallas." His style in these later
-compositions joins harmony to dignity, and forms that mixture of
-strength and sweetness which is so delightful in Metastasio. His last
-poetic compositions were written at Pesaro, where he was debarred from
-his usual occupations, and dispirited by a disease that attacked one of
-his eyes; and he solaced himself by dictating various poems full of
-grace and beauty, which he afterwards published under the title of
-"Sollievo nella Malinconia," or "Relief of Melancholy."
-
-[Sidenote: 1812.]
-
-One of the most fortunate incidents of his life was the marriage of his
-daughter to a man of singular merit. Costanza Monti was (is, we should
-rather say) remarkable for her beauty and her talents; her poetry,
-though there is little of it, is of a very high grade, and one poem, "On
-a Rose," has sufficed to establish her fame in Italy. Count Giulio
-Perticari sprung from a noble family of Romagna. His residence was at
-Pesaro, and he there filled successively the offices of podestà and
-judge. He devoted himself to literature, and had published works both in
-prose and verse, by which he acquired considerable reputation. It must
-be in the memory of all Italians, and all those strangers who visited
-Italy during his lifetime, how he was beloved by every one who knew him.
-No man was ever more popular, more universally pronounced the best of
-men; and this praise resulted from the goodness and singleness of his
-heart, the sweetness of his disposition, and his unpretending but
-attractive manners. Writing concerning this marriage to his friends,
-Monti speaks of it with pride and pleasure. He says, "Count Giulio
-Perticari, of Pesaro, is a young man well cultivated in literature. I
-say nothing of his moral qualities, which render him dear to all. It is
-the most delightful match that paternal love can desire."
-
-After this period Monti's labours were chiefly confined to prose, and he
-is considered in this manner to have greatly benefited the literature of
-his country. The chief among these are the considerations on the
-difficulty of well translating the poetry of the Iliad, and several
-dialogues on the Italian language, full of acute criticism and wit. A
-circumstance turned his attention still more entirely to the subject of
-language. The government of Lombardy, wishing to show some encouragement
-to literature, had ordered the Royal Institute of Milan to occupy itself
-in the reform of the national dictionary; and Monti was requested by his
-colleagues to publish his observations on the subject. He obeyed with
-alacrity. His son-in-law, count Perticari, had devoted much attention to
-this subject, and he became Monti's associate in the task.
-
-The great question in Italy is, whether the pure and classical language,
-the only one not wholly barbarous and vulgar, is Italian or Tuscan; a
-mixture drawn from the various dialects of the peninsula, or solely
-founded on Petrarch, Dante, and Boccaccio, and other early Tuscan
-authors. The academy Della Crusca espoused the latter side of the
-question, and, forming a dictionary, expunged every word not to be found
-in the authors named the Trecentisti. Monti, on the contrary, attacked
-the _ipse-dixits_ of this academy, and, pointing out innumerable errors
-in their dictionary, undertook, as he called it, a crusade against the
-Della Crusca.
-
-This is a question that has divided all the talents of Italy, and in
-which it appears presumptuous in a foreigner to express any decision.
-Still we may reason from general grounds, and from analogy. Every
-portion of Italy has a distinct dialect. Immediately on leaving the
-precincts of any town, an acute ear will detect in the person who lives
-outside the gate a difference in the form of speech and pronunciation.
-Many of the towns use a mere _patois_, which has never been written. The
-Neapolitan, Romagnole, Genoese, and Milanese, each have a dialect,
-devoid of grace, cacophonous, truncated of vowels, and unintelligible to
-any but themselves; the Venetian being the only one distinguished for
-its own peculiar charms. To a stranger the language of the Romans has a
-great charm: the _bocca Romana_, or Roman pronunciation, is clear, soft,
-and yet emphatic. Their language is unidiomatic, and therefore easily
-comprehended. You enter Tuscany, and come upon those terse and idiomatic
-forms of speech which enraptured Alfieri, and which give so much energy
-and animation to the expression of sentiment, so much clearness and
-precision to narration or reasoning. But even these are not admitted by
-the Della Crusca. The Florentine is still a dialect--the Pisan and the
-Siennese fall under the same denomination: the principal difference is
-that the grammar of all the Tuscans is pure, and that you may form your
-speech on that of the peasantry and servants, without running any risk
-of falling into errors and vulgarisms. Alfieri used to mingle in the
-crowds assembled in the market-place of Sienna, there to imbibe from
-unlearned lips the purest modes of the Italian language. The dictionary
-Della Crusca was founded therefore on Tuscan, omitting its
-peculiarities, and carefully registering any innovations that had crept
-in since the era of the Trecentisti. It is obvious, under this tutelage,
-that the Italian became, when written, virtually a dead language. No
-author could adopt the forms of speech he made use of in the common
-conversation. The language that they heard and spoke when moved by joy,
-by grief, by love, or anger, was to be modified, corrected, and, so to
-speak, translated, before it could be put in a book. The living impress
-of the soul was to be taken from it, and, instead of putting down the
-word that rose spontaneously to the lips, and ought to have flowed as
-easily from the pen, the author hunted in the Della Crusca dictionary
-for authorities, which shackled the free spirit of inspired genius with
-chains and bolts forged from the works of the old writers, who
-themselves wrote as they spoke, and created a language, simply by
-putting down the forcible and graceful expressions then in colloquial
-use.
-
-Still a great difficulty arises from any deviation from these rules. Was
-then the Florentine dialect, or the Siennese, or the Pisan, to be the
-written language of the country? Each city would have rejected its
-neighbour's, and still more would Lombardisms be regarded with disdain
-by the inhabitants of the south. Language, pronunciation, idiom, all
-form a habit to the eye and ear, which, beginning with our very birth,
-cannot be afterwards discarded. No Tuscan ever would or even could
-tolerate the introduction of any of the words or phrases belonging to
-other dialects; and they endure the mistakes of foreigners with less
-disgust than the uncouth pronunciation of their countrymen of the north
-and east of the peninsula. Nor will they allow that even the well
-educated among these use classic modes of speech. This is the point of
-contention; for their antagonists insist, that they are in as full
-possession as the Tuscans of pure Italian, drawing it from the same
-sources— namely, the best writers of the country; and assert that they
-are as well able to originate new modes of expression, and to turn with
-as much elegance and force those already in use.
-
-Monti and Perticari both entered heart and soul into this dispute, which
-speedily roused every literary person in Italy to take one side or the
-other. The Tuscans, headed by the Della Crusca, were furious that their
-long-acknowledged supremacy should be questioned; while Monti, resting
-the merits of his opinion on the great authority of Dante, did not
-hesitate in his attack. Several letters to his friend Mustoxidi display
-his earnestness and sincerity in the cause. We extract passages from
-them, as explanatory of his ideas and characteristic of the man.
-
-"The necessity of relaxing a little the intensity of the labour I have
-in hand, led me for a few days among these mountains, where yours of the
-2d found me. To fulfil my duty towards government, I have been obliged
-to publish my remarks on the Della Crusca vocabulary, and the great
-distinction of which it is necessary to remind the Italians; the
-distinction I mean between the plebeian dialects, and that dignified
-language spoken by all the well educated in the country, from the summit
-of the Alps to the Lilybæum promontory. Founding my opinion on the
-authority of Dante, in which both Petrarch and Boccaccio concur in a
-surprising manner, I have undertaken to advocate that dignified Italian
-which is not spoken but written; and to vindicate the rights of fourteen
-provinces of Italy against the pretensions of a single one, which,
-contrary to the principles of the great father of Italian literature,
-has endeavoured to substitute the language in use in a single city, in
-short a peculiar dialect, which, however beautiful, is only a dialect,
-and can never fill the place of that universal language of which the
-country has need. I do not know whether I shall treat this great cause
-worthily; but I am convinced that whoever impugns the principles which I
-establish, must begin by proving that Dante and the other two were mad.
-I dare not believe that I have obtained a complete victory; but I have
-laid the foundation-stones on which others of greater talent may one day
-erect and finish the edifice."
-
-To another friend he writes:--"The treatise of Perticari on the language
-of the Trecentisti, which will soon be published, is a _chef-d'oeuvre_,
-displaying great philosophy and acute criticism. I promise you that it
-will make a great sensation, and that the Crusca with drooping head,
-_caudamque remulcens_, will not know what to answer."
-
-"Grassi has written an excellent parallel of the Della Crusca dictionary
-with that of Johnson and the Spanish academy, which are similar in their
-plan; and you will perceive the Gothic condition of our vocabulary in
-comparison with others. Assistance and support reach me from all parts
-of Italy, even from Tuscany; so that I may say that the whole nation
-sides with me."
-
-With more moderation he writes afterwards,--"We do not wish to rule; but
-neither reason nor honour permit us to continue slaves. We only desire
-the right to have a voice in the defence of national rights against
-municipal pretensions: for the rest, we will take the law from them."
-
-In fact, Monti must have felt the extreme difficulty of the question. In
-England and France it is just to say, that the language of the well
-educated all over the country may serve for authority as to language.
-But the nobility and higher classes in Lombardy and Romagna all speak
-their unintelligible dialects among themselves; it is only with
-strangers, and when they write, that they have recourse to Italian. It
-is impossible, therefore, that what they compose by rule, after study
-and practice, can be the living language of a people in opposition to a
-dialect, if you will, which, with few omissions and some change of
-pronunciation, is the admiration of all who can appreciate the true
-beauties of style; which is remarkable for passion and fervour combined
-with concision and sweetness; for idiomatic phrases that realise and
-stamp as it were the thought, instead of a periphrastic expression which
-speaks of an idea or notion rather than giving expression to these
-themselves. Monti was right in throwing aside the classical shackles of
-the Della Crusca; but there is token in his letters that, in his heart,
-he at last acknowledged that there was more of the living spirit of true
-Italian abroad in the colloquial idiom of Tuscany, than in all the
-well-turned sentences and set phrases of the well educated of the rest
-of Italy.
-
-We cannot help thinking that Monti must have been very happy during the
-prosecution of these labours. An active mind abhors repose, when it must
-"cream and mantle like a standing pool." The aid and sympathy of his
-amiable and cultivated son-in-law must have shed an infinite charm over
-his labours, the zeal of his partisans have flattered, the attacks of
-his enemies have animated him. He believed that he was delivering his
-country from a superstition which clogged the springs of her literature,
-and choked up its free course. To a great degree he was in the right,
-and the proof is in the original and beautiful use made of his theory by
-the Italian authors of the present day.
-
-Monti, loudly acknowledged to be the first Italian poet of his day,
-continued to reside at Milan, devoted to literary pursuits, surrounded
-by a circle of admirers, the chief not so much of a sect, as of Italian
-literature. Yet he was often attacked, and was by no means tolerant of
-criticism. His heart, however, was of better grain than his temper, and
-his violent literary disputes with distinguished contemporaries, with
-Mazza, Cesarotti, and Bettinelli, terminated in mutual friendship and
-esteem. Angry when offended, and unmeasured in his expressions of
-offence, yet the desire of reconciliation on the part of others was
-always met by him with cordiality and ready forgiveness. He was the more
-loved and admired the more he was known; one of the charms that attended
-his intercourse was the beauty of his recitation. To hear him read
-Virgil or Dante, was to find a deeper pathos in the laments of Dido, new
-energy in the complaints of Ugolino. Fond of, devoted to his art, there
-was no pedantry about him: he never thrust it upon the ignorant or
-frivolous; but with his friends he loved to analyse the essence of
-poetry, and to discuss the great question then in vogue in Italy of the
-classic and romantic schools. There is a letter of his to a friend on
-this subject, passages of which may be quoted as showing his opinions on
-this subject, opinions which bear the stamp of truth.
-
-"A poet," he writes, "ought to paint the nature which he beholds. I
-applaud the poetry of the North, which is in perfect accord with the
-gloomy atmosphere from which it receives its inspiration. But Italian
-poetry, born of a glad and happy sky, is mad when she would robe herself
-in clouds, and study to paint a nature of which she can form no idea
-except from imagination. And besides, should poetry, whose chief use is
-to delight (and, in the miserable state of human beings, to delight is
-to serve), ought she to appear rough and frowning, ruled by pedantry and
-crabbed philosophy? Is it possible that no one knows how to distinguish
-the office of poet from that of philosopher? It is one thing to speak to
-the senses, another to speak to the intellect. Naked and dry truth is
-the death of poetry; for poetry and fiction are the same, and fable
-being only truth disguised, this truth must be ornamented by flowers to
-be gladly received. You scattered fresh and beautiful roses over your
-poetic meditations when you speak of Greece and Rome; but, when you
-leave these fields of perennial poetic beauty, and say that the thoughts
-of the Greeks ran around in a narrow circle of images, and after
-uttering this falsehood, you throw yourself with loosened reins into the
-praise of the romantic school, then, my noble friend (pardon me if I
-frankly declare my opinion), you are no longer the same. Had I been at
-your side when you wrote your tender adieu to the gods of Greece, I
-should have persuaded you not to continue it--nor to irritate the shade
-of Schiller--of that Schiller whom, next to Shakspeare, I admire. Do you
-not know that his best and favourite ode is entitled the 'Gods of
-Greece?' in which he manifests his indignation against those who have
-expelled them from the kingdom of the muses, and prays that they may be
-recalled to adorn life and poetry. I conversed much with lord Byron
-during the fifteen days' stay which he made at Milan. Do you know that
-he trembled with rage when any one chanced, fancying that they paid him
-a compliment, to praise the romantic school. Yet, in the sense in which
-we understand it, no one was more romantic than he. But he disdained the
-name, hating to find himself mixed up with the crowd of fools who
-dishonour that noble school. I do not wish to play the preceptor with
-you, but allow the true friendship that binds me to you to conclude with
-a counsel which for many years I have myself followed, _inter utrumque
-vola_; and, leaving the squabbles of party, let us use our best
-endeavours to write good verses."
-
-We may add to this profession of the poet's faith with regard to the
-classic and romantic schools, that Monti considered Homer, Dante, and
-Shakspeare as the first poets of the world; thus giving proof of the
-justness of his taste, and demonstrating that originality and truth were
-appreciated by him at their just value. Next to these three kings of the
-art he placed Virgil, whom he loved as the friend of his boyhood. He
-preferred Tacitus and Livy among the Latin prose writers, and
-Machiavelli among the Italians. His opinions on these subjects were
-delivered without arrogance, and without presuming to institute an
-unappealable decision.
-
-The count and countess Perticari resided principally at Pescara; but
-they held frequent intercourse with Monti at Milan. In the winter of
-1821-22, Perticari having made some stay at Milan, Monti accompanied
-him on his return home. Several of his letters to his wife written
-during this excursion are published; and we cannot resist the temptation
-of giving them to the reader, affording as they do demonstrations of his
-affectionate heart, and of the pleasure he took in the society of his
-amiable relative. The first of these is dated from Verona, 7th October,
-1821.
-
-"I never made a merrier journey. We were six in company: a Brescian, a
-Veronese, a Paduan, Mercandante, and us two. Day had scarcely dawned,
-when we began to examine each other, and snuff-boxes went their amicable
-round. An instant confidence sprung up among us, which led to much chat
-and pleasantry. So gay were we, that we did nothing but laugh in chorus
-till we arrived at the gates of Verona. Perticari and I ordered that our
-luggage should be carried to the inn; being determined to remain free.
-But the signore Mosconi, and Persica, had already left word at the best
-inns that there was no room for Perticari and Monti; and, at the moment
-when we arrived in the diligence, the countess Clarina and her daughter,
-and the count, got into their carriage to meet and run away with us, as
-if we had been two beautiful birds. Poor Mariano, who was accompanying
-the porter with our luggage to the hotel, was pounced upon by the son of
-the countess, ordered to turn right about and to follow him, he knew not
-whither; not daring to resist, and fearing that his commander was a
-custom-house officer. In short, it was not possible to resist the gentle
-violence put upon us, and the cordial entreaties of my dear friend the
-countess; and here we are welcomed, feasted, and honoured beyond
-measure.
-
-"It was our intention only to remain three days at Verona, but we have
-been obliged to promise not to go till Sunday. The countess means to
-accompany us half-way on the road to Vicenza, where we shall arrive by
-noon, and on Monday evening we shall be at Bassano, three hours' journey
-only from Vincenza; thence to Passagno, and on to Padua, whence you
-shall hear from us."
-
-
-"Venice, November 20. 1821.
-
-"Not to leave you any longer waiting for news of us, I seize a moment
-when every one is asleep (it being only five in the morning) to tell you
-that yesterday we arrived safely at Venice. It would be a too
-long-winded egotism to relate to you the kindness, the politeness, the
-friendly contests, with which we have been every where welcomed. We had
-been expected here for several days with impatience, and, at the moment
-of our arrival, chance brought us into immediate contact with the baron
-Tordero, who embraced us with indescribable delight. It being known that
-we were going to call on the countess Albrizzi, an assembly gathered
-together there; nor can I describe to you the demonstrations of joy with
-which we were welcomed by that celebrated lady, and all her agreeable
-friends. We remained till eleven, and should have staid longer had not
-hunger (for we had not dined) recalled us to our inn; that, and the
-circumstance that our friends, who had accompanied us from Padua, were
-waiting for us. The merriment at table was prolonged till one in the
-morning; so you see I have barely had three hours' sleep, and yet I
-never was so well in my life."
-
-
-"Pesaro, December 7. 1821.
-
-"At length, yesterday, at the stroke of the ave-maria, we arrived, safe
-and sound, at Pesaro, to the immense joy of our Constance; a joy,
-nevertheless, mingled with bitterness, because her mother had not chosen
-to accompany us: a circumstance which grieves me also, because I fear
-that the severity of the winter, at Milan, which is here mild, may be
-injurious to you. But, since you have been pleased to disappoint our
-hopes, at least take particular care of your health, and do not expose
-yourself to cold.
-
-"Surrounded by visits and compliments, I have no time at present for
-more. Let it suffice that my health is flourishing, and that I hope that
-yours is the same. Constance and Giulio embrace you fondly. Addio,
-addio!"
-
-
-The following letter does not concern personal topics; but gives so
-lively a picture of Italian manners, that it is well worthy to be
-extracted:--
-
-
-"Pesaro, January 12. 1822.
-
-"You have reason to complain of the infrequency of my letters, but I
-study and write continually; and when I am buried among my books, with a
-pen in my hand, you know how difficult it is to draw me away, and ought
-to forgive me.
-
-"I am delighted to hear that, notwithstanding the clouds and snow that
-infest Milan at this season, your health had not yet suffered. I entreat
-you to take the greatest care of it. Mine is perfect. I never enjoyed so
-benignant a winter. It is so mild, that I am dressed now as I am
-accustomed to do at Milan in October.
-
-"For the sake of making a longer letter, I will relate an anecdote which
-will make you laugh.
-
-"There is an ancient custom still existing at Fano, ten miles from
-Pesaro, of celebrating a bull-fight at this season; to which a great
-concourse of people resort from the surrounding towns. A few days ago
-the first celebration took place. A truly ferocious bull was turned into
-the arena. It is a law, that whoever chooses to attack the animal may
-descend into the lists. No one dared expose himself to this infuriated
-creature, and all the dogs who ventured to assail him were tossed and
-killed. At length a peasant presented himself, and, to the wonder of
-all, approached the tremendous animal. He boldly went close to him; and
-the bull became quite mild, allowing himself to be patted and stroked,
-while he licked the hand that caressed him; every one was astonished,
-when, all of a sudden, a fellow among the spectators starts up, and
-calls out, 'The man is a sorcerer!' 'A sorcerer! a magician!' exclaimed
-several others in a fury. 'Burn the magician! burn the magician!' every
-one exclaims. The president of the games is also persuaded that this
-prodigy can only be the work of the devil; and he sends four soldiers,
-who seize on the magician, drag him from the lists, and throw him into
-prison. The poor fellow asked the cause of this violence; he was told,
-'You are a magician; you will be hanged and burnt!' 'What are you saying
-about a magician?' cried the man; 'does not his excellency and his
-reverence know that the bull let me touch him because he knew me? I am
-his master.' This testimony, being confirmed by several who knew the man
-to be the master of the bull, and who took oaths to this effect, ought
-to have cured the president of his folly; but the poor magician is still
-in prison, and they are still disputing what to do with him."
-
-At the same time that Monti writes thus to his wife, his letters to his
-other friends are equally full of the pleasure he enjoyed at this time.
-"You will like to know," he writes to one, "how I am passing my life.
-Most happily; but not in idleness. Happily, because I am with my
-children; and enjoy a season so mild and serene, that winter resembles
-the opening of spring. Not in idleness, because I pursue my studies, and
-mean to give a last, short, critical treatise."
-
-But a few months after, in the July of the same year, 1822, Monti again
-visited Pesaro, in circumstances that form a painful contrast with the
-tranquil and domestic happiness that occasioned him so much pleasure
-during his former one. Perticari had died, suddenly, and Monti went to
-assist and console his sorrowing daughter. He thus writes, on this
-occasion, to his friend Mustoxidi, in a letter dated Pesaro, 30th July,
-1822:--
-
-"You will have heard from my wife the pitiable state in which I found my
-poor Constance. My arrival has produced a happy change in this
-unfortunate creature: my coming was like a sunbeam on a flower beaten
-down by the tempest. But, again, her mind is distracted, sleep flies
-from her eyes, and her health suffers dreadfully. I must applaud the
-kind attentions of her mother-in-law, who is an angel of goodness. But I
-perceive that the only way to preserve her from the most dangerous
-consequences of excessive grief, is to take her from a place too full of
-shocking associations. And I would not delay my journey, but for the new
-regulation of the pontifical police, which does not permit any one to
-leave these states without a passport countersigned by the Austrian
-ambassador at Rome. As soon as I obtain this I shall set out, and
-conduct this dear object of my compassion to the arms of her mother."
-
-This was a wound not easily healed, and never to be forgotten. In the
-spring of the following year Monti still alludes to his loss with the
-keenest grief. "Your letter," he writes to a friend, "afforded me
-infinite pleasure and consolation. For a long time I have lived a
-wretched life under the rod of adversity; and it is only when I enjoy
-the society of some person dear to me, or hear from them, that I become
-a little cheerful, and my spirits revive. Such has been the effect, dear
-friend, of your letter to your poor Monti--poor indeed in every way, and
-very unhappy. Unhappy in the death of Giulio; unhappy in the ill health
-of Constance, who is wasting away with grief; unhappy in myself, as I am
-deaf, old, and almost blind. For my eyes, owing to my over-use of them
-in reading and writing by candle-light, are fallen into their old
-state."
-
-The last volume of the "Proposta" was published in July, 1823; and, this
-last prosaic labour finished, the imagination of Monti awoke again, and
-he turned his thoughts once more to the composition of poetry. He
-restored the true reading to the "Convito" of Dante, which he prized as
-the basis and authority of his own theories concerning the Italian
-language. He wrote, also, the idyl on the nuptials of Cadmus; and then
-contemplated the completion of his poem of the "Feroniade," which he had
-begun many, many years ago at Rome. When he was secretary to don Luigi
-Braschi, duke of Nemi, and nephew of Pius VI., he was accustomed to
-accompany his patron in his hunting expeditions: the usual course of
-these excursions was the Pontine marshes, near Terracina, a spot
-abundant in game. There is a fountain in that neighbourhood, supposed to
-be that anciently dedicated to the Diva Ferronia, at which the hunters
-were accustomed to drink to refresh themselves. The sight of that
-insalubrious marshy tract of land, the drainage of which had just been
-undertaken by the pope, for the purpose of restoring it to agriculture,
-awoke in Monti the idea of paying his debt of gratitude to the house of
-Braschi, by commemorating this munificent work; he instantly began his
-task, and named his poem from the guardian genius of the place. The
-circumstances of the times interrupted his design: it became more
-profitable to celebrate the ambition of Napoleon than the piety of a
-captive priest; and the work was neglected, thrown aside, and almost
-forgotten. During the last years of the poet's life, his friends
-solicited him to finish it. Perhaps, when many years and many changes
-had made much of his past life appear like an unconnected dream, the
-memory of his early years came before him with all that charm and
-vividness which youth often assumes in the eyes of age; and he was glad
-to recur to a forgotten monument of bygone times. He yielded, therefore,
-to the request of those about him, and had almost finished, when first
-disease, and afterwards death, put an end to all his designs. It was
-early in the year 1826 that he had thus renewed his poetic existence,
-resolving not again to abandon it while his imagination remained
-vigorous; but in the very opening of this enthusiasm, while every fear
-was distant, and his active mind gladly met, each morning, the series of
-duties and labour which he imposed on himself, he was seized by an
-illness, through which every scheme and every hope was calamitously
-overthrown.
-
-On the 9th of April, at about eleven o'clock, when he had retired,
-rather to study than repose, a sudden apoplexy attacked him; and no
-medical aid, nor any care, could restore him again to health. He lost
-the use of his left side, and the vital powers appeared mortally
-attacked. The news spread through Milan, and struck every one with
-grief; the population crowded round his door, and this public
-demonstration of kindness sensibly affected him. His mind remained clear
-and strong throughout the attack, nor was he without sanguine hopes of
-recovery. In the April succeeding his first seizure, we find him writing
-to a friend: "I burn with a desire to revisit Florence before I die;
-consequently I have resolved, next June, to go to the mud baths of
-Albano, near Padua, whence I hope to receive a renewal of my strength
-sufficient for my journey." These mud baths, however, were pronounced
-hurtful instead of beneficial to his disorder, and he never went. Still
-hope was alive, and he lingered on until the autumn of 1828, his life
-being consumed in a slow martyrdom: his death-bed was attended by his
-wife and disconsolate daughter, whom, even to the last, he sought to
-cheer by words of affection, and by smiles when he could not speak. He
-expired on the 13th of October, 1828, at the age of seventy-four.
-
-The genius of Monti would, in times of less public excitement, have
-adorned his name with the highest praise; and his faults would never
-have been called into view. The studious and imaginative bent of his
-mind would have led him to cultivate letters and poetry; and we should
-glory in the exalted fancy of a creative poet, without any shame for the
-man. His domestic character was amiable; he was zealous for his friends,
-grateful for benefits; generous, kind, and true in all the ordinary
-intercourse of life: but neither reverence for genius, nor attachment to
-the man, ought to blind us to his political tergiversation, or to
-suppose that there is virtue in that inborn slavishness of spirit that
-could see no degradation in praising those whom he reprobated in his
-heart, and in commemorating with applause acts the most injurious to the
-common cause of humanity. There is retribution in our own consciences
-for all our faults, and Monti felt this: his love of glory was great,
-and he was often pained by being reminded of his political apostacies;
-but too often, when irritated by censure, he was willing to cast the
-blame upon others, instead of admitting his own want of rigid public
-integrity.
-
-But take away this error, and, as a private character, Monti merited the
-affection and esteem of all. The only fault of his disposition was
-irritability and an inclination to anger; but he redeemed it by the
-candour of his acknowledgments, and the uprightness of his conduct.
-Warmth of heart and warmth of temper are too apt to be united in the
-same disposition; but the kindness of his nature was rendered even more
-apparent by this defect of temperament. He was sensitive to injury, and
-his indignation was proportionate to his quick sense of injustice; but,
-though his anger took the appearance of sternness and severity, it never
-led him to injure another, but evaporated in words, and might be said to
-agitate the surface, but never penetrated into the depths, of his mind.
-He was never guilty of an act of revenge,--on the contrary, he often
-benefited those who injured him. His mind was, in short, of a uniform
-texture; and what it wanted in dignity and grandeur was compensated for
-by gentleness, tenderness, and ready sympathy with the sufferings of
-others. He was beyond measure charitable to those in distress; and
-infinite and unwearied compassion, we are told by one who knew him well,
-was his prominent characteristic. The poor gladly celebrated the
-charities he strove to conceal. This virtue sprung, doubtless, from
-early habits acquired under the roof of his benevolent parents. He was
-simple as a child in the midst of worldliness, and the good faith and
-sincerity of his friendships were without a flaw.
-
-"In person," the same friend informs us who has furnished the public
-with the principal documents on which this memoir is founded, "he was
-tall and handsome: his forehead ample; the shape of his face regular;
-and his eyes, gleaming from beneath his arched and full brows, shone at
-once with a vivacious and soft light, which commanded both affection and
-respect. An air of melancholy was diffused over his countenance, to
-which the habits of reflection would have given a severe and even
-disdainful expression, had not the sweetest smile illuminated it with
-the gracious light of love. His carriage was dignified, his mien
-serious, and his whole aspect was that of a man of talent, and of one
-warmed and softened by the benevolence and affectionateness of his
-disposition."
-
-We may conclude with this description of the outward man, emanating from
-one who revered and loved him as a preceptor and a friend. The world, in
-the days succeeding to those of revolution and preceding those of
-reform, was much divided between those who despaired and those who
-hoped. The latter now triumph; but Monti died before the milder light
-dawned on the world, and while change appeared inevitably accompanied by
-bloodshed and misery. His compassionate heart preferred the peace of
-submission, both for himself and others, to the suffering attendant on
-defeated struggles; and errors springing from so humane a source may be
-forgiven, even by those whose ardent natures lead them to overlook the
-toil and danger of the journey, in the hope of attaining the
-accomplishment of their desires.
-
-
-[Footnote 52: Maffei; Storia della Litteratura Italiana.]
-
-[Footnote 53: Bonetti.]
-
-
-
-
-UGO FOSCOLO
-
-1778-1827.
-
-
-The most necessary quality of an author is, that he should impress us
-with the conviction that he has something to say. In reading his pages,
-we ought to feel that he puts down the overflowing of his mind--ideas
-and notions which, springing up spontaneously, force a birth for
-themselves from the womb of silence, and acquire an existence through
-their own native energy and vitality. An author, therefore, is a human
-being whose thoughts do not satisfy his mind, ruminated on merely in his
-own isolated bosom: he requires sympathy, a world to listen, and the
-echo of assent from his fellow-creatures. But this is not all. Few men
-can be excited by a mere abstraction, by the images of their own mind,
-and the desire of communicating them for the benefit of their
-fellow-creatures. Pride or vanity mingle essentially in the fabric of a
-writer's mind: the pride which leads him to desire to build up an
-enduring monument for his name, formed from his own compositions; or the
-vanity that leads him to introduce himself to the reader, and to court
-the notoriety which usually attends those who let the public into the
-secret of their individual passions or peculiarities.
-
-The three great authors of modern Italy form a singular contrast to each
-other, as to their apparent motives for authorship. Alfieri, proud,
-independent, and gloomy, sought at once to honour his own name, to exalt
-and refine his countrymen, and to produce such works as would benefit
-his species; while the vehement passions of his own soul were their
-primal source and inspiration. Monti was a poet of the imagination. He
-wrote because the imagery, the melody, the aerial fabric of poesy were a
-part of his essence. The subjects of his poems were of less consequence,
-in his eyes, than the well treating them, or the variety, grandeur, and
-fantastic ideality displayed in his verses. Thus, at the word of
-command, he could celebrate the usurper, taint the struggles of a noble
-and free nation, and adorn the naked form of despotism with garments of
-beauty. Foscolo, on the contrary, was impelled to produce and reproduce
-himself: and yet to this assertion we must put some limit, for Foscolo
-was a man of learning and taste, and he was capable of giving light to
-compositions formed by the rules of art, and adorned by the graces
-culled from an intimate knowledge of the finest of human works. But
-vanity was still the mainspring,--a vanity accompanied by honesty of
-principle and independence of soul, and yet which was vanity--the
-worship of self--the making his own individuality the mirror in which
-the world was reflected.
-
-Ugo Foscolo was born in the island of Zante, about the year 1778. The
-Ionian isles had long been under the dominion of Venice. The family of
-Foscolo was of Venetian origin; and his father was a surgeon in the navy
-of the republic. Little is known of his early years. He seldom mentioned
-them in conversation, though his imagination sometimes delighted to
-recur to the sunny land of his birth, and to regret it. In one of his
-sonnets he exclaims,--
-
-
-Ne più mai toccherò le sacre sponde
-Ove il mio corpo fanciulletto giacque
-Zacinto mia, che te specchi nell' onde
-Del Greco mar.
-
-Tu non altro che il canto avrai del figlio,
-O materna mia terra; a noi prescrisse
-Il fato illacrimata sepoltura.
-
-O! never more shall I thy sacred shores
-Approach, where my young limbs first sprung to life,
-Beloved Zante! who look'st upon the waves
-Of the Greek sea; and thou the song alone
-May'st claim of thy lost son, maternal land!
-For fate to him decrees an unwept tomb.
-
-
-The Ionian islands were at that time held as colonies of the Venetian
-government, and tyrannised over by the most odious and oppressive laws.
-Among others, no schools nor colleges were allowed to exist, and the
-youth of the islands were sent to Venice for the purposes of education.
-At an early age, therefore, Foscolo repaired to the parent city. His
-father, it would seem, was at this time dead, for we hear only of his
-mother, to whom he was always tenderly attached; and it appears that
-she, also, transferred herself to Venice at the same period. Foscolo
-seldom mentioned his family, with the exception of his mother. He had
-two brothers, one who died, it is reported by his own hand, about the
-year 1797; the other enlisted as a soldier, and rose, from his good
-conduct and valour, to the rank of captain of dragoons.
-
-When boyhood was passed, Foscolo was sent to the university of Padua,
-and studied under Cesarotti. There was great dissimilarity in the tastes
-and literary opinions of the master and pupil; and thus Foscolo soon
-displayed his original and independent turn of mind. Cesarotti explained
-and commented upon Homer, and undertook at the same time to emend and
-improve the verses of the father of poetry. He preferred Voltaire to
-Euripides, and Ossian to Homer. While a great portion of ridicule
-attaches itself to such paradoxes, the real learning and extensive
-reading of the professor benefited his scholars; and by liberating them
-from the narrow system of instruction which had subsisted for many
-years, he introduced them, as it were, from the paled and guarded park
-of classical literature, to the wilds, the moors, the incult mountains,
-in short, to all the vast variety of unfettered nature.
-
-Foscolo, though taught by the advocate of Ossian, was all his life a
-worshipper of Homer. Studious, as well as ardent in his literary
-pursuits, he became a critical scholar; and, admiring not only Greek
-poetry, but the fabric and machinery which constitute its structure, he
-modelled his own poetic productions on them, and made ancient mythology,
-and allusions to classical history, the props as well as the ornaments
-of his verses. At the same time he admitted Cesarotti's rules with
-regard to the Italian language, and abandoned the dialect of the
-Trecentisti,--so long held up as a model, and yet which had become a
-dead tongue,--to form an animated, simple, living language, introducing
-into it phrases and words of modern use; expressions for ever on the
-lips of the Italians, though heretofore banished from their pens.
-
-We are told that, on leaving college, Foscolo hesitated whether to enter
-the clerical profession, which held out the prospect of competency to
-its followers; but he was fortunately turned aside from a profession
-whose narrow rules and arbitrary laws were in direct opposition to his
-impetuous and independent disposition. Instead of assuming the tonsure,
-Foscolo resolved to follow in the steps of Alfieri, and to acquire fame
-as a tragedian.
-[Sidenote: 1797.
-Ætat.
-19.]
-He produced his drama of "Thyestes" at the early age of nineteen; and it
-may be said to be a creditable production for a youth. It is from his
-after works that we judge that it was not inexperience, but an absolute
-defect of a certain species of talent, that made this boy's tragedy a
-mere bald imitation of those of his illustrious predecessor. Alfieri was
-not a fanciful poet; his talent lay in developing plot, animating
-dialogue, and interesting the reader by the clash of passion, or the
-concentrated feelings of a single person. Foscolo possessed far more of
-the peculiar spirit of poetry; but it was of didactic poetry. He could
-not invent incident, nor describe any feelings but such as originated in
-his own heart. "Thyestes," founded on one of the domestic crimes of the
-unfortunate house of Pelops, possesses all the faults of Alfieri's
-tragedies. He imitated him in producing only a few personages on the
-scene; so that, as a critic observes, it seems as if it were written
-just after the deluge, when the human race congregated by threes and
-fours: obscurity of plot is added to this simplicity of action, and the
-purpose and aim of the poet is never clearly discerned. One scene
-follows another, not because produced by the antecedent one, but because
-it is necessary that something should be said and done, or all would be
-at a full stop. The language is clear and energetic; but, as we are
-uninterested by the ideas which it conveys, this must appear a very
-secondary merit.
-
-"Thyestes," however, succeeded in the theatre; and, as success in
-representation is certainly the test of dramatic merit, we might suppose
-some latent energy in its concoction, unapparent to the reader, but that
-its success appears to have arisen from political feeling. It was acted
-for the first time on January 4. 1797, in the theatre of St. Angelo at
-Venice, to a vast concourse of spectators, and was repeated with
-applause for nine consecutive nights. The extreme youth of the author
-filled the audience with admiration, and he was called for after the
-representation. We cannot well discern the political allusions that gave
-it its chief interest, except that the name of king and tyrant are made
-synonymous; a style, it might be imagined, neither distasteful nor
-injurious to a republican government, however aristocratic. It would
-appear, however, that this avidity for liberal sentiments was the cause
-of its temporary success; for it was never again acted on any stage in
-Italy.
-
-Adversity meanwhile was hanging over the head of the poet. The fall of
-Venice, which occurred in the autumn of the same year, deprived him of
-the very name of country. Hatred of the Austrian is a sentiment
-profoundly engraved in every Italian heart; and when Venice was made
-over by treaty to the German despot, Foscolo became a voluntary exile.
-Whether he was in danger of being marked out in any of the lists of
-proscription does not appear; but as it is evident that he is the hero
-of his "Letters of Jacopo Ortis," we gather from that book, that his
-friends feared for his personal liberty if he remained, and besought him
-to shelter himself, while there was yet time, from the enmity of the new
-government. "I have left Venice," Ortis writes, "to avoid the first and
-most violent persecutions. How many victims remain! We Italians
-ourselves bathe our hands in Italian blood. Let what will happen to me!
-Since I despair of good, either for myself or my country, I can await in
-tranquillity a prison or death."
-
-All these letters are full of the indignant struggles, and the sorrow,
-as well as of the opinions which ruled the heart of Foscolo, as he found
-himself driven a wanderer from his home, sometimes lamenting his own
-misfortunes, sometimes those of his country.
-
-"How many of our fellow-citizens repent their flight from home," he
-writes, "and mourn! for what can we expect except indigence and
-indignity--or, at the best, that brief and sterile compassion which
-uncivilised nations offer to the stranger exile? And where shall I seek
-an asylum--in Italy? Unhappy land! and can I behold those who have
-robbed, scorned, and sold us, and not weep with rage? Oh! if the tyrants
-were one only, and if the slaves were less abject, my hand would
-suffice. But those who now blame me for cowardice would then accuse me
-of crime; and the prudent would lament over, not the heroism of one
-resolved, but the frenzy of a desperate man. What can be done between
-two powerful nations, who, from being sworn, ferocious, and eternal
-enemies, colleague to enslave us? and where force alone does not avail,
-the one cajoles us with the name of liberty, the other with that of
-religion; and we, debased by ancient servitude and new-born licence,
-groan, betrayed, enslaved, famished, and yet not roused, either by
-treason or famine. Ah! if I could, I would destroy my house and all dear
-to me, and myself with them; I would leave nothing for the tyrants to
-triumph over. Were there not people who, to escape the Romans, robbers
-of the world, gave to the flames their dwellings, their wives, their
-children, and themselves, burying their sacred independence among the
-glorious ashes of their country?"
-
-Thus passionately attached to liberty, Foscolo was not to be deluded by
-the false halo that then surrounded the name of Bonaparte, or by the
-fallacious promises of the French republican crusaders. "Another set of
-lovers of their country," he writes, "lament loudly. They exclaim that
-they are betrayed and sold; but, if they had armed themselves, they
-might have been conquered, but never had been betrayed; and if they had
-defended themselves to the last drop of blood, the conquerors could not
-have sold, nor would the conquered have sought to buy, them. Many of our
-countrymen imagine that freedom can be bought with money. They fancy
-that foreign nations come from a disinterested love of justice to
-slaughter each other mutually on our fields, for the sake of liberating
-Italy. But will the French, who have rendered the divine theory of
-public liberty execrable, become Timoleons for our sakes? Many,
-meanwhile, confide in the young hero, sprung from Italian blood, born
-where our language is spoken. But I expect nothing useful or noble from
-a cruel and base mind. What is it to me that he has the strength and
-roar of the lion, if he have the soul of a fox--and glories in it? Yes!
-base and cruel; nor are these epithets exaggerated. Has he not sold
-Venice, with open and boasted barbarity? Selim I., who caused 30,000
-Circassian warriors, who had surrendered, confiding in his faith, to be
-massacred on the shores of the Nile; and Nadir Shah, who, in our time,
-massacred 300,000 Indians, are more atrocious, but less contemptible.
-With these eyes I saw a democratic constitution signed by the young
-hero; yes, it was subscribed by his own hand, and sent by Passeriano to
-Venice for acceptance; and at that very time the treaty of Campo Formio
-was already confirmed and ratified: Venice was sold; and the confidence
-which the hero fostered in us all, has filled Italy with proscriptions
-and exiles. I do not blame the reasons of state, through which nations
-are sold like flocks of sheep; it was ever so, and so will it ever be:
-but I grieve for my country, which I have lost. '_He was born Italian,
-and will one day regenerate his country_:' others may believe this,--I
-never can. I replied, and shall always reply, 'Nature made him a tyrant,
-and a tyrant cares not for his country, nor does he possess one.'"
-
-Ruminating on all these violent and bitter feelings, the offspring of
-patriotism and adversity, Foscolo took the road to Tuscany. "In this
-blessed land," he writes, "poetry and letters first awoke from
-barbarism. Wherever I turn, I behold the houses where were born, and the
-turf that covers, those renowned Tuscans; and I fear at every step to
-tread on their remains. Tuscany is a garden, its inhabitants are
-naturally courteous, the sky serene, and the air full of life and
-health; but I am not happy here. I hope always for better things on the
-morrow, when I shall reach another town: but to-morrow arrives, and I
-pass from city to city; and this state of exile and solitude grows each
-day more unendurable. We Italians are foreigners and exiles even in
-Italy; and scarcely do we leave our little native territory, than
-neither understanding, nor fame, nor blameless habits can shelter us;
-and we are lost if we endeavour to distinguish ourselves. Our very
-fellow-citizens look upon all Italians who are not natives of their own
-town, and on whose limbs the same chains do not hang, as strangers."
-Thus Tuscany afforded no asylum to the fugitive. He desired to see no
-one in Florence except Alfieri; and the retired and reserved habits of
-the count prevented his seeking his acquaintance. He saw him, as he
-describes in one of his poems, wandering silently along the most
-solitary bank of the Arno, gazing anxiously on earth and heaven; but,
-finding nothing living that could warm his heart, he took refuge in the
-aisles of Santa Croce, while wished-for death overspread his countenance
-with pallid hues."[54] The silence and the concentrated melancholy of
-Alfieri made a deep impression on the mind of his admirer; and Foscolo
-sought afterwards to imitate it in his own person, forgetful that his
-natural impetuosity and vehemence were very dissimilar to the gloom and
-pride of his model.
-
-From Florence, Foscolo pursued his way to Milan, which was then the
-capital of the Cisalpine republic, and imparted its rights of
-citizenship to all the wandering patriots of Italy. The new republic
-afforded a strange spectacle: formed upon notions of Greek and Roman
-liberty, picked up from learned priests, mingled with modern notions of
-freedom, it displayed the most ridiculous anachronisms; and its members,
-all Italians, yet strangers to each other, and regarding with oblique
-looks all those born in a different city, met without amalgamating. The
-young found hope and life in the new stage on which they were permitted
-to act a part; and though ridicule and blame might be attached to many
-of their public actions, still the more sanguine lovers of their country
-hoped that, when the first springtide of enthusiasm should ebb,
-prudence, unanimity, and strength would be the first born of national
-independence. Foscolo, however, was not among those. Irascible and
-misanthropic, and sensitively alive to the sufferings of his
-fellow-creatures, he saw the evils around him, and desponded.
-
-One of the advantages derived from this new capital was, that it served
-to draw together the most distinguished Italians within the walls of the
-same city. Each town of the peninsula sent some man esteemed for his
-talents; and names, scattered before over the surface of the country,
-now congregated together. Foscolo had thus an opportunity of becoming
-acquainted with all his more illustrious countrymen. In his "Letters of
-Jacopo Ortis," he mentions Parini especially with reverence and
-affection; and he became intimate also with Monti, who then displayed
-fervour in the cause of liberty, while his inward dislike for the
-members of the actual government must have accorded with the sentiments
-of Foscolo. Two decrees, passed at that time, served, indeed, to show
-that blame deservedly attached itself to them: one was the law enacted
-to deprive of office all those who had formerly written against
-liberty--an act of despotism levelled expressly against Monti; the other
-was the sentence passed by the great council against the Latin language:
-whether it was because Latin was the language of their religion and the
-priests, or from mere stupid barbarism, they passed a decree to prohibit
-its being taught in the public schools. Foscolo saw, in the languages of
-the ancient world, not only the root of all our knowledge, but also the
-most splendid monuments of human intellect: he knew how fallacious and
-trivial all translations are; he was imbued to the heart with a love of
-classic lore; and he saw, in the suppression of the Latin, the paramount
-influence of the French language. No wonder that he, as well as every
-well-educated man, regarded such a law and its promulgators with mingled
-scorn and disgust.
-
-To make the resemblance between Foscolo and his imaginary hero, Jacopo
-Ortis, the more exact, we are told that, at this very time, he fell in
-love with a young lady of Pisa: his passions, naturally vehement, were
-inflamed to their utmost by the influence of the most engrossing of them
-all. The object of his attachment was singularly beautiful; her large
-black eyes, rich raven hair, her dignified stature and noble carriage,
-her whole person, in short, cast in the very mould of majestic beauty,
-was formed to inspire admiration and love. She possessed also all that
-natural talent which so usually falls to the lot of Italian women: her
-voice was harmonious, and her proficiency in music great. She was known
-afterwards to several of the biographers of her lover; and, with the
-simplicity and frankness usual to the Italians, spoke openly of their
-mutual attachment. One among them, after calling the lady "the flower of
-all loveliness," adds, "We heard from her--for she yet lives--that the
-few lines cited as being written by Teresa, in a letter of Ortis, dated
-17th September, 1798, were a part of a letter which she wrote to
-Foscolo."[55] Giuseppe Pecchio, in his Life of Foscolo, speaks of her
-with great enthusiasm: "I saw her," he writes, "several times after she
-was married, when, at a private theatre, she took the part of Isabella
-in the 'Filippo' of Alfieri; and I still remember, with pleasure, her
-dignified action and her expressive countenance, which filled the
-audience with enthusiasm, and carried their feelings along with her."
-
-This attachment was not fortunate; and Foscolo suffered all the throes
-of disappointment and grief. Violent in all his feelings, love possessed
-his heart like a burning fire; he grew sullen and gloomy, only breaking
-silence by muttering a few sentences indicative of his ardent desire for
-self-destruction. He did not openly speak of his passion; but his
-feelings overflowed on paper, and he wrote and published "The Letters of
-Two Lovers," a sort of novel, which afterwards served as a foundation to
-the "Letters of Ortis." While thus occupied by literature and love, he
-added the duties of a more laborious profession. Bonaparte, having
-created the Cisalpine republic, strove to raise an Italian army for its
-defence. The Lombard legion formed the nucleus of these troops, and the
-sons of the noblest families in Italy accepted commissions: among
-others, Foscolo became an officer.
-
-[Sidenote: 1800.
-Ætat.
-22.]
-
-The absence, however, of Bonaparte in Egypt, and the invasion of the
-Austrio-Russian army, put a sudden end to the existence of the new
-republic. At the same time that Monti fled across the Alps, and
-wandered, a famished exile, among the ravines and woods of Savoy,
-Foscolo, forced also to provide for his own safety, took refuge in
-Genoa, and joined the French garrison commanded by Massena. It was here
-that the French made a last stand, endeavouring to stop the progress of
-the invading army. The siege of Genoa was formed; and Foscolo, serving
-under the French banners, had an opportunity of studying at once the
-military art and the science of government during the various chances of
-a long and arduous struggle. While day lasted, there were perpetual
-combats along the whole line of mountains which surround Genoa to the
-north; and the night was spent in popular assemblies, in which the
-leaders strove to inspire the citizens with resolution to endure the
-evils of the siege. These soon grew intolerable; and famine, and
-consequent disease, made frightful ravages. Foscolo sometimes collected
-the people together in a spot of the city made famous by the act of an
-Austrian corporal, who (1748) struck with his cane a Genoese, who was
-striving in vain to move a cannon: he endeavoured to animate his
-audience to heroic deeds, by describing the magnanimous vengeance with
-which their ancestors had vindicated the insult. Nor was he less forward
-in the performance of his military duties; and his name occurs in the
-lists of those who were most distinguished for their bravery.
-
-During the siege, on occasion of Napoleon's return from Egypt, and being
-named consul, Foscolo addressed a letter to him from Genoa, which
-prophesied the height to which he would hereafter rise, and besought him
-to rest content with his present exaltation, nor to taint his
-well-merited renown by schemes of unmeasured ambition. This letter,
-which is of two pages only, is written with the freedom of a patriot and
-the dignity of a disinterested and noble mind. He incurred no danger by
-this address, but he displeased the ear of power; and the truth and
-frankness of his representations form an honourable contrast with the
-general adulation, and the barefaced flatteries, which other writers
-addressed to the victor.
-
-The energetic mind of Foscolo was not satisfied by the arduous duties of
-his profession, to which were added the not less exciting task of
-guiding and animating the minds of the citizens of Genoa, when they
-flagged under the visitation of the most frightful calamities. It was at
-this period that he wrote an ode to Luigia Pallavicini, on her falling
-from her horse, which betrays no signs of the sufferings which he was
-enduring, except its motto, taken from Horace: "Sollicitæ oblivia
-vitæ." This poem is all grace, elegance, and classic allusion; but
-there is no originality nor poetic fire. The machinery is mythological,
-the imagery drawn from the same source; and it is rather the work of one
-imbued with the poetry of the ancients, and translating remembered ideas
-into his native language, than the outpourings of a mind inspired by
-passion and nature. It is strange that Foscolo should have found time to
-compose verses at a period when the town he inhabited was being
-bombarded by the English fleet, when the Austrians were making daily
-assaults, and the streets were filled by a famished and dying multitude.
-But while Foscolo shared the labours and dangers of the garrison, he did
-not partake their amusements; and while they were immersed in the
-grosser pleasures of the bottle, of cards, and smoking, he took refuge
-in his imagination, and found relief in the soothing and refined
-feelings generated by study and poetry.
-
-Meanwhile Genoa, reduced by famine, surrendered on the 4th of June,
-1800, with the condition that the garrison should be conveyed to France
-by the English fleet. Foscolo accompanied his fellow-soldiers, but he
-endured only a brief exile from his country. The battle of Marengo drove
-the Austrians from Italy; the Cisalpine republic was restored; and
-Foscolo, together with the rest of the Italian fugitives, returned to
-Milan.
-
-Already known as an author and a man of letters, he increased his fame
-at this period by the publication of the "Last Letters of Jacopo Ortis,"
-a romance which at once acquired great popularity, and, as being the
-first that had been written in the Italian language, demanded the praise
-of some sort of originality. Yet its chief fault is, that it is an
-imitation. Foscolo could not invent incidents, nor weave the artful
-texture of a well-told story. The plot of "Ortis" is similar to that of
-Goethe's more celebrated romance of "Werter." A youth of disappointed
-expectations, and devoured by a morbid melancholy, falls in love with a
-girl who is already betrothed to another. He resolves to die as soon as
-the marriage shall take place; but, meanwhile, fosters his passion by
-frequenting the society of the young lady. She had never been attached
-to her intended husband, and is the victim of obedience to her father's
-will, who, besides that his honour is engaged, would have found an
-insuperable obstacle to the pretensions of Ortis in his plebeian birth.
-His sorrowing daughter, while she obeys, returns the affection of her
-passionate, adoring lover; her destined husband become jealous, her
-father uneasy; and Ortis, called upon by duty and friendship, absents
-himself from her society: he travels to Florence, to Milan, to Genoa;
-and then, hearing of Teresa's marriage, retraces his steps to the
-Euganean hills, the abode of his mistress, and fulfils his long-nurtured
-intention of putting an end to his existence. The slight differences
-between this story and "Werter" are founded on Foscolo's own attachment,
-before alluded to.
-
-There is, indeed, this main difference between the work of Goëthe and
-that of Foscolo,--that the former is, so to speak, a dramatic, and the
-latter a didactic, author. Goëthe founded his story on the feelings of
-another. He delineated the sentiments and passions of his unfortunate
-young friend Jerusalem; and, putting himself in his place, filled out,
-from his own experience and imagination, the various portions of a
-picture, the most highly wrought, refined, and true that, perhaps,
-exists in the world of fictitious portraits. Foscolo painted a _beau
-ideal_ of himself. So full was his mind of his own idea, that he
-prefixed a portrait of Ortis, which was only a favoured likeness of
-himself. Like the author, Ortis fled from Venice when it was made over
-to the Austrians. Like the author, his heart was tortured by patriotic
-sufferings, and his soul was in arms against the oppressor. Ortis, like
-Foscolo, saw misery and evil rife around him: compassion rose with him
-into a passion; and his heart bled and burnt alternately, as he pitied
-the victim, and abhorred the tyrant. Ortis, like Foscolo, meditated
-suicide as the cure for all evils, and regarded death as a harbour
-whence to retreat from the tempests of life. Yet Foscolo did not, like
-Ortis, destroy himself; because, we are apt to say, he is in this
-greater than his prototype, since he felt powers and capacities within
-him that led him to continue to endure the evils of life, to raise for
-himself a name among his fellow-creatures, to benefit and to exhort
-them; while Ortis, like a weak plant that wants all self-erecting power,
-fell prostrate, and was trampled on by the iron heels of destiny.
-Egotists, perhaps, are, of all people, the least likely to put an end to
-themselves; yet they like to dwell on their own deaths, and, feeling
-that the drama of their lives is incomplete without a striking
-catastrophe, they ponder on it, and, if led to bring themselves forward,
-are pretty sure to adorn their lives by describing its disastrous
-conclusion.
-
-This morbid shrinking from the woes of existence, this total want of
-fortitude, added to a lively sensibility, presents a picture which, a
-few years ago, was the model by which the youth of Europe delighted to
-dress their minds. Men need a career--an hope, an aim: the French
-revolution first gave new life to these natural instincts, and then,
-aided by Napoleon's despotism, blighted and tore them up. Since then, a
-better day has dawned, and men are glad to live for the morrow, since
-each day is full of spirit-stirring expectation. The influence of a book
-like "Ortis" is null now: it was pernicious at the time when it was
-written. And yet, in representing his hero as a self-destroyer, Foscolo
-was not without moral aim. The Italians fear death to the extent of the
-most contemptible cowardice; they consider any one insane who engages in
-any actions that even remotely endanger his life; and Foscolo was
-earnest to prove that death was not the worst of evils, but that it
-might be sought voluntarily as a refuge from slavery or woe. We find,
-therefore, conjoined to intolerance of personal suffering, the most
-ardent patriotism, integrity, and independence of spirit; lively
-compassion for the physical evils of the poor, which are too often
-disregarded; and observations on life and our natural feelings, full of
-delicacy and profound truth. What more true than the remark, "that we
-are too proud to give our compassion, when we feel that we can give
-nothing else?" What can come more home to a man of sensibility than the
-exclamation of Ortis,--"I am always in perfect harmony with the unhappy,
-for indeed I always find something wicked in the prosperous?" And,
-again, when he says, "Let us gather up a treasure of dear and soothing
-feelings, which, during the course of years, destined, perhaps, to be
-sad and persecuted, may awaken the memory that we have not always been
-unhappy." Another merit which these letters have may be mentioned, which
-an Italian author has also discovered: they display a love for, and an
-observation of, nature, seldom found among their greatest writers. The
-Italians, generally speaking, are not lovers of nature: full of passion
-and talent, yet they do not ally themselves to the mighty mother, nor do
-their pulses beat responsive to her varied and living phenomena. Dante
-alone, perhaps, displays a true feeling for external objects, describing
-them as they are, and as they may be supposed to feel; while the others
-dilate rather on their beauty, as if they presented a scenic exhibition,
-than were in themselves animated beings to feel and have existence. The
-rambles of Ortis amidst the Euganean hills; the sentiments with which he
-contemplates a tempest and the succeeding calm; the glories of summer,
-or tyranny of winter; resemble those so often to be found in English
-authors, and give the work a charm peculiar to itself. The style, also,
-of these letters (and the Italians make style a chief merit) is pure,
-elegant, and forcible. It created a language hitherto unknown to his
-countrymen, uniting the familiar and colloquial with the tasteful and
-the expressive. It is too rhetorical, even thus, for our ears; but the
-Italians easily pardon inflation.
-
-The success of "Ortis" was immediate and striking. The Italians usually
-love to be amused and made laugh; but they were caught by the charm, and
-content to weep over the misfortunes of the victim of love. The author
-had artfully contrived to mingle himself inextricably with the image of
-his hero; and the ladies of Italy were interested by his appearance,
-uncouth as it was, and his manners, dissimilar to the inanity of their
-usual companions. He became what we call "a lion," and he himself fell
-in love with one of his fair admirers; but, as is too often the case
-where the author is more thought of than the man, this lady's love was
-more of the head than the heart, and Foscolo, after a short period, was
-dismissed. We are told that this lady was the daughter of the courteous
-Marchesa F., mentioned by Sterne in his "Sentimental Journey." True
-passion often enforces sympathy; otherwise, we cannot wonder that
-Foscolo did not create a sentiment in another as strong as that which he
-himself felt. In personal appearance he was not formed to excite tender
-admiration. Pecchio, who knew him at this time, describes him in vivid
-but no attractive colours. According to him, Foscolo was of middle
-stature, rather strong and muscular of frame; he had thick, reddish,
-rough hair, which added to his expression of wild vehemence, and
-rendered his fits of gloomy silence, or transports of rage, more
-horrible. His eyes were of a blueish grey, small, deep set, and
-intensely sparkling. His complexion was ruddy; his features well formed,
-except that his lips, though thin, protruded, having that animal-look
-about the jaw which is the opposite of the _beau idéal_ of the human
-countenance: he wore his chin thickly covered with hair, which gave him
-a sort of resemblance to an oran-outang. There is a story told of him
-that a Frenchman said to him one day, "Vous êtes bien laid, monsieur;"
-to which Foscolo wittily replied, "Oui, monsieur, à faire peur." On
-another occasion he was engaged in a duel with a friend, who
-impertinently compared him to the animal above mentioned. To add to the
-wildness and singularity of his appearance, he was fond, in an awkward
-sort of imitation of Alfieri, of appearing immersed in thought,
-maintaining a gloomy silence, interrupted only as he muttered, or rather
-growled forth, various quotations or verses, in a voice which made an
-Italian young lady once name him "a sentimental clap of thunder." Such
-was the outward appearance and manners of the Italian Werter; and if he
-met with success among the fair sex, it must be attributed to the ready
-sympathy they are apt to afford to sincere feeling, and to a generous,
-independent spirit.
-
-[Sidenote 1802.
-Ætat.
-24.]
-
-When Bonaparte, under the name of first consul, rose to supreme power in
-France, it became necessary to remodel the Cisalpine republic; and a
-congress of 450 deputies was held at Lyons, to decide on the new form of
-government. On this occasion Foscolo published an "Oration to
-Bonaparte." A good deal of uncertainty exists as to the exact
-circumstances under which this oration was composed. It has been
-supposed that it was delivered publicly at the congress; but there is no
-foundation for this idea, as Foscolo was not one of the deputies, and
-did not accompany them to Lyons. It is said, on one hand, that he wrote
-it at the desire of Bonaparte himself; and on the other, that the task
-was entrusted to him by the triumvirate, who, under the title of
-committee of government, were placed at the head of the Cisalpine
-republic; and it is said that the oration was delivered before the
-committee itself[56], which, considering its nature, can hardly be
-believed. It commences with a grandiloquent eulogium of Napoleon; it
-then diverges into indignant and sarcastic representations of the
-mal-conduct of the heads of the republic. "Men," he describes them, "who
-are neither statesmen nor warriors, formerly slaves, now tyrants, and
-for ever slaves of themselves, and of circumstances, which they neither
-will nor can command; conscious of their own vices, and therefore timid
-and discordant; cowardly with the bold, bold with the cowardly, they
-crush accusations by bribery, and complaints by menaces. Men who took
-the arms out of the hands of the militia soldiery, an army formed of
-citizens, to give them to bands of runaway felons and deserters." He
-then dilates on the miseries endured in Italy during the period of the
-success of the Austrians and Russians, and describes Bonaparte's return
-as the advent of a demigod; and he calls on him to complete his work by
-assuming the supreme command, instead of leaving it to the triumvirate,
-who betrayed the cause of liberty and oppressed their countrymen.
-Independent as Foscolo was, we are surprised when he goes on to say,
-that every patriotic Italian would elect Bonaparte for their legislator,
-captain, father, and perpetual prince. But this surprise diminishes when
-we read on, and find that he expects this supreme ruler to gift the
-subject country with liberty. He entreats him not to entrust the state
-to men, but to laws; not to the generosity of other nations, but to its
-own force. "Let such be your institutions," he exclaims, "such your
-example, such our strength, that no one shall dare rule us after you.
-Who, indeed, would be worthy to succeed to Bonaparte? As you cannot live
-for ever for us, let the seal of our liberty be set; you yourself
-leaving it inviolate: and, with the whole nation, I call freedom our not
-having (with the exception of Bonaparte) any magistrate who is not
-Italian, nor any general who is not our fellow-citizen. If, while you
-live, our liberty totters, what hope have we that it will endure after
-you are withdrawn from the earth? No! there is no liberty, no property,
-no life, no soul in any country, and under whatever form of government,
-when national independence is fettered!"
-
-It is impossible that Foscolo, despite his assertions, and despite,
-perhaps, his hopes, should not have been aware that the strongest chain
-that can be imposed on the freedom of a nation is its having a foreign
-prince at the head of government. Still he vindicated the cause he
-espoused, by demanding national institutions and a national army. The
-style of the oration is forcible, but too rhetorical; and, though full
-of truths that intimidated the oppressors and did honour to the free
-spirit of the writer, calmer representations and closer reasoning would
-command more of our admiration. Not that such would have availed with
-the conqueror: Italy was, to him, only one other lever added to the vast
-engine of military force which was to raise him to the throne of the
-world.
-
-Yet, though not gifted with liberty, the present epoch was a happy one
-for the north of Italy. After suffering from the persecutions of
-demagogues, and from the devastations of war, it reposed contentedly
-under the wise and liberal administration of Melzi. Foscolo continued to
-inhabit Milan: by day immersed in study, his evenings were spent in
-amusements. His sanguine disposition often led him to try the chances of
-a gambling table: when he won, he launched out into extravagant
-expenses; he bought horses and dress, and hired the most magnificent
-apartments. When Fortune turned her back, all this show of prosperity as
-suddenly disappeared; and he retired into a corner to study.[57] In one
-of these intervals of seclusion, he wrote a translation of the Hymn of
-Callimachus on the Hair of Berenice, accompanied by a whole volume of
-comments. The sort of learning which he here displayed obtained no
-applause; but we are told that the erudition thus made show of had for
-its aim, not the instructing the ignorant, but the ridicule of pedants
-and book-worms. It is difficult, however, to cull wit from the dry bones
-of verbal criticism.
-
-Under the presidency of Melzi, an Italian legion had been formed in
-which Foscolo held a commission. When Bonaparte formed the camp at
-Boulogne, for the avowed purpose of invading England, the division of
-the Italian army to which the poet belonged made part of the vast
-assemblage of troops called together. He held the rank of captain, and
-was attached to the staff of general Tulliè. The Italian troops were
-stationed at St. Omer and Calais, at which latter place Foscolo entered
-on the study of the English language. The spot which he selected for the
-purpose of study was curiously chosen: he was often seen writing with
-eagerness by the light of the lamp of the billiard-table, while his
-fellow-officers were playing, drinking, and conversing around.
-
-To exercise himself in English, he undertook the translation of Sterne's
-"Sentimental Journey;" and it is much praised for the purity of its
-style. But the most curious part of the publication is a disguised
-account of the translator. Foscolo's excessive vanity shines very
-apparent in this account of himself, in which he indulges in an
-egotistical description of his own singularities; and, according to his
-old fancy, conducts himself to the grave, and writes his own epitaph.
-The title-page of the translation declares the translator to be one
-Didimo Chierico; and on the character of this Didimo (being himself)
-Foscolo fondly dilates; mentions various works of his, the manuscripts
-of which he says that he possesses; and records his eccentricities and
-opinions in a manner which excites a smile, when we remember that he is
-his own memorialist of trifles, which it would be hardly worth
-mentioning when appertaining to the greatest men. "Didimo entertained,"
-he tells us, "strange systems, which, nevertheless, he did not defend by
-argument; and, as apology to those who brought forward irresistible
-reasons, he replied by the single word 'opinions.' He respected, also,
-the systems of others, and, from carelessness or some other motive,
-never tried to refute them; but always remained silent, without making
-sign of dissent, except that he uttered the word 'opinions' with
-religious seriousness. On these systems or notions he founded actions
-and words worthy of laughter. He called don Quixote happy, because he
-deluded himself with glory and love. He drove away cats, because they
-appeared to him the most silent of all animals; at the same time he
-praised them, because, like dogs, they took advantage of society, and
-enjoyed their liberty like owls. He did not believe that you could trust
-any one who lived next door to a butcher, or near the place destined for
-public executions. He believed in prophetic inspiration, and fancied
-that he was acquainted with its source. He accused the nightcap,
-dressing-gown, and slippers of husbands, as the cause of a wife's first
-infidelity. He gave no better specimen of his knowledge: asserting that
-the sciences were a series of propositions which had need of
-demonstrations apparently self-evident, but substantially uncertain; and
-that geometry, in spite of algebra, would remain an imperfect science,
-until the incomprehensible system of the universe was known: and he
-maintained that the arts could render truth more useful to men than the
-sciences."
-
-"When travelling, he dined at the public tables: he easily became
-familiar, though he spoke dryly to the ceremonious, proudly to the rich,
-and avoided all sects and confraternities. He frequented mostly the
-society of women; because he thought them more richly endowed by nature
-with pity and modesty, two pacific qualities which, he said, alone
-temper the combative propensities of human beings. He was listened to
-readily; though I know not where he found matter of discourse, since he
-would talk a whole evening without uttering a word concerning politics,
-religion, or scandal. He never asked questions, that he might not lead
-others to answer falsely. He was glad to receive his acquaintances at
-home; but when walking he liked to be alone, or with strangers to whom
-he took a fancy; and if any of his acquaintance approached, he took a
-book from his pocket, and, in room of salutation, recited scraps from a
-modern translation of the Greek poets; on which he was left alone."
-
-And thus he goes on, for several pages, describing eccentricities,
-partly natural, partly assumed, which he wished should attract
-attention, as is evident by his thus introducing them to the public, who
-would otherwise have been ignorant of their existence.
-
-[Sidenote: 1805.]
-
-On his return to Italy, he became intimate with general Caffarelli,
-minister of war of the kingdom of Italy. Warmed by the recent sight of
-the encampment of Boulogne, he proposed to the general to make a new
-edition of the military works of Montecucoli, with notes. The text was
-furnished him by the marchese Trivulzio, and the edition was brought out
-with great splendour; but Foscolo is accused of having used his
-imagination, rather than critical acumen, in the emendation of his
-author.
-
-The north of Italy was enjoying a great degree of prosperity at this
-time. Melzi gave encouragement to all undertakings that tended to
-elevate the Italian character; and literary men were held in that esteem
-which ensures their exerting themselves to bestow on their country the
-richest harvest of their talents. Foscolo, though he still held his
-captain's commission, was, in honour of his literary character, exempted
-from the toils of service; and, taking advantage of the liberty allowed
-him, he left Milan for a time, and took up his residence at Brescia. He
-resided in a small house, situated on an open hill, not far from the
-city. Here he was accustomed to study till sunset; and, whether alone or
-in company, he would recite the poetry of the ancients, or his own,
-which he was then occupied in composing. The Brescians are a happy, gay
-people; they live less in the town than the inhabitants of the rest of
-Italy, and take peculiar pleasure in rural amusements; they are
-hospitable and fond of festivity; not very refined, they are yet
-open-hearted and cordial, and noted for bravery when in the field.
-Foscolo's neighbours admired and visited him; persons of every sect and
-opinion, even the priests, flocked to his house; and often seated under
-a wide-spreading fig tree which was in his garden, he held forth to a
-numerous audience. The Brescians are naturally enthusiastic: he had the
-art of inflaming the souls of the young, and they crowded round him as,
-with stentorian voice, he uttered his moral apophthegms. When night
-closed in, he left his rustic drawing room, and visited the theatres;
-and was often seen paying homage to the dark eyes of some Brescian
-beauty.[58]
-
-It was here that he wrote the most perfect of his poems--his "Ode on
-Sepulchres." The elegance and pure taste of this composition have caused
-it to be compared to Gray's well-known "Elegy;" but it is more classical
-in its ideas and construction, and would rather remind the reader of
-Milton's "Lycidas." Every verse is harmonious music; and the melancholy
-that is cast over it is graceful and touching, not harrowing and sombre.
-A law had been passed at Milan instituting a public cemetery without the
-walls of the city, in which all the dead were to be promiscuously
-buried, without marks of distinction. The poet, addressing Pindemonte,
-begins by commenting upon the notion that funeral pomp and an honourable
-tomb are of no avail to the dead; and then he speaks of the sacred
-sentiment that leads us to live still with our lost friends, and makes
-the spot of their interment precious in our eyes. Alluding to the new
-law, he apostrophises the muse, asking her if she does not love to
-linger near the desecrated tomb of her Parini, whose venerated remains,
-cast among the bodies of criminals, are scarcely protected from the
-assaults of the houseless dog, while night birds hover, screaming, over
-it. He speaks of the pious sentiments with which the sad relics of
-mortality have ever been regarded since religion first instituted sacred
-and social laws; and describes, in heartfelt but poetic language, the
-various ways in which survivors love to pay homage to the beloved dead.
-From tender and pathetic pictures of domestic bereavement, he then rises
-to describe the ennobling sentiment inspired by a sight of the tombs of
-the great and good. He apostrophises Florence, and gracefully brings in
-the well-known predilection of Alfieri for the aisles of Santa Croce;
-and then, taking a still higher flight, he describes Providence and
-destiny as presiding over the graves of the worthy, and vindicating
-their unforgotten names, even from the silent turf that covers them;
-and, carried away by his love for classic lore, with no forced
-digression, he concludes by speaking of the mounds that still mark the
-spot where the warriors of Greece died on the Trojan shore, and
-describes Homer, the poet blind and old, wandering around, and bestowing
-on them the immortal fame of which they would otherwise have been
-deprived.
-
-This anatomy of a poem can convey but a slight and incomplete idea of
-its merits. The harmony of the versification--the tender and soft
-melancholy diffused throughout--the grace of the transitions--and the
-continual rising in his subject to the end, are all lost. Nor could a
-translation do justice to these, since, as evanescent as they are
-delicate, they would be lost in another language. The whole poem is
-Foscolo's masterpiece.
-
-He also published at this time his translation of the first book of the
-Iliad. Monti was bringing out his version, and there was much hardihood
-in Foscolo's rivalship. His knowledge of Greek, contrasted with the
-other's ignorance, no doubt instigated him. To remove any unpleasant
-feeling, he dedicated it to Monti; in which he speaks at once with
-modesty of his own attempt, and in high praise of Monti's genius. It is
-difficult for a stranger to judge between the merits of the translators;
-but even if Foscolo's is the best, it is a mere fragment. He never
-published more than the first and third books; while Monti went through
-the labour of the entire translation, and bestowed a complete work on
-his country.
-
-In 1808, Foscolo was installed professor of eloquence in the university
-of Pavia--a chair formerly filled by Monti and Cesarotti. The choice was
-universally popular; and his introductory oration, "On the Origin and
-Use of Letters," was listened to with enthusiasm. He had refused to
-introduce any praise of Napoleon into it, and the whole was conceived in
-the spirit of personal and political independence. This fault was
-visited with singular severity; since, after a short time, the
-professorship of eloquence at Pavia was entirely suppressed, under the
-pretence of a reform in the plan of studies, but in reality as a mark of
-disapprobation. Petty jealousy and the vain desire of ruling even the
-thoughts of the subject world, induced Napoleon on all occasions to
-punish severely any demonstration of independence. Nor was the vengeance
-confined to Foscolo and Pavia alone. The literary professorships at
-Bologna and Padua were also abolished, as well as those for the Greek
-and oriental languages; for history, and, in short, all except those
-instituted to teach law, medicine, and the sciences. Several learned and
-excellent men were thus deprived of an honourable living. The nation was
-at once robbed of all easy access to a liberal education, and to the
-inappreciable knowledge of those languages which contain the most
-glorious monuments of man's genius: and thus Napoleon gave testimony to
-the Italians of the truth of Alfieri's axiom, that absolute monarchs
-hate the historian, the poet, and the orator, and give the preference to
-the sciences.[59]
-
-Foscolo retreated from the university to the seclusion of the Lake of
-Como; giving proof of his pure and ardent love of nature, so rare among
-Italians, by his retirement from cities to the sublime and luxuriant
-scenery of this lake. He took up his residence at a villa named the
-Pliniana, built on the site of the fountains whose periodical ebb and
-flow the younger Pliny records in his letters. The lake, paled in by
-mountains, bathes the walls of the villa; and the neighbouring banks,
-clothed with myrtle and arbutus, overhang the waters, and cast their
-deep shade on the clear depths: the precipitous mountain rises behind,
-diversified by chestnut woods; and here and there are seen huge
-cypresses, whose spires seem to pierce the skies, when regarded from the
-terraced garden of the villa. The flowing fountains keep up a perpetual
-murmur; and, perhaps, in all the varied earth there is no spot which
-affords such a combination of the picturesque, the beautiful, the rich,
-the balmy, and the sublime. The house itself, without being ruinous, is
-huge and desolate; but its vast cool halls are a pleasant refuge against
-the heats of mid-day. Here Foscolo studied through the morning, varying
-his life by spending his evenings with the family of count Giovio, a man
-of education and learning, whose young and gay family served to
-dissipate the fumes of melancholy in which the poet was rather fond of
-indulging.[60]
-
-He here commenced his "Ode to the Graces:" this was a favourite
-composition, yet left unfinished. He was never weary of altering or
-improving--of softening its language, or adding new melody to the
-versification. It is purely classical in its idea, yet varied by the
-most beautiful touches of natural beauty. He occupied himself also by
-finishing his tragedy of "Ajax." The same faults are discoverable in
-this drama as in his juvenile production of "Thyestes." It is founded on
-the dispute between Ulysses and Ajax for the arms of Achilles, and the
-self-destruction of the latter. The action ends almost before it begins;
-the scenes are frigid, the interest null; still it excited a good deal
-of expectation; and reading, as he did, speeches and scenes to various
-friends, its representation on the stage was looked forward to with
-eagerness at Milan. The theatre was crowded on the first night, and the
-audience sat patiently and listened for a long time to scene following
-scene, of sonorous words, high-sounding declamations, and vehement
-apostrophes, all leading to nothing, ending in nothing--exciting no
-sympathy, but wearying the ear. At length they grew tired; and though
-they listened to the conclusion, it was evident that they were delighted
-to be dismissed.
-
-It was a strange accident, that a drama which thus failed of eliciting
-any interest in the audience, and the great fault of which was dulness,
-should have excited a persecution against its author. His enemies spread
-the report that the tragedy had a political aim; that Napoleon was
-symbolised in Agamemnon, the king of kings; and that general Moreau was
-pictured in Ajax, who deserved, but did not obtain, the arms of
-Achilles. There seems to have been no real foundation for this
-supposition, but Foscolo did not deny it: he preserved a mysterious
-silence; whether from disdain, or from a covert pleasure in the
-annoyance of government, is uncertain. The ministers of Napoleon were
-inquisitorial and revengeful; not to praise their emperor was sin
-sufficient to render any author obnoxious, and any expressions that
-could be distorted into blame were criminal. The cities of Italy, whose
-inhabitants are forbidden all political discussions, and who are shut
-out from the pursuits that naturally excite ambition, are singularly apt
-to diversify the monotony of their lives by gossiping. Such a
-supposition as the one above mentioned spread rapidly through Milan: men
-met together to wonder and dispute; they worked themselves up into an
-idea that something had been done, and that something would ensue; while
-the spies of the police excited and reported each unguarded expression.
-The city became disturbed by the notion of Foscolo's attempt to bring
-Napoleon on the stage as an object of censure, and in expectation of the
-punishment with which his boldness would be visited; while he, silent
-and mysterious, refused to offer any explanation. It was intimated
-accordingly to him, that he would do well to change the air; and,
-submitting to an exile from Milan, he again visited Tuscany.
-
-He took the house at Camaldoli, near Florence, which had, in ages gone
-by, been inhabited by Galileo. He alludes to this in his "Ode to the
-Graces," in some verses which describe the nocturnal murmur of the
-distant Arno, which flowed clear yet hid beneath its willows, and
-visited the ear of the astronomer as he watched the star of eve. It was
-here, he records, that dawn, and the moon, and the sun displayed to him,
-with various tints, the serene clouds that hung below the Alps, or
-illumined the plain which stretches to the Tyrrhene sea; a wide-spread
-scene of cities and woods, diversified by the labours of the happy
-husbandman, by temples; or the hundred hills with which, adorned by
-caverns, and olive groves, and marble palaces, the Apennines encircle
-the lovely city, where Flora and the Graces have garlands.[61] In one
-point, the poetry of Foscolo may be compared to the more didactic parts
-of Milton. He never omits a romantic or classical allusion; and,
-bringing forward all that ennobles and animates his subject, adorns it
-with human interest. Whoever reads in the original the verses I have so
-lamely translated into prose, cannot help remembering various passages
-inspired by the memory of Tuscany, which show like pictures of Claude in
-the pages of the most graceful as well as the most sublime of our poets.
-
-We cannot refrain from observing, in this place, that we possess a
-proof, in the bent of Foscolo's genius, of how little the intellect is
-often in accord with the heart. Wild, vehement, gloomy almost to
-savageness, independent even to an incapacity of yielding to the common
-rules of society, he could not depict the wild furies of Ajax, nor,
-indeed, the more burning throes that often tore his own heart. His best
-compositions, on the contrary, seem to emanate from an impassioned but
-brooding spirit, nursed in soft melancholy and elegant and fanciful
-reverie. As we have before mentioned, he was purely a didactic writer;
-but perhaps no modern poet ever displayed so much harmony, grace, and
-truth of description. We have not the fantastic imagery nor the fire of
-Monti; neither the storms of the deep, nor the thunders of the sky; but
-an inland landscape, where the balmy air broods over waving forest and
-murmuring stream, and the heart of man reposing seems to take refuge
-
-
-"In that sweet mood where pleasant thoughts
-Bring sad thoughts to the mind."
-
-
-[Sidenote:1813.
-Ætat.
-35.]
-
-When the result of his Russian invasion shook Napoleon's throne, Foscolo
-returned to Milan. Public events were undergoing a vast change.
-Napoleon, defeated by his own ambition, retired to what seemed to him
-the narrow circle of France, and appeared for a while to stand at bay,
-while a universal attack was made on him. His authority, every where
-shaken, tottered in Italy. The English, who had assisted so gloriously
-in the emancipation of Spain, sent emissaries to Italy, to invite the
-people to throw off the French yoke. It would have been of no avail to
-have invited them to exchange servitude under France for that under
-Austria, and the words liberty and national independence were pronounced
-as a spell to rouse them. Lord William Bentinck published a manifesto
-calling on them to assert their freedom; he conjured the soldiers to
-vindicate their country's rights, and to acquire for it that liberty
-which Spain, Portugal, and Holland reaped from the fall of Napoleon. His
-voice found an echo in every heart. "We are told that the name of
-independence was on the lips of all; nor at any crisis of any nation in
-the world were so much ardour and unanimity shown, as by the Italians at
-this moment."[62] While thus the allies tried to win the Italians to
-their side, the treaty of Fontainebleau and the abdication of the French
-emperor placed the peninsula at their feet. The viceroy of Italy, prince
-Eugêne, crossed the Alps; the south of Italy fell into the hands of its
-old rulers; while Milan, left to itself, assembled a senate to discuss a
-new form of government. The point disputed was, whether prince Eugêne
-or a prince of the house of Austria should preside over them; but they
-fancied that their independence was secure under the one or the other.
-The latter proposition carried the day; for when the senate, recording
-the virtues of the viceroy, was about to solicit the allies to set him
-over them, a vast multitude surrounded their house, composed of every
-class--nobles, commonalty, artificers, rich and poor--even women of
-rank joined in the tumult--crying out for the independence of their
-country, and "No viceroy! No France!" A placard went about, saying,
-"Spain and Germany have cast away the yoke of France from their
-necks--Italy must imitate them;" while magistrates and people called
-aloud, "We will have electoral colleges, and no Eugêne." The senate
-fled--the people, roused to violence, rushed to destroy the partisans of
-the French, and the unfortunate Prini was torn to pieces. Liberty (alas!
-blood-stained) seemed to win the day; but it was a mock victory. The
-electoral colleges were convened, and they created a regency; it was
-decreed that the allies should be solicited to grant the independence of
-the kingdom, and a free constitution with an Austrian but independent
-prince at its head. Legates were sent to the emperor Francis, at Paris,
-with these demands. He replied, that he also was Italian--that his
-soldiers had conquered Lombardy, and that the answer would be given at
-Milan. The Austrians entered Milan on the 28th of April. Bellegarde took
-possession of it in the name of Austria on the 23d of May. The kingdom
-of Italy was at an end; its independence was crushed and exchanged for
-an ignominious and cruel servitude.[63]
-
-At the commencement of these changes Foscolo remained unmoved. He
-pursued his studies in silence and seclusion, and seemed to forget the
-political crisis among his literary occupations. But when Napoleon fell,
-he sided with the independents against the French party; though at the
-same time he gave proof of his courage and humanity by exerting himself
-vigorously, though vainly, to save the unfortunate Prini. At the same
-time he resumed his military duties; and when the regency was
-established, he was promoted to the rank of _capo squadrone_, or
-colonel. To the last he took an active part in asserting the liberty of
-his country. When the Austrian soldiers entered Milan, the city
-submitted peacefully, but not silently. Six thousand soldiers of the
-civic guard assembled, and, in presence of the occupying army, placed in
-the hands of the English general, Macfarlane, an address which they
-begged might be laid before the allies, claiming national independence
-and a constitution. Foscolo drew up this address. We are told that it
-was brief, energetic, and dignified[64]; a precious monument of the
-author's patriotism.
-
-But Foscolo was not allowed to reap any good from his firm adherence to
-the cause of liberty. The Austrians looked on him with suspicious eyes,
-and he was not popular among his countrymen. He had quarrelled with
-Monti, and had many enemies. He saw no mode of maintaining himself: he
-foresaw that he should be persecuted, and perhaps entered into plots for
-the subversion of government. At this moment, some member of the
-Austrian government, knowing the benefit that would accrue to their
-cause if they could win Foscolo as a writer, asked him to furnish a plan
-for a public journal. He consented, refusing at the same time to write
-in it; but this slender act of civility was tortured into one of
-apostacy by his enemies, and too late he found that he had given room to
-calumny. Pecchio relates a conversation which he had with him, which, if
-he did not suspect Foscolo of treason to his country, was unkindly
-carried on by him. They met without the eastern gate of the city, and
-Foscolo walked on for some time without speaking. At length he suddenly
-addressed his companion, saying, "You, who are accustomed to speak the
-truth both to friends and enemies, tell me what is said of me in
-public." Pecchio replied, "If you continue your intercourse with
-Austrians, your enemies will assert that you are their spy." This answer
-was as a thunderbolt to Foscolo--his countenance darkened--he quickened
-his steps, and said no more. The next day, without taking leave of any
-one, without passport, and without money, he set out in disguise for
-Switzerland. Whether his proud heart rebelled against continuing any
-longer among his suspicious countrymen, or whether, as some said, he was
-implicated in a plot among the soldiers, which was just then discovered,
-or whether, hopeless and sick at heart, he yearned for new scenes and a
-new life; whatever his motive was, he became henceforth a voluntary
-exile, and, leaving friends and country, began an untried career; adding
-one more to the number of unfortunate wanderers whom political changes
-had driven from their homes abroad on the earth.
-
-At first Foscolo took refuge in Switzerland, and remained for two years
-in the city of Zurigo. He did little during that interval, except
-publish a sort of unintelligible Latin satire, called "Dydymi Clerici
-Prophetæ Minimi Hypercalypseos, Liber singularis;" which is written in
-imitation of the prophecies of the Bible, and satirises Paradisi and
-others who enjoyed offices in the fallen kingdom of Italy. Without a key
-it is impossible to understand it--alluding, as it does, to people
-little known, and to facts still more obscure; and when understood is
-not praised, even by his countrymen, who might be supposed to take some
-interest in a personal satire on men with whom they were acquainted.
-
-Foscolo found tranquillity at Zurigo; and his disposition, not being
-inclined to intrigue, would have permitted him to remain there in peace;
-but he was poor, and obliged to seek a country where he could turn his
-talents to some account. England, the refuge of exiles, was the place to
-which he repaired. There were liberal men there, who, ashamed of the
-part which the country had permitted lord Castlereagh to play, in
-sacrificing to despotism the very men whose desire of freedom he had
-sought to excite, readily and generously welcomed the victims of our
-foreign secretary's cruel policy. Foscolo, on his arrival, was visited
-by the most distinguished men of the country; the Whig party received
-him with open arms, and he made one of the circle assembled at Holland
-House. He was treated with all the cordiality considered due to a man of
-integrity and a patriot, banished by a foreign despot, and refusing to
-become the pensioner of the oppressors of his country; while, at the
-same time, he met with the mingled respect and curiosity which an author
-of acknowledged talents excites: and even lord Sidmouth, armed with the
-terrors of the alien act, assured him that he should remain unmolested
-during his sojourn.
-
-A little time somewhat destroyed the illusion which first adorned his
-name. The English are very ready to receive any one as a lion, but not
-fond of fostering intimacies with any whose habits and manners do not
-perfectly assimilate with their own. The vehement gestures, wild looks,
-and loud voice of the Italian, were all in contradiction to the
-etiquette of English society; and no foreigner is capable of perceiving
-any thing but dulness and ice in the mild, high-bred, and unpretending
-manners of the aristocracy of this country. The English enjoy society in
-their own way; and there is a charm to us in the perfect liberty each
-one enjoys--no one encroaching, or being encroached upon. But the
-sensitiveness which leads us to give freedom to others, renders us
-jealous of any assumption of it on their part. Foscolo had no real hold
-on the society of which he made a part, except through his talents, and
-the respect his independence and integrity commanded: but respect is a
-cold feeling, and can be indulged while we keep the object of it at a
-distance. His talents ceased to amuse, joined as they were to pride, to
-vehemence, and to habits which would not alter, but could not please.
-
-Foscolo ceased to be a lion; and he retired to the neighbourhood of St.
-John's Wood, near the Regent's Park; and, surrounding himself by his
-books, and visited by a few friends, he led a life at once retired and
-eccentric. When Pecchio visited his friend in this retreat, in 1822, he
-was struck by the apparent desolation of the spot (South Bank) in which
-his house was situated; and at the same time by the appearance of three
-lovely sisters, who were the household servants of the poet,--named by
-his visiters the three Graces; in allusion at once to their beauty and
-Foscolo's poem.[65] He supported himself chiefly by writing in the
-Quarterly Review; and we owe to this mode of exercising his pen one of
-the most delightful of his productions, the "Essays on Petrarch." These
-are four in number: on the Love of Petrarch,--on his Poetry,--on his
-Character,--and a Parallel between him and Dante. On the whole, we are
-almost inclined to say that Foscolo scarcely does justice to the
-generous, amiable, and faithful lover of Laura. The pride and unbending
-disposition of Dante were more in accordance with his own character. But
-the discrimination, the taste, and enthusiasm of these Essays render
-them one of the most delightful books in the world. The volume in which
-they are collected is enriched, also, by several of lady Dacre's
-translations from Petrarch, which are unequalled for fidelity and grace;
-preserving the spirit and feeling of the original, and yet arraying them
-in flowing and melodious English verse.
-
-Foscolo published also a translation of the third book of the Iliad; and
-his tragedy of "Ricciarda." Though founded on a story of the middle
-ages, there is no more interest in this last drama than his preceding
-ones: the feelings and situations are forced and unnatural. Fraternal
-hatred is the mainspring of the plot: Guelfo detests his half-brother,
-Averardo; and, on the death of their father Tancred, goes to war with
-him, to deprive him of his portion of their common heritage. As a
-further mark of hate, he betroths his daughter Ricciarda to Guido, the
-son of Averardo, merely to discover whether she loves her cousin or not;
-and, finding that she does, separates them with violent denunciations,
-and resolves to marry her to another. The drama opens while the brothers
-are at war. On account of the unfortunate unities--which force the
-author to bring all the persons together in one place, however
-improbable it may be that they should there meet--the poet causes Guido
-to leave his father's camp, and to secrete himself in Guelfo's palace,
-for the sake of watching over Ricciarda's safety, whose life he imagines
-to be menaced by her father. The action chiefly turns on Averardo first
-sending a friend, and then coming himself in disguise, to induce Guido
-to return to him; in Guelfo's denunciations against his daughter; and in
-scenes between the lovers. At length Averardo assaults and enters his
-brother's palace; and Guelfo, finding himself defeated, first kills
-Ricciarda, to prevent her marrying Guido, and then stabs himself; while
-Guido swears that he will soon follow his mistress to the tomb. The only
-beauty of the tragedy consists in the character of Ricciarda, her
-struggles between filial piety and love, her obedience to her father,
-and her devotion to her lover. But the whole is conceived in one
-unvaried tone of hate and unhappy love--of meditated murder and suicide.
-You neither perceive the end that the author has in view, nor that there
-can be any end except by their all dying. Foscolo dedicated this tragedy
-to lord William Russell. His politics naturally brought him into contact
-with what was then the opposition party; and this alliance was drawn
-closer when the exiles of Parga applied to him to draw up the petition
-to be presented to parliament. He assented gladly, and wrote four
-hundred pages without avail; former treaties preventing the English from
-interference in behalf of the Pargiotes.
-
-Foscolo found difficulty in obtaining the means of life, and lady Dacre
-in particular interested herself in pointing out some method by which he
-might turn his talents to account. She proposed, and zealously promoted,
-the course of lectures on Italian literature which Foscolo delivered in
-1823. Mr. Stewart Rose was another of his real and anxious friends; and
-Foscolo's acknowledged talents, and the interest excited by his exile,
-facilitated their endeavours. His lectures were numerously attended, and
-brought him a thousand pounds;--a small sum, if on it he was to found a
-sufficient income to maintain him for the rest of his life; a large one
-to an Italian, accustomed to look on a few hundred crowns as riches. And
-thus it was that the success that attended his undertaking was, in the
-end, fruitful of annoyance and disaster. The poet's head was turned--he
-fancied his treasure inexhaustible, and he set about spending it with as
-much knowledge as a child would have had of its real quantity and value.
-He built a house, furnished it expensively, and adorned it with all
-those luxuries that cost largely and are of least intrinsic value. His
-entrance hall was adorned by statues, and he had a conservatory filled
-with the rarest flowers; while the three Graces still waited on him, and
-did not contribute to the economy of his household. As all the houses in
-the suburb of St. John's Wood, which he continued to inhabit, are
-distinguished by a name, he, to the no small puzzle of the common
-people, christened his Digamma Cottage; in commemoration of a literary
-victory which he believed achieved by his "Essay on the Digamma." "I
-went to see him," Pecchio writes, "on my return from Spain, in August,
-1823. I found him inhabiting a new house, surrounded by all the luxury
-of a financier suddenly become rich. I was astonished, and could not
-account for this sort of theatrical change; it appeared to me a dream.
-I thought to myself, Ugo Foscolo has followed in the steps of doctor
-Faustus, and has entered into some compact with the fiend
-Mephistopheles. He certainly displays good taste; and if he be not rich,
-he deserves to be so; and if all I see is not a vision, he deserves that
-it should be real. But too truly it was a vision: little or nothing of
-what I saw was paid for; it was the palace of king Theodore, tapestried
-with promises to pay. His destiny was similar to that of him of whom
-Young says--"
-
-
-"A man who builds, and wants wherewith to pay,
-Provides a home from which to run away."[66]
-
-
-Poor Foscolo too soon paid the penalty of his inexplicable want of
-common sense; he became pressed by his creditors, his goods were seized,
-and he, threatened by arrests, was obliged to leave his villa, which so
-resembled a castle in the air, and to hide in a lodging in an obscure
-corner of London. He was now obliged to provide for his daily
-necessities by writing articles for various reviews and magazines. The
-merit and success of his "Essays on Petrarch" suggested to Mr.
-Pickering, a London bookseller, the idea of an edition of Dante,
-Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Tasso, with preliminary notices and critical
-notes by Foscolo. The offer was tolerably liberal, being 600_l_. for the
-whole work, if completed in two years. But even now Foscolo was ruined
-by another mistake. Had he provided Essays similar to the admired ones
-already written, adding a few critical and historical observations, it
-had been well; he would have produced, at no great cost to himself, a
-popular work that had repaid the bookseller for his speculation. But
-Foscolo had already given token of a predilection for verbal and minute
-criticism. His prefatory notice to Boccaccio consisted of a critical
-history of editions, totally uninteresting to the general reader, and of
-no value except to book collectors. The commentary on Dante is somewhat
-less confined in its topics; and, with great subtlety and talent, he
-compares various readings, and gives reasons for his own selection. But
-even in this his observations are almost entirely grammatical and
-verbal, though interspersed by others of great acuteness on the meaning
-and intentions of Dante. Still his work, altogether, bore no similarity
-to his delightful Essays, which portray the character, spirit, and
-history of Petrarch and Dante in so new and attractive a manner.
-
-Unfortunately, intense labour was required for a work so little alluring
-or profitable; and Foscolo spent months collating, consulting, and
-emending: producing, in the end, a work to be read with tedium and
-fatigue. While thus diligently occupied, and at the same time harassed
-by many cares, ill lodged, and full of chagrin and mortification, he
-fell ill. He grew thin, and a tendency to dropsy manifested itself; the
-consequence of an affection of the liver, from which he had long
-suffered. A few friends visited him; and, dividing his time between them
-and his literary labours, he never left the house. Yet his work did not
-advance. He and his bookseller were at cross purposes. Mr. Pickering
-desired a popular and saleable publication, which he supposed would cost
-not much more time than the author's celebrated articles in the reviews.
-Foscolo wished to immortalise himself by a work of labour and erudition,
-which should become a text book and authority to all who hereafter read
-or wrote upon the poets in question.
-
-Anxieties thus grew upon him. Economy, and a desire for tranquillity and
-better air, induced him to leave London; and he hired a small house at
-Turnham Green. Here the last months of his life were spent A few friends
-visited him: some of these were English; but they consisted mostly of
-the exiles driven from the south of Europe by the ill success of the
-attempted revolutions of 1820-21. The canon Riego was one among them,
-who attached himself warmly to Foscolo, admiring his independence and
-consistency. Meanwhile his disease gained ground, and it became publicly
-known that small hopes were entertained for his recovery. This
-announcement excited universal sympathy; and his rich or noble English
-friends, who, from incompatibility of manners and character, had fallen
-from him, came forward to offer assistance. The friends around him
-declined receiving more than fifty pounds to meet the exigencies of the
-moment; and even this supply was concealed from Foscolo, whose pride
-would have been deeply and uselessly mortified by the sense of pecuniary
-obligation. Money, indeed, was not the only kindness proffered: lord
-Holland sent wine, the duke of Devonshire, game; but the kindness and
-services most deeply felt, were those of the canon Riego, who spared no
-trouble to assist and comfort his dying friend. Foscolo was sensible of
-his friendship, but feared that it might become officious; and he wrote
-to him, thanking him warmly, but entreating him to do no more. "I beg of
-you," he writes, "and it is my most earnest prayer, that you do not
-inform any one, man or woman, of my situation, for the purpose of
-obtaining assistance. I make this fervent request, because I heard of
-something of the kind from miss Florida. But your kindness on this point
-would only cruelly torture my heart, increase the sufferings of my mind,
-and the sickness of my body."
-
-He lingered two months after this letter. On the day of his death he was
-visited by his noble countryman, count Capo d'Istria, who, passing
-through London to assume the presidentship of Greece, paid the homage of
-a visit to the most renowned author of modern Greece. Foscolo was now in
-a state of torpor, and unconscious of the honour done him.
-
-To the last he was patient, submissive to his medical attendants, and
-courageous; commenting on the inevitable advances of death with
-fortitude and calmness. He died on the 10th of October, 1827. His
-funeral was private and modest; his remains were followed to the grave
-by five friends, and they were buried in the neighbouring churchyard of
-Chiswick, where, a little to the left of the church, amidst a crowd of
-tombstones, is to be found one, inscribed simply:
-
-
-Ugo Foscolo,
-Obiit XIV. Die Septembris,
-A. D. 1827.
-Ætatis 52.[67]
-
-
-The character of Foscolo, and his literary merits, may be gathered from
-the foregoing biography. Consistency was among his most prominent
-virtues, for his writings and actions were in strict accordance one with
-the other. He always rose superior to the blows of fortune, and
-preserved his independence in the midst of the disasters brought on him,
-either by the misfortunes of his country or his own imprudences. Vanity,
-that assumed the appearance of disdain, rendered him difficult of
-access, but compassion and warmth of heart were hidden by this outside.
-Fearful of being thought servile, he ran into the opposite extreme, and
-was little apt to praise even those to whom praise was due. Vehement in
-his opinions, yet he disliked dispute; and if ever led into it, in a few
-minutes sheltered himself again in silence. His heart was a stranger to
-the feeling of hatred, but neither was he very open to friendship; he
-was intimate but with few, and even with these he was reserved. He
-preferred the society of women, and in early life loved with sincerity
-and passion; and there was delicacy and refinement in all his feelings
-with regard to the fair sex. As he expresses himself, in Ortis, "I have
-been taught by some how to seduce and betray, and I might perhaps have
-seduced and betrayed, but the pleasure I anticipated fell coldly and
-bitterly on my heart, which has never been tamed either by time or
-reason; and thus you have often heard me exclaim, that all depends on
-the heart, which neither heaven, men, nor we ourselves can ever change."
-The sincerity of his feelings had their reward--since his affections had
-on some occasions met a return, which his uncouth appearance and strange
-manners would never have commanded, and which was due only to his truth.
-He loved solitude and study, was abstemious in his habits, but not of
-strong health, and was often devoured by the deepest gloom. He spoke
-well, and detested all artifice and deceit. To these virtues we may add
-his constant attention to and affection for his mother. Strange, wild,
-and imprudent, his faults chiefly hurt himself; and even the impetuosity
-of his character seldom led him into any acts that injured or annoyed
-others.
-
-As an author, he may be said to be a bad tragedian, and not a good
-novelist; but he was an elegant writer, conversant with the depths and
-the refinements of the human heart. His subtle turn of mind led him too
-much to verbal and minute criticism--his love of the ancients sometimes
-injured the warmth and originality of his productions; but we may name
-two among them as nearly perfect in their several species;--the "Essays
-on Petrarch," in prose; and, in verse, his "Ode on Sepulchres," which,
-for harmony, grace, sweetness, and pure taste, is perhaps unequalled by
-any other poem in the world.
-
-
-[Footnote 54: Dei Sepolcri di Ugo Foscolo.]
-
-[Footnote 55: See the biographical notice of Foscolo, prefixed to the
-"Ultime Lettere di Jacopo Ortis. Londra, 1829."]
-
-[Footnote 56: Pecchio, "Vita di Ugo Foscolo."]
-
-[Footnote 57: Pecchio.]
-
-[Footnote 58: Pecchio.]
-
-[Footnote 59: Hobhouse's Illustrations of the Fourth Canto of
-Childe Harold.]
-
-[Footnote 60: Pecchio.]
-
-[Footnote 61: "Con elle (le Grazie)
-Qui dov' io canto Galileo sedea
-----a spiar l' astro
-Della loro regina, e il desviava
-Col notturno rumor l' acqua remota
-Che sotto ai pioppi della riva d' Arno
-Furtiva e argentea gli volava al guardo,
-Qui a lui l' Alba, la Luna e il Sol mostrava
-Gareggianti di tinte, or le serene
-Nubi sulle cerulee Alpe sedente
-Ora il piano che----alle tirrene
-Nereidi, immensa di città e di selve
-Scena--e di templi e d' arator beati,
-Or cento colli, onde Appenin corona
-D' ulivi e d'antri, e di marmoree ville
-L' elegante città, dove con Flora
-Le Grazie han serti, e amabile idioma."]
-
-[Footnote 62: Storia d' Italia, scritta da Carlo Botta.]
-
-[Footnote 63: Carlo Botta.]
-
-[Footnote 64: Pecchio.]
-
-[Footnote 65: It was on account of one of these Graces that Foscolo
-believed himself obliged to challenge one Graham, an American. When they
-met in the field, the poet received, but did not return, his adversary's
-fire, and the affair terminated without a reconciliation.. Graham was at
-that time a reporter to a newspaper, and had served Foscolo as
-translator of his works. He afterwards got into difficulties, committed
-a forgery, and was obliged to leave this country. Soon after, he fell in
-a duel in America.]
-
-[Footnote 66: Pecchio, Vita di Ugo Foscolo.]
-
-[Footnote 67: There is an error in this inscription with regard to the
-day of Foscolo's death, and also probably of his age, since it is
-supposed that he was not more than forty-nine when he died. His
-countrymen also regret that instead of the above inscription, that was
-not adopted which he wrote for himself, under the feigned name of Didimo
-Chierico, which runs thus:--
-
-Didymi Clerici
-Vitia: virtus: ossa
-Hic: post: annos . . .
-Conquiescere cœpere.]
-
-
-
-
-END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
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-
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-
-<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Eminent literary and scientific men of Italy, Spain, and Portugal Vol. 2 (of 3), by James Montgomery</div>
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-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
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-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Eminent literary and scientific men of Italy, Spain, and Portugal Vol. 2 (of 3)</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: James Montgomery and Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Editor: Dionysius Lardner</div>
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-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: April 19, 2021 [eBook #65110]</div>
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-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div>
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-<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Laura Natal Rodrigues at Free Literature (Images generously made available by The Internet Archive.)</div>
-
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EMINENT LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN OF ITALY, SPAIN, AND PORTUGAL VOL. 2 (OF 3) ***</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/eminent02_italy_cover.jpg" width="500" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<h4>THE</h4>
-
-<h2>CABINET CYCLOPÆDIA.</h2>
-
-
-
-<h5>CONDUCTED BY THE</h5>
-
-<h4>REV. DIONYSIUS LARDNER, LL.D. F.R.S. L. &amp; E.</h4>
-
-<h5>M.R.I.A. F.R.A.S. F.L.S. F.Z.S. Hon. F.C.P.S. &amp;c. &amp;c.</h5>
-
-
-
-<h5>ASSISTED BY</h5>
-
-<h3>EMINENT LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN.</h3>
-
-
-
-
-
-<h3>EMINENT<br />
-LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN<br />
-OF ITALY, SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.</h3>
-
-
-
-<h4>VOL. II.</h4>
-
-
-
-<h5>LONDON:<br />
-
-PRINTED FOR<br />
-
-LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, &amp; LONGMAN,<br />
-
-PATERNOSTER-ROW;<br />
-
-AND JOHN TAYLOR,<br />
-
-UPPER GOWER STREET.</h5>
-
-<h5>1835.</h5>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/figure01.jpg" width="500" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-
-<h4>CONTENTS</h4>
-<p><a href="#GALILEO">GALILEO</a><br />
-<a href="#GUICCIARDINI">GUICCIARDINI</a><br />
-<a href="#VITTORIA_COLONNA">VITTORIA COLONNA</a><br />
-<a href="#GUARINI">GUARINI</a><br />
-<a href="#TASSO">TASSO</a><br />
-<a href="#CHIABRERA">CHIABRERA</a><br />
-<a href="#TASSONI">TASSONI</a><br />
-<a href="#MARINI">MARINI</a><br />
-<a href="#FILICAJA">FILICAJA</a><br />
-<a href="#METASTASIO">METASTASIO</a><br />
-<a href="#GOLDONI">GOLDONI</a><br />
-<a href="#ALFIERI">ALFIERI</a><br />
-<a href="#MONTI">MONTI</a><br />
-<a href="#UGO_FOSCOLO">UGO FOSCOLO</a></p>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<h4>LIVES<br />
-<br />
-OF<br />
-<br />
-EMINENT<br />
-<br />
-LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN.</h4>
-
-<hr class="r5" />
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-
-<h4><a id="GALILEO">GALILEO</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1564-1642.</h4>
-
-<p>
-The history of the life and labours of Galileo is pregnant with a
-peculiar interest to the general reader, as well as to the philosopher.
-His brilliant discoveries, the man of science regards as his peculiar
-property; the means by which they were made, and the developement of his
-intellectual character, belong to the logician and to the philosopher;
-but the triumphs and the reverses of his eventful life must be claimed
-for our common nature, as a source of more than ordinary instruction.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The lengthened career which Providence assigned to Galileo was filled up
-throughout its rugged outline with events even of dramatic interest. But
-though it was emblazoned with achievements of transcendent magnitude,
-yet his finest discoveries were the derision of his contemporaries, and
-were even denounced as crimes which merited the vengeance of Heaven.
-Though he was the idol of his friends, and the favoured companion of
-princes, yet he afterwards became the victim of persecution, and spent
-some of his last hours within the walls of a prison; and though the
-Almighty granted him, as it were, a new sight to descry unknown worlds
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">{Pg 1}</a></span>
-in the obscurity of space, yet the eyes which were allowed to witness
-such wonders, were themselves doomed to be closed in darkness.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Such were the lights and shadows in which history delineates
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"The starry Galileo with his woes."<a name="NoteRef_1_1" id="NoteRef_1_1"></a><a href="#Note_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-But, however powerful be their contrasts, they are not unusual in their
-proportions. The balance which has been struck between his days of good
-and evil, is that which regulates the lot of man, whether we study it in
-the despotic sway of the autocrat, in the peaceful enquiries of the
-philosopher, or in the humbler toils of ordinary life.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo Galilei was born at Pisa, on the 15th of February, 1564, and was
-the eldest of a family of three sons and three daughters. Under the name
-of Bonajuti, his noble ancestors had filled high offices at Florence;
-but about the middle of the 14th century they seem to have abandoned
-this surname for that of Galileo. Vincenzo Galilei, our author's father,
-was himself a philosopher of no mean powers; and though his talents seem
-to have been applied only in the composition of treatises on the theory
-and practice of music, yet he appears to have anticipated even his son
-in a just estimate of the philosophy of the age, and in a distinct
-perception of the true method of investigating truth.<a name="NoteRef_2_2" id="NoteRef_2_2"></a><a href="#Note_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The early years of Galileo were, like those of almost all great
-experimental philosophers, spent in the construction of instruments and
-pieces of machinery, which were calculated chiefly to amuse himself and
-his school-fellows. This occupation of his hands, however, did not
-interfere with his regular studies; and though, from the straitened
-circumstances of his father, he was educated under considerable
-disadvantages, yet he acquired the elements of classical literature, and
-was initiated into all the learning of the times. Music, drawing, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">{Pg 2}</a></span>
-painting were the occupations of his leisure hours; and such was his
-proficiency in these arts, that he was reckoned a skilful performer on
-several musical instruments, especially the lute; and his knowledge of
-pictures was held in great esteem by some of the best artists of his
-day.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo seems to have been desirous, of following the profession of a
-painter: but his father had observed decided indications of early
-genius; and, though by no means able to afford it, he resolved to send
-him to the university to pursue the study of medicine. He accordingly
-enrolled himself as a scholar in arts at the university of Pisa, on the
-5th of November, 1581, and pursued his medical studies under the
-celebrated botanist Andrew Cæsalpinus, who filled the chair of medicine
-from 1567 to 1592.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In order to study the principles of music and drawing, Galileo found it
-necessary to acquire some knowledge of geometry. His father seems to
-have foreseen the consequences of following this new pursuit, and though
-he did not prohibit him from reading Euclid under Ostilio Ricci, one of
-the professors at Pisa, yet he watched his progress with the utmost
-jealousy, and had resolved that it should not interfere with his medical
-studies. The demonstrations, however, of the Greek mathematician had too
-many charms for the ardent mind of Galileo. His whole attention was
-engrossed with the new truths which burst upon his understanding; and
-after many fruitless attempts to check his ardour and direct his
-thoughts to professional objects, his father was obliged to surrender
-his parental control, and allow the fullest scope to the genius of his
-son.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From the elementary works of geometry, Galileo passed to the writings of
-Archimedes; and while he was studying the hydrostatical treatise<a name="NoteRef_3_3" id="NoteRef_3_3"></a><a href="#Note_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> of
-the Syracusan philosopher, he wrote his essay on the hydrostatical
-balance<a name="NoteRef_4_4" id="NoteRef_4_4"></a><a href="#Note_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>, in which he describes the construction of the instrument,
-and the method by which Archimedes detected the fraud committed by the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">{Pg 3}</a></span>
-jeweller in the composition of Hiero's crown. This work gained for its
-author the esteem of Guido Ubaldi, who had distinguished himself by his
-mechanical and mathematical acquirements, and who engaged his young
-friend to investigate the subject of the centre of gravity in solid
-bodies. The treatise on this subject, which Galileo presented to his
-patron, was the source of his future success.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Through the cardinal del Monte, the brother-in-law of Ubaldi, the
-reigning duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand de' Medici, was made acquainted with
-the merits of our young philosopher; and, in 1589, he was appointed
-lecturer on mathematics at Pisa. By the drudgery of private teaching he
-was obliged to add to the small salary of sixty crowns which was
-attached to the office.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-With this moderate Competency, Galileo commenced his philosophical
-career. At the early age of eighteen, when he had entered the
-university, he displayed his innate antipathy to the Aristotelian
-philosophy. This feeling was strengthened by his earliest inquiries; and
-upon his establishment at Pisa, he seems to have regarded the doctrines
-of Aristotle as the intellectual prey which, in his chace of glory, he
-was destined to pursue. Nizzoli, who flourished near the beginning of
-the sixteenth century, and Giordano Bruno, who was burned at Rome in
-1600, led the way in this daring pursuit; but it was reserved for
-Galileo to track the Thracian boar through its native thickets, and, at
-the risk of his own life, to strangle it in its den.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-With the resolution of submitting every opinion to the test of
-experiment, Galileo's first inquiries at Pisa were directed to the
-mechanical doctrines of Aristotle. Their incorrectness and absurdity
-soon became apparent; and with a zeal, perhaps, bordering on
-indiscretion, he denounced them to his pupils with an ardour of manner
-and of expression proportioned to his own conviction of the truth. The
-detection of long-established errors is apt to inspire the young
-philosopher with an exultation which reason condemns. The feeling of
-triumph is apt to clothe itself in the language of asperity; and the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">{Pg 4}</a></span>
-abettor, of erroneous opinions is treated as a species of enemy to
-science. Like the soldier who fleshes his first spear in battle, the
-philosopher is apt to leave the stain of cruelty upon his early
-achievements. It is only from age and experience, indeed, that we can
-expect the discretion of valour, whether it is called forth in
-controversy or in battle. Galileo seems to have waged this stern warfare
-against the followers of Aristotle; and such was the exasperation which
-was excited by his reiterated and successful attacks, that he was
-assailed, during the rest of his life, with a degree of rancour which
-seldom originates in a mere difference of opinion. Forgetting that all
-knowledge is progressive, and that the errors of one generation call
-forth the comments, and are replaced by the discoveries, of the next,
-Galileo did not anticipate that his own speculations and incompleted
-labours might one day provoke unmitigated censure; and he therefore
-failed in making allowance for the prejudices and ignorance of his
-opponents. He who enjoys the proud lot of taking a position in advance
-of his age, need not wonder that his less gifted contemporaries are left
-behind. Men are not necessarily obstinate because they cleave to deeply
-rooted and venerable errors, nor are they absolutely stupid when they
-are long in understanding and embracing newly discovered truths.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was one of the axioms of the Aristotelian mechanics, that the heavier
-of two falling bodies would reach the ground sooner than the other, and
-that their velocities would be proportional to their weights. Galileo
-attacked the arguments by which this opinion was supported; and when he
-found his reasoning ineffectual, he appealed to direct experiment. He
-maintained, that all bodies would fall through the same height in the
-same time, if they were not unequally retarded by the resistance of the
-air: and though he performed the same experiment with the most
-satisfactory results, by letting heavy bodies fall from the leaning
-tower of Pisa; yet the Aristotelians, who with their own eyes saw the
-unequal weights strike the ground at the same instant, ascribed the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">{Pg 5}</a></span>
-effect to some unknown cause, and preferred the decision of their master
-to that of nature herself.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo could not brook this opposition to his discoveries; and the
-Aristotelians could not tolerate the rebukes of their young instructor.
-The two parties were, consequently, marshalled in hostile array; when,
-fortunately for both, an event occurred, which placed them beyond the
-reach of danger. Don Giovanni de' Medici, a natural son of Cosmo, had
-proposed a method of clearing out the harbour of Leghorn. Galileo, whose
-opinion was requested, gave such an unfavourable report upon it, that
-the disappointed inventor directed against him all the force of his
-malice. It was an easy task to concentrate the malignity of his enemies
-at Pisa; and so effectually was this accomplished, that Galileo resolved
-to accept another professorship, to which he had been previously
-invited.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The chair of mathematics in the university of Padua having been vacant
-for five years, the republic of Venice had resolved to fill it up; and,
-on the recommendation of Guido Ubaldi, Galileo was appointed to it, in
-1592, for a period of six years.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1591, Galileo lost his father, who died at an advanced age, and
-devolved upon his eldest son the support of the family. This event,
-probably, increased his anxiety to better his situation, and must have
-added to his other inducements to quit Pisa. In September, 1592, he
-removed to Padua, where he had a salary of only 180 florins, and where
-he was obliged to add to his income by the labours of tuition.
-Notwithstanding this fruitless occupation of his time, he appears to
-have found leisure for composing several of his works, and completing
-various inventions, which will be afterwards described. His manuscripts
-were circulated privately among his friends and pupils; but some of them
-strayed beyond this sacred limit, and found their way into the hands of
-persons who did not scruple to claim and publish, as their own, the
-discoveries and inventions which they contained.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">{Pg 6}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is not easy to ascertain the exact time when Galileo became a convert
-to the doctrines of Copernicus, or the particular circumstances under
-which he was led to adopt them. It is stated by Gerard Voss, that a
-public lecture of Mæstlin, the instructor of Kepler, was the means of
-making Galileo acquainted with the true system of the universe. This
-assertion, however, is by no means probable; and it has been ably shown,
-by the latest biographer of Galileo<a name="NoteRef_5_5" id="NoteRef_5_5"></a><a href="#Note_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>, that, in his dialogues on the
-Copernican system, our author gives the true account of his own
-conversion. This passage is so interesting, that we shall give it
-entire.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"I cannot omit this opportunity of relating to you what happened to
-myself at the time when this opinion (the Copernican system) began to be
-discursed. I was then a very young man, and had scarcely finished my
-course of philosophy, which other occupations obliged me to leave off,
-when there arrived in this country, from Rostoch, a foreigner, whose
-name, I believe, was Christian Vurstisius (Wurteisen), a follower of
-Copernicus. This person delivered, on this subject, two or three
-lectures in a certain academy, and to a crowded audience. Believing that
-several were attracted more by the novelty of the subject than by any
-other cause, and being firmly persuaded that this opinion was a piece of
-solemn folly, I was unwilling to be present. Upon interrogating,
-however, some of those who were there, I found that they all made it a
-subject of merriment, with the exception of one, who assured me that it
-was not a thing wholly ridiculous. As I considered this individual to be
-both prudent and circumspect, I repented that I had not attended the
-lectures; and, whenever I met any of the followers of Copernicus, I
-began to inquire if they had always been of the same opinion. I found
-that there was not one of them who did not declare that he had long
-maintained the very opposite opinions, and had not gone over to the new
-doctrines till he was driven by the force of argument. I next examined
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">{Pg 7}</a></span>
-them one by one, to see if they were masters of the arguments on the
-opposite side; and such was the readiness of their answers, that I was
-satisfied they had not taken up this opinion from ignorance or vanity.
-On the other hand, whenever I interrogated the Peripatetics and the
-Ptolemeans (and, out of curiosity, I have interrogated not a a few),
-respecting their perusal of Copernicus's work, I perceived that there
-were few who had seen the book, and not one who understood it. Nor have
-I omitted to enquire among the followers of the Peripatetic doctrines,
-if any of them had ever stood on the opposite side; and the result was,
-that there was not one. Considering, then, that nobody followed the
-Copernican doctrine, who had not previously held the contrary opinion,
-and who was not well acquainted with the arguments of Aristotle and
-Ptolemy; while, on the other hand, nobody followed Ptolemy and
-Aristotle, who had before adhered to Copernicus, and had gone over from
-him into the camp of Aristotle; weighing, I say, these things, I began
-to believe that, if any one who rejects an opinion which he has imbibed
-with his milk, and which has been embraced by an infinite number, shall
-take up an opinion held only by a few, condemned by all the schools, and
-really regarded as a great paradox, it cannot be doubted that he must
-have been induced, not to say driven, to embrace it by the most cogent
-arguments. On this account, I have become very curious to penetrate to
-the very bottom of the subject."<a name="NoteRef_6_6" id="NoteRef_6_6"></a><a href="#Note_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It appears, on the testimony of Galileo himself, that he taught the
-Ptolemaic system, out of compliance with the popular feeling, after he
-had convinced himself of the truth of the Copernican doctrines. In the
-treatise on the sphere, indeed, which bears his name<a name="NoteRef_7_7" id="NoteRef_7_7"></a><a href="#Note_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>, and which must
-have been written soon after he went to Padua, and subsequently to 1592,
-the stability of the earth, and the motion of the sun, are supported by
-the very arguments which Galileo afterwards ridiculed; but we have no
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">{Pg 8}</a></span>
-means of determining whether or not he had then adopted the true system
-of the universe. Although he might have taught the Ptolemaic system in
-his lectures, after he had convinced himself of its falsehood; yet it is
-not likely that he would go so far as to publish to the worlds as true,
-the very doctrines which he despised. In a letter to Kepler, dated in
-1597, he distinctly states that he <i>had, many years ago, adopted the
-opinions of Copernicus; but that he had not yet dared to publish his
-arguments in favour of them, and his refutation of the opposite
-opinions.</i> These facts would leave us to place Galileo's conversion
-somewhere between 1593 and 1597; although <i>many</i> years cannot be said
-to have elapsed between these two dates.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At this early period of Galileo's life, in the year 1593, he met with an
-accident; which had nearly proved fatal. A party at Padua; of which he
-was one, were enjoying; at an open window; a current of air, which was
-artificially cooled by a fall of water. Galileo unfortunately fell
-asleep under its influence; and so powerful was its effect upon his
-robust constitution; that he contracted a severe chronic disorder,
-accompanied with acute pains in his body, and loss of sleep and
-appetite, which attacked him at intervals during the rest of his life.
-Others of the party suffered still more severely, and perished by their
-own rashness.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo's reputation was now widely extended over Europe; and the
-archduke Ferdinand (afterwards emperor of Germany), the landgrave of
-Hesse, and the princes of Alsace and Mantua honoured his lectures with
-their presence. Prince Gustavus of Sweden also received instructions
-from him in mathematics, during his sojourn in Italy; and it has been
-supposed that this was the celebrated Gustavus Adolphus.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When Galileo had completed the first period of his engagement at Padua,
-he was re-elected for other six years, with an increased salary of 320
-florins. This liberal addition to his income is ascribed by Fabbroni to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">{Pg 9}</a></span>
-the malice of one of his enemies, who informed the senate that Galileo
-was living in illicit intercourse with Marina Gamba. Without inquiring
-into the truth of the accusation, the senate is said to have replied,
-that if "he had a family to support, he had the more need of an
-increased salary." It is more likely that the liberality of the republic
-had been called forth by the high reputation of their professor, and
-that the terms of their reply were intended only to rebuke the malignity
-of the informer. The mode of expression would seem to indicate that one
-or more of Galileo's children had been born previous to his re-election
-in 1598; but as this is scarcely consistent with other facts, we are
-disposed to doubt the authenticity of Fabbroni's anecdote.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The new star, which attracted the notice of astronomers in 1604, excited
-the particular attention of Galileo. The observations which he made upon
-it, and the speculations which they suggested, formed the subject of
-three lectures, the beginning of the first of which only has reached our
-times. From the absence of parallax, he proved that the common
-hypothesis of its being a meteor was erroneous, and that, like the fixed
-stars, it was situated far beyond the bounds of our own system. The
-popularity of the subject attracted crowds to his lecture-room; and
-Galileo had the boldness to reproach his hearers for taking so deep an
-interest in a temporary phenomenon, while they passed unnoticed the
-wonders of creation which were daily presented to their view.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the year 1606, Galileo was again appointed to the professorship at
-Padua, with an augmented stipend of 520 florins. His popularity had now
-risen so high, that his audience could not be accommodated in his
-lecture-room; and even when he had assembled them in the school of
-medicine, which contained 1000 persons, he was frequently obliged to
-adjourn to the open air.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Among the variety of pursuits which occupied his attention, was the
-examination of the properties of the loadstone. In 1607, he commenced
-his experiments; but, with the exception of a method of arming
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">{Pg 10}</a></span>
-loadstones, which; according to the report of Sir Kenelm Digby, enabled
-them to carry twice as much weight as others, he does not seem to have
-made any additions to our knowledge of magnetism. He appears to have
-studied with care the admirable work of our countryman; Dr. Gilbert; "De
-Magnete," which was published in 1600; and he recognised; in the
-experiments and reasonings of the English philosopher; the principles of
-that method of investigating truth which he had himself adopted. Gilbert
-died in 1603; in the 63d year of his age, and probably never read the
-fine compliment which was paid to him by the Italian philosopher:&mdash;"I
-extremely praise, admire, and envy this author."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the preceding pages we have brought down the history of Galileo's
-labours to that auspicious year in which he first directed the telescope
-to the heavens. No sooner was that noble instrument placed in his hands,
-than Providence released him from his professional toils, and supplied
-him with the fullest leisure and the amplest means for pursuing and
-completing the grandest discoveries.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although he had quitted the service and the domains of his munificent
-patron; the grand duke of Tuscany, yet he maintained his connection with
-the family, by visiting Florence during his academic vacations, and
-giving mathematical instruction to the younger branches of that
-distinguished house. Cosmo, who had been one of his pupils, now
-succeeded his father Ferdinand; and having his mind early imbued with a
-love of knowledge, which had become hereditary in his family, he felt
-that the residence of Galileo within his dominions&mdash;and still more his
-introduction into his household&mdash;would do honour to their common
-country, and reflect a lustre upon his own name. In the year 1609,
-accordingly, Cosmo made proposals to Galileo to return to his original
-situation at Pisa. These overtures were gratefully received; and in the
-arrangements which Galileo on this occasion suggested, as well as in the
-manner in which they were urged, we obtain some insight into his temper
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">{Pg 11}</a></span>
-and character. He informs the correspondent through whom Cosmo's offer
-was conveyed, that his salary of 520 florins at Padua would be increased
-to as many crowns at his re-election; and that he could enlarge his
-income to any extent he pleased, by giving private lectures, and
-receiving pupils. His public duties, he stated, occupied him only sixty
-half-hours in the year; but his studies suffered such interruptions from
-the domestic pupils and private lectures, that his most ardent wish was
-to be relieved from them, in order that he might have sufficient rest
-and leisure, before the close of his life, to finish and publish those
-great works which he had in hand. In the event, therefore, of his
-returning to Pisa, he hoped that it would be the first object of his
-serene highness to give him leisure to complete his works without the
-drudgery of lecturing. He expresses his anxiety to gain his bread by his
-writings, and he promises to dedicate them to his serene master. He
-enumerates, among these books, two on the system of the universe; three
-on local motion; three books of mechanics; two on the demonstration of
-principles, and one of problems; besides treatises on sound and speech,
-on light and colours, on the tides, on the composition of continuous
-quantity, on the motions of animals, and on the military art. On the
-subject of his salary, he makes the following curious observations:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"I say nothing," says he, "on the amount of my salary; being convinced
-that, as I am to live upon it, the graciousness of his highness would
-not deprive me of any of those comforts, of which, however, I feel the
-want of less than many others; and, therefore, I say nothing more on the
-subject. Finally, on the title and profession of my service, I should
-wish that, to the title of mathematician, his highness would add that of
-philosopher, as I profess to have studied a greater number of years in
-philosophy, than months in pure mathematics; and how I have profited by
-it, and if I can or ought to deserve this title, I may let their
-highnesses see, as often as it shall please them to give me an
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">{Pg 12}</a></span>
-opportunity of discussing such subjects in their presence with those who
-are most esteemed in this knowledge."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During the progress of this negotiation, Galileo went to Venice, on a
-visit to a friend, in the month of April or May, 1609. Here he learned,
-from common rumour, that a Dutchman, of the name of Jansen, had
-presented to prince Maurice of Nassau an optical instrument, which
-possessed the singular property of causing distant objects to appear
-nearer and larger to the observer. A few days afterwards, the truth of
-this report was confirmed by a letter which he received from James
-Badovere at Paris, and he immediately applied himself to the
-consideration of the subject. On the first night after his return to
-Padua, he found, in the doctrines of refraction, the principle which he
-sought. He placed at the ends of a leaden tube two spectacle glasses,
-both of which were plain on one side, while one of them had its other
-side convex, and the other its second side concave, and having applied
-his eye to the concave glass, he saw objects pretty large and pretty
-near him. This little instrument, which magnified only three times, he
-carried in triumph to Venice, where it excited the most intense
-interest. Crowds of the principal citizens flocked to his house to see
-the magical toy; and after nearly a month had been spent in gratifying
-this epidemical curiosity, Galileo was led to understand from Leonardo
-Deodati, the doge of Venice, that the senate would be highly gratified
-by obtaining possession of so extraordinary an instrument. Galileo
-instantly complied with the wishes of his patrons, who acknowledged the
-present by a mandate conferring upon him for life his professorship at
-Padua, and generously raising his salary from 520 to 1000 florins.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although we cannot doubt the veracity of Galileo, when he affirms that
-he had never seen any of the Dutch telescopes, yet it is expressly
-stated by Fuccarius, that one of these instruments had at this time been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">{Pg 13}</a></span>
-brought to Florence. In a letter from Lorenzo Pignoria to Paolo Gualdo,
-dated from Padua, on the 31st of August, 1609, it is expressly said,
-that, at the re-election of the professors, Galileo had contrived to
-obtain 1000 florins for life, which was alleged to be on account of an
-eye-glass like the one which was sent from Flanders to the Cardinal
-Borghese.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In a memoir so brief and general as the present, it would be out of
-place to discuss the history of this extraordinary invention. We have no
-hesitation in asserting that a method of magnifying distant objects was
-known to Baptista Porta and others; but it seems to be equally certain
-that an <i>instrument</i> for producing these effects was first constructed
-in Holland, and that it was from that kingdom that Galileo derived the
-knowledge of its existence. In considering the contending claims, which
-have been urged with all the ardour and partiality of national feeling,
-it has been generally overlooked, <i>that a single convex lens</i>, whose
-focal length exceeds the distance at which we examine minute objects,
-performs the part of a telescope, when an eye, placed behind it, sees
-distinctly the inverted image which it forms. A lens, twenty feet in
-focal length, will in this manner magnify twenty times; and it was by
-the same principle that Sir William Herschel discovered a new satellite
-of Saturn, by using only the mirror of his forty-feet telescope. The
-instrument presented to prince Maurice, and which the marquis Spinola
-found in the Dutch optician's shop, performing the part of a
-philosophical toy, by exhibiting a magnified and inverted image of a
-distant weathercock, must have been a single lens such as we have
-mentioned, or an astronomical telescope consisting of two convex lenses.
-Upon either of these suppositions, it differed entirely from that which
-Galileo constructed; and the Italian philosopher will be justly entitled
-to the honour of having invented that form of the telescope which still
-bears his name.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The interest which the exhibition of the telescope excited at Venice did
-not soon subside: Serturi describes it as amounting almost to phrensy.
-When he himself had succeeded in making one of these instruments, he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">{Pg 14}</a></span>
-ascended the tower of St. Mark, where he might use it without
-molestation. He was recognised, however, by a crowd in the street; and
-such was the eagerness of their curiosity, that they took possession of
-the wondrous tube, and detained the impatient philosopher for several
-hours, till they had successively witnessed its effects. Desirous of
-obtaining the same gratification for their friends, they endeavoured to
-learn the name of the inn at which he lodged; but Serturi fortunately
-overheard their inquiries, and quitted Venice early next morning, in
-order to avoid a second visitation of this new school of philosophers.
-The opticians speedily availed themselves of this new instrument.
-Galileo's tube,&mdash;or the double eye-glass, as it was then
-called, for Demisiano had not yet given it the appellation of a
-<i>telescope</i>,&mdash;was manufactured in great quantities, and in a
-very superior manner. The instruments were purchased merely as
-philosophical toys, and were carried by travellers into every corner
-of Europe.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The art of grinding and polishing lenses was at this time very
-imperfect. Galileo, and those whom he instructed, were alone capable of
-making tolerable instruments. It appears, from the testimony of Gassendi
-and Gærtner, that, in 1634, a good telescope could not be procured in
-Paris, Venice, or Amsterdam; and that, even in 1637, there was not one
-in Holland which could show Jupiter's disc well defined.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After Galileo had completed his first instrument, which magnified only
-<i>three</i> times, he executed a larger and more accurate one, with a
-power of about eight. "At length," as he himself remarks, "sparing neither
-labour nor expense," he constructed an instrument so excellent, that it
-magnified more than thirty times.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The first celestial object to which Galileo applied his telescope was
-the moon, which, to use his own words, appeared as near as if it had
-been distant only two semidiameters of the earth. He then directed it to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">{Pg 15}</a></span>
-the planets and the fixed stars, which he frequently observed with
-"incredible satisfaction."<a name="NoteRef_8_8" id="NoteRef_8_8"></a><a href="#Note_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The observations which he made upon the moon possessed a high degree of
-interest. The general resemblance of its surface to that of our own
-globe naturally fixed his attention; and he was soon able to trace, in
-almost every part of the lunar disc, ranges of mountains, deep hollows,
-and other inequalities, which reflected from their summits the rays of
-the rising sun, while the intervening hollows were still buried in
-darkness. The dark and luminous spaces he regarded as indicating seas
-and continents, which reflected, in different degrees, the incident
-light of the sun; and he ascribed the phosphorescence, as it has been
-improperly called, or the secondary light, which is seen on the dark
-limb of the moon in her first and last quarters, to the reflection of
-the sun's light from the earth.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-These discoveries were ill received by the followers of Aristotle.
-According to their preconceived opinions, the moon was perfectly
-spherical, and perfectly smooth; to cover it with mountains, and to
-scoop it out into valleys, was an act of impiety which defaced the
-regular forms which nature herself had imprinted. It was in vain that
-Galileo appealed to the evidence of observation, and to the actual
-surface of our own globe. The very irregularities on the moon were, in
-his opinion, the proof of divine wisdom: and had its surface been
-perfectly smooth, it would have been "but a vast unblessed desert, void
-of animals, of plants, of cities, and of men; the abode of silence and
-inaction; senseless, lifeless, soulless, and stripped of all those
-ornaments which now render it so various and so beautiful."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In examining the fixed stars, and comparing them with the planets,
-Galileo discovered a remarkable difference in the appearance of their
-discs. All the planets appeared with round globular discs like the moon;
-whereas the fixed stars never exhibited any disc at all, but resembled
-lucid points sending forth twinkling rays. Stars of all magnitudes he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">{Pg 16}</a></span>
-found to have the same appearance; those of the fifth and sixth
-magnitude having the same character when seen through a telescope, as
-Sirius, the largest of the stars, when seen by the naked eye. Upon
-directing his telescope to nebulæ and clusters of stars, he was
-delighted to find that they consisted of great numbers of stars which
-could not be recognised by unassisted vision. He counted no fewer than
-<i>forty</i> in the cluster called the <i>Pleiades</i>, or <i>Seven
-Stars</i>; and he has given us drawings of this constellation, as well as
-of the belt and sword of Orion, and of the nebula of Præsepe. In the great
-nebula of the Milky Way, he descried crowds of minute stars; and he
-concluded that this singular portion derived its whiteness from still
-smaller stars, which his telescope was unable to separate.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Important and interesting as these discoveries were, they were thrown
-into the shade by those to which he was led during an accurate
-examination of the planets with a more powerful telescope. On the 7th of
-January, 1610, at one o'clock in the morning, when he directed this
-telescope to Jupiter, he observed three stars near the body of the
-planet; two being to the east and one to the west of him. They were all
-in a straight line, and parallel to the ecliptic, and appeared brighter
-than other stars of the same magnitude. Believing them to be fixed
-stars, he paid no great attention to their distances from Jupiter and
-from one another. On the 8th of January, however, when, from some cause
-or other<a name="NoteRef_9_9" id="NoteRef_9_9"></a><a href="#Note_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>, he had been led to observe the stars again, he found a very
-different arrangement of them: all the three were on the west side of
-Jupiter, <i>nearer one another than before</i>, and almost at equal
-distances. Though he had not turned his attention to the extraordinary
-fact of the mutual approach of the stars, yet he began to consider how
-Jupiter could be found to the east of the three stars, when only the day
-before he had been to the west of two of them. The only explanation
-which he could give of this fact was, that the motion of Jupiter was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">{Pg 17}</a></span>
-<i>direct</i> contrary to astronomical calculations; and that he had got
-before these two stars by his own motion.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In this dilemma between the testimony of his senses and the results of
-calculation, he waited for the following night with the utmost anxiety:
-but his hopes were disappointed; for the heavens were wholly veiled in
-clouds. On the tenth, two only of the stars appeared, and both on the
-east of the planet. As it was obviously impossible that Jupiter could
-have advanced from west to east on the 8th of January, and from east to
-west on the 10th, Galileo was forced to conclude that the phenomenon
-which he had observed, arose from the motion of the stars, and he set
-himself to observe diligently their change of place. On the 11th, there
-were still only two stars; and both to the east of Jupiter; but the more
-eastern star was now <i>twice as large as the other one</i>, though on the
-preceding night they had been perfectly equal. This fact threw a new
-light upon Galileo's difficulties, and he immediately drew the
-conclusion, which he considered to be indubitable&mdash;"that there were in
-the heavens three stars which revolved round Jupiter, in the same manner
-as Venus and Mercury revolve round the sun." On the 12th of January, he
-again observed them in new positions, and of different magnitudes; and,
-on the 13th, he discovered a fourth star, which completed the four
-secondary planets with which Jupiter is surrounded.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo continued his observations on these bodies every clear night
-till the 22d of March, and studied their motions in reference to fixed
-stars that were at the same time within the field of his telescope.
-Having thus clearly established that the four new stars were satellites
-or moons, which revolved round Jupiter in the same manner as the moon
-revolves round our own globe, he drew up an account of his discovery, in
-which he gave to the four new bodies the names of the <i>Medicean
-Stars</i>, in honour of his patron, Cosmo de' Medici, grand duke of
-Tuscany. This work, under the title of "Nuncius Sidereus," or the "Sidereal
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">{Pg 18}</a></span>
-Messenger," was dedicated to the same prince; and the dedication bears
-the date of the 4th of March, only two days after he concluded his
-observations.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The importance of this great discovery was instantly felt by the enemies
-as well as by the friends of the Copernican system. The planets had
-hitherto been distinguished from the fixed stars only by their relative
-change of place; but the telescope proved them to be bodies so near to
-our own globe as to exhibit well-defined discs; while the fixed stars
-retained, even when magnified, the minuteness of remote and lucid
-points. The system of Jupiter, illuminated by four moons performing
-their revolutions in different and regular periods, exhibited to our
-proud reason the comparative insignificance of the globe we inhabit, and
-proclaimed in impressive language that globe was not the centre of
-the universe.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The reception which these discoveries met with from Kepler is highly
-interesting, and characteristic of the genius of that great man. He was
-one day sitting idle, and thinking of Galileo, when his friend
-Wachenfels stopped his carriage at his door, to communicate to him the
-intelligence. "Such a fit of wonder," says he, "seized me at a report
-which seemed to be so very absurd, and I was thrown into such agitation
-at seeing an old dispute between us decided in this way, that between
-his joy, my colouring, and the laughter of both, confounded as we were
-by such a novelty, we were hardly capable, he of speaking, or I of
-listening. On our parting, I immediately began to think how there could
-be any addition to the number of the planets, without overturning my
-'Cosmographic Mystery,' according to which Euclid's five regular solids
-do not allow more than six planets round the sun. * * * I am so far from
-disbelieving the existence of the four circumjovial planets, that I long
-for a telescope, to anticipate you, if possible, in discovering <i>two</i>
-round Mars, as the proportion seems to require, <i>six</i> or <i>eight</i>
-round Saturn, and perhaps one each round Mercury and Venus."
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">{Pg 19}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In a very different spirit did the Aristotelians receive the "Sidereal
-Messenger" of Galileo. The principal professor of philosophy at Padua
-resisted Galileo's repeated and urgent entreaties to look at the moon
-and planets through his telescope; and he even laboured to convince the
-grand duke that the satellites of Jupiter could not possibly exist.
-Sizzi, an astronomer of Florence, maintained, that as there were only
-<i>seven</i> apertures in the head&mdash;<i>two</i> eyes, <i>two</i>
-ears, <i>two</i> nostrils, and <i>one</i> mouth&mdash;and as there were
-only <i>seven</i> metals, and <i>seven</i> days in the week, so there
-could be only <i>seven</i> planets. He seems, however, to have admitted
-the visibility of the four satellites through the telescope; but he
-argues, that as they are invisible to the naked eye, they can exercise
-no influence on the earth; and being useless, they do not therefore
-exist.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A <i>protégé</i> of Kepler's, of the name of Horky, wrote a volume against
-Galileo's discovery, after having declared, "that he would never concede
-his four new planets to that Italian from Padua, even if he should die
-for it." This resolute Aristotelian was at no loss for arguments. He
-asserted that he had examined the heavens <i>through Galileo's own
-glass</i>, and that no such thing as a satellite existed round Jupiter. He
-affirmed, that he did not more surely know that he had a soul in his
-body, than that reflected rays are the sole cause of Galileo's erroneous
-observations; and that the only use of the new planets was to gratify
-Galileo's thirst for gold, and afford himself a subject of discussion.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When Horky first presented himself to Kepler, after the publication of
-this work, the opinion of his patron was announced to him by a burst of
-indignation which overwhelmed the astonished author. Horky supplicated
-mercy for his offence; and, as Kepler himself informed Galileo, he took
-him again into favour, on the condition that Kepler was to show him
-Jupiter's satellites; and that Horky was not only to see them, but to
-admit their existence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When the spirit of philosophy had thus left the individuals who bore her
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">{Pg 20}</a></span>
-sacred name, it was fortunate for science that it found a refuge in the
-minds of princes. Notwithstanding the reiterated logic of his
-philosophical professor at Padua, Cosmo de' Medici preferred the
-testimony of his senses to the syllogisms of his instructor. He observed
-the new planets several times, along with Galileo, at Pisa; and when he
-parted with him, he gave him a present worth more than 1000 florins, and
-concluded that liberal arrangement to which we have already referred.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As philosopher and principal mathematician to the grand duke of Tuscany,
-Galileo now took up his residence at Florence, with a salary of 1000
-florins. No official duties, excepting that of lecturing occasionally to
-sovereign princes, were attached to this appointment; and it was
-expressly stipulated that he should enjoy the most perfect leisure to
-complete his treatises on the constitution of the universe, on
-mechanics, and on local motion. The resignation of his professorship at
-Padua, which necessarily followed his new appointment, created much
-dissatisfaction in that university: but though many of his former
-friends refused at first to hold any communication with him, this
-feeling gradually subsided; and the Venetian senate at last appreciated
-the views, as well as the powerful motives, which induced a stranger to
-accept of promotion in his native land.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While Galileo was enjoying the reward and the fame of his great
-discovery, a new species of enmity was roused against them. Simon Mayer,
-an astronomer of no character, pretended that he had discovered the
-satellites of Jupiter before Galileo, and that his first observation was
-made on the 29th of December, 1609. Other astronomers announced the
-discovery of new satellites: Scheiner reckoned five, Rheita nine, and
-others found even so many as twelve: these satellites, however, were
-found to be only fixed stars. The names of <i>Vladislavian, Agrippine,
-Uranodavian</i>, and <i>Ferdinandotertian</i>, which were hastily given to
-these common telescopic stars, soon disappeared from the page of science,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">{Pg 21}</a></span>
-and even the splendid telescopes of modern times have not been able to add
-another gem to the diadem of Jupiter.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A modern astronomer of no mean celebrity has, even in the present day,
-endeavoured to rob Galileo of this staple article of his reputation.
-From a careless examination of the papers of our celebrated countryman,
-Thomas Harriot, which baron Zach had made in 1784, at Petworth, the seat
-of lord Egremont, this astronomer has asserted<a name="NoteRef_10_10" id="NoteRef_10_10"></a><a href="#Note_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> that Harriot first
-observed the satellites of Jupiter on the 16th of January, 1610; and
-continued his observations till the 25th of February, 1612. Baron Zach
-adds the following extraordinary conclusion:&mdash;"Galileo pretends to
-have discovered them on the 7th of January, 1610; so that it is not
-improbable that Harriot was likewise the first discoverer of these
-attendants of Jupiter." In a communication which I received from Dr.
-Robertson, of Oxford, in 1822<a name="NoteRef_11_11" id="NoteRef_11_11"></a><a href="#Note_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>, he informed me that he had examined a
-class of Harriot's papers, entitled, "De Jovialibus Planetis;" and that
-it appears, from two pages of these papers, <i>that Harriot first observed
-Jupiter's satellites on the 17th of October</i>, 1610. These observations
-are accompanied with rough drawings of the positions of the satellites,
-and rough calculations of their periodical revolutions. My friend,
-professor Rigaud<a name="NoteRef_12_12" id="NoteRef_12_12"></a><a href="#Note_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>, who has very recently examined the Harriot MSS.,
-has confirmed the accuracy of Dr. Robertson's observations, and has thus
-restored to Galileo the honour of being the first and the sole
-discoverer of these secondary planets.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The great success which attended the first telescopic observations of
-Galileo, induced him to apply his best instruments to the other planets
-of our system. The attempts which had been made to deprive him of the
-honour of some of his discoveries, combined, probably, with a desire to
-repeat his observations with better telescopes, led him to announce his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">{Pg 22}</a></span>
-discoveries under the veil of an enigma; and to invite astronomers to
-declare, within a given time, if they had observed any new phenomena in
-the heavens.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Before the close of 1610, Galileo excited the curiosity of astronomers,
-by the publication of his first enigma. Kepler and others tried in vain
-to decipher it; but in consequence of the emperor Rodolph requesting a
-solution of the puzzle, Galileo sent him the following clue:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Altissimam planetam tergeminam observavi."</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">I have observed that the most remote planet is triple.</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-In explaining more fully the nature of his observation, Galileo remarked
-that Saturn was not a single star, but three together, nearly touching
-one another: he described them as having no relative motion, and as
-having the form of three o's, namely, oOo, the central one being larger
-than those on each side of it.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although Galileo had announced that nothing new appeared in the other
-planets, yet he soon communicated to the world another discovery of no
-slight interest. The enigmatical letters in which it was concealed,
-formed the following sentence:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Cynthia figuras æmulatur mater Amorum."</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">Venus rivals the phases of the moon.</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Hitherto, Galileo had observed Venus when her disc was largely
-illuminated; but having directed his telescope to her when she was not
-far removed from the sun, he saw her in the form of a crescent,
-resembling exactly the moon at the same elongation from the sun. He
-continued to observe her night after night, during the whole time that
-she could be seen in the course of her revolution round the sun, and he
-found that she exhibited the very same phases which resulted from her
-motion round that luminary.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo had long contemplated a visit to the metropolis of Italy, and he
-accordingly carried his intentions into effect in the early part of the
-year 1611. Here he was received with that distinction which was due to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">{Pg 23}</a></span>
-his great talents and his extended reputation. Princes, cardinals, and
-prelates hastened to do him honour; and even those who discredited his
-discoveries, and dreaded their results, vied with the true friends of
-science in their anxiety to see the first wonder of the age.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In order to show the new celestial phenomena to his friends at Rome,
-Galileo took with him his best telescope; and as he had discovered the
-spots on the sun's surface in the month of March, 1611, he had the
-gratification of exhibiting this new wonder to his admiring disciples.
-He accordingly erected his telescope in the Quirinal garden, belonging
-to cardinal Bandini; and in April, 1611, he exhibited them to his
-friends in many of their most interesting variations. From their change
-of position on the sun's disc, Galileo at first inferred, either that
-the sun revolved about an axis; or that other planets, like Venus and
-Mercury, revolved so near the sun as to appear like black spots when
-they were opposite to his disc. Upon continuing his observations,
-however, he saw reason to abandon this last opinion. He found, that the
-spots must be in contact with the surface of the sun; that their figures
-were irregular; that they had different degrees of darkness; that one
-spot would often divide itself into three or four; that three or four
-spots would often unite themselves into one; and that all the spots
-revolved regularly with the sun, which appeared to complete its
-revolution in about twenty-eight days.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Previous to the invention of the telescope, spots had been more than
-once seen on the sun's disc with the unassisted eye. But even if these
-were of the same character as those which Galileo and others observed,
-we cannot consider them as anticipations of their discovery by the
-telescope. As the telescope was now in the possession of several
-astronomers, Galileo began to have many rivals in discovery; and it is
-now placed beyond the reach of doubt, that he was not the first
-discoverer of the solar spots. From the communication which I received
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">{Pg 24}</a></span>
-from the late Dr. Robertson, of Oxford<a name="NoteRef_13_13" id="NoteRef_13_13"></a><a href="#Note_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>, it appears that Thomas
-Harriot had discovered the solar spots on or before the 8th of December,
-1610. His manuscripts, in lord Egremont's possession, incontestably
-prove that his regular observations on the spots commenced on the 8th of
-December, 1610,&mdash;at least three months before Galileo discovered them;
-and that they were continued till the 18th of January, 1613. The
-observations which he has recorded are 199 in number; and the accounts
-of them are accompanied with rough drawings representing the number,
-position, and magnitude of the spots.<a name="NoteRef_14_14" id="NoteRef_14_14"></a><a href="#Note_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Another candidate for the honour of discovering the spots of the sun,
-was John Fabricius, who undoubtedly saw them previous to June, 1611. The
-dedication of the work<a name="NoteRef_15_15" id="NoteRef_15_15"></a><a href="#Note_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> in which he has recorded his observation,
-bears the date of the 13th of June, 1611; and it is obvious, from the
-work itself, that he had seen the spots during the year 1610: but as
-there is no proof that he saw them before the 8th of December, 1610, and
-as it is probable that Harriot had seen them before that date, we are
-compelled to assign the priority of the discovery to our distinguished
-countryman.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The claim of Scheiner, professor of mathematics at Ingolstadt, is more
-intimately connected with the history of Galileo. This learned
-astronomer having, early in 1611, turned his telescope to the sun,
-necessarily discovered the spots which at that time covered his disc.
-Light flying clouds happened, at the time, to weaken the intensity of
-his light, so that he was able to show the spots to his pupils. These
-observations were not published till January, 1612; and they appeared in
-the form of three letters, addressed to Mark Velser, one of the magistrates
-of Augsburg, under the signature of <i>Apelles post Tabulam</i>.
-Scheiner, who, many years afterwards, published an elaborate work on the
-subject, adopted the same idea which had at first occurred to
-Galileo,&mdash;that the spots were the dark sides of planets revolving
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">{Pg 25}</a></span>
-round and near the sun.<a name="NoteRef_16_16" id="NoteRef_16_16"></a><a href="#Note_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the publication of Scheiner's letters Velser transmitted a copy of
-them to his friend Galileo, with the request that he would favour him
-with his opinion of the new phenomena. After some delay, Galileo
-addressed three letters to Velser, in which he combated the opinions of
-Scheiner on the cause of the spots. These letters were dated the 4th of
-May, 1612; but though the controversy was carried on in the language of
-mutual respect and esteem, it put an end to the friendship which had
-existed between the two astronomers. In these letters, Galileo showed
-that the spots often dispersed like vapours or clouds; that they
-sometimes had a duration of only one or two days, and at other times of
-thirty or forty days; that they contracted in their breadth when they
-approached the sun's limb, without any diminution of their length; that
-they describe circles parallel to each other; that the monthly rotation
-of the sun again brings the same spots into view; and that they are
-seldom seen at a greater distance than 30° from the sun's equator. Galileo,
-likewise, discovered on the sun's disc <i>faculœ</i>, or <i>luculi</i>,
-as they were called, which differ in no respect from the common ones but
-in their being brighter than the rest of the sun's surface.<a name="NoteRef_17_17" id="NoteRef_17_17"></a><a href="#Note_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">{Pg 26}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the last of the letters which our author addressed to Velser, and
-which was written in December, 1612, he recurs to his former discovery
-of the elongated shape, or rather the triple structure, of Saturn. The
-singular figure which he had observed in this planet had entirely
-disappeared; and he evidently announces the fact to Velser, lest it
-should be used by his enemies to discredit the accuracy of his
-observations. "Looking on Saturn," says he, "within these few days, I
-found it solitary, without the assistance of its accustomed stars, and,
-in short, perfectly round and defined like Jupiter; and such it still
-remains. Now, what can be said of so strange a metamorphosis? Are the
-two smaller stars consumed like the spots on the sun? Have they suddenly
-vanished and fled? or has Saturn devoured his own children? or was the
-appearance indeed fraud and illusion, with which the glasses have for so
-long a time mocked me, and so many others who have often observed with
-me? Now, perhaps, the time is come to revive the withering hopes of
-those who, guided by more profound contemplations, have followed all the
-fallacies of the new observations, and recognised their impossibilities.
-I cannot resolve what to say in a chance so strange, so new, and so
-unexpected; the shortness of the time, the unexampled occurrence, the
-weakness of my intellect, and the terror of being mistaken, have greatly
-confounded me." Although Galileo struggled to obtain a solution of this
-mystery, yet he had not the good fortune of succeeding. He imagined that
-the two smaller stars would reappear, in consequence of the supposed
-revolution of the planet round its axis; but the discovery of the ring
-of Saturn, and of the obliquity of its plane to the ecliptic, was
-necessary to explain the phenomena which were so perplexing to our
-author.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The ill health to which Galileo was occasionally subject, and the belief
-that the air of Florence was prejudicial to his complaints, induced him
-to spend much of his time at Selve, the villa of his friend Salviati.
-This eminent individual had ever been the warmest friend of Galileo, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">{Pg 27}</a></span>
-seems to have delighted in drawing round him the scientific genius of
-the age. He was a member of the celebrated Lyncæan Society, founded by
-Prince Frederigo Cesi; and though he is not known as the author of any
-important discovery, yet he has earned, by his liberality to science, a
-glorious name, which will be indissolubly united with the immortal
-destiny of Galileo.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The subject of floating bridges having been discussed at one of the
-scientific parties which had assembled at the house of Salviati, a
-difference of opinion arose respecting the influence of the shape of
-bodies on their disposition to float or to sink in a fluid. Contrary to
-the general opinion, Galileo undertook to prove that it depended on
-other causes: and he was thus led to compose his discourse on floating
-bodies<a name="NoteRef_18_18" id="NoteRef_18_18"></a><a href="#Note_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>, which was published in 1612, and dedicated to Cosmo de'
-Medici. This work contains many ingenious experiments, and much acute
-reasoning in support of the true principles of hydrostatics; and it is
-now chiefly remarkable as a specimen of the sagacity and intellectual
-power of its author. Like all his other works, it encountered the most
-violent opposition; and Galileo was more than once summoned into the
-field to repel the aggressions of his ignorant and presumptuous
-opponents. The first attack upon it was made by Ptolemy Nozzolini, in a
-letter to Marzemedici, archbishop of Florence<a name="NoteRef_19_19" id="NoteRef_19_19"></a><a href="#Note_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>; and to this Galileo
-replied in a letter addressed to his antagonist.<a name="NoteRef_20_20" id="NoteRef_20_20"></a><a href="#Note_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> A more elaborate
-examination of it was published by Lodovico delle Colombe, and another
-by M. Vincenzo di Grazia. To these attacks, a minute and overwhelming
-answer was printed in the name of Benedetti Castelli, the friend and
-pupil of Galileo; but it was discovered, some years after Galileo's
-death, that he was himself the author of this work.<a name="NoteRef_21_21" id="NoteRef_21_21"></a><a href="#Note_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">{Pg 28}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The current of Galileo's life had hitherto flowed in a smooth and
-unobstructed channel. He had now attained the highest objects of earthly
-ambition. His discoveries had placed him at the head of the great men of
-his age; he possessed a professional income far beyond his wants, and
-even beyond his anticipations; and, what is still dearer to a
-philosopher, he enjoyed the most perfect leisure for carrying on and
-completing his discoveries. The opposition which these discoveries
-encountered, was to him more a subject for triumph than for sorrow.
-Prejudice and ignorance were his only enemies; and if they succeeded for
-a while in harassing his march, it was only to give him occasion for
-fresh achievements. He who contends for truths which he has himself been
-permitted to discover, may well sustain the conflict in which
-presumption and error are destined to fall. The public tribunal may
-neither be sufficiently pure nor enlightened to decide upon the issue;
-but he can appeal to posterity, and reckon with confidence on "its sure
-decree."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The ardour of Galileo's mind, the keenness of his temper, his clear
-perception of truth, and his inextinguishable love of it, combined to
-exasperate and prolong the hostility of his enemies. When argument
-failed to enlighten their judgment, and reason to remove their
-prejudices, he wielded against them his powerful weapons of ridicule and
-sarcasm; and in this unrelenting warfare, he seems to have forgotten
-that Providence had withheld from his enemies those very gifts which he
-had so liberally received. He who is allowed to take the start of his
-species, and to penetrate the veil which conceals from common minds the
-mysteries of nature, must not expect that the world will be patiently
-dragged at the chariot wheels of his philosophy. Mind has its inertia,
-as well as matter; and its progress to truth can only be insured by the
-gradual and patient removal of the obstructions which surround it.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The boldness&mdash;may we not say the recklessness?&mdash;with which
-Galileo insisted upon making proselytes of his enemies, produced the very
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">{Pg 29}</a></span>
-opposite effect. Errors thus assailed, entrenched themselves in general
-feelings, and were embalmed in the virulence of the passions. The
-various classes of his opponents marshalled themselves for their mutual
-defence. The Aristotelian professors, the temporising Jesuits, the
-political churchmen, and that timid but respectable body who at all
-times dread innovation, whether it be in religion or in science, entered
-into an alliance against the philosophical tyrant who threatened them
-with the penalties of knowledge.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The party of Galileo, though weak in numbers, was not without power and
-influence. He had trained around him a devoted band, who idolised his
-genius and supported his views. His pupils had been appointed to several
-of the principal professorships in Italy. The enemies of religion were
-on this occasion united with the Christian philosopher; and there were,
-even in these days, many princes and nobles who had felt the
-inconvenience of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and who secretly abetted
-Galileo in his crusade against established errors.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although these two parties had been long dreading each other's power,
-and reconnoitring each other's position, yet we cannot exactly determine
-which of them hoisted the first signal for war. The church party,
-particularly its high dignitaries, were certainly disposed to rest on
-the defensive. Flanked on one side by the logic of the schools, and on
-the other by the popular interpretation of Scripture, and backed by the
-strong arm of the civil power, they were not disposed to interfere with
-the prosecution of science, however much they may have dreaded its
-influence. The philosophers, on the contrary, united the zeal of
-innovators with the firmness of purpose which truth alone can inspire.
-Victorious in every contest, they were flushed with success, and they
-panted for a struggle in which they knew they must triumph.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In this state of warlike preparation Galileo addressed a letter, in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">{Pg 30}</a></span>
-1613, to his friend and pupil, the abbé Castelli, the object of which
-was to prove that the Scriptures were not intended to teach us science
-and philosophy. Hence he inferred, that the language employed in the
-sacred volume in reference to such subjects should be interpreted only
-in its common acceptation; and that it was in reality as difficult to
-reconcile the Ptolemaic as the Copernican system to the expressions
-which occur in the Bible.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A demonstration was about this time made by the opposite party, in the
-person of Caccini, a Dominican friar, who made a personal attack upon
-Galileo from the pulpit. This violent ecclesiastic ridiculed the
-astronomer and his followers, by addressing them in the sacred language
-of Scripture; "Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye here looking up into
-heaven?" But this species of warfare was disapproved of even by the
-church; and Luigi Maraffi, the general of the Dominicans, not only
-apologised to Galileo, who had transmitted to him a formal complaint
-against Caccini, but expressed the acuteness of his own feelings on
-being implicated in the "brutal conduct of thirty or forty thousand
-monks."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From the character of Caccini, and the part which he afterwards played
-in the persecution of Galileo, we can scarcely avoid the opinion that
-his attack from the pulpit was intended as a snare for the unwary
-philosopher. It roused Galileo from his wonted caution; and stimulated,
-no doubt, by the nature of the answer which he received from Maraffi, he
-published a longer letter of seventy pages, defending and illustrating
-his former views respecting the influence of scriptural language on the
-two contending systems. As if to give the impress of royal authority to
-this new appeal, he addressed it to Christian, grand-duchess of Tuscany,
-the mother of Cosmo; and in this form it seems to have excited a new
-interest, as if it had expressed the opinion of the grand-ducal family.
-These external circumstances gave additional weight to the powerful and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">{Pg 31}</a></span>
-unanswerable reasoning which this letter contains; and it was scarcely
-possible that any man, possessed of a sound mind, and willing to learn
-the truth, should refuse his assent to the judicious views of our
-author. He expresses his belief that the Scriptures were given to
-instruct mankind respecting their salvation, and that the faculties of
-our minds were given us for the purpose of investigating the phenomena
-of nature. He considers Scripture and nature as proceeding from the same
-divine author, and, therefore, incapable of speaking a different
-language; and he points out the absurdity of supposing that professors
-of astronomy will shut their eyes to the phenomena which they discover
-in the heavens, or will refuse to believe those deductions of reason
-which appeal to their judgment with all the power of demonstration. He
-supports these views by quotations from the ancient fathers; and he
-refers to the dedication of Copernicus's own work to the Roman pontiff,
-Paul III., as a proof that the pope himself did not regard the new
-system of the world as hostile to the sacred writings. Copernicus, on
-the contrary, tells his holiness, that the reason of inscribing to him
-his new system was, that the authority of the pontiff might put to
-silence the calumnies of some individuals, who attacked it by arguments
-drawn from passages of Scripture twisted for their own purpose.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was in vain to meet such arguments by any other weapons than those of
-the civil power. His enemies saw that they must either crush the
-dangerous innovation, or allow it the fullest scope; and they determined
-upon an appeal to the inquisition. Lorini, a monk of the Dominican
-order, had already denounced to this body Galileo's letter to Castelli;
-and Caccini, bribed by the mastership of the convent of St. Mary of
-Minerva, was invited to settle at Rome for the purpose of embodying the
-evidence against Galileo.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Though these plans had been carried on in secret, yet Galileo's
-suspicions were excited; and he obtained leave from Cosmo to go to Rome
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">{Pg 32}</a></span>
-about the end of 1615.<a name="NoteRef_22_22" id="NoteRef_22_22"></a><a href="#Note_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Here he was lodged in the palace of the grand
-duke's ambassador, and kept up a constant correspondence with the family
-of his patron at Florence; but, in the midst of this external splendour,
-he was summoned before the inquisition to answer for the heretical
-doctrines which he had published. He was charged with maintaining the
-motion of the earth, and the stability of the sun, with teaching this
-doctrine to his pupils, with corresponding on the subject with several
-German mathematicians, and with having published it, and attempted to
-reconcile it to Scripture, in his letters to Mark Velser in 1612. The
-inquisition assembled to consider these charges on the 25th of February,
-1615; and it was decreed that Galileo should be enjoined by cardinal
-Bellarmine to renounce the obnoxious doctrines, and to pledge himself
-that he would neither teach, defend, nor publish them in future. In the
-event of his refusing to acquiesce in this sentence, it was decreed that
-he should be thrown into prison. Galileo did not hesitate to yield to
-this injunction. On the day following, the 26th of February, he appeared
-before cardinal Bellarmine, to renounce his heretical opinions; and,
-having declared that he abandoned the doctrine of the earth's motion,
-and would neither defend nor teach it, in his conversation or in his
-writings, he was dismissed the court.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Having thus disposed of Galileo, the inquisition conceived the design of
-condemning the whole system of Copernicus as heretical. Galileo, with
-more hardihood than prudence, remained at Rome for the purpose of giving
-his assistance in frustrating this plan; but there is reason to think
-that he injured by his presence the very cause which he meant to
-support. The inquisition had determined to put down the new opinions;
-and they now inserted among the prohibited books Galileo's letters to
-Castelli and the grand duchess, Kepler's epitome of the Copernican
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">{Pg 33}</a></span>
-theory, and Copernicus's own work on the revolutions of the heavenly
-bodies.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Notwithstanding these proceedings, Galileo had an audience of the pope,
-Paul V., in March, 1616. He was received very graciously, and spent
-nearly an hour with his holiness. When they were about to part, the pope
-assured Galileo, that the congregation were not disposed to receive upon
-light grounds any calumnies which might be propagated by his enemies,
-and that, as long as he occupied the papal chair, he might consider
-himself as safe.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-These assurances were no doubt founded on the belief that Galileo would
-adhere to his pledges; but so bold and inconsiderate was he in the
-expression of his opinions, that even in Rome he was continually engaged
-in controversial discussions. The following very interesting account of
-these disputes is given by Querenghi, in a letter to the cardinal
-D'Este:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Your eminence would be delighted with Galileo if you heard him holding
-forth, as he often does, in the midst of fifteen or twenty, all
-violently attacking him, sometimes in one house, sometimes in another.
-But he is armed after such fashion that he laughs all of them to
-scorn,&mdash;and even if the novelty of his opinions prevents entire
-persuasion, at least he convicts of emptiness most of the arguments with
-which his adversaries endeavour to overwhelm him. He was particularly
-admirable on Monday last in the house of signor Frederico Ghisilieri;
-and what especially pleased me was, that before replying to the contrary
-arguments, he amplified and enforced them with new grounds of great
-plausibility, so as to leave his adversaries in a more ridiculous
-plight, when he afterwards overturned them all."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The discovery of Jupiter's satellites suggested to Galileo a new method
-of finding the longitude at sea. Philip III. had encouraged astronomers
-to direct their attention to this problem, by offering a reward for its
-solution; and in those days, when new discoveries in science were
-sometimes rejected as injurious to mankind, it was no common event to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">{Pg 34}</a></span>
-see a powerful sovereign courting the assistance of astronomers in
-promoting the commercial interests of his empire. Galileo seems to have
-regarded the solution of this problem as an object worthy of his
-ambition; and he no doubt anticipated the triumph which he would obtain
-over his enemies, if the Medicean stars, which they had treated with
-such contempt, could be made subservient to the great interests of
-mankind. During his residence at Rome in 1615 and 1616, Galileo had
-communicated his views on this subject to the comte di Lemos, the
-viceroy of Naples, who had presided over the council of the Spanish
-Indies. This nobleman advised him to apply to the Spanish minister, the
-duke of Lerma; and, through the influence of the grand duke Cosmo, his
-ambassador at the court of Madrid was engaged to manage the affair. The
-anxiety of Galileo on this subject was singularly great. He assured the
-Tuscan ambassador that, in order to accomplish this object, "he was
-ready to leave all his comforts, his country, his friends, and his
-family, to cross over into Spain, and to stay as long as he might be
-wanted at Seville or at Lisbon, or wherever it might be convenient to
-communicate a knowledge of his method." The enthusiasm of Galileo seems
-to have increased the lethargy of the Spanish court; and though the
-negotiations were occasionally revived for ten or twelve years, yet no
-steps were taken to bring them to a close. This strange procrastination
-has been generally ascribed to jealousy or indifference on the part of
-Spain; but Nelli, one of Galileo's biographers, declares, on the
-authority of Florentine records, that Cosmo had privately requested from
-the government the privilege of sending annually t to the Spanish Indies
-two Leghorn merchantmen free of duty, as a compensation for the loss of
-Galileo!
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The failure of this negotiation must have been a source of extreme
-mortification to the high spirit and sanguine temperament of Galileo. He
-had calculated, however, too securely on his means of putting the new
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">{Pg 35}</a></span>
-method to a successful trial. The great imperfection of the time-keepers
-of that day, and the want of proper telescopes, would have baffled him
-in all his efforts, and he would have been subject to a more serious
-mortification from the failure and rejection of his plan, than that
-which he actually experienced from the avarice of his patron, or the
-indifference of Spain. Even in the present day, no telescope has been
-invented which is capable of observing at sea the eclipses of Jupiter's
-satellites; and though this method of finding the longitude has great
-advantages on shore, yet it has been completely abandoned at sea, and
-superseded by easier and more correct methods.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the year 1618, when no fewer than three comets visited our system,
-and attracted the attention of all the astronomers of Europe, Galileo
-was unfortunately confined to his bed by a severe illness; but, though
-he was unable to make a single observation upon these remarkable bodies,
-he contrived to involve himself in the controversies which they
-occasioned. Marco Guiducci, an astronomer of Florence, and a friend of
-Galileo's, had delivered a discourse on comets before the Florentine
-Academy, which was published in 1619.<a name="NoteRef_23_23" id="NoteRef_23_23"></a><a href="#Note_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> The heads of this discourse
-were supposed to have been communicated to him by Galileo, and this
-seems to have been universally admitted during the controversy to which
-it gave rise. The opinion maintained in this treatise, that comets are
-nothing but meteors which occasionally appear in our atmosphere, like
-halos and rainbows, savours so little of the sagacity of Galileo that we
-should be disposed to question its paternity. His inability to partake
-in the general interest which these three comets excited, and to employ
-his powerful telescope in observing their phenomena and their movements,
-might have had some slight share in the formation of an opinion which
-deprived them of their importance as celestial bodies. But, however this
-may have been, the treatise of Guiducci afforded a favourable point of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">{Pg 36}</a></span>
-attack to Galileo's enemies, and the dangerous task was entrusted to
-Oratio Grassi, a learned Jesuit, who, in a work entitled <i>The
-Astronomical and Philosophical Balance</i>, criticised the discourse on
-comets, under the feigned name of Lotario Sarsi.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo replied to this attack in a volume entitled <i>Il Saggiatore</i>,
-or <i>The Assayer</i>, which, owing to the state of his health, was not
-published till the autumn of 1623.<a name="NoteRef_24_24" id="NoteRef_24_24"></a><a href="#Note_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> This work was written in the form
-of a letter to Virginio Cæsarini, a member of the Lyncæan Academy, and
-master of the chamber to Urban VIII.<a name="NoteRef_25_25" id="NoteRef_25_25"></a><a href="#Note_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>, who had just ascended the
-pontifical throne. It has been long celebrated among literary men for
-the beauty of its language, though it is doubtless one of the least
-important of Galileo's writings.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The succession of the cardinal Maffeo Barberini to the papal throne,
-under the name of Urban VIII., was hailed by Galileo and his friends as
-an event favourable to the promotion of science. Urban had not only been
-the personal friend of Galileo and of prince Cesi, the founder of the
-Lyncæan Academy, but had been intimately connected with that able and
-liberal association; and it was, therefore, deemed prudent to secure his
-favour and attachment. If Paul III. had, nearly a century before,
-patronised Copernicus, and accepted of the dedication of his great work,
-it was not unreasonable to expect that, in more enlightened times,
-another pontiff might exhibit the same liberality to science.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The plan of securing to Galileo the patronage of Urban VIII. seems to
-have been devised by prince Cesi. Although Galileo had not been able for
-some years to travel, excepting in a fitter, yet he was urged by the
-prince to perform a journey to Rome, for the express purpose of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">{Pg 37}</a></span>
-congratulating his friend upon his elevation to the papal chair. This
-request was made in October, 1623; and, though Galileo's health was not
-such as to authorise him to undergo so much fatigue, yet he felt the
-importance of the advice; and, after visiting Cesi at Acqua Sparta, he
-arrived at Rome in the spring of 1624. The reception which he here
-experienced far exceeded his most sanguine expectations. During the two
-months which he spent in the capital he was permitted to have no fewer
-than six long and gratifying audiences of the pope. The kindness of his
-holiness was of the most marked description. He not only loaded Galileo
-with presents<a name="NoteRef_26_26" id="NoteRef_26_26"></a><a href="#Note_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>, and promised him a pension for his son Vincenzo, but
-he wrote a letter to Ferdinand, who had just succeeded Cosmo as grand
-duke of Tuscany, recommending Galileo to his particular patronage. "For
-we find in him," says he, "not only literary distinction, but the love of
-piety; and he is strong in those qualities by which pontifical good-will
-is easily obtained. And now, when he has been brought to this city to
-congratulate us on our elevation, we have very lovingly embraced him;
-nor can we suffer him to return to the country whither your liberality
-recalls him, without an ample provision of pontifical love. And that you
-may know how dear he is to us, we have willed to give him this
-honourable testimonial of virtue and piety. And we further signify, that
-every benefit which you shall confer upon him, imitating or even
-surpassing your father's liberality, will conduce to our gratification."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Not content with thus securing the friendship of the pope, Galileo
-endeavoured to bespeak the good-will of the cardinals towards the
-Copernican system. He had, accordingly, many interviews with several of
-these dignitaries; and he was assured, by cardinal Hohenzoller, that in
-a representation which he had made to the pope on the subject of
-Copernicus, he stated to his holiness, "that as all the heretics
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">{Pg 38}</a></span>
-considered that system as undoubted, it would be necessary to be very
-circumspect in coming to any resolution on the subject." To this remark
-his holiness replied,&mdash;"that the church had not condemned this system;
-and that it should not be condemned as heretical, but only as rash;" and
-he added, "that there was no fear of any person undertaking to prove
-that it must necessarily be true."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The recent appointment of the abbé Castelli, the friend and pupil of
-Galileo, to be mathematician to the pope, was an event of a most
-gratifying nature; and when we recollect that it was to Castelli that he
-addressed the famous letter which was pronounced heretical by the
-inquisition, we must regard it also as an event indicative of à new and
-favourable feeling towards the friends of science. The opinions of
-Urban, indeed, had suffered no change. He was one of the few cardinals
-who had opposed the inquisitorial decree of 1616, and his subsequent
-demeanour was in every respect conformable to the liberality of his
-early views. The sincerity of his conduct was still further evinced by
-the grant of a pension of one hundred crowns to Galileo, a few years
-after his visit to Rome; but there is reason to think that this
-allowance was not regularly paid.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The death of Cosmo, whose liberality had given him both affluence and
-leisure, threatened Galileo with pecuniary difficulties. He had been
-involved in a "great load of debt," owing to the circumstances of his
-brother's family; and, in order to relieve himself, he had requested
-Castelli to dispose of the pension of his son Vincenzo: but he was now
-alarmed at the prospect of losing his salary as an extraordinary
-professor at Pisa. The great youth of Ferdinand, who was scarcely of
-age, induced Galileo's enemies, in 1629, to raise doubts respecting the
-payment of a salary to a professor who neither resided nor lectured in
-the university; but the question was decided in his favour, and we have
-no doubt that the decision was facilitated by the friendly
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">{Pg 39}</a></span>
-recommendation of the pope, to which we have already referred.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although Galileo had made a narrow escape from the grasp of the
-inquisition, yet he was never sufficiently sensible of the lenity which
-he experienced. When he left Rome in 1616, under the solemn pledge of
-never again teaching the obnoxious doctrine, it was with an hostility
-against the church, suppressed but deeply cherished; and his resolution
-to propagate the heresy seems to have been coeval with the vow by which
-he renounced it. In the year 1618, when he communicated his theory of
-the tides to the archduke Leopold, he alludes in the most sarcastic
-manner to the conduct of the church. The same hostile tone, more or
-less, pervaded all his writings, and, while he laboured to sharpen the
-edge of his satire, he endeavoured to guard himself against its effects,
-by an affectation of the humblest deference to the decisions of
-theology. Had Galileo stood alone, his devotion to science might have
-withdrawn him from so hopeless a contest; but he was spurred on by the
-violence of a party. The Lyncæan Academy never scrupled to summon him
-from his researches. They placed him in the forlorn hope of their
-combat, and he at last fell a victim to the rashness of his adventure.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But, whatever allowance we may make for the ardour of Galileo's temper,
-and the peculiarity of his position; and however we may justify and even
-approve of his past conduct, his visit to Urban VIII., in 1624, placed
-him in a new relation to the church, which demanded on his part a new
-and corresponding demeanour. The noble and generous reception which he
-met with from Urban, and the liberal declaration of cardinal Hohenzoller
-on the subject of the Copernican system, should have been regarded as
-expressions of regret for the past, and offers of conciliation for the
-future. Thus honoured by the head of the church, and befriended by its
-dignitaries, Galileo must have felt himself secure against the indignity
-of its lesser functionaries, and in the possession of the fullest
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">{Pg 40}</a></span>
-licence to prosecute his researches and publish his discoveries,
-provided he avoided that dogma of the church which, even in the present
-day, it has not ventured to renounce. But Galileo was bound to the
-Romish hierarchy by even stronger ties. His son and himself were
-pensioners of the church, and, having accepted of its alms, they owed to
-it, at least, a decent and respectful allegiance. The pension thus given
-by Urban was not a remuneration which sovereigns sometimes award to the
-services of their subjects. Galileo was a foreigner at Rome. The
-sovereign of the papal state owed him no obligation; and hence we must
-regard the pension of Galileo as a donation from the Roman pontiff to
-science itself, and as a declaration to the Christian world, that
-religion was not jealous of philosophy, and that the church of Rome was
-willing to respect and foster even the genius of its enemies.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo viewed all these circumstances in a different light. He resolved
-to compose a work in which the Copernican system should be demonstrated;
-but he had not the courage to do this in a direct and open manner. He
-adopted the plan of discussing the subject in a dialogue between three
-speakers, in the hope of eluding by this artifice the censure of the
-church. This work was completed in 1630, but, owing to some difficulties
-in obtaining a licence to print it, it was not published till 1632.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In obtaining this licence, Galileo exhibited considerable address, and
-his memory has not escaped from the imputation of having acted unfairly,
-and of having involved his personal friends in the consequences of his
-imprudence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The situation of master of the palace was, fortunately for Galileo's
-designs, filled by Nicolo Riccardi, a friend and pupil of his own. This
-officer was a sort of censor of new publications, and when he was
-applied to on the subject of printing his work, Galileo soon found that
-attempts had previously been made to thwart his views. He instantly set
-off for Rome, and had an interview with his friend, who was in every
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">{Pg 41}</a></span>
-respect anxious to oblige him. Riccardi examined the manuscript, pointed
-out some incautious expressions which he considered it necessary to
-erase, and returned it with his written approbation, on the
-understanding that the alterations he suggested would be made. Dreading
-to remain in Rome during the unhealthy season, which was fast
-approaching, Galileo returned to Florence, with the intention of
-completing the index and dedication, and of sending the MS. to Rome, to
-be printed under the care of prince Cesi. The death of that
-distinguished individual, in August 1630, frustrated Galileo's plan, and
-he applied for leave to have the book printed in Florence. Riccardi was
-at first desirous to examine the MS. again, but after inspecting only
-the beginning and the end of it, he gave Galileo leave to print it
-wherever he chose, providing it bore the licence of the
-inquisitor-general of Florence, and one or two other persons whom he
-named. Having overcome all these difficulties, Galileo's work was
-published in 1632, under the title of "The System of the World of
-Galileo Galilei, &amp;c., in which, in four dialogues concerning the two
-principal systems of the World,&mdash;the Ptolemaic and the
-Copernican,&mdash;he discusses, indeterminately and firmly, the arguments
-proposed on both sides." It is dedicated to Ferdinand, grand duke of
-Tuscany, and is prefaced by an "Address to the prudent reader," which is
-itself characterised by the utmost imprudence. He refers to the decree of
-the inquisition in the most insulting and ironical language. He attributes
-it to passion and to ignorance, not by direct assertion, but by
-insinuations ascribed to others; and he announces his intention to
-defend the Copernican system, as a pure mathematical hypothesis, and not
-as an opinion, having an advantage over that of the stability of the
-earth absolutely. The dialogue is conducted by three persons, Salviati,
-Sagredo, and Simplicio. Salviati, who is the true philosopher in the
-dialogue, was the real name of a nobleman whom we have already had
-occasion to mention. Sagredo, the name of another noble friend of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">{Pg 42}</a></span>
-Galileo's, performs a secondary part under Salviati. He proposes doubts,
-suggests difficulties, and enlivens the gravity of the dialogue with his
-wit and pleasantry. Simplicio is a resolute follower of Ptolemy and
-Aristotle, and with a proper degree of candour and modesty, he brings
-forward all the common arguments in favour of the Ptolemaic system.
-Between the wit of Sagredo, and the powerful philosophy of Salviati, the
-peripatetic sage is baffled in every discussion; and there can be no
-doubt that Galileo aimed a more fatal blow at the Ptolemaic system by
-this mode of discussing it, than if he had endeavoured to overturn it by
-direct arguments.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The influence of this work on the public mind was such as might have
-been anticipated. The obnoxious doctrines which it upheld were eagerly
-received, and widely disseminated; and the church of Rome became
-sensible of the shock which was thus given to its intellectual
-supremacy. Pope Urban VIII., attached though he had been to Galileo,
-never once hesitated respecting the line of conduct which he felt
-himself bound to pursue. His mind was, nevertheless, agitated with
-conflicting sentiments. He entertained a sincere affection for science
-and literature, and yet he was placed in the position of their enemy. He
-had been the personal friend of Galileo, and yet his duty compelled him
-to become his accuser. Embarrassing as these feelings were, other
-considerations contributed to soothe him. He had, in his capacity of a
-cardinal, opposed the first persecution of Galileo. He had, since his
-elevation to the pontificate, traced an open path for the march of
-Galileo's discoveries; and he had finally endeavoured to bind the
-recusant philosopher by the chains of kindness and gratitude. All these
-means, however, had proved abortive, and he was now called upon to
-support the doctrine which he had subscribed, and administer the law of
-which he was the guardian.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It has been supposed, without any satisfactory evidence, that Urban may
-have been influenced by less creditable motives. Salviati and Sagredo
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">{Pg 43}</a></span>
-being well-known personages, it was inferred, that Simplicio must also
-have a representative. The enemies of Galileo are said to have convinced
-his holiness that Simplicio was intended as a portraiture of himself;
-and this opinion received some probability from the fact, that the
-peripatetic disputant had employed many of the arguments which Urban had
-himself used in his discussions with Galileo. The latest biographer of
-Galileo<a name="NoteRef_27_27" id="NoteRef_27_27"></a><a href="#Note_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> regards this motive as necessary to account for "the
-otherwise inexplicable change which took place in the conduct of Urban
-to his old friend;"&mdash;but we cannot admit for a moment the truth, of
-this supposition. The church had been placed in hostility to a powerful and
-liberal party, which was adverse to its interests. The dogmas of the
-Catholic faith had been brought into direct collision with the
-deductions of science. The leader of the philosophic band had broken the
-most solemn armistice with the inquisition: he had renounced the ties of
-gratitude which bound him to the pontiff; and Urban was thus compelled
-to intrench himself in a position to which he had been driven by his
-opponents.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The design of summoning Galileo before the inquisition, seems to have
-been formed almost immediately after the publication of his book; for
-even in August, 1632, the preliminary proceedings had reached the ears
-of the grand duke Ferdinand. The Tuscan ambassador at Rome was speedily
-acquainted with the dissatisfaction which his sovereign felt at these
-proceedings; and he was instructed to forward to Florence a written
-statement of the charges against Galileo, in order to enable him to
-prepare for his defence. Although this request was denied, Ferdinand
-again interposed; and transmitted a letter to his ambassador,
-recommending the admission of Campanella and Castelli into the
-congregation of ecclesiastics by which Galileo was to be judged.
-Circumstances, however, rendered it prudent to withhold this letter.
-Castelli was sent away from Rome, and Scipio Chiaramonte, a bigotted
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">{Pg 44}</a></span>
-ecclesiastic, was summoned from Pisa to complete the number of the
-judges.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It appears from a despatch of the Tuscan minister, that Ferdinand was
-enraged at the transaction; and he instructed his ambassador, Niccolini,
-to make the strongest representations to the pope. Niccolini had several
-interviews with his holiness; but all his expostulations were fruitless.
-He found Urban highly incensed against Galileo; and his holiness begged
-Niccolini to advise the archduke not to interfere any farther, as he
-would not "get through it with honour." On the 15th of September the
-pope caused it to be intimated to Niccolini, as a mark of his especial
-esteem for the grand duke, that he was obliged to refer the work to the
-inquisition; but both the prince and his ambassador were declared liable
-to the usual censures if they divulged the secret.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From the measures which this tribunal had formerly pursued, it was not
-difficult to foresee the result of their present deliberations. They
-summoned Galileo to appear before them at Rome, to answer in person the
-charges under which he lay. The Tuscan ambassador expostulated warmly
-with the court of Rome on the inhumanity of this proceeding. He urged
-his advanced age, his infirm health, the discomforts of the journey, and
-the miseries of the quarantine<a name="NoteRef_28_28" id="NoteRef_28_28"></a><a href="#Note_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>, as motives for reconsidering their
-decision: but the pope was inexorable; and though it was agreed to relax
-the quarantine as much as possible in his favour, yet it was declared
-indispensable that he should appear in person before the inquisition.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Worn out with age and infirmities, and exhausted with the fatigues of
-his journey, Galileo arrived at Rome on the 14th of February, 1633. The
-Tuscan ambassador announced his arrival in an official form to the
-commissary of the holy office, and Galileo awaited in calm dignity the
-approach of his trial. Among those who proffered their advice in this
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">{Pg 45}</a></span>
-distressing emergency, we must enumerate the cardinal Barberino, the
-pope's nephew, who, though he may have felt the necessity of an
-interference on the part of the church, was yet desirous that it should
-be effected with the least injury to Galileo and to science. He
-accordingly visited Galileo, and advised him to remain as much at home
-as possible, to keep aloof from general society, and to see only his
-most intimate friends. The same advice was given from different
-quarters; and Galileo felt its propriety, and remained in strict
-seclusion in the palace of the Tuscan ambassador.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During the whole of the trial which now commenced, Galileo was treated
-with the most marked indulgence. Abhorring, as we must do, the
-principles and practice of this odious tribunal, and reprobating its
-interference with the cautious deductions of science, we must yet admit
-that, on this occasion, its deliberations were not dictated by passion,
-nor its power directed by vengeance. Though placed at their
-judgment-seat as a heretic, Galileo stood there with the recognised
-attributes of a sage; and though an offender against the laws of which
-they were the guardian, yet the highest respect was yielded to his
-genius, and the kindest commiseration to his infirmities.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the beginning of April, when his examination in person was to
-commence, it became necessary that he should be removed to the holy
-office; but instead of committing him, as was the practice, to solitary
-confinement, he was provided with apartments in the house of the fiscal
-of the inquisition. His table was provided by the Tuscan ambassador, and
-his servant was allowed to attend him at his pleasure, and to sleep in
-an adjoining apartment. Even this nominal confinement, however,
-Galileo's high spirit was unable to brook. An attack of the disease to
-which he was constitutionally subject contributed to fret and irritate
-him, and he became impatient for a release from his anxiety as well as
-from his bondage. Cardinal Barberino seems to have received notice of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">{Pg 46}</a></span>
-the state of Galileo's feelings; and with a magnanimity which posterity
-will ever honour, he liberated Galileo on his own responsibility; and in
-ten days after his first examination, and on the last day of April, he
-was restored to the hospitable roof of the Tuscan ambassador.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Though this favour was granted on the condition of his remaining in
-strict seclusion, Galileo recovered his health, and to a certain degree
-his usual hilarity, amid the kind attentions of Niccolini and his
-family; and when the want of exercise had begun to produce symptoms of
-indisposition, Niccolini obtained for him leave to go into the public
-gardens in a half-closed carriage.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After the inquisition had examined Galileo personally, they allowed him
-a reasonable time for preparing his defence. He felt the difficulty of
-adducing any thing like a plausible justification of his conduct; and he
-resorted to an ingenious, though a shallow artifice, which was regarded
-by the court as an aggravation of the crime. After his first appearance
-before the inquisition in 1616, he was publicly and falsely charged by
-his enemies with having then abjured his opinions; and he was taunted as
-a criminal who had been actually punished for his offences. As a
-refutation of these calumnies. Cardinal Bellarmine had given him a
-certificate in his own handwriting, declaring that he neither abjured
-his opinions, nor suffered punishment for them; and that the doctrine of
-the earth's motion, and the sun's stability, was only denounced to him
-as contrary to scripture, and as one which could not be defended. To
-this certificate the cardinal did not add, because he was not called
-upon to do it, that Galileo was enjoined not <i>to teach in any manner</i>
-the doctrine thus denounced; and Galileo ingeniously avails himself of
-this supposed omission, to account for his having, in the lapse of
-fourteen or sixteen years, forgotten the injunction. He assigned the
-same excuse for his having omitted to mention this injunction to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">{Pg 47}</a></span>
-Riccardi, and to the inquisitor-general at Florence, when he obtained
-the licence to print his dialogues. The court held the production of
-this certificate to be at once a proof and an aggravation of his
-offence; because the certificate itself declared that the obnoxious
-doctrines had been pronounced contrary to the Holy Scriptures.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Having duly weighed the confessions and excuses of their prisoner, and
-considered the general merits of the case, the inquisition came to an
-agreement upon the sentence which they were to pronounce, and appointed
-the 22d of June as the day on which it was to be delivered. Two days
-previous to this, Galileo was summoned to appear at the holy office; and
-on the morning of the 21st, he obeyed the summons. On the 22d of June he
-was clothed in a penitential dress, and conducted to the convent of
-Minerva, where the inquisition was assembled to give judgment. A long
-and elaborate sentence was pronounced, detailing the former proceedings
-of the inquisition, and specifying the offences which he had committed
-in teaching heretical doctrines, in violating his former pledges, and in
-obtaining by improper means a licence for the printing of his Dialogues.
-After an invocation of the name of our Saviour, and of the Holy Virgin,
-Galileo is declared to have brought himself under strong suspicions of
-heresy, and to have incurred all the censures and penalties which are
-enjoined against delinquents of this kind; but from all these
-consequences he is to be held absolved, provided that with a sincere
-heart, and a faith unfeigned, he abjures and curses the heresies he has
-cherished, as well as every other heresy against the Catholic church. In
-order that his offence might not go altogether unpunished, that he might
-be more cautious in future, and be a warning to others to abstain from
-similar delinquencies, it was also decreed that his Dialogues should be
-prohibited by public edict; that he himself should be condemned to the
-prison of the inquisition during their pleasure, and that during the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">{Pg 48}</a></span>
-next three years he should recite once a week the seven penitential
-psalms.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The ceremony of Galileo's abjuration was one of exciting interest, and
-of awful formality. Clothed in the sackcloth of a repentant criminal,
-the venerable sage fell upon his knees before the assembled cardinals;
-and laying his hands upon the Holy Evangelists, he invoked the divine
-aid in abjuring and detesting, and vowing never again to teach, the
-doctrine of the earth's motion, and of the sun's stability. He pledged
-himself that he would never again, either in words or in writing,
-propagate such heresies; and he swore that he would fulfil and observe
-the penances which had been inflicted upon him.<a name="NoteRef_29_29" id="NoteRef_29_29"></a><a href="#Note_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> At the conclusion of
-this ceremony, in which he recited his abjuration word for word, and
-then signed it, he was conveyed, in conformity with his sentence, to the
-prison of the inquisition.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The account which we have now given of the trial and the sentence of
-Galileo, is pregnant with the deepest interest and instruction. Human
-nature is here drawn in its darkest colouring; and in surveying the
-melancholy picture, it is difficult to decide whether religion or
-philosophy has been most degraded. While we witness the presumptuous
-priest pronouncing infallible the decrees of his own erring judgment, we
-see the high-minded philosopher abjuring the eternal and immutable
-truths which he had himself the glory of establishing. In the ignorance
-and prejudices of the age,&mdash;in a too literal interpretation of the
-language of Scripture,&mdash;in a mistaken respect for the errors that had
-become venerable from their antiquity,&mdash;and in the peculiar position
-which Galileo had taken among the avowed enemies of the church, we may
-find the elements of an apology, however poor it may he, for the conduct
-of the inquisition. But what excuse can we devise for the humiliating
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">{Pg 49}</a></span>
-confession and abjuration of Galileo? Why did this master-spirit of the
-age&mdash;this high-priest of the stars&mdash;this representative of
-science&mdash;this hoary sage, whose career of glory was near its
-consummation,&mdash;why did he reject the crown of martyrdom which he had
-himself coveted, and which, plaited with immortal laurels, was about to
-descend upon his head? If, in place of disavowing the laws of nature, and
-surrendering in his own person the intellectual dignity of his species, he
-had boldly owned the truth of his opinions, and confided his character to
-posterity, and his cause to an all-ruling Providence, he would have strung
-up the hair-suspended sabre, and disarmed for ever the hostility which
-threatened to overwhelm him. The philosopher, however, was supported
-only by philosophy; and in the love of truth he found a miserable
-substitute for the hopes of the martyr. Galileo cowered under the fear
-of man, and his submission was the salvation of the church. The sword of
-the inquisition descended on his prostrate neck; and though its stroke
-was not physical, yet it fell with a moral influence fatal to the
-character of its victim, and to the dignity of science.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In studying with attention this portion of scientific history, the
-reader will not fail to perceive that the church of Rome was driven into
-a dilemma from which the submission and abjuration of Galileo could
-alone extricate it. He who confesses a crime and denounces its atrocity,
-not only sanctions but inflicts the punishment which is annexed to it.
-If Galileo had declared his innocence, and avowed his sentiments; and if
-he had appealed to the past conduct of the church itself, to the
-acknowledged opinions of its dignitaries, and even to the acts of its
-pontiffs, he would have at once confounded his accusers, and escaped
-from their toils. After Copernicus, himself a catholic priest, had
-<i>openly</i> maintained the motion of the earth, and the stability of the
-sun: after he had dedicated the work which advocated these opinions to
-pope Paul III., on the express ground that the <i>authority of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">{Pg 50}</a></span>
-pontiff</i> might silence the calumnies of those who attacked these
-opinions by arguments drawn from Scripture: after the cardinal Schonherg
-and the bishop of Culm had urged Copernicus to publish the new
-doctrines; and after the bishop of Ermeland had erected a monument to
-commemorate his great discoveries; how could the church of Rome have
-appealed to its pontifical decrees as the ground of persecuting and
-punishing Galileo? Even in later times, the same doctrines had been
-propagated with entire toleration; nay, in the very year of Galileo's
-first persecution, Paul Anthony Foscarinus, a learned Carmelite monk,
-wrote a pamphlet, in which he illustrates and defends the mobility of
-the earth, and endeavours to reconcile to this new doctrine the passages
-of Scripture which had been employed to subvert it. This very singular
-production was dated from the Carmelite convent at Naples; was dedicated
-to the very reverend Sebastian Fantoni, general of the Carmelite order;
-and, sanctioned by the ecclesiastical authorities, it was published at
-Florence, three years before the second persecution of Galileo.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-By these acts, tolerated for more than a century, the decrees of the
-pontiffs against the doctrine of the earth's motion were virtually
-repealed; and Galileo might have pleaded them with success in arrest of
-judgment. Unfortunately, however, for himself and for science, he acted
-otherwise. By admitting their authority, he revived in fresh force these
-obsolete and obnoxious enactments; and, by yielding to their power, he
-riveted for another century the almost broken chains of spiritual
-despotism.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Pope Urban VII. did not fail to observe the full extent of his triumph;
-and he exhibited the utmost sagacity in the means which he employed to
-secure it. While he endeavoured to overawe the enemies of the church by
-the formal promulgation of Galileo's sentence and abjuration, and by
-punishing the officials who had assisted in obtaining the licence to
-print his work, he treated Galileo with the utmost lenity, and yielded
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">{Pg 51}</a></span>
-to every request that was made to diminish, and almost to suspend, the
-constraint under which he lay. The sentence of abjuration was ordered to
-be publicly read at several universities. At Florence the ceremonial was
-performed in the church of Santa Croce, and the friends and disciples of
-Galileo were especially summoned to witness the public degradation of
-their master. The inquisitor at Florence was ordered to be reprimanded
-for his conduct; and Riccardi, the master of the sacred palace, and
-Ciampoli, the secretary of pope Urban himself, were dismissed from their
-situations.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo had remained only four days in the prison of the inquisition,
-when, on the application of Niccolini, the Tuscan ambassador, he was
-allowed to reside with him in his palace. As Florence still suffered
-under the contagious disease which we have already mentioned, it was
-proposed that Sienna should be the place of Galileo's confinement, and
-that his residence should be in one of the convents of that city.
-Niccolini, however, recommended the palace of the archbishop Piccolomoni
-as a more suitable residence; and though the archbishop was one of
-Galileo's best friends, the pope agreed to the arrangement, and in the
-beginning of July Galileo quitted Rome for Sienna.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After having spent nearly six months under the hospitable roof of his
-friend, with no other restraint than that of being confined to the
-limits of the palace, Galileo was permitted to return to his villa near
-Florence under the same restrictions; and as the contagious disease had
-disappeared in Tuscany, he was able in the month of December to re-enter
-his own house at Arcetri, where he spent the remainder of his days.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although Galileo had now the happiness of rejoining his family under
-their paternal roof, yet, like all sublunary blessings, it was but of
-short duration. His favourite daughter Maria, who along with her sister
-had joined the convent of St. Matthew in the neighbourhood of Arcetri,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">{Pg 52}</a></span>
-had looked forward to the arrival of her father with the most
-affectionate anticipation: she hoped that her filial devotion might form
-some compensation for the malignity of his enemies; and she eagerly
-assumed the labour of reciting weekly the seven penitentiary psalms
-which formed part of her father's sentence. These sacred duties,
-however, were destined to terminate almost at the moment they were
-begun. She was seized with a fatal illness in the same month in which
-she rejoined her parent, and before the month of April she was no more.
-This heavy blow, so suddenly struck, overwhelmed Galileo in the deepest
-agony. Owing to the decline of his health, and the recurrence of his old
-complaints, he was unable to oppose to this mental suffering the
-constitutional energy of his mind. The bulwarks of his heart broke down,
-and a flood of grief desolated his manly and powerful mind. He felt, as
-he expressed it, that he was incessantly called by his daughter,&mdash;his
-pulse intermitted,&mdash;his heart was agitated with unceasing
-palpitations,&mdash;his appetite entirely left him, and he considered his
-dissolution so near at hand, that he would not permit his son Vicenzo to
-set out upon a journey which he had contemplated.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From this state of melancholy and indisposition, Galileo slowly, though
-partially, recovered; and, with the view of obtaining medical
-assistance, he requested leave to go to Florence. His enemies, however,
-refused this application, and he was given to understand that any
-additional importunities would be visited with a more vigilant
-surveillance. He remained, therefore, five years at Arcetri, from 1634
-to 1638, without any remission of his confinement, and pursuing his
-studies under the influence of a continued and general indisposition.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-There is no reason to think that Galileo or his friends renewed their
-application to the church of Rome; but, in 1638, the pope transmitted,
-through the inquisitor Fariano, his permission that he might remove to
-Florence for the recovery of his health, on the condition that he should
-present himself at the office of the inquisitor to learn the terms upon
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">{Pg 53}</a></span>
-which this indulgence was granted. Galileo accepted of the kindness thus
-unexpectedly proffered; but the conditions upon which it was given were
-more severe than he expected: he was prohibited from leaving his house,
-or admitting his friends; and so sternly was this system pursued, that
-he required a special order for attending mass during Passion week.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The severity of this order was keenly felt by Galileo. While he remained
-at Arcetri, his seclusion from the world would have been an object of
-choice, if it had not been the decree of a tribunal; but to be debarred
-from the conversation of his friends in Florence,&mdash;in that city where
-his genius had been idolised, and where his fame had become immortal,
-was an aggravation of punishment which he was unable to bear. With his
-accustomed kindness, the grand duke made a strong representation on the
-subject to his ambassador at the court of Rome. He stated that, from his
-great age and infirmities, Galileo's career was near its close; that he
-possessed many valuable ideas, which the world might lose if they were
-not matured and conveyed to his friends; and that Galileo was anxious to
-make these communications to father Castelli, who was then a stipendiary
-of the court of Rome. The grand duke commanded his ambassador to see
-Castelli on the subject; to urge him to obtain leave from the pope to
-spend a few months in Florence, and to supply him with money, and every
-thing that was necessary for his journey. Influenced by this kind and
-liberal message. Castelli obtained an audience of the pope, and
-requested leave to pay a visit to Florence. Urban instantly suspected
-the object of his journey; and, upon Castelli's acknowledging that he
-could not possibly refrain from seeing Galileo, he received permission
-to visit him in the company of an officer of the inquisition. Castelli
-accordingly went to Florence; and, a few months afterwards, Galileo was
-ordered to return to Arcetri.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During Galileo's confinement at Sienna and Arcetri, between 1633 and
-1636, his time was principally occupied in the composition of his
-"Dialogues on Local Motion." This remarkable work, which was considered
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">{Pg 54}</a></span>
-by its author as the best of his productions, was printed by Louis
-Elzevir, at Amsterdam, and dedicated to the count de Noailles, the
-French ambassador at Rome. Various attempts to have it printed in
-Germany had failed; and, in order to save himself from the malignity of
-his enemies, he was obliged to pretend that the edition published in
-Holland had been printed from a MS. entrusted to the French ambassador.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although Galileo had for a long time abandoned his astronomical studies,
-yet his attention was directed, about the year 1636, to a curious
-appearance in the lunar disc, which is known by the name of the moons
-libration. When we examine with a telescope the outline of the moon, we
-observe that certain parts of her disc, which are seen at one time, are
-invisible at another. This change or libration is of four different
-kinds; viz. the diurnal libration, the libration in longitude, the
-libration in latitude, and the spheroidal libration. Galileo discovered
-the first of these kinds of libration, and appears to have had some
-knowledge of the second; but the third was discovered by Hevelius, and
-the fourth by Lagrange.<a name="NoteRef_30_30" id="NoteRef_30_30"></a><a href="#Note_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This curious discovery was the result of the last telescopic
-observations of Galileo. Although his right eye had for some years lost
-its power, yet his general vision was sufficiently perfect to enable him
-to carry on his usual researches. In 1636, however, this affection of
-his eye became more serious; and, in 1637, his left eye was attacked
-with the same disease. His medical friends at first supposed that
-cataracts were formed in the crystalline lens, and anticipated a cure
-from the operation of couching. These hopes were fallacious. The disease
-turned out to be in the cornea, and every attempt to restore its
-transparency was fruitless. In a few months the white cloud covered the
-whole aperture of the pupil, and Galileo became totally blind. This
-sudden and unexpected calamity had almost overwhelmed Galileo and his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">{Pg 55}</a></span>
-friends. In writing to a correspondent he exclaims, "Alas! your dear
-friend and servant has become totally and irreparably blind. These
-heavens, this earth, this universe, which by wonderful observation I had
-enlarged a thousand times beyond the belief of past ages, are henceforth
-shrunk into the narrow space which I myself occupy. So it pleases God;
-it shall, therefore, please me also." His friend, father Castelli,
-deplores the calamity in the same tone of pathetic sublimity:&mdash;"The
-noblest eye," says he, "which nature ever made, is darkened; an eye so
-privileged, and gifted with such rare powers, that it may truly be said
-to have seen more than the eyes of all that are gone, and to have opened
-the eyes of all that are to come."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although Galileo had been thwarted in his attempt to introduce into the
-Spanish marine his new method of finding the longitude at sea, yet he
-never lost sight of an object to which he attached the highest
-importance. As the formation of correct tables of the motion of
-Jupiter's satellites was a necessary preliminary to its introduction, he
-had occupied himself for twenty-four years in observations for this
-purpose, and he had made considerable progress in this laborious task.
-After the publication of his "Dialogues on Motion," in 1636, he renewed
-his attempts to bring his method into actual use. For this purpose he
-addressed himself to Lorenzo Real, who had been the Dutch
-governor-general in India, and offered the free use of his method to the
-states-general of Holland.<a name="NoteRef_31_31" id="NoteRef_31_31"></a><a href="#Note_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> The Dutch government received this
-proposal with an anxious desire to have it carried into effect. At the
-instigation of Constantine Huygens, the father of the illustrious
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">{Pg 56}</a></span>
-Huygens, and the secretary to the prince of Orange, they appointed
-commissioners to communicate with Galileo; and while they transmitted
-him a gold chain as a mark of their esteem, they at the same time
-assured him, that if his plan should prove successful it should not pass
-unrewarded. The commissioners entered into an active correspondence with
-Galileo, and had even appointed one of their number to communicate
-personally with him in Italy. Lest this, however, should excite the
-jealousy of the court of Rome, Galileo objected to the arrangement, so
-that the negotiation was carried on solely by correspondence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was at this time that Galileo was struck with blindness. His friend
-and pupil, Renieri, undertook, in this emergency, to arrange and
-complete his observations and calculations; but before he had made much
-progress in the arduous task, each of the four commissioners died in
-succession, and it was with great difficulty that Constantine Huygens
-succeeded in renewing the scheme. It was again obstructed, however, by
-the death of Galileo; and when Renieri was about to publish, by the
-order of the grand duke, the "Ephemeris," and "Tables of the Jovian
-Planets," he was attacked with a mortal disease, and the manuscripts of
-Galileo, which he was on the eve of publishing, were never more heard
-of. By such a series of misfortunes were the plans of Galileo and of the
-states-general completely overthrown. It is some consolation, however,
-to know that neither science nor navigation suffered any severe loss.
-Notwithstanding the perfection of our present tables of Jupiter's
-satellites, and of the astronomical instruments by which their eclipses
-may be observed, the method of Galileo is still impracticable at sea.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In consequence of the strict seclusion to which Galileo had been
-subjected, he was in the practice of dating his letters from his prison
-at Arcetri: but after he had lost the use of his eyes, the Inquisition
-seems to have relaxed its severity, and to have allowed him the freest
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">{Pg 57}</a></span>
-intercourse with his friends. The grand duke of Tuscany paid him
-frequent visits; and among the celebrated strangers who came from
-distant lands to see the ornament of Italy, were Gassendi, Deodati, and
-our illustrious countryman Milton. During the last three years of his
-life, his eminent pupil Viviani formed one of his family; and in
-October, 1611, the celebrated Torricelli, another of his pupils, was
-admitted to the same distinction.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Though the powerful mind of Galileo still retained its vigour, yet his
-debilitated frame was exhausted with mental labour. He often complained
-that his head was too busy for his body; and the continuity of his
-studies was frequently broken with attacks of hypochondria, want of
-sleep, and acute rheumatic pains. Along with these calamities, he was
-afflicted with another still more severe&mdash;with deafness almost total;
-but though he was now excluded from all communication with the external
-world, yet his mind still grappled with the material universe, and while
-he was studying the force of percussion, and preparing for a
-continuation of his "Dialogues on Motion," he was attacked with fever
-and palpitation of the heart, which, after continuing two months,
-terminated fatally on the 8th of January, 1642, in the 78th year of his
-age.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Having died in the character of a prisoner of the Inquisition, this
-odious tribunal disputed his right of making a will, and of being buried
-in consecrated ground. These objections, however, were withdrawn; but
-though a large sum was subscribed for erecting a monument to him in the
-church of Santa Croce, in Florence, the pope would not permit the design
-to be carried into execution. His sacred remains were, therefore,
-deposited in an obscure corner of the church, and remained for more than
-thirty years unmarked with any monumental tablet. The following epitaph,
-given without any remark in the Leyden edition of his Dialogues, is, we
-presume, the one which was inscribed on a tablet in the church of Santa
-Croce:&mdash;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">{Pg 58}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<blockquote><p class="center">
-GALILÆO GALILÆI FIORENTINO,<br />
-Philosopho et Geometræ vere lynceo,<br />
-Natura Œdipo,<br />
-Mirabilium semper inventorum machinatori,<br />
-Qui inconcessa adhuc mortalibus gloria<br />
-Cælorum provincias auxit<br />
-Et universo dedit incrementum:<br />
-Non enim vitreos spherarum orbes<br />
-Fragilesque stellas conflavit:<br />
-Sed æterna mundi corpore<br />
-Mediceæ beneficentiae dedicavit,<br />
-Cujus inextincta gloriæ cupiditas<br />
-Ut oculos nationum<br />
-Sæculorumque omnium<br />
-Videre doceret,<br />
-Proprios impendit oculos.<br />
-Cum jam nil amplius haberet natura<br />
-Quod ipse videret.<br />
-Cujus inventa vix intra rerum limites comprehensa<br />
-Firmamentum ipsum non solum continet,<br />
-Sed etiam recipit.<br />
-Qui relictis tot scientiarum monumentis<br />
-Plura secum tulit, quam reliquit.<br />
-Gravi enim<br />
-Sed nondum affecta senectute,<br />
-Novis contemplationibus<br />
-Majorem gloriam affectans<br />
-Inexplebilem sapientiæ animam<br />
-Immaturo nobis obi tu<br />
-Exhalavit<br />
-Anno Domini<br />
-MCXLII.<br />
-Ætatis suæ<br />
-LXXVIII.</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>
-At his death, in 1703, Viviani purchased his property, with the charge
-of erecting a monument over Galileo's remains and his own. This design
-was not carried into effect till 1737, at the expense of the family of
-Nelli, when both their bodies were disinterred, and removed to the site
-of the splendid monument which now covers them. This monument contains
-the bust of Galileo, with figures of Geometry and Astronomy. It was
-designed by Giulio Foggini. Galileo's bust was executed by Giovanni
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">{Pg 59}</a></span>
-Battista Foggini; the figure of Astronomy by Vincenzio Foggini, his son;
-and that of Geometry by Girolamo Ticciati.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo's house at Arcetri still remains. In 1821 it belonged to one
-Signor Alimari, having been preserved in the state in which it was left
-by Galileo; it stands very near the convent of St. Matthew, and about a
-mile to the S. E. of Florence. An inscription by Nelli, over the door of
-the house, still remains.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The character of Galileo, whether we view him as a member of the social
-circle, or as a man of science, presents many interesting and
-instructive points of contemplation. Unfortunate, and to a certain
-extent immoral, in his domestic relations, he did not derive from that
-hallowed source all the enjoyments which it generally yields; and it was
-owing to this cause, perhaps, that he was more fond of society than
-might have been expected from his studious habits. His habitual
-cheerfulness and gaiety, and his affability and frankness of manner,
-rendered him an universal favourite among his friends. Without any of
-the pedantry of exclusive talent, and without any of that ostentation
-which often marks the man of limited though profound acquirements,
-Galileo never conversed upon scientific or philosophical subjects except
-among those who were capable of understanding them. The extent of his
-general information, indeed, his great literary knowledge, but, above
-all, his retentive memory, stored with the legends and the poetry of
-ancient times, saved him from the necessity of drawing upon his own
-peculiar studies for the topics of his conversation.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Galileo was not less distinguished for his hospitality and benevolence;
-he was liberal to the poor, and generous in the aid which he
-administered to men of genius and talent, who often found a comfortable
-asylum under his roof. In his domestic economy he was frugal without
-being parsimonious. His hospitable board was ever ready for the
-reception of his friends; and, though he was himself abstemious in his
-diet, he seems to have been a lover of good wines, of which he received
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">{Pg 60}</a></span>
-always the choicest varieties out of the grand duke's cellar. This
-peculiar taste, together with his attachment to a country life, rendered
-him fond of agricultural pursuits, and induced him to devote his leisure
-hours to the cultivation of his vineyards.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In his personal appearance Galileo was about the middle size, and of a
-square-built, but well-proportioned, frame. His complexion was fair, his
-eyes penetrating, and his hair of a reddish hue. His expression was
-cheerful and animated, and though his temper was easily ruffled, yet the
-excitement was transient, and the cause of it speedily forgotten.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-One of the most prominent traits in the character of Galileo was his
-invincible love of truth, and his abhorrence of that spiritual despotism
-which had so long brooded over Europe. His views, however, were too
-liberal, and too far in advance of the age which he adorned; and however
-much we may admire the noble spirit which he evinced, and the personal
-sacrifices which he made, in his struggle for truth, we must yet lament
-the hotness of his zeal and the temerity of his onset. In his contest
-with the church of Rome, he fell under her victorious banner; and though
-his cause was that of truth, and hers that of superstition, yet the
-sympathy of Europe was not roused by his misfortunes. Under the
-sagacious and peaceful sway of Copernicus, astronomy had effected a
-glorious triumph over the dogmas of the church; but under the bold and
-uncompromising sceptre of Galileo all her conquests were irrecoverably
-lost.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The scientific character of Galileo, and his method of investigating
-truth, demand our warmest admiration. The number and ingenuity of his
-inventions; the brilliant discoveries which he made in the heavens, and
-the depth and beauty of his researches respecting the laws of motion,
-have gained him the admiration of every succeeding age, and have placed
-him next to Newton in the lists of original and inventive genius. To
-this high rank he was doubtless elevated by the inductive processes
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">{Pg 61}</a></span>
-which he followed in all his inquiries. Under the sure guidance of
-observation and experiment, he advanced to general laws; and if Bacon
-had never lived, the student of nature would have found, in the writings
-and labours of Galileo, not only the boasted principles of the inductive
-philosophy, but also their practical application to the highest efforts
-of invention and discovery.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">{Pg 62}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_1_1" id="Note_1_1"></a><a href="#NoteRef_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>Childe Harold, canto IV. stanza LIV.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_2_2" id="Note_2_2"></a><a href="#NoteRef_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>Life of Galileo, Library of Useful Knowledge, p. 1.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_3_3" id="Note_3_3"></a><a href="#NoteRef_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>De Insidentibus in Fluido.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_4_4" id="Note_4_4"></a><a href="#NoteRef_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>Opere di Galileo. Milano, 1810, vol. IV. p. 248.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_5_5" id="Note_5_5"></a><a href="#NoteRef_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>Life of Galileo, in Library of Useful Knowledge, p. 9.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_6_6" id="Note_6_6"></a><a href="#NoteRef_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>Systema Cosmicum, Dial. II. p. 121.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_7_7" id="Note_7_7"></a><a href="#NoteRef_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>The authenticity of this work has been doubted. It was
-printed at Rome, in 1656, from a MS. in the library of Somasohi, at
-Venice. See Opere di Galileo, tom. VII. p. 427.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_8_8" id="Note_8_8"></a><a href="#NoteRef_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>Incredibili animi jucunditate.&mdash;<i>Sid.</i></p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_9_9" id="Note_9_9"></a><a href="#NoteRef_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>Nescio quo fato ductus.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_10_10" id="Note_10_10"></a><a href="#NoteRef_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>Berlin Ephemeris, 1788.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_11_11" id="Note_11_11"></a><a href="#NoteRef_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a>Edin. Phil. Journ. vol. VI. p. 313.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_12_12" id="Note_12_12"></a><a href="#NoteRef_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a>Life and Correspondence of Dr. Bradley. Oxford, 1832, p.
-523.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_13_13" id="Note_13_13"></a><a href="#NoteRef_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a>See page 22.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_14_14" id="Note_14_14"></a><a href="#NoteRef_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a>Edin. Phil. Journ. 1822, vol. VI. p. 317.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_15_15" id="Note_15_15"></a><a href="#NoteRef_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a>Joh. Fabricii Phrysii de Maculis in Sole observatis, et
-apparente earum cum Sole conversione, Narratio. Wittemb. 1611.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_16_16" id="Note_16_16"></a><a href="#NoteRef_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a>It does not appear from the history of solar observations,
-at what time, and by whom, coloured glasses were first introduced for
-permitting the eye to look at the sun with impunity. Fabricius was
-obviously quite ignorant of the use of coloured glasses. He observed the
-sun when he was in the horizon, and when his brilliancy was impaired by
-the interposition of thin clouds and floating vapours; and he advises
-those who may repeat his observations, to admit at first to the eye a
-small portion of the sun's light, till it is gradually accustomed to its
-full splendour. When the sun's altitude became considerable, Fabricius
-gave up his observations; which he often continued so long, that he was
-scarcely able, for two days together, to see objects with their usual
-distinctness.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Scheiner, in his "Apelles post Tabulanti," describes four different ways
-of viewing the spots: one of which is by the <i>interposition of blue or
-green glasses.</i> His first method was to observe the sun near the
-horizon; the second was to view him through a transparent cloud; the
-third was to look at him through his telescope with a blue or a green
-glass of a proper thickness, and plane on both sides, or to use a thin
-blue glass when the sun was covered with a thin vapour or cloud; and the
-fourth method was to begin and observe the sun at his margin, till the
-eye gradually reached the middle of his disc.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_17_17" id="Note_17_17"></a><a href="#NoteRef_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a>See Istoria e Demostrazioni, intorna alle macchie solari.
-<i>Roma</i>, 1613. See Opere di Galileo, vol. V. p. 131-293.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_18_18" id="Note_18_18"></a><a href="#NoteRef_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a>Discorso intorno alle cose che stanno in sa l'acqua, o che
-in quella si muovono. Opere di Galileo, vol. II. pp. 165-311.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_19_19" id="Note_19_19"></a><a href="#NoteRef_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a>Opere di Galileo, vol. II. pp. 355-367.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_20_20" id="Note_20_20"></a><a href="#NoteRef_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a>Ibid. 367-390.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_21_21" id="Note_21_21"></a><a href="#NoteRef_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a>These three treatises occupy the whole of the third volume
-of the Opere di Galileo.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_22_22" id="Note_22_22"></a><a href="#NoteRef_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a>It is said that Galileo was cited to appear at Rome on
-this occasion; and the opinion is not without foundation.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_23_23" id="Note_23_23"></a><a href="#NoteRef_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a>Printed in the Opere di Galileo, vol. VI. pp. 117-191.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_24_24" id="Note_24_24"></a><a href="#NoteRef_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a>Printed in the Opere di Galileo, vol. VI. pp. 191-571.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_25_25" id="Note_25_25"></a><a href="#NoteRef_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a>This work is said to have been dedicated to Urban VIII.
-himself (Lib. U. Knowledge, Life of Galileo, chap, VII.), but there is
-no dedication prefixed to the edition we have referred to; and it is,
-besides, unusual to dedicate a volume to any person when that volume has
-the form of a letter to another.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_26_26" id="Note_26_26"></a><a href="#NoteRef_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a>A fine painting in gold, and a silver medal, and "a good
-quantity of agnus dei."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_27_27" id="Note_27_27"></a><a href="#NoteRef_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a>Library of Useful Knowledge, Life of Galileo, chap. VIII.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_28_28" id="Note_28_28"></a><a href="#NoteRef_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a>The communication between Florence and Rome was at this
-time interrupted by a contagious disease which had broken out in
-Tuscany.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_29_29" id="Note_29_29"></a><a href="#NoteRef_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a>It has been said, but upon what authority we cannot find,
-that when Galileo rose from his knees, he stamped on the ground, and
-said in a whisper to one of his friends, "<i>E pur si muove.</i>" "It does
-move, though."&mdash;Life of Galileo, Lib. Use. Knowledge, part II.
-p. 63.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_30_30" id="Note_30_30"></a><a href="#NoteRef_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a>These phenomena are explained in the volume on
-"Astronomy."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_31_31" id="Note_31_31"></a><a href="#NoteRef_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a>It is a curious fact, that Morin had about this time
-proposed to determine the longitude by the moon's distance from a fixed
-star, and that the commissioners assembled in Paris to examine it,
-requested Galileo's opinion of its value and practicability. Galileo's
-opinion was highly unfavourable. He saw clearly, and explained
-distinctly, the objection to Morin's method, arising from the
-imperfection of the lunar tables, and the inadequacy of astronomical
-instruments; but he seemed not to be conscious that the very same
-objections applied, with even greater force, to his own method, which
-has since been supplanted by that of the French savant. See life of
-Galileo, Library of Useful Knowledge, p. 94.</p></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="GUICCIARDINI">GUICCIARDINI</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1482-1540.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Guicciardini was the contemporary and intimate friend of Machiavelli,
-but their several careers bore small similitude; for worldly prosperity
-attended the first, while the other was depressed by neglect and penury;
-and while his intellect struggled with these chains, the nobler parts of
-his disposition yielded to them. Machiavelli was a republican in
-principle, of humble for tunes, and dependent on his friends for their
-favour and encouragement. Guicciardini was a courtier; he was the
-servant of a prince, not of a state; in birth and position in life he
-had the advantage of his friend; and these combining circumstances
-rendered him more confident in himself, while at the same time it
-inspired him with an avowed dislike for popular governments.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The Guicciardini formed one of the noblest families of Florence: it was
-of ancient origin, and possessed several magnificent mansions in
-Florence. One of the streets is named de' Guicciardini, from containing
-a palace belonging to them; and they had large possessions in the Val di
-Pesa.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Francesco, the subject of this memoir, was the son of Piero de'
-Guicciardini, a celebrated advocate, and at one time commissary-general
-to the Florentine army. Francesco was one of eight children. His mother
-was Simona, daughter of the cavaliere Bongiani Gianfigliazzi, a noble
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">{Pg 63}</a></span>
-Florentine. He was born on the 6th of March, 1482.<a name="NoteRef_32_32" id="NoteRef_32_32"></a><a href="#Note_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> He was educated
-with care by the best masters, and taught Greek and Latin. He applied
-himself, as he grew up, to the study of logic and of civil law, as he
-was destined for the robe. He was sent to Ferrara by his father, not
-merely for the sake of attending the teachers there, but that his parent
-might have a place of refuge, where to send his property, in the event
-of civil disturbance or external attack upon Florence. Large sums of
-money were remitted to him, and he boasts of the trustworthiness of his
-conduct on this occasion, despite his extreme youth. It was in agitation
-at one time to make him a priest, as, through the interest of an uncle,
-who was rich in benefices, a prosperous career was opened to him in the
-church. He was himself inclined towards the clerical profession, as one
-full of honour and dignity; but his father decided against it, and
-resolved that none of his five sons should enter the priesthood; partly
-induced by the notion that the papal power was on the decline, and
-partly from a conscientious feeling of the impropriety of adopting the
-sacred calling, merely for the sake of temporal advantages. Instead,
-therefore, of assuming the sacerdotal garb, Francesco took a doctor's
-degree in law, and at an early age was appointed by the government to
-read the Institute in the university of Florence. He married the
-following year. His wife was Maria, daughter of Alamanno di Averardo
-Salviati, one of the first men of the city. Several law offices were
-bestowed on him, and he prides himself at this success in early life.
-But he felt himself still more honoured, when he was sent by the
-republic as ambassador to Ferdinand, king of Aragon. Italy was then the
-arena on which the adverse powers of France, Germany, and Spain
-contended for mastery. Florence adhered to the French party, but the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">{Pg 64}</a></span>
-timid gonfaloniere Soderini, desirous of currying favour on all sides,
-thought it right to preserve a good understanding with Ferdinand.
-Francesco, feeling his inexperience, shrunk from the responsibility of
-this mission, and did not accept it, till his father added his commands
-to those of the state.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He remained two years at Burgos, in attendance on the Spanish court,
-conducting himself in such a way as to acquire the esteem of Ferdinand,
-who presented him with a number of silver vessels of great value on his
-departure. This was no good school for the acquirement of political
-integrity. The Italians were proverbially treacherous, but Ferdinand
-emulated them in the arts of deception. It is related of this monarch,
-that when he heard that Louis XII. complained of having been twice
-deceived by him, he exclaimed, "The fool lies, I have tricked him above
-ten times."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Meanwhile the aspect of affairs changed at Florence. The French were
-driven from Italy, and the republic paid the penalty of the weak and
-disarmed neutrality which it had preserved, by being forced by the
-allied armies to receive back the exiled Medici. The consequence of this
-return was a change of government, from that of a free state, to
-subjection to the will of a single family. Guicciardini acted with a
-prudence that acquired for him the favour of the new rulers; and, on his
-return from Spain, was received with every suitable mark of distinction.
-His joy, however, on returning to his native town, was clouded by the
-recent death of his father.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the event of the visit of Leo X. to Florence, attended by a numerous
-retinue of cardinals, Guicciardini, who had lately filled the office of
-magistrate, was sent, with others, to receive the pope at Cortona. Leo
-was so struck by him, that the next day he named him his consistorial
-advocate, of his own accord, without solicitation: nor did his patronage
-stop here; he soon after took him entirely into his service, and finding
-that his prudence and sagacity were equal to the good opinion he had
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">{Pg 65}</a></span>
-formed of him, he made him governor of Reggio and Modena. He acquitted
-himself with great credit in this high office. Having been educated for
-the robe, instead of the career of arms, the enemies of the pope
-cherished the notion, that he might be surprised and frightened in his
-government; but his firmness and judgment disconcerted all their
-stratagems.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When Leo X. died, the merits of Guicciardini became yet more
-conspicuous. The papal power was very infirmly established in Lombardy,
-and the duke of Ferrara, who claimed Modena and Reggio as his own, was
-on the alert to take advantage of the interval of weakness caused by a
-delay in the election of a new pope; but Guicciardini foiled him in all
-his attempts. His most memorable action on this occasion was his defence
-of Parma. He relates it with conscious pride in his history. He had been
-sent by cardinal Julius de' Medici to defend Parma from an attack made
-by the French. Guicciardini's chief difficulty was, to inspire the
-citizens with resolution and martial enthusiasm. He convoked them
-together, distributed pikes among them, and causing the defenceless part
-of the town, on one side of the river, to be abandoned, made strenuous
-efforts to intrench the other. The enemy entered the deserted portion,
-and the people were eager to surrender. Guicciardini pointed out to them
-the fact, that the hostile forces were unprovided with artillery, and so
-succeeded in inspiring them with some degree of resolution: he led the
-attack himself, and the success that attended their sortie increasing
-their courage, the enemy was driven, off and the siege raised. Federigo
-da Bozzole, who commanded the attack, had made sure of success, and
-declared that he had been deceived in nothing during the expedition,
-except in the notion that a governor, who was not a soldier, and who had
-newly come to the city, should carry on the defence at his own peril,
-when he might have saved himself without dishonour.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When cardinal Julius became pope, under the name of Clement VII., he
-showed his approbation of Guicciardini, by naming him president of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">{Pg 66}</a></span>
-Romagna, with greater powers than had been enjoyed by any predecessor in
-that office: thus, a large portion of Italy north of the Apennines was
-under his rule. It was a situation of honour, but attended with an equal
-portion of difficulty and labour, from the unsettled state of the
-country. Prudence and firmness, and even severity, were the
-characteristics of Guicciardini's administration; he was unrelenting
-towards criminals, but at the same time became very popular, in Modena
-especially, by the attention he paid to the comfort and pleasures of the
-people, and the embellishments he bestowed on the city.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At this time the French were again, after the battle of Pavia, driven
-from Italy, and Clement VII., afraid of the overweening power of Charles
-V., formed a league against him. The duke of Urbino was chief over the
-army of the league, and Guicciardini was named lieutenant-general of the
-pontifical army in the ecclesiastical states. The choice that had been
-made of the duke of Urbino, as chief leader, was injudicious. He had
-been driven from his states by Leo X.; Lorenzo de' Medici had been
-gifted with his duchy, and he naturally was inimical to his rival's
-family. His irresolute, shuffling conduct during the disastrous advance
-of the constable Bourbon on Rome, was doubtless a principal cause of the
-sack of that city. Guicciardini, as general of the papal army, exerted
-himself in vain to induce him to more energetic measures: instead of
-throwing himself before the advancing army of the imperialists, he
-slowly followed it. When Bourbon was in the neighbourhood of Arezzo, the
-duke of Urbino entered Florence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The power of the Medici was odious in that city. A formidable party,
-whose watchword was liberty, regarded with triumph the dangers to which
-Clement VII. was exposed. A number of the younger nobility among them
-took occasion of the alarm excited, to seize on the palace of
-government. The duke of Urbino prepared to attack it, but first sent
-Federigo da Bozzole to treat with the party who held it. Full of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">{Pg 67}</a></span>
-enthusiasm and courage, the young men refused all terms, and Bozzole
-left them, enraged at their obstinacy and their personal ill-treatment
-of himself. Guicciardini perceived the dangers that threatened his
-country. It was an easy task for the duke of Urbino to attack the palace
-of government, to destroy it and all those within; but an act of
-violence and bloodshed was to be avoided. Guicciardini hastened forward
-to meet Bozzole as he left the palace, and represented to him briefly
-how displeasing such a contest would be to the pope, and how detrimental
-to the confederates; and how much better it would be to calm, instead of
-exasperating, the mind of the duke of Urbino. Bozzole yielded, and gave
-hope to the duke that quiet might be restored without recourse being had
-to arms; pacific means were in consequence resorted to, and the
-insurgents induced to quit the palace. Guicciardini relates this
-circumstance and his interference with pride, in the belief that he had
-done his country as well as the pope good service, but he adds, that he
-got no thanks from either side; the Medici party accusing him of
-preferring the lives and safety of the citizens to the firm
-establishment of that family; while the other party declared that he had
-exaggerated their difficulties, and caused them needlessly to yield
-their advantages.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It had been well for the fame of Guicciardini, if he had submitted to
-the blame of his contemporaries, and secured the approbation of
-posterity, by adhering to a line of conduct so impartial and patriotic.
-Although the fall of the Medici was suspended for a short time on this
-occasion, the taking of Rome decided their expulsion. When the duke of
-Urbino went southward to deliver the pope, besieged in the Castel Sant'
-Angelo, the Florentines seized the opportunity to drive out the Medici,
-and to restore the freedom of their government. The wars carried on by
-Clement VII. had weighed heavily on the republic, since he drew from it
-his chief resources; the people were thus exasperated against his rule,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">{Pg 68}</a></span>
-and now that they possessed the power, displayed their hatred of his
-family by many acts of outrage. To have served them was to share their
-disgrace, and the odium with which they were regarded. It has been
-related how Machiavelli, republican as he was, and personally attached
-to many of the leaders of the popular party, was unable to overcome the
-prejudice excited by his having entered the service of the Medici.
-Guicciardini was visited by more open marks of the dislike of the new
-leaders; and he was the more angry because he had displayed a wish to
-join them. He neither loved nor esteemed Clement; whom he represents as
-timid; avaricious, and ungracious. He regarded his imprisonment by the
-imperialists with very lukewarm interest, and even raised soldiers for
-the defence of Florence: but these demonstrations did not avail to
-acquire for him the confidence of his countrymen, and he was forced to
-fly the town during a popular tumult. Hence seems to spring his hatred
-of free institutions, and his subsequent conduct in aiding in the
-destruction of the liberties of his country. From this time he entered
-with all the zeal of personal resentment into the cause of the Medici.
-His name has thus received a taint never to be effaced. He became the
-abettor of tyrants, the oppressor of his fellow citizens; and that
-equity and firmness which he before exercised; by establishing order in
-the districts over which he presided, were changed to the persecution of
-the martyrs of liberty.<a name="NoteRef_33_33" id="NoteRef_33_33"></a><a href="#Note_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> It is impossible to slur over this portion
-of his life as he does himself. For it is remarkable that the only
-events recorded in his history, which are narrated in a slovenly and
-confused manner, are those in which he took a principal share,&mdash;the
-second restoration of the Medici, and the final overthrow of the
-liberties of Florence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When a reconciliation had been patched up between Charles V. and Clement
-VII., the force of their united arms was turned against Florence. The
-republic was headed by gallant spirits, who, seeing their last hope of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">{Pg 69}</a></span>
-freedom in a successful resistance, exerted every nerve to defend
-themselves. They were willing to suffer any extremity, rather than
-submit to a slavery which must crush for ever the proud independence and
-free institutions of their native city. Guicciardini had been named by
-the pope, governor of Bologna, and took no part in the war against his
-country; but he is accused of participating in the iniquitous
-proceedings which followed the surrender of the city. The pope acted
-with the utmost treachery. He granted generous terms; but when in
-possession, held a mock assembly of the people, keeping off, by means of
-the troops he introduced, all the citizens, except those prepared to
-receive law at his hands. He thus, as it were, obtained a legal decree,
-which changed the form of government, and denounced its late leaders.
-Executions and confiscations became the order of the day; the chief
-power was placed in the hands of Vettori, Guicciardini, and two others,
-and their conduct entailed on them the execration of their fellow
-citizens.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-So zealous did Guicciardini show himself, that the pope entrusted him
-with the office of reforming and restricting the list of candidates, who
-were selected to be members of government, and he displayed his prudence
-and sagacity for the reigning family at the expense of the lives and
-liberties of the most virtuous among his fellow citizens. Under his
-auspices, the office of gonfaloniere, which had subsisted for 250 years,
-was abolished, and Alessandro de' Medici was named duke, which title was
-to descend in perpetuity to his successors. This miserable man was the
-son of a negro woman, and regarded as the offspring of Lorenzo, the son
-of Piero de' Medici: but it was more probable that he owed his existence
-to Clement VII.; at least the latter claimed the honour of paternity.
-His disgraceful birth stamped him with contempt; his profligacy and
-cruelty acquired the hatred of the people over whom he ruled.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">{Pg 70}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Guicciardini endeavoured to restrain him in the indulgence of his vices,
-but without avail. He was now wholly devoted to his service. When
-Clement VII. died, his successor wished him to continue governor of
-Bologna, but he refused. While the see was vacant, he had yielded to the
-entreaties of the senators, and remained to prevent popular
-disturbances. They promised him every assistance to maintain his
-authority; but his enemies took occasion to display their disrespect.
-Geronimo Pepoli, and others, who some years before had retired from
-Bologna in distaste, took this occasion to return, accompanied by armed
-followers and public bandits. Guicciardini's haughty spirit was in arms
-against the insult. Among the followers of Pepoli were two outlaws under
-sentence of death; these he caused to be seized, led to prison, and put
-to death. Pepoli manifested the utmost indignation, and was only
-restrained by the authority of the senators from giving public token of
-his resentment. When the new pope was elected, and another governor
-appointed, Guicciardini prepared to quit the city. Pepoli threatened to
-attack him on his departure; but he, undismayed, set out at noon-day,
-accompanied only by a few attendants on horseback. His road led him past
-the palace of the Pepoli, nor would he diverge from it on this account,
-but passed under their windows with a firm and intrepid countenance, and
-was permitted to pursue his way unmolested.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He soon after displayed this energy and firmness of character in a very
-bad cause. The Florentines, unable any longer to endure the tyranny and
-vices of duke Alexander, appealed to Charles V., whom they regarded as
-lord paramount of their state. The emperor summoned Alexander to Naples,
-where he then was, to answer the charges made against him. He obeyed:
-but the emperor was so incensed that he began to fear the result, and
-was on the point of retreating, had not Guicciardini exhorted him to
-remain. He drew up a defence for him, and by a judicious distribution of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">{Pg 71}</a></span>
-bribes, succeeded in obtaining his acquittal; and Florence was again
-subjected to his yoke.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Two years after, Alexander was murdered by Lorenzino de' Medici, who
-considered that he had a better right to be considered the head of the
-family. But this act, undertaken without the participation of any
-accomplice, was not followed by the results that might have been
-anticipated. Lorenzino, frightened by his very success, fled the city,
-and his cousin Cosmo was raised to the supreme power, and afterwards
-named grand duke of Tuscany. Guicciardini assisted materially in his
-elevation, and hoped to be real chief of the state, while the other held
-the nominal rank. But Cosmo was of a crafty, cold, and ungrateful
-disposition, and treated his benefactor with such neglect, that he
-withdrew himself from public life, and retired to his country seat at
-Montici, in the neighbourhood of Florence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From this time he occupied himself wholly in the composition of his
-history. It is a fine monument of his genius and industry. It commences
-with the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII., and goes down to the
-exaltation of Cosmo. The fault attributed to him as an author is
-prolixity, and to this he must plead guilty. He dwells with the most
-tiresome and earnest minuteness on the most trivial incidents; and the
-taking of an insignificant castle, followed by no important results, is
-attended by the same diffuseness and exactitude of detail as events of
-the greatest magnitude. But no historian surpasses Guicciardini when the
-subject is worthy of his pen. His animated descriptions of battles, the
-chances of war, and conduct of princes and leaders; his delineations of
-character, and masterly views of the course of events, all claim the
-highest admiration. The orations, which he intersperses, have been
-cavilled at, but they are eloquent, full of dignified exhortation, or
-sagacious reasoning. His account of the rise and formation of the
-temporal power of the popes excited great censure in catholic countries;
-and throughout he is accused of showing himself the enemy of the Roman
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">{Pg 72}</a></span>
-church. It is true, that the pages of no other historian afford such
-convincing proofs of the pernicious effects resulting from the union of
-spiritual supremacy and temporal possessions. His powerful character of
-the infamous pope Borgia; his description of the fiery vehemence of
-Julius II.; his unveiling of the faults of Leo X., and the exposure he
-makes of the mistakes and weakness of Clement VII., present the very men
-and times to our eyes, and form as it were a school in which to study
-the philosophy of history. We perceive no partiality till the last few
-pages, which record the downfall of the republic of Florence. His
-language is, in the eyes of Italian critics, nearly pure; it is
-forcible, without being concise; and the clearness and majesty of the
-expressions in his best passages carry the reader along with him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Guicciardini was solicited by pope Paul III. to leave his retreat, and
-to enter again on public life, but he refused. The disappointment of his
-ambitious views on the exaltation of Cosmo, and the duke's ingratitude,
-struck him to the heart. He did not live to complete his history, and
-died on the 27th of May, 1540, in the fifty-eighth year of his age. He
-expressly ordered that his funeral should be unattended by any pomp; and
-his directions were so strictly followed, that for some time no stone
-even commemorated the spot of his sepulture.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Little is known of his private life. His letters have all perished,
-except a few addressed to Machiavelli. They are lively in their style,
-and very friendly. He had no son, and seven daughters, and wrote to the
-secretary to ask his advice in settling them in marriage. Machiavelli
-advised his applying to the pope for a dowry; counselling him by all
-means to marry the eldest well, as the others would follow her example;
-and he quotes a passage from Dante, referring to a duke of Provence,
-"who had three daughters and each a queen. And the cause of this thing,
-was Romeo, a poor wandering man," who had advised the duke to be
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">{Pg 73}</a></span>
-unsparing in his dowry to his eldest daughter, so to command a splendid
-alliance, as the best means to advance her sisters also. He gave her
-half his duchy, and she married the king of France. Guicciardini in
-reply says, "You have set me on ransacking Romagna for a copy of Dante,
-and at last I have found one." But he was too high-spirited to apply for
-a gift from the pope.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Guicciardini was tall and of commanding aspect; rather squarely made,
-and not handsome; but robust, and with an animated, intelligent
-countenance. He was ambitious, and even haughty, so that he could endure
-neither contradiction nor advice. Prudence, industry, sagacity, and a
-penetrating understanding, recommended him to his employers; and he was
-frequently entrusted with carrying on and correcting the correspondence
-of the pope and other princes.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The last six books of his history are considered unfinished. No portion
-of it was published till some years after his death, and then the
-passages considered injurious to papacy were omitted. A complete edition
-was first printed at Basle; but, even in this, the objectionable
-passages appeared under the disguise of Latin. His first idea had been
-to write only memoirs of his own life; and it was by the advice of
-Nardi, it is said, that he enlarged his plan into a history of Italy
-during his own times.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">{Pg 74}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_32_32" id="Note_32_32"></a><a href="#NoteRef_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a>It was a habit among the Florentines to keep memoranda of
-the principal events of their lives, which they called Ricordi. The date
-of the birth of Guicciardini has been disputed, but it is ascertained
-from a MS. book of his ricordi, or records, which Manni cites. He thus
-writes concerning himself:&mdash;"I record that I, Francesco di Piero
-Guicciardini, now doctor of civil and canon law, was born on the 6th
-March, 1482, at ten o'clock. I was baptised Francesco, from Francesco de
-Nerli, my maternal grandfather, and Tommaso, out of respect for St.
-Thomas Aquinas, on whose festival I was born. Messer Marsiglio Ficino
-held me at the baptismal font, who was the greatest platonic philosopher
-then existing in the world, and by Giovanni Canacci and Piero del Nero,
-both philosophers also."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_33_33" id="Note_33_33"></a><a href="#NoteRef_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a>See a clever pamphlet, entitled "Saggio sulla Vita e sulle
-Opere di Francesco Guicciardini," by Rosini, a professor of the
-University of Pisa.</p></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="VITTORIA_COLONNA">VITTORIA COLONNA</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1490-1547.</h4>
-
-<p>
-It would be giving a very faint idea of the state of Italian literature,
-or even of the lives led by the learned men of those times, if all
-mention were omitted of the women who distinguished themselves in
-literature. No slur was cast by the Italians on feminine
-accomplishments. Where abstruse learning was a fashion among men, they
-were glad to find in their friends of the other sex, minds educated to
-share their pursuits and applaud their success. In those days learning
-was a sort of wealth; men got as much as they could, and women, of
-course, were led to acquire a portion of such a valuable possession.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The list of women who aspired to literary fame in Italy is very long.
-Even in Petrarch's time, the daughter of a professor of Bologna, gave
-lectures in the university behind a veil, which has been supposed was
-used to hide her beauty, and which at least is a beautiful trait of
-modesty, where a young girl was willing to impart her knowledge to the
-studious, but shrunk from meeting the public gaze. The mother of Lorenzo
-de' Medici is celebrated for her sacred poems, and her patronage of
-literature. Ippolita Sforza, daughter of the duke Francesco, and married
-to Alfonso II., king of Naples, was learned in Greek and many other
-languages. A manuscript copy of a translation of Tully's <i>de
-Senectute</i> is preserved of hers at Rome, and marked as having been
-written in her youth; and two of her Latin orations are to be seen in the
-Ambrosian Library at Milan. Alessandra Scala, to whom Politian was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">{Pg 75}</a></span>
-attached, wrote Greek verses, which have been printed, appended to the
-Latin poetry of her learned lover. There was an Isotta of Padua, whose
-letters are models of elegance, and who composed various poems of merit.
-The noble house of Este boasted of a learned princess. Bianca d'Este has
-been celebrated by one of the Strozzi in Latin verses; he speaks of her
-Greek and Latin compositions with great praise. Damigella Torcila, we are
-told, was numbered among the most distinguished women of her time. She
-was profoundly versed in the learned languages, particularly in Greek;
-she was an admirable musician, and as beautiful as she was wise.
-Cassandra Fedele, however, excelled all her sex in her acquirements. She
-was of a noble family, originally of Milan; born at Venice in 1465: she
-was, by her father's desire, instructed in all the abstruse
-studies&mdash;Greek, Latin, philosophy, and music&mdash;with such success,
-that even in girlhood she was the admiration of all the learned men of the
-age. There is a letter from Politian to her, which praises her Latin
-letters, not only for their cleverness and elegance of style, but "for
-the girlish and maiden simplicity" which adorned them. "I have read
-also," he says, "your learned and eloquent oration, which is harmonious,
-dignified, and full of talent. I am told that you are versed in
-philosophy and dialectics, that you entangle others by the most serious
-difficulties, and make all plain yourself with admirable ease; and while
-every one loads you with praise, you are gentle and humble." This kind
-of knowledge would not suit these days: but those were times when men
-tried to puzzle themselves by scholastic learning, and when the noble
-Pico della Mirandola took pleasure in disputing on nine hundred
-questions. Isabella of Spain, Louis XII. of France, and pope Leo X. all
-warmly solicited Cassandra to take up her abode at their several courts.
-She showed willingness to accept the queen's invitation; but the
-Venetian republic set so high a value upon her, that they would not
-permit her to leave their state. She married Mapelli, a physician, who
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">{Pg 76}</a></span>
-was sent to Candia by the republic, and Cassandra accompanied him. She
-became a widow late in life, and lived to extreme old age. She was
-elected when ninety years old to be the superior of a religious house in
-Venice; and died at the age of one hundred and two.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This list might easily be much enlarged; but we have no space for
-further dilation; and therefore turn from names less illustrious, to
-Vittoria Colonna, the woman of all others who conferred, by her virtues,
-talents, and beauty, honour on her sex.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Vittoria Colonna was the daughter of Fabrizio Colonna, grand constable
-of the kingdom of Naples, and of Anna di Montefeltro, daughter of
-Frederic duke of Urbino. She was born at Marino, a castle belonging to
-her family, about the year 1490. At the infantine age of four she was
-betrothed to Ferdinando Francesco d'Avolos, marquess of Pescara, who
-was not older than his baby bride. She was educated with the most
-sedulous care, and was sought in marriage by various princes&mdash;but that
-fidelity of disposition which was her beautiful characteristic through
-life, prevented her from breaking her contract with her young lover.
-They were married at the age of seventeen. He competed with her in
-talents and accomplishments. They loved each other with the utmost
-tenderness, and lived for four years succeeding to their marriage, in
-solitude, in the island of Ischia, where Pescara had a palace.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But this happiness was of short duration; at the time when Julius II.
-leagued all Italy against Louis XII., the marquess of Pescara joined the
-army of the emperor. Vittoria was full of chivalric feelings; her
-enthusiasm, as well as her tenderness, were gratified by the occupation
-of embroidering banners for her hero, who, at the early age of
-one-and-twenty, was made general of cavalry at the battle of Ravenna.
-That disastrous day was adverse to him. He was taken prisoner and sent
-to Milan, where he remained a year, and wrote a dialogue on love,
-addressed to his wife, in a dedication in which he laments that he can
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">{Pg 77}</a></span>
-no longer visit her as he was used, whenever the duties of his station
-permitted his absence. As a kind of answer to this testimony of his
-affection, Vittoria designed an emblem&mdash;Cupid within a circle, formed
-by a serpent, with the motto "<i>Quem peperit virtus, prudentia servet
-amorem</i>"&mdash;"May prudence preserve the love, which originated in
-virtue."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After the French were driven from Italy, that unhappy country enjoyed a
-short interval of peace, interrupted by the invasion of Francis I.
-Pescara was present at the battle of Pavia, and distinguished himself by
-his intrepidity, and mainly contributed to the success of the emperor's
-arms. He was not rewarded as he deserved, and the opposite or French
-party thought that his consequent discontent afforded an opening for a
-reconciliation with them. Geronimo Morone was employed by them to seduce
-him from his fidelity to Charles V. He was offered the kingdom of Naples
-as a reward, and every argument was used that might have most
-weight;&mdash;the honour he would acquire by driving the barbarous nations
-from Italy, and the favours which the pope and other princes would
-shower upon him. These were, however, but specious reasonings. Pescara
-lent too ready an ear to them; but Vittoria at once detected their
-fallacy, and the disgrace that would befall her husband if he abandoned
-his imperial master. She wrote him a letter full of earnest persuasion
-to refuse the dazzling offers of Morone. She spoke of the glory acquired
-by fidelity and unblemished honour, as far outweighing any that a crown
-could bestow, saying, that for herself, she desired to be called the
-wife, not of a king, but of that great and glorious soldier, whose
-valour and generosity of soul had vanquished the greatest kings.
-Pescara's conduct on this occasion is wholly unworthy of the precepts of
-his admirable wife. He continued faithful to the emperor, but acted the
-base part of a spy and informer: by his means Morone's designs were
-betrayed, and he was thrown into prison. There is no doubt that the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">{Pg 78}</a></span>
-high-minded Vittoria continued to the last entirely ignorant of this
-ignoble action; and praised her husband for having listened to her
-exhortations, and rejected a crown.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But while the marquess was acting so as to cast an eternal stigma on his
-honour, death was at hand to terminate every ambitious project. His many
-wounds, and the fatigues he had endured during the long wars, had so
-shaken his health, that neither his good constitution nor the skill of
-physicians were any longer able to afford relief. While preparing to
-die, he desired to take leave of his wife, and sent for her to join him
-at Milan; but when he found that he should not survive long enough to
-see her, he sent for his cousin, the marchese del Vasto, and recommended
-Vittoria to him with the warmest affection. Vittoria, on hearing of her
-husband's illness, had left Naples to join him. She passed through Rome,
-where she was received with the greatest honours, but on arriving at
-Viterbo, she received intelligence of Pescara's death: her grief caused
-her to forget her religious resignation and fortitude; its excess
-overwhelmed her with tears and the bitterest anguish.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From that time this illustrious lady never ceased to spend every faculty
-of her soul in lamenting her lost husband. They had been married
-seventeen years, but had no child; she gave herself up entirely to
-sorrow; and her faithful heart, incapable of a second attachment to
-replace one which had begun with her life, cherished only the image of
-her past happiness, and the hope of its renewal in another life. Her
-active mind could not repose tranquilly on its misery; she continued to
-cultivate it, so to render it more worthy of Pescara, and she exercised
-and amused it by the many sonnets she wrote in his honour. An Italian
-author has named her second only to Petrarch. Her verses are full of
-tenderness, of absorbing passion, of truth and life. They fail in poetic
-fancy; and yet, so much does the reader sympathise in the intense and
-fond sorrows of this extraordinary woman, that none can criticise, while
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">{Pg 79}</a></span>
-all are touched by her laments. The best poem in her volume has been
-attributed to Ariosto, I do not know on what authority; but if written
-by her, has that elegance of style and concentration of expression,
-which characterises true poetry. It begins with the affecting
-exclamation, "I am indeed her you loved! Behold how bitter and eating
-grief has changed me!&mdash;Scarcely could you recognise me by my voice. On
-your departure, that charm which you called beauty, and of which
-I was proud, since it was dear to you, left my cheeks, my eyes, my
-hair!&mdash;Yet, ah! how can I live, when I remember that the impious tomb
-and envious dust contaminates and destroys thy dear and beautiful limbs!"
-These verses may in their original be very justly compared in pathos and
-grace to Petrarch:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">Io sono, io son ben dessa! or vedi come</span><br />
-<span class="i2">M' ha cangiata il dolor fiero ed atroce</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Ch' a fatica la voce</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Può di me dar la conoscenza vera.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Lassa! ch' al tuo partir partì veloce</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Dalle guancie, dagli occhi, e dalle chiome</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Questa a cui davi come</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Tu di beltade, ed io n' andava altera,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Che me 'l credea, perchè in tal pregio t' era.</span><br />
-<span class="i14">*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Com' è ch' io viva, quando mi rimembra,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Ch' empio sepolcro, e invidiosa polve</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Contamina e dissolve</span><br />
-<span class="i2">La delicate alabastrine membra?</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-For seven years she gave up her whole heart to sorrow. Her relations,
-thinking her too young at the age of thirty-five to continue unmarried,
-pressed her to accept one of the many offers of marriage which she
-received. But, wedded as all her thoughts had been since her earliest
-infancy to one object, she felt unconquerably averse to any second
-nuptials. She lived in retirement either at Ischia or Naples, dedicating
-herself wholly to memory. Her active mind, refusing to find comfort in
-any sublunary blessing, had recourse to religion for consolation. She
-now employed herself in writing sacred poetry, and her enthusiastic
-disposition led her to project a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; but the
-marchese del Vasto opposed her putting it into execution.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-She now left Naples on a tour to the north of Italy, and visited Lucca
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">{Pg 80}</a></span>
-and Ferrara. She afterwards took up her residence at Rome, and became
-the intimate friend of the cardinals Bembo, Contarini, and Pole, and
-various distinguished prelates. A love of yet greater retirement induced
-her a few years after to retreat to a convent at Orvieto; from whence
-she removed, after a short time, to the convent of Santa Caterina, at
-Viterbo. Our countryman, cardinal Pole, resided in this town, and an
-intimate friendship subsisted between him and Vittoria. There is a
-resemblance in their characters that renders this intercourse
-interesting; they were both singleminded, enthusiastic, and noble.
-Vittoria added feminine tenderness to these qualities, while religious
-fervour formed a bond of sympathy between them. The companions of
-cardinal Pole were Flaminio and Pietro Carnescecchi: the latter having
-afterwards become a protestant, doubts have been raised concerning the
-orthodoxy of Vittoria; but there is every evidence that she never fell
-off from her adherence to the catholic church.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A short time before her death she returned to Rome, and took up her
-abode in the Palazzo Cesarini; where she died, in the year 1547, at the
-age of fifty-seven. During her last moments her attached friend, Michael
-Angelo, stood beside her. He was considerably her junior, and looked up
-to her as something superior to human nature, and entitled to his most
-fervent admiration. He has written many sonnets in her praise; and there
-is extant a letter, in which he states how he stood beside her lifeless
-remains, and kissed her cold hand, lamenting afterwards that the
-overwhelming grief and awe of the moment, had prevented him from
-pressing her lips for the first and last time.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This almost divine woman was held by her contemporaries in enthusiastic
-veneration. Her name is always accompanied by glowing praises and
-expressions of heartfelt respect. Ariosto joined with all Italy in
-celebrating her virtues and talents, and has addressed several stanzas
-to her in his Orlando Furioso.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">{Pg 81}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="GUARINI">GUARINI</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1537-1612.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Battista Guarani was descended from a family illustrious for its
-literary merits. One of his ancestors, known as Guarino of Verona, was
-conspicuous among the restorers of learning of the fifteenth century;
-and his descendants emulated his labours. Battista was born at Ferrara,
-in 1537. His mother was Orsolina, the daughter of count Baldassare
-Machiavelli. We are nearly in ignorance with regard to any of the
-circumstances of the early youth of Guarini. He studied at Pisa and
-Padua, and visited Rome while very young. On his return to Ferrara, he
-gave lectures on Aristotle in the university. He was made professor of
-belles lettres, and was already known to his friends as a poet. He
-married young, Taddea Bendedei, of a noble Ferrarese family.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But Guarini was not contented with a life of literary labour, and
-preferred the distinction of a court to poetic fame. There is a letter
-of his, dated 1565, which gives token that he had already made the
-paltry ambition of serving a prince the aim of his life. This letter is
-written to a friend at Pisa, who had asked his advice on the subject of
-whether he should enter on the service of his sovereign. Guarini
-establishes the doctrine, that in private life a man is as far from
-tranquillity as in public; he is equally pursued by envy and pride,
-without the compensation he might find in courtly favour. In his own
-person he acted on these ideas, and reaped the usual harvest of
-disappointment and mortification. His wishes were, however, at first
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">{Pg 82}</a></span>
-gratified. He was sent, by the duke Alfonso, to Venice, about this very
-time, to congratulate the new doge, Pietro Loredano; and, his oration
-being printed, he acquired a reputation for talent and learning. He was
-for some time resident at Turin, as ambassador to Emanuel Philibert,
-duke of Savoy. In 1573, he was sent to Rome, to pay homage to Gregory
-XIII., who had succeeded to Pius V. He arrived in the evening, after a
-hasty journey, and passed the night in composing his speech, which he
-delivered the next morning in consistory. Two years afterwards, the duke
-sent him to Poland, to congratulate Henry of Valois on his accession to
-the throne. On his return, he was named counsellor and secretary of
-state. After an interval, he was a second time sent to Poland, on a
-mission of the highest importance. Henry of Valois succeeded to the
-crown of France, and Alfonso was desirous of being chosen in his room to
-the Polish throne. Guarini was sent to negotiate his election. He felt
-the weight and responsibility of his errand fall heavily on him. His
-letter to his wife during the journey has been several times quoted, but
-it is too interesting to be omitted here. It is dated from Warsaw,
-November 25. 1575, and is as follows:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"This which you read is my letter and not my letter; it is mine, for I
-dictate it,&mdash;it is not mine, because I do not write it. But you must
-not so much grieve that I have not a hand to write with, as rejoice that I
-have a tongue to recount that which, from vain compassion or negligence,
-another might conceal. I know you must have been complaining of my
-dilatoriness in writing, but I shall find no difficulty in excusing
-myself, since the cause has been worse than the effect; and, instead of
-lamenting my silence, you may thank God that you at last hear from me. I
-set out, as you know, more in the fashion of a courier than an
-ambassador; and it would have been well if my body alone had laboured,
-while my mind reposed. But the hand used by day to whip on my horses,
-was put to service at night in turning over papers. Thus, formerly, I
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">{Pg 83}</a></span>
-arrived at Rome in the evening by post, and the next day presented
-myself at the consistory. Nature gave way under the double fatigue of
-body and mind, especially as I travelled by the road that passes through
-Saravalle and Ampez, which is inexpressibly disagreeable and
-incommodious, as well from the rudeness of the inhabitants as the state
-of the country; the want of horses, scarcity of provisions, and, in
-short, of every necessary of life; so that, on my arrival at Hala, I
-fell ill of a fever, in spite of which I hurried on to Vienna. I leave
-you to imagine what I suffered from fever, weariness, and thirst: unable
-to procure remedies or medical treatment; cast upon bad lodgings, bad
-food, and into beds that smothered me with their feathers; devoid of all
-those conveniences and comforts which are necessary to the sick. My
-malady increased, and my strength grew less; and every thing, except
-wine, became distasteful to me, so that I had small hopes of life, and
-turned with disgust even from the few days I expected to live. While I
-navigated the Danube, we were nearly overwhelmed by a rapid and
-dangerous stream, and should not have escaped had not the sailors made
-use of the assistance of the strong and active men of the country, who
-are accustomed to contend with this danger, being always on the spot to
-give aid, and who, by force of oars, stemmed the torrent. But for their
-help no vessel could escape wreck; and the place is worthy of the
-infamous reputation it has gained, and the name of the Pass of Death,
-which is bestowed on it. The boldest travellers fear the passage, and
-disembark, and proceed by land, till the boat has got beyond the danger,
-for it is really frightful; but I was so ill, that I had lost all sense
-of peril, and remained on board with the brave boatmen,&mdash;I will not
-say whether from stupidity or intrepidity,&mdash;yet I may say that I was
-intrepid, since I felt no fear when but two steps from certain death.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"I arrived at last at Vienna, where a physician, without considering the
-symptoms of my illness, gave me a medicine that poisoned me, and my
-malady grew worse. You will all say that I ought to have stopped short,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">{Pg 84}</a></span>
-and taken care of my life: my common sense, my sufferings, the failure
-of strength, and a natural wish to live, love for my fellow creatures
-and my family, suggested the same counsel; but my honour forced me to
-proceed, and obliged me, since I was at the head of this embassy, and as
-the whole weight of so important a negotiation rested on me, to prefer
-the interests of my prince to my own safety; and I acted so that I might
-testify to all Poland my fidelity to my sovereign by my death, rather
-than, by preserving my life, give room to the suspicion that I feigned
-an illness so to break my promises, the fulfilment of which was expected
-with anxiety; which false notion among those selfish and distrustful men
-would at once have discredited our negotiation, and deprived our prince
-of the crown which we are endeavouring to place on his head.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"It is impossible to form an idea of what I suffered during a journey of
-more than 600 miles, from Vienna to Warsaw; dragged and torn along,
-rather than conveyed, by my incommodious carriage. I do not know how I
-survived: beset by continual fever, without rest, or food, or remedies;
-enduring excessive cold and infinite inconveniences, while I passed
-through an uninhabited country, where I often found it better to remain
-for the night in my uncomfortable carriage, than to expose myself to the
-stench of the inns or, rather, stables, where the dog, the cat, the
-fowls, the geese, the pigs, the calves, and sometimes squalling
-children, kept me awake all night. The difficulties of the journey were
-increased also by the robbers, who, during this interregnum, infest the
-country, robbing whatever they can; so that it was impossible to proceed
-without a strong escort; and, although I took infinite pains to avoid
-them, I had twice nearly fallen into their hands, escaping rather
-through Divine Providence than human foresight. I arrived at last at
-Warsaw, a great deal more dead than alive; nor have I gained any relief
-to my sufferings by being here, except that I am no longer in movement,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">{Pg 85}</a></span>
-nor dragged along by my carriage; for the rest, I enjoy no repose,
-either night or day. My fever is now my least evil; the objects by which
-I am surrounded are worse: the place, the season, the food, the drink,
-the medicines, the physicians, the servants, the inquietude of my mind,
-and other troubles, are greater ills than the fever, which would soon
-quit me but for these annoyances. Indeed, I have not yet discovered
-whether my sleepless nights arise from illness, or the constant noise
-around me. Imagine a whole nation assembled in a little village, and I
-lodged in the middle of it. There is no spot above, below, to the right
-nor to the left,&mdash;there is no room by day or by night, that is not
-full of noise and disturbance. No particular time is set apart for business
-here; they are always at work, because they are always drinking, and
-without wine all transactions grow cold. When business is ended visits
-begin, and when these are over, drums, trumpets, cannons, shouts, cries,
-quarrels, and every other species of tumult, fill up the interval till I
-am distracted. If I suffered these things for the glory and love of God,
-it would be called a martyrdom; and yet, to render service without hope
-of reward, almost deserves the same name. God knows what is to become of
-me! I should feel that my life was no longer in danger if I could take
-any care of myself. Prepare your mind for every evil. It is the part of
-a silly woman to lament a husband who is content to die. Let others
-honour my memory with their tears; do you honour it by your courage. I
-recommend our children to you; for if I die, you must be a father as
-well as a mother to them. Arm yourself with reflection and manly
-fortitude; guarding them from those who have reduced me to this state,
-and teaching them to imitate their father in any thing rather than in
-his fortunes."<a name="NoteRef_34_34" id="NoteRef_34_34"></a><a href="#Note_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">{Pg 86}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This letter presents a lively picture of Guarini's disposition;&mdash;his
-energy in struggling with evils; his ambition to please his prince, and
-his fears lest he should not be fitly recompensed; the fervour of
-imagination, which magnified ill fortune, and which, while it gave him
-strength to meet it, yet doubled its power over him. Although he failed
-in the object of the embassy, yet, after all the dangers to which he had
-exposed himself, he felt that he had sacrificed his life to his prince,
-and yet that he should go unrewarded. He was not deceived; but he was
-incapable of meeting the fulfilment of his anticipations with any
-patience or fortitude.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His mind was naturally turned to poetry; but he pretended to disdain
-such occupation. On the subject of his Pastor Fido, he writes to a
-friend:&mdash;"This is the work of one who does not profess the poetic art,
-but writes for his own amusement, as a recreation from more serious
-studies; and who would willingly burn his works when they do not appear
-good to good judges." The fame and favour which Tasso was enjoying made
-him depreciate himself, since he could not excel his rival. Tasso and he
-had been friends for many years; they quarrelled at this time, but the
-discord did not result from any literary contest, but from rivalship in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">{Pg 87}</a></span>
-the favour of a lady. They both loved the countess of Scandiano. Tasso
-wrote a sonnet, accusing Guarini of lightness and inconstancy in his
-passion, as well as of the greater sin of boasting of his triumphs over
-the ladies of his love. Guarini replied, with bitterness, in another
-sonnet, accusing his rival of uttering falsehoods that mirrored his own
-faithlessness, which enabled him to nourish love for two objects at the
-same time.<a name="NoteRef_35_35" id="NoteRef_35_35"></a><a href="#Note_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> This contention broke off their friendship; but Guarini
-was no ungenerous enemy; he possessed a loyal and noble spirit, and
-never did any thing to injure his unfortunate rival. On the contrary,
-some years after, when the Gerusalemme Liberata of Tasso was about to be
-published in a very defective and erroneous state, he took great pains
-to furnish a correct copy.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote1">1582.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-45.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-After struggling with his discontents at court for some time, he
-requested his dismissal from the duke; and retired to his villa in the
-Polesine of Rovigo, named La Guarina, having been bestowed upon an
-ancestor by a former duke of Ferrara. He now congratulated himself on
-having escaped from the tempests of public life into port; yet his
-disappointments, and the duke's ingratitude, rankled at his heart, and
-overflowed upon paper, even when the subject immediately before him was
-not in accord with the pervading feeling of his mind. He occupied
-himself at La Guarina by writing the Pastor Fido; and he makes one of
-the characters of the pastoral complain of wrongs similar to his own.
-Carino, narrating his story, says,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i18">How I forsook</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Elis and Pisa after, and betook</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Myself to Argos and Mycene, where</span><br />
-<span class="i2">An earthly God I worshipped, with what there</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I suffered in that hard captivity,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Would be too long for thee to hear, for me</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Too sad to utter. Only thus much know;&mdash;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I lost my labour, and in sand did sow:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I writ, wept, sung; hot and cold fits I had;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I rid, I stood, I bore, now sad, now glad,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Now high, now low, now in esteem, now scorn'd;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And as the Delphic iron, which is turned</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Now to heroic, now to mechanic use,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I fear'd no danger&mdash;did no pains refuse;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Was all things&mdash;and was nothing; changed my hair,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Condition, custom, thoughts, and life&mdash;but ne'er</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">{Pg 88}</a></span><br />
-<span class="i2">Could change my fortune. Then I knew at last,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And panted after my sweet freedom past.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">So, flying smoky Argos, and the great</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Storms that attend on greatness, my retreat</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I made to Pisa&mdash;my thought's quiet port.</span><br />
-<span class="i14">*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Who would have dreamed 'midst plenty to grow poor?</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Or to be less, by toiling to be more?</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I thought, by how much more in prince's courts</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Men did excel in titles and supports,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">So much the more obliging they would be,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The best enamel of nobility.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">But now the contrary by proofs I've seen:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Courtiers in name, and courteous in their mien</span><br />
-<span class="i2">They are; but in their actions I could spy</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Not the least transient spark of courtesy.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">People, in show smooth as the calmed waves,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Yet cruel as the ocean when it raves:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Men in appearance only did I find,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Love in the face, but malice in the mind:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">With a straight look and tortuous heart, and least</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Fidelity where greatest was protest.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">That which elsewhere is virtue, is vice there:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Plain truth, fair dealing, love unfeign'd, sincere</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Compassion, faith inviolable, and</span><br />
-<span class="i2">An innocence both of the heart and hand,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">They count the folly of a soul that's vile</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And poor,&mdash;a vanity worthy their smile.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To cheat, to lie, deceit and theft to use,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And under show of pity to abuse;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To rise upon the ruins of their brothers,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And seek their own by robbing praise from others,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The virtues are of that perfidious race.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">No worth, no valour, no respect of place,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Of age, or law&mdash;bridle of modesty,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">No tie of love, or blood, nor memory</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Of good received; nothing's so venerable,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Sacred, or just, that is inviolable</span><br />
-<span class="i2">By that vast thirst of riches, and desire</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Unquenchable of still ascending higher.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Now I, not fearing, since I meant not ill,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And in court-craft not having any skill,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Wearing my thoughts charactered on my brow,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And a glass window in my heart&mdash;judge thou</span><br />
-<span class="i2">How open and how fair a mark my heart</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Lay to their envy's unsuspected dart.</span><br />
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i14">FANSHAWE's <i>Trans. of Pastor Fido.</i><a name="NoteRef_36_36" id="NoteRef_36_36"></a><a href="#Note_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></span>
-</div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">{Pg 89}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>
-The Pastor Fido is the principal monument of Guarini's poetic genius.
-Despite his pretended carelessness, he was animated by the spirit of
-poetry, and emulation spurred him on to surpass the Aminta of Tasso; and
-he took pains even to compose whole passages in opposition, and manifest
-rivalship, of that drama. A pastoral presents in its very nature a
-thousand difficulties. It has for its subject the passions in their
-primitive simplicity, and the manners are deprived of all factitious
-refinement; and yet the most imaginative thoughts and the softest and
-noblest sentiments are to flow from the lips of the untaught shepherds
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">{Pg 90}</a></span>
-and shepherdesses. Thus its foundation being purely ideal, our chief
-pleasure must be derived from the poetry in which it is clothed. Guarini
-endeavoured to overcome the want of interest inherent in this species of
-composition, by a plot more complex than that usually adopted. A portion
-of this is sufficiently clumsy, and the bad character of the piece, the
-coquette Corisca, is managed with very little art or probability. There
-is much spirit and beauty, however, in the final developement,&mdash;in the
-discovery that the priest makes that he is about to sacrifice his own
-son, and the joy occasioned by the conviction suddenly flashing on his
-mind, that the oracle, on which the whole depends, is happily fulfilled.
-Still the chief charm of the Pastor Fido is derived from its poetry; the
-simplicity and clearness of its diction, the sweetness and tenderness of
-the sentiments, and the vivacity and passion that animate the whole. No
-doubt he was satisfied with the result of his labours, and found pride
-in communicating it. While affecting to despise his poetic productions,
-their genuine merit, and his own vanity, which was great, caused him to
-collect with pleasure the applauses which his Pastor Fido naturally
-acquired for him. He read it at the court of the duke Ferrante di
-Gonzaga, to a society composed of courtiers, ladies, and eminent men.
-<span class="sidenote2">1585.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-48.</span>
-It was acted at Turin on occasion of the festivals to celebrate the
-nuptials of Charles Emanuel, prince of Savoy, with Catherine, daughter
-of Philip II., king of Spain. The drama excited the greatest admiration;
-and Guarini was looked on henceforth with justice, as second only to
-Tasso among the poets of the age.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But he was not fortunate enough to be allowed to dedicate his whole time
-and thoughts to poetry; and he might bring forward his own experience in
-proof of his assertion, that private life is not more exempt than
-public, from cares and the influence of evil passions. He was
-perpetually plunged in lawsuits, his first being against his father, who
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">{Pg 91}</a></span>
-had married a second time, it was said out of spite, and disputed his
-just inheritance. He had a family of eight children to provide for; and
-unrewarded by his prince, he found himself, after struggling for
-fourteen years to advance himself at court, overwhelmed by debt and
-embarrassment. His time and attention were taken up by exertions to
-extricate himself, and to settle his affairs; while his warm, impatient
-disposition ill endured the delays and disappointments, and the contact
-with selfish or dishonest men, which are the necessary concomitants of
-pecuniary difficulties.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote1">1586.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-49.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-Perhaps these annoyances rendered him less unwilling to accept the
-invitation, or rather to obey the commands, of the duke of Ferrara, and
-to return to his post at his court. Alfonso, perceiving the esteem in
-which he was held by other princes, with his usual selfishness resolved
-to appropriate the services of a man, which others also were desirous of
-obtaining: he made him secretary of state, and sent him on missions to
-Umbria and Milan. His stay, however, was short: very soon after his
-children had advanced to manhood, those dissensions occurred between
-them and him, which form a painful portion of Guarini's life. It is
-difficult to say who was most to blame. The poet's temper was impetuous,
-and he perhaps showed himself tyrannical in his domestic circle, at the
-same time that his nature was without doubt, on most occasions, generous
-and artless. His son had married a lady named Virginia Palmiroli, and
-continued, as is so usual in Italy, to reside with his wife under the
-paternal roof. But this arrangement became, it is conjectured, from the
-pride and imperiousness of the father, quite intolerable; and the young
-pair left the house, and instituted a suit at law to obtain such a
-provision as would enable them to live in independence. The suit was
-decided against Guarini; and his indignation, and assertion that his
-defeat was occasioned by the partiality of the duke towards his son,
-seem to evince that he had more justice on his side than we are enabled
-to discover. However this may be, he was so angry at what he considered
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">{Pg 92}</a></span>
-the injustice of the sentence pronounced against him, that he again
-requested permission to retire from Alfonso's court. The duke granted
-his request, but not without such tokens of displeasure, as induced
-Guarini to leave Ferrara privately and in haste. He betook himself to
-the court of Savoy, where the prince willingly took him into his
-service; but the poet found that the change of masters benefited him
-little, and he was so constantly employed, that he had not even time to
-write a letter. Alfonso also set on foot some intrigues against him,
-disliking that any dependant of his should find protection elsewhere.
-<span class="sidenote2">1590.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-53.</span>
-His tranquillity being thus disturbed, he hastily quitted Savoy and took
-up his abode at Padua. He here lost his wife, whom he affectionately
-names in his letters as the better part of himself; and, by the
-separation of his eldest son, and the absence of his daughters, who were
-either married or had places in the palaces of various princesses of
-Italy, his family circle was reduced to one son of ten years of age,
-whom he calls "the hope of his house, and the consolation in his
-solitude." This change gave birth to new projects in his restless mind.
-"This sudden alteration and transformation of my life," he writes to the
-cardinal Gonzaga, in a letter dated from Padua, the 20th of November,
-1591, "appears to me to be brought about by the will of God, who thus
-calls me to a new vocation. I am not so old nor so weak as to be unfit
-to make use of those talents which God has bestowed on me; and it
-appears to me that I act ill in spending without profit those years,
-which by the course of nature I could turn to the advantage of my
-family, and of my young son, whose inclination for the priesthood I am
-desirous of assisting; and I would willingly spend the remnant of my
-days at Rome, if I could obtain such preferment, as would enable me to
-proceed honourably in the advancement of my moderate expectations." This
-idea, however, was but the offspring of disappointed hopes, and it
-vanished when other prospects were opened to him; yet these were
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">{Pg 93}</a></span>
-variable and uncertain. His life, both from the ingratitude of Alfonso
-and his own restlessness, was destined to be passed stormily; discontent
-and distrust had taken root in his mind, and existence wore a gloomy
-aspect.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At length Alfonso died, and this circumstance, and the death of a
-daughter, assassinated by a jealous husband, caused him to quit Ferrara,
-and to establish himself at Florence, where he was honourably received
-by the grand duke Ferdinand. Here doubtless he might have remained in
-peace, but for the irascibility of his temper, the indignation he felt
-when his views were thwarted, and his tendency to consider himself an
-ill-used man. His younger son, whom he mentions in the letter quoted
-above with so much interest, was placed at Pisa for the sake of his
-education, where he contracted an imprudent marriage with a young,
-beautiful, and dowerless widow. Guarini was transported by rage: he
-accused the duke of abetting his son in this act of disobedience, and
-indulged in implacable anger against the youth himself, to whom he
-refused any assistance, when reduced to the most necessitous
-circumstances. Guarini exalted the paternal authority, and exacted
-filial obedience, in a manner that displayed more pride than affection.
-Now in his old age, he was at variance with nearly all his children; his
-violent expressions is a proof that he suffered; but his heart did not
-relent nor open towards them, even when death snatched them from him;
-and it is impossible to sympathise in passions, which thus centred and
-ended in himself.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On leaving Florence, he visited Urbino; but, dissatisfied with his
-reception, he retired to Ferrara. The citizens deputed him to Rome to
-congratulate Paul Usur on his being created pope. It was on this occasion
-that cardinal Bellarmino reproached him for having done more harm to the
-Christian world by his Pastor Fido, than Luther and Calvin by their
-heresies&mdash;a singular denunciation&mdash;since, though the softness
-and tenderness of love, which pervades the poem, may tend to enervate;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">{Pg 94}</a></span>
-yet the fidelity, the devotion, and purity of sentiment, exhibited in
-the actions of the chief personages, certainly do not lay it open to
-excessive censure. Guarini retorted by a witty reply, which the respect
-paid to the cardinal by the historians, has not permitted to be
-transmitted to us.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1608.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-71.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-This was the last public service of Guarini. A few years after he was
-invited to be present at the nuptials of Francesco Gonzaga and
-Marguerite of Savoy, during which a comedy of his was represented with
-great splendour. Chiabrera wrote the interludes, and the architect
-Viamini arranged the scenery and decorations.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The last years of his life were taken up by the lawsuits, which so
-strangely chequered his career. He hired a lodging at Venice, where many
-of his causes were decided, as near as possible to the courts, and
-frequently visited that city to attend the proceedings; and he made a
-last journey to Rome at the time that two suits were decided in his
-favour. On his return to Venice he was seized by a fever, of which he
-died, after an illness of seventeen days, on the 7th of October, 1612,
-at the age of seventy-five.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">{Pg 95}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_34_34" id="Note_34_34"></a><a href="#NoteRef_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a>There is another letter of Guarini, dated from Cracovy,
-during his first visit to Poland, written with less personal feeling, and
-greater toleration:&mdash;"I have viewed the climate and manners of this
-country," he writes, "with infinite pleasure; mitigating the annoyances
-resulting from unusual things, by the enjoyment of unusual sights. The
-country and its inhabitants are certainly much less barbarous than is
-generally supposed; and in my opinion there would be no fault to be
-found, if the former was gifted with wine, and if the latter abstained
-from it. But I am afraid that my words will scarcely find credit with
-you, prejudiced as you are by the accounts given by the French who have
-been here. Yet I am sure you would agree with me, if you ever visited the
-country. The kingdom is extensive, rich, powerful, united, abundant, and
-peopled by a brave population. The senators display great talent during
-peace&mdash;the cavaliers valour in war: their aim is glory&mdash;their
-support liberty. The form of the government is mixed, like that of
-Sparta, but better than that. For the kingdom is neither oppressed by
-the tyranny of one, nor the insolence of a few, nor the baseness of the
-many; but having mingled the best parts of all three modes of
-government, one has resulted, in which the kingly power cannot intrench
-upon liberty, nor licence endanger the monarchy. The nobles cannot
-oppress the people, nor the people injure the nobles. Valour holds the
-first rank, nobility the second, riches the third; and every one,
-however lowly born, may nourish the expectation of rising by merit to
-the highest honours. How I wish that you had an opportunity of visiting
-it: I am certain that you would be highly pleased. A journey to France
-is more fatiguing; and after arriving in Poland, I, to whom an excursion
-to Rome used to appeal an arduous undertaking, begin to think that
-travelling is a natural state for every man."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_35_35" id="Note_35_35"></a><a href="#NoteRef_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a>Abate Serassi, Vita di Tasso.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_36_36" id="Note_36_36"></a><a href="#NoteRef_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a></p>
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Come poi per veder Argo e Micene</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Lasciassi Elide e Pisa, e quivi fussi</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Adorator di deità terrena,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Con tutto quel che in servitù soffersi,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Troppo nojosa istoria a te l' udirlo,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">A me dolente il raccontarlo fora.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Si dirò sol, che perdei l' opra, e il frutto.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Scrissi, piansi, cantai, arsi, gelai,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Corsi, stetti, sostenni, or tristo, or lieto,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Or alto, or basso; or vilipeso, or caro.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E come il ferro Delfico; stromento</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Or d'impresa sublime, or d' opra vile,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Non temei risco e non schivai fatica:</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Tutto fei, nulla fui: per cangiar loco,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Stato, vita, pensier, costumi e pelo,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Mai non cangiai fortuna: alfin conobbi,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E sospirai la libertà primiera.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E dopo tanti strazi, Argo lasciando</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E le grandezze di miseria piene,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Tornai di Pisa ai riposati alberghi.</span><br />
-<span class="i8">*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Ma chi creduto avria di venir meno</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Tra le grandezze, e impoverir nell' oro?</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Io mi pensai che ne' reali alberghi</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Fossero tanto più le genti umane,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Quant' esse han più di tutto quel dovizia</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Ond' ha l' umanità si nobil fregio.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Ma vi trovai tutto il contrario, Uranio,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Gente di nome e di parlar cortese,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Ma d'opre scarsa e di pietà nemica:</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Gente placida in vista e mansueta,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Ma più del cupo mar tumida e fera;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Gente sol d' apparenza, in cui se miri</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Viso di carità, mente d'invidia</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Poi trovi, e in dritto sguardo animo bieco,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E min or fede allor, che più lusinga.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Quel ch' altrove è virtù, quivi è difetto.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Dir vero, oprar non torto, amar non finto,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Pietà sincera, inviolabil fede,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E di core e di man vita innocente;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Stiman d' animo vii, di basso ingegno</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Sciocchezza e vanità degna di riso.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">L'ingannare, il mentir, la frode, il furto</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E la rapina, di pietà vestita,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Cescer col danno e precipizio altrui,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E far a sè, dell' altrui biasmo onore,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Son le virtù di quella gente infida:</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Non merto altrui, non valor, non riverenza,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Nè d' età, nè di grado, nè di legge,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Non freno di vergogna, non rispetto</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Nè d' amor nè di sangue, non memoria</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Di ricevuto ben, nè finalmente,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Cosa si venerabile, o si santa</span><br />
-<span class="i0">O si giusta esser può, che a quella vasta</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Cupidigia d' onori, a quella ingorda</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Fame d' avere, inviolabil sia.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Or io, che incauto e di lor arti ignaro</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Sempre mi vissi, e portai scritto in fronte</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Il mio pensiero, e disvelato il core,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Tu puoi pensar se a non sospetti strali</span><br />
-<span class="i0">D'invida gente fui scoperto segno.</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i12"><i>Pastor Fido</i>, atto V. scena 1.</span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="TASSO">TORQUATO TASSO</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1544-1595.</h4>
-
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i8">"Tu che ne vai in Pindo,</span><br />
-<span class="i8">Ivi pende mia cetra ad un cipresso,</span><br />
-<span class="i8">Salutala in inio nome, e dille poi</span><br />
-<span class="i8">Ch' io son dagl' anni e da fortuna oppresso."</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i8">"Thou, who to Pindus tak'st thy way,</span><br />
-<span class="i8">Where hangs my harp upon the cypress tree,</span><br />
-<span class="i8">Salute it in my name, and say,</span><br />
-<span class="i8">I am bow'd down with years and misery."</span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-
-<p>
-These few lines, which, in the simple and beautiful original, show what
-a burthen of thought and power of feeling may be compressed within the
-smallest compass that language will allow, were written by Torquato
-Tasso, during his second confinement as a lunatic in the hospital of St.
-Anne, at Ferrara, by the duke of Alfonso, his patron and his oppressor.
-They were written when all Europe was listening to the voice of his
-song, but heard not that of his complaint; in the meridian of his glory
-as a poet, and in the depth of his humiliation as a man. A spectacle
-more deplorable and repulsive could hardly be presented to the eye of
-humanity; nor a fame more enviable and attractive be contemplated by
-young "spirits of finer mould," to tempt them to hazard all perils of
-such suffering for the acquisition of such renown. This fragment&mdash;a
-specimen of thousands of fancies, no doubt, equally exquisite and
-affecting, which were continually passing through the darkened chamber
-of his mind, more dreary than the gloom of his prison-house&mdash;has been
-quoted at the commencement of this memoir, as letting the reader at once
-into the whole mystery of the poet's life, by a single flash of his
-genius affording a glance at his afflictions. What these were, a long
-and melancholy tale must unfold; what their effect was may be painfully
-conceived, when we recollect that he was scarcely turned upon <i>forty</i>,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">{Pg 96}</a></span>
-at the time that he sends the message to his forlorn harp in
-the woods of Pindus, that he is "oppressed with <i>years</i> and ill
-fortune,"&mdash;"dagl' <i>anni</i> e da fortuna oppresso."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-If ever man was born a poet, it might be said so of Tasso; while his
-whole manner of life, not less than its remarkable vicissitudes,
-exemplified the poetic character, as it has been idealised in our minds
-from infancy, by the impressions left upon them, both from fabling
-traditions and authentic records, concerning these privileged, but on
-the whole (perhaps) unhappy, beings. The price of greatness must be
-paid, in labour or suffering, by every man who would distinguish himself
-in any way above his fellow-creatures; and the poet (<i>no</i> more, it may
-be, though apparently <i>much</i> more, than the prince, the warrior, the
-statesman, or the philosopher,) must endure hardships, mental and
-personal, in proportion to his enjoyments, and be humbled in the same
-degree that he is exalted above the common lot. Among any ten names,
-which might be mentioned as having secured an imperishable pre-eminence
-beyond the probability of revolution, in the same walk of polite
-literature, Tasso's undoubtedly would be one. At what an expense it was
-acquired, we proceed to show in a train of events, almost as romantic,
-and a thousand times more touching, than any thing in his own
-diversified fictions. He was a poet in every thing and at all times,
-from infancy (if we may believe his biographers) till he died in extreme
-old age (if we measure his life by his own testimony above quoted), in
-his fifty-second year! Smiles and tears, rapture and agony, hope and
-despondency, a palace and a dungeon, were the alternations frequently
-crossing in the course of one who was the companion of princes, the
-delight of ladies, the admiration of the world,&mdash;an outcast, a
-wanderer, clothed in rags and asking bread, or the lonely tenant of a
-maniac's cell. Such was he, and such were the changes of his state.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Torquato was the son of Bernardo Tasso, himself a poet of first rank in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">{Pg 97}</a></span>
-his generation, and who has left works, both in prose and verse, to
-which posterity is yet willing to give honour; but which suffer more
-eclipse by proximity to the surpassing splendour of his son's, than
-might have been their lot had he appeared by himself, the single one of
-his race, who had proved how hard, and yet how possible, it is to climb
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"The steep where Fame's proud temple shines afar."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Bernardo was the descendant of an honourable line of ancestors,&mdash;one
-of whom, nearly two centuries before him, had been a benefactor to the
-public, by first introducing the method of epistolary intercourse
-through the medium of posts; and, leaving to his children the reputation
-which he had acquired in the conduct of these, they became his
-successors, not only in establishments for that purpose in their own
-country, but some of them in lands beyond the Alps. It is said that
-noble alliances were formed by various branches of the Tasso family, in
-Spain and in Flanders, while others became sovereign princes in Germany,
-that menagerie for potentates of all genera and species, from the
-two-headed eagle of Austria to the wren of * * * *. It would be
-invidious to set down one out of a hundred who might contend for the
-honour of filling up the blank, as the least of the little among the great.
-But, whatever were the hereditary glories of a name,&mdash;drawn like
-a golden chain out of the darkness of the past, and connected, as that
-of the obscurest peasant in a civilised country may be presumed to have
-been, with all the varieties of rank, all the gradations of intellect,
-and all the changes of good and evil fortune,&mdash;of all the links which
-formed that chain, those of Bernardo and Torquato were and have remained
-the most illustrious, though the consecutive or collateral series has
-been continued to the present day, when the representatives are still
-found at Bergamo.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Bernardo, who was born in 1493, being left an orphan in early youth,
-with two dependent sisters to provide for out of a very slender
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">{Pg 98}</a></span>
-patrimony, was compelled to quarter himself on the patronage of sundry
-princes and prelates, who, according to the fashion of the times&mdash;some
-from parade, and others from attachment to the noble arts,&mdash;loved to
-have men of genius and letters in their train. Many of these, indeed,
-were kept, not only to adorn their courts and swell their pomp, but were
-employed as secretaries and counsellors, as well as occasionally
-entrusted with important embassies, which, both in war and peace, were
-frequent between the commonwealths and principalities into which Italy
-was divided, and by whose conflicting interests, or under the malignant
-influence of whose petty intrigues (the rank growth of such a state of
-society), it was continually more or less distracted. Bernardo was,
-therefore, from the pressure of circumstances, a restless and homeless
-man through the principal part of his life, serving the great without
-serving himself, for precarious bread; and at once pursuing fortune and
-fame, in the vain hope of being at length&mdash;and at length&mdash;and at
-length rewarded for his fidelity to his masters with the former, and
-leaving an inheritance of the latter, which should as much exalt his family
-by distinction in literature, as others had aggrandised it by the
-acquirement of riches and alliances with rank, at home and abroad.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the age of forty-one, after a youth of liberal study, sanguine
-anticipation, and cherished but ill-directed love for a lady of great
-beauty and no less celebrity, having been praised by Ariosto&mdash;in the
-unsuccessful pursuit of which he compensated himself and delighted his
-countrymen with the blandishments of poetry,&mdash;he was at length
-appointed secretary to Ferrante Sanseverino, prince of Salerno. Him
-Bernardo accompanied through many strange vicissitudes of prosperity and
-misfortune, in the court and in the battle-field; till, at the end of a
-few years, he shared so grievously, yet so magnanimously, in the ruin of
-his patron, that, the latter being involved in a conspiracy against the
-vice-regal government of Naples, and compelled to flee into France, the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">{Pg 99}</a></span>
-poet followed him thither at the sacrifice of his small estate, and an
-income which had just raised him above want. Before this ebbing in the
-tide of his affairs, which, "taken at the flood" (had that not been
-arrested in its advance), he might reasonably have expected would have
-led on to fortune, he had married a lady of Naples, named Portia Rossi,
-an heiress in expectance, and of great personal and mental
-accomplishments. This was the golden age of Bernardo's life. After the
-revelry of fancy and romance which had carried him away during his
-former passion, wherein his heart had little share, the love of
-affection endeared him to his home, and he felt the transition like one
-who exclaims, "How sweet is daylight and fresh air!" after the midnight
-splendour of the ball-room, with the dream-like fascinations of music,
-dancing, and spectacle, which vanish as effectually as fairy palaces
-conjured up in the wilderness, and leave the heart desolate.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While Bernardo was at Naples, he commenced a poem of the romantic class
-on the adventures of Amadis de Gaul, or "Amadigi," as the work is
-entitled. This he projected upon the regular plan of a fable, having a
-beginning, middle, and end; but he was not of sufficient authority to
-establish, by his example, a classical form of epic, though his more
-successful and more gifted son seems to have borrowed the idea of doing
-that from him. When he read the first cantos of this performance, as
-originally constructed, he observed, that though the presence chamber of
-the court of Salerno was well filled at first with eager and expecting
-auditors, before he had done nearly all of them had disappeared. From
-this he concluded (not suspecting any deficiency of power in himself),
-that the unity of action prescribed by the severer critics was, in its
-very nature, not agreeable to nature in art, knowing that he had
-punctiliously observed all the rules of the latter. This failure,
-enforced by the persuasions of his friends, and the commands of the
-prince, induced him to remodel what he had written, and elaborate the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">{Pg 100}</a></span>
-remainder after the precedents of Pulci, Bojardo, and Ariosto. The work
-was extended to a hundred cantos, and, when published, was so well
-received, that the author had cause to congratulate himself on having
-met the public taste and gratified it; but it was the public taste of
-the day only, for his poem passed away with the fashion of it, and is
-now remembered among "things that were," while the three productions of
-his afore-named predecessors still keep their graduated rank of ascent,
-and find readers in every age, notwithstanding all the defects and
-excesses that may be charged upon them. Bernardo's failed; less,
-perhaps, because of its inferiority, than because it did not display the
-proportionate superiority which the others had each in turn manifested
-over all its respective forerunners.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was while Bernardo resided at Sorrento, a city in the vicinity of
-Naples, where he occupied a palace overlooking the sea, happy in his
-home, and prosperous, or rather promising himself prosperity in his
-fortune, the prince of Salerno having released him from all burdensome
-duties in his service, that his son Torquato, the second of that name
-(the first having died young), was born, on the 11th of March, 1544.
-Sorrento is here put down as the birth-place of the poet, among other
-cities contending for that honour, like those seven
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i12">&mdash;&mdash;"that strove for Homer dead,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Through which the living Homer begg'd his bread."</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i20"><i>Ath. I.</i> 384.</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-For of Tasso, in the sequel, a sarcasm as bitter might be recorded. A
-daughter, elder than either of the boys, was at this time growing up
-under the eyes of their parents. A letter of the father's (previous to
-<i>our</i> Torquato's birth) to his sister Afra, who had retired into a
-convent, gives a lively glimpse of Bernardo's affectionate and domestic
-character.<a name="NoteRef_37_37" id="NoteRef_37_37"></a><a href="#Note_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> "My young daughter is very beautiful, and affords me
-great hopes that she will lead a virtuous and honourable life. My infant
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">{Pg 101}</a></span>
-son"&mdash;Torquato the first&mdash;"is before God our Creator, and prays
-for your salvation. My Portia is seven months gone with child; whether a
-son or a daughter, it shall be supremely dear to me; only may God, who
-gives it me, grant that it may be born with his fear; pray together with
-the holy nuns that the Almighty may preserve the mother, who in this world
-is my highest joy." It is ludicrous, yet affecting, to observe what little
-circumstances are eagerly laid hold upon after death, respecting the
-personal history of men who, during their lives, were neglected in their
-hardest trials, or oppressed in their helplessness by those who were
-bound to protect and foster them. The very hour of Tasso's birth, as
-well as the place, has been contested against his own authority: he says
-that it was four o'clock in the morning; Serassi, that it was mid-day.
-"He ought to have been born at Naples," says Manso, "though he happened
-first to appear at Sorrento." It may be settled that he was a native of
-Italy rather than of any place where he may first have seen the light,
-in a country throughout which he was a stranger and a pilgrim all his
-days. Indeed, he ought to have been born on the sea; so little claim, on
-the ground of paternal kindness shown to him, had any city in the
-peninsula to the glory of his birth.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Scarcely had he been welcomed into the world under auspices so cheering
-as those recently mentioned, than the fortunes of his family took an
-adverse turn. Bernardo was summoned away from the delightful retirement
-of Sorrento, to join his patron in the war which had just broken out
-between the emperor Charles V. and Francis I., and in which the prince
-brilliantly distinguished himself. Meanwhile, if we are to believe his
-nursery traditions, the little Torquato was giving, even from his
-cradle, proofs of the spirit that was in him, scarcely less
-extraordinary than if, like Hercules, he had strangled serpents, or like
-another poet of old, attracted bees to his lips, whether to gather or to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">{Pg 102}</a></span>
-deposit sweetness there we need not stay to enquire. Manso, his latest
-and most munificent patron, his first and most encomiastic biographer,
-(whose memoir, like Boccaccio's of Dante, reads more like romance than
-reality in many passages, and no where more than in this instance,)
-says, that the child, even during his first year, gave evidence of the
-divinity of his genius. For scarcely had he attained his sixth month,
-when, contrary to the usage of children, he began not only to let loose
-his tongue (or to prattle <i>a snodar la lingua</i>), but even to speak
-outright, and that in such a manner that he was never known to lisp (or
-clip) his syllables, as all other infants do, but formed his words
-complete, and gave them perfect utterance. If this be true, his
-marvellous faculty of speech, like the produce of a premature spring,
-must have suffered an early blight: for he himself records that, in
-speaking, he was little favoured by nature, having an unconquerable
-impediment of tongue; whence he preferred to communicate his thoughts
-rather in writing than by the audible voice, when he meant to win
-attention or produce impression. His own testimony is so far at variance
-with the assertion of his friend Manso respecting his early fluency,
-that he appeals for confirmation of the fact that he is a stammerer
-(probably to no very inconvenient degree) to some of his correspondents.
-But we are told, on the same authority, that the infant was equally
-precocious in the faculties of the mind; that he could reason, explain
-his thoughts, and answer questions with surprising intelligence.
-Moreover, to crown the climax, it is said that he seldom cried, and
-never laughed; the only exception, it may be presumed, of a healthy
-child since the world began; but that he was grave, dignified, and sage,
-and announced by his behaviour that he was destined for some great
-design.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the return of Bernardo from the army, he enjoyed a brief prolongation
-of his domestic quiet at Sorrento, during which all that a romantic
-father and a passionately tender mother could do to awaken, cherish, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">{Pg 103}</a></span>
-confirm the early intimations of transcendent intellect in their darling
-son, was employed; and such discipline, by its natural effect, no doubt,
-coloured and characterised their son's mind, in the sequel, to the end
-of life. In one of Bernardo's letters to Portia, during his late
-absence, he says, that, while he leaves to her the delicate task to
-adorn their daughter Cornelia with every virtue and accomplishment which
-becomes a maiden, he intends himself to train up their young Torquato
-for his more arduous station in society, when he should be of proper
-age. This purpose was never realised.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1552, the prince of Salerno and his adherents being declared rebels,
-Bernardo, as one of the most attached of his friends, was included in
-the proscription: his estate was confiscated, and an income of 900 scudi
-lost; leaving him utterly destitute of resources, with the exception of
-a few valuable trinkets, and the hope of some time recovering his wife's
-dowry&mdash;a hope which outlived himself, and which he bequeathed as a
-perpetual plague of expectation and disappointment to his son, who, as
-will be seen, obtained a decree to have it, against his mother's
-brothers, nearly at his own last hour. Bernardo being thus driven into
-exile, his wife remained with the children at Naples, in very narrow
-circumstances, though amongst wealthy relatives, who seem always to have
-treated her and her offspring with unnatural hard-heartedness. Torquato,
-meanwhile, under her superintendence, was making progress in the general
-rudiments of knowledge; but especially in the acquisition of languages,
-in rhetoric, and in poetry, proportioned to the promise of his earlier
-years. His principal tutor was one Angeluzzo, at a college of the
-Jesuits, recently established in that city. So eager and intent was he
-in quest of knowledge (such as lay within his reach), that his mother,
-so far from having to urge or bribe him onward, was obliged, for his
-health's sake, to restrain him. Early and late he was at his books; and
-on the winter's mornings he was sent from his home to the school with a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">{Pg 104}</a></span>
-lantern and servant to conduct him. At seven years of age he was already
-a considerable proficient in the Greek and Latin tongues, and had begun
-to exercise himself in oral eloquence and written composition; but no
-genuine specimens of either of these have been preserved.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The following beautiful and touching lines, in which he alludes to the
-worst period of his life,&mdash;his separation from his mother, when called
-away from Naples to join his father at Rome,&mdash;have been absurdly
-attributed to him as actually penned at this date. Hoole, and even Hunt,
-two of his modern translators, have fallen into this error; whereas a
-moment's consideration would convince any man, who understood the
-difference between adult poetry and puerile attempts at rhyming, that
-such verses, at such an age, (nine years!) would have been sufficiently
-remarkable to justify belief in the fables of his babyhood, when he sat
-talking pretty unbroken Italian on his mother's knee, before he was
-twelve months old.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The passage occurs in a figurative canzonet on the river Metauso, but
-addressed to the duke of Urbino, imploring refuge and protection in his
-adversity. Though left unfinished, the fragment is acknowledged to be
-one of the most exquisitely wrought of all the author's lyrics:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Me dal sen della madre empia Fortuna</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Pargoletto divelse: ah! di que' baci,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Ch' ella bagnò di lagrime dolenti,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Con sospir mi rimembra, e degli ardenti</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Preghi, che sen portar l' aure fugaci,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Ch' io giunger non dovea più volto à volto</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Fra quelle braccia accolto</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Con nodi così stretti, e sì tenaci.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Lasso! e seguii con mal sicure piante,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Qual Ascanio, o Cammilla, il padre errante."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Me, from a tender mother's breast,</span><br />
-<span class="i4">Stern Fortune, while an infant, tore;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Ah! I remember how she press'd.</span><br />
-<span class="i4">Press'd me, and kiss'd me, o'er and o'er,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Bathed with her tears, with doleful sighs,</span><br />
-<span class="i4">Breathed for me many a fervent prayer,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Which, ere it reach'd the skies,</span><br />
-<span class="i4">Was scatter'd by the passing air.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">{Pg 105}</a></span></span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"For I was nevermore to meet</span><br />
-<span class="i2">That parent face to face,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Clasp'd in her clear embrace,</span><br />
-<span class="i4">With folds so strait, so binding and so sweet.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Alas! 't was mine thenceforth to roam</span><br />
-<span class="i4">With ill-supporting feet,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And, like Ascanius o'er the trackless floods,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Or young Camilla, cast on wilds and woods,</span><br />
-<span class="i4">Follow a wandering father without home."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-These lines&mdash;breathing forth such grateful recollections of maternal
-tenderness, watching, weeping, praying, over a most beloved and
-affectionate child, from whom she was parting for ever, and who was
-destined to be far greater than even she, in her fondest entrancement,
-could have hoped&mdash;remind us of our own Cowper's filial reminiscences,
-in "words that weep," translating "tears that speak," on receiving, at a
-more distant period of a suffering life, his mother's picture: at sight
-of which, for a while, he lived over again, with a thousand times more
-intense delight, the scenes of infancy, renewed, like a vision of
-pre-existence in some happier state than that which had intervened since
-he had borne the burthen and heat of a long day of life consumed in
-anguish of spirit, for which, on this side of the grave, he found no
-solace, and beyond it, no hope for his bewildered mind; dark as Egypt
-under the ninth plague in that quarter, though, in every other, light as
-the land of Goshen. Between Tasso and Cowper there were many traits of
-sad as well as noble resemblance&mdash;kindred genius, a kindred malady,
-and kindred misfortunes; but not kindred alleviations: the advantage here
-was on our countryman's side; but his disease lay deeper than that of
-the former, and the symptoms, if not so violent after the first terrible
-attack, were more inveterate; so that, contemplating the fate of the
-glorious Italian under eclipse, and pitying him with a sympathy which no
-man living but himself could feel, Cowper might have drawn the same
-comparison between Tasso's case and his own, as he has done in those
-heart-wringing verses (the last which he is recorded to have composed)
-under the title of "The Castaway." These were founded upon a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">{Pg 106}</a></span>
-circumstance mentioned in Anson's Voyage, of a sailor who fell overboard
-in a storm, when the ship could not be stayed to rescue him, but who
-followed in its wake, crying after it, and being heard by his
-companions, while he
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i6">&mdash;&mdash;"lived an hour</span><br />
-<span class="i2">In ocean, self-upheld;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And ever, as the minutes flew,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Entreated help, or cried 'adieu.'"</span><br />
-<span class="i8">*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*</span><br />
-<span class="i2">"At length he drank</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The stifling wave, and then he sank."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-
-<p>The melancholy poet adds, in reference to himself, that</p>
-
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Misery still delights to trace</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Its semblance in another's case.</span><br />
-<span class="i8">*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*</span><br />
-<span class="i2">No voice divine the storm allay'd,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">No light propitious shone,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">When snatch'd from all effectual aid,</span><br />
-<span class="i2"><i>We</i> perish'd, <i>each alone</i>;</span><br />
-<span class="i2"><i>But I beneath a rougher sea</i>,</span><br />
-<span class="i2"><i>And 'whelm'd in deeper gulfs than he.</i>"</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Both of Tasso's parents had early and deeply impressed upon his mind and
-his affections veneration and love to God. In his tenth year the Jesuit
-fathers, following up the religious instructions of this child of
-promise according to their views of the Gospel, admitted him to the
-sacrament; on which occasion, though he acknowledges, in one of his
-epistles, that he could not enter into the mystery of "the real
-presence," according to the Roman interpretation of the true and simple
-scripture doctrine of "the <i>communion</i> of the body and the blood of
-Christ," yet, impressed with awe by the pomp of the spectacle, and
-elevated almost to transport by sympathy of devotion with the
-surrounding multitude, he received the symbol, according to his own
-ingenuous account, with "a certain indescribable and unwonted
-satisfaction." This circumstance deserves particular mention, because,
-assuredly, by such a course of domestic and school discipline the boy
-was trained up in what he understood to be genuine piety, and of which,
-through after life, he became a zealous professor, however lax on some
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">{Pg 107}</a></span>
-other subjects his writings, and even his actions, may have been. In the
-latter respect, however, he was countenanced by the licentious manners
-of the age, and especially of that class of society, refined and exalted
-as it was, in which his lot was cast, but in which he was rather
-entertained as a guest than recognised as a member of the privileged
-order. His father, in one of his letters to his mother, says, "It is of
-the utmost importance to impress, with all your influence and authority,
-upon the infantine mind the name, the love, and the fear of God, that
-the child may learn to love and honour Him from whom he has received,
-not life only, but all the benefits and mercies of providence and grace,
-which can render man happy in this world, and blessed in that which is
-to come." In the same letter he says, "I condemn those who beat their
-children, not less than if they should dare to lay hands on the image of
-God."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was after the expatriated party to whom Bernardo belonged had planned
-an attack upon Naples, by the combined fleets of France and Turkey,
-which miscarried in a miserable piratical descent upon the neighbouring
-coast, and a disgraceful re-embarkment, that Portia and her daughter
-were received into a convent, and Torquato was sent to his father at
-Rome; who, an exile, on a bed of sickness, and in deep poverty, was
-solacing himself, amidst his misfortunes, with preparing a volume of his
-Rime for the press, and unweariedly labouring to complete his
-<i>Amadigi.</i> In "the eternal city," young Tasso prosecuted his studies
-with indefatigable assiduity, and having for companion a cousin of his own
-name, Christofero Tasso, a lad of indolent habits and slow capacity. He,
-by his example and influence, for a while happily stimulated the latter
-to become a worthy competitor of himself; but he soon growing tired in
-the course, Torquato left him, and every rival beside, far behind in
-every learned and liberal accomplishment.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1556 Portia died, at Naples, never having seen her husband since his
-original proscription. Her illness was so brief and so violent, that
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">{Pg 108}</a></span>
-Bernardo doubted whether it was poison or a broken heart that had cut
-her off in the prime of her years,&mdash;most of which, however, had been
-so melancholy, since her happiness first seemed consummated by her union
-with the man of her choice, and in the children of their love, that
-there needed no auxiliary, in this instance, for Nature to do her work
-in the shape of death. Meanwhile Bernardo, not being permitted to return
-to Naples, was compelled, by the stress of hard circumstances, to leave
-his daughter in the hands of those whom he had but too much reason to
-call her enemies, though the nearest of kin to her deceased mother.
-These&mdash;probably from motives of rapacity, though political rancour may
-have added its malignity to the cold venom of avarice&mdash;instituted a
-process against young Torquato, to disinherit him, under a pretence
-which a fiend incarnate (had such a wanderer from the abyss of lost
-spirits been permitted to darken the earth with his shadow) might have
-blushed to advance in a court of justice,&mdash;that, having followed his
-miserable parent to Rome, the boy (at ten years of age!) had made
-himself partaker of his father's imputed treason, and thereby
-righteously exposed himself to the same penalties of exile and
-confiscation. The issue of this iniquitous proceeding does not appear,
-except it may be gathered from the fact, that the uncles contrived to
-withhold Torquato's portion of his mother's dowry from him till the last
-year of his life: and, further to secure the control, at least, of the
-property by themselves, they married her daughter Cornelia, who, at
-fifteen years, had grown up into a beauty, to a gentleman of Sorrento,
-of narrow fortune, but honourable birth, in spite of the protestations
-of her father, whose ambition had destined her for a higher and more
-wealthy alliance; his hopes and his plans being even a day's march
-beyond his power of overtaking them by performance. There is extant a
-letter written on this occasion by Torquato (probably at the dictation
-of his father) to Signora Vittoria Colonna, in which the lad bitterly
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">{Pg 109}</a></span>
-complains against the cruelty of his uncles in forcing this match upon
-his sister; and implores her interference to prevent the entailment of
-poverty and disgrace upon the young Cornelia, by such a sacrifice of her
-person and property to the mercenary views of her relatives. "It is
-hard," says the reputed writer, "to lose one's fortune; but the
-degradation of blood is much harder to bear. My poor old father has only
-us two; and, since fortune has robbed him of his property, and of a wife
-whom he loved as his own soul, suffer not rapacity to deprive him of his
-beloved daughter, in whose bosom he hoped to finish tranquilly the few
-last years of his old age. We have no friends at Naples; our relations
-are our enemies, and, on account of the circumstances of my father's
-situation, every one fears to take us by the hand." These stern but
-tender sentiments, wrung in the agony of heart-sickness from the father,
-were written, not only by the hand of the son upon the paper of the
-epistle, but on his own heart, and became identified with his personal
-feelings through life. Though he never suffered the escutcheon of his
-family to be blemished by a humbling connection, yet he paid dearly,
-both in his affections and in his pride, to preserve it; and, if the
-tradition of his love for a princess of the house of Este be founded in
-truth, he must have felt that he was himself, in that case, playing the
-part of "some poor gentleman," whose alliance would be a degradation of
-the most ancient blood of Italy. Both the father and the son, in the
-sequel, were reconciled&mdash;first for Cornelia's sake, and afterwards for
-his own&mdash;to her husband; who proved a worthy and kind consort, with
-whom she lived happily, though not long, and by whom she had several
-children.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In a letter addressed by Bernardo to his daughter, while she was yet a
-girl, occurs the following affecting day-dreams of the comforts of old
-age which he hoped to realise in her filial attentions. After exhorting
-her to mind her lessons, and promising in due time to provide a husband
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">{Pg 110}</a></span>
-worthy of her, with whom she should live near himself, he thus fondly
-adverts to that closing scene of a troubled life, to which many a
-sufferer like him, to the last moment, looked on as a forlorn
-hope&mdash;forlorn, yet inexpressibly soothing, and cherished even in the
-heart of despair:&mdash;"Sweet and tranquil to me will be old age, when I
-shall see (as I hope it may be the will of God) myself perpetuated in
-your little ones, with my very features impictured on their
-countenances. Death will then appear to me less terrible, when,
-beholding you in honour and in peace, enjoying the love of your husband,
-and the delights derived from the affections of your children, you shall
-close with pale hands these eyes of mine. And surely it is due to a dear
-father to receive the last kisses, the last tears, and every other pious
-and tender office, from a dutiful and loving daughter."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Fresh commotions in Italy rendering Rome an unsafe sojourn for the
-homeless Bernardo, he removed his son and his nephew to Bergamo, and
-fled himself to Ravenna, with two shirts and his <i>Amadigi</i> yet
-uncompleted; as destitute as his contemporary Camoëns, when he escaped
-from shipwreck with his <i>Lusiad</i> in one hand, and with the other
-buffeting the waves&mdash;thus saving at once his life and his immortality!
-On as troubled a sea, by land, as any breadth of water between Lisbon
-and Canton, not excepting that round the Cape of Storms, Bernardo was
-tossed to and fro throughout Italy; and continued to the last as poor,
-yet as sanguine, as the only genius that Portugal had hitherto produced,
-and proved itself unworthy to give birth to another by its neglect, if
-not its ingratitude and inhumanity, to that one. But here a gleam of
-sunshine broke upon Bernardo, amidst the darkness of his flight from
-Rome. The duke of Urbino invited him to Pesaro, and afforded him a
-welcome but temporary asylum there from the persecution of his enemies,
-and the pressure of indigence&mdash;a retreat, indeed, which he himself
-acknowledged was such as might give inspiration to any poet, and where
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">{Pg 111}</a></span>
-lie, himself, in quiet and amidst that comfort to which he had lately
-been a stranger, might complete his long poem.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Torquato for a little time was pleasantly situated at Bergamo, in the
-family of his cousin and fellow-student, where, being a boy of
-exceedingly prepossessing appearance, amiable disposition, and
-manifestly brilliant talents, he was much noticed and even caressed by
-many of the principal persons in the neighbourhood. Bernardo, however,
-anxious to have him under his own eye and direction, soon reclaimed him.
-At Pesaro, Torquato, as might be expected, won attention from the whole
-circle of his father's acquaintance; and the duke d'Urbino himself was
-so delighted with his graceful modesty and rare accomplishments, that he
-introduced him to his own son as a suitable companion in his studies and
-his pleasures. The young noble of fortune at once became attached to the
-young noble of genius, and a friendship, so natural to kindred minds
-early associated&mdash;the dawn of affection preceding the day-star of
-passion in the order of Providence&mdash;speedily sprang up, and amidst all
-the splendour of station which through life distinguished the one, and
-the sufferings by adversity which were the subsequent lot of the other,
-was never forsworn or forgotten by either. And well was the lustre, so
-transiently shed by the prince, in the court of his father, upon the
-humble son of the exile there, imperishably reflected upon himself, in
-after years, even from the dungeons of Ferrara, by the glory of the
-author of "Gerusalemme Liberata."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Bernardo having at length put the finishing stroke to his <i>Amadigi</i>,
-looked to the munificence of the king of France and the prince of
-Salerno for the means of printing it. In these reliances he was
-disappointed; and it appears that his patron, the prince, was himself so
-impoverished, that the pension to the poet of 300 crowns (a poor
-compensation for all his services and sacrifices) was about this time
-withdrawn. So utterly perished were Bernardo's resources, in this
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">{Pg 112}</a></span>
-extremity, that, according to his own lamentable statement, had it not
-been for the bounty of the duke d'Urbino, he must have been almost
-reduced to the necessity of begging bread for himself and his son. The
-duke liberally supplied him, not with bread only for himself and his
-son, but presented him with 300 ducats, to which were added a hundred
-gold crowns by the cardinal de Tournon. Hereupon he repaired to Venice,
-to publish his work. Being received with great respect by the literary
-characters of that city, then eminent for noble arts as well as
-victorious arms and prosperous commerce, he was adopted by them, and
-made secretary to their academy. To this office was annexed a salary so
-considerable, that, with his wonted improvidence, he immediately
-established himself in a handsome house, sumptuously furnished, and
-adorned with what seems to have been his delight, rich tapestry, the
-poetry of the needle and the shuttle, and which at best is but to
-painting what painting itself sometimes is to nature — a copy
-reminding the spectator of an original, of which one of the greatest
-merits of the imitation is the difficulty overcome in achieving it.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Bernardo's vicissitudes would present a touching but melancholy contrast
-to those of Gil Blas of Santillane, if written in a style of seriousness
-and sympathy with what is most sacred in suffering, and trying in hope
-deferred, equal to the pungent humour and heartless indifference to what
-is "virtuosest, discreetest, best," in the characteristic adventures of
-that gay footman of fortune. But such transitions as both Bernardo and
-Torquato experienced, strange as they seem to us, were events of common
-occurrence, arising out of the state of society in the petty
-principalities and commonwealths of Italy in the middle ages, and long
-after the revival of learning, when those who followed the profession of
-letters were too often dependent for the means of subsistence upon the
-precarious patronage of haughty nobles and ostentatious ecclesiastics.
-The part which Torquato had to bear in the diversities of circumstance,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">{Pg 113}</a></span>
-scene, and company, into which he was thrown with his parent, was too
-well calculated to cherish and confirm all his natural aspirings; while
-those patrician sentiments, which had been instilled into him from his
-cradle, amidst poverty, ignominy, and all the wretchedness of ephemeral
-favour, ever sustained in him a lofty self-esteem, on the ground of
-honourable birth, the consciousness of innate genius, and the pride of
-acquired learning, to which had been carefully added those gentlemanly
-accomplishments which rendered him a fit companion for people of the
-highest rank in an age of extraordinary display of personal conduct and
-ceremonial bearing. Tasso, in addition to his peculiar advantages,
-excelled in all these conventional ones, except in self-control&mdash;that
-especially which degenerates into servility&mdash;for (though the most
-exquisite flatterer in the world, as thousands of panegyrical verses
-prove him to have been) he never learned the meaner, but more
-profitable, art of being a court-minion.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While he was thus pursuing his studies with in defatigable application,
-he was not less diligent in cultivating those talents, which had given
-such extraordinary signs of power within him. It is stated that while,
-for the latter purpose, he was reading with intense devotion the poets
-both of old Italy and new, as well as the relics of the nobler bards of
-ancient Greece, like most of his countrymen, (perhaps, from secret
-nationality of feeling,) he preferred the Latins to these, and among the
-Latins Virgil beyond every other bore the palm in his youthful
-imagination. In fact he grew so enamoured of the graces and excellences
-of the Æneid, that his own epic became just such a work as, it might be
-presumed, Virgil himself would have composed in the same age, and under
-the same influences, as Tasso lived; while, on the other hand, had their
-births been exchanged, Tasso might have been the glory of the court of
-Augustus, and flourished then in splendour amidst the greatest and most
-intellectual society of men of talents that were ever contemporary,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">{Pg 114}</a></span>
-instead of being an almoner, an exile, a prisoner, beholden for food and
-raiment, in his best estate, to the bounty&mdash;or rather to the
-parsimony&mdash;of "the Great Vulgar" of Italy in the sixteenth century,
-whose names are more illustrious from having been connected with his,
-than for any record of themselves or their ancestors, which could render
-their families illustrious beyond the little boundaries of their
-domains. This supposition, in reference to Virgil and Tasso, may be
-deemed impertinent; hazardous it certainly is, and once would have been
-deemed heretical by the idolaters of the Roman poet. Though this is not
-precisely the place, yet, in a discursive memoir like the present, it
-may be allowable, to remark upon a line of Boileau, which has done more
-injury to the reputation of Tasso than all the splenetic criticisms of
-Sperone, and the verbal persecutions of the Della Cruscans. Ridiculing
-the bad taste of certain personages who haunt courts, and from their
-rank and assurance are permitted to judge as foolishly as they please of
-the merits of authors with impunity, he says (and in a note gives a
-special instance of such aristocratic wrong-headness<a name="NoteRef_38_38" id="NoteRef_38_38"></a><a href="#Note_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>) that these
-will prefer "<i>à Malherbe, Théophile</i>," "Théophile to Malherbe,"&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Et le clinquant du Tasse à tout l'or de Virgile:"</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"And Tasso's tinsel to all Virgil's gold."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-This flippant antithesis, which, from its sparkling ambiguity, might itself
-be quoted as a specimen of sheer "tinsel" (<i>clinquant</i>), amounts
-to no more than that there are "fools," as the satirist calls them, who
-prefer what is <i>false</i> in Tasso to what is <i>true</i> in Virgil; but
-that the whole, the half, or even a tenth of the "Gerusalemme Liberata," of
-which he himself speaks elsewhere with sufficient commendation, is
-composed of "<i>clinquant</i>," without a greatly overbalancing weight of
-gold even in its worst parts, he has not dared to affirm, though by a
-pitiful insinuation, not less unworthy of the author than unjust to the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">{Pg 115}</a></span>
-object, he has had the left-handed luck to fix a stigma to that effect
-upon the fair fame of one, in comparison with whose magnificent
-creations of thought his own finely elaborated productions are but as
-"French wire" to "solid bullion." The feeble confirmation of Boileau's
-equivocal sentence, by the elegant but prejudiced Addison, is of little
-weight. The critic, who, in tracing Milton's obligations to some of his
-great forerunners, acknowledges that among these he might have included
-Tasso, but that he does not deem him "a sufficient voucher," could be
-but very imperfectly acquainted with the authority which he affected to
-disparage, but which the poet of "Paradise Lost" held in very different
-estimation. Try Boileau, when he attempts a strain of heroics, as in the
-"Ode on the taking of Namur," or Addison, in his celebrated "Campaign,"
-by any page that may be first opened in all Tasso's multifarious
-compositions in verse, and the "white plume" on the crest of Louis XIV.,
-which the court poet mistook for a star, and the destroying "angel,"
-which the court critics of queen Anne's reign hailed as descending from
-"the highest heaven of invention," and the feather metamorphosis, in the
-first instance, will be pronounced a puerile and pedantic conceit; and
-the "angel," in the second, a piece of commonplace machinery, which
-scarcely escapes the charge of profaneness in its main attribute.
-Marlborough, a mortal man, burning to avenge his country's wrongs, may
-well be imagined as slaughtering, with terrible delight, the thousands
-and tens of thousands of her enemies; but that an angel should be
-"pleased" (as the cold and heartless phrase is) in executing judgments
-upon unresisting victims of divine wrath (righteous as the vengeance may
-be) is utterly inconceivable; nor can the poet shelter himself under the
-doubtful interpretation of the context,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Pleased <i>the Almighty's orders to perform</i>,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Rides on the whirlwind and directs the storm,"&mdash;</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-because the first, last, and only impression upon the reader's mind will
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">{Pg 116}</a></span>
-be, that the destroyer is "pleased" with the <i>destruction</i>, though the
-Almighty himself declares that "<i>He</i> hath no pleasure in the death of
-the wicked." Both these passages might have escaped carping criticism;
-but, when Boileau and Addison mislead the public to believe that Tasso's
-writings are "all tinsel," it is fair to show that their own are not
-"all gold."<a name="NoteRef_39_39" id="NoteRef_39_39"></a><a href="#Note_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Torquato's mind now feeling strength, and gaining confidence to
-undertake things beyond his years, he diligently gave his days and
-nights, in the intervals of severer exercises, to reading and meditating
-upon the works of his great Italian predecessors, that he might form,
-after their models, a style of verse and manner of composition which
-should rival theirs, and yet be all his own. Unconsciously, it is
-probable, at first, but gradually as he grew up, through an undefined
-period, he conceived, and, before he reached the age of eighteen, had
-executed, what Dr. Black calls "the most wonderful work that ever was
-written by man," when the youth of the author, and the short time in which
-it was composed&mdash;ten months, it is reported&mdash;are taken into the
-account. The "Joan of Arc," by our illustrious countryman, Southey,
-produced in a less compass of time, and at an age not much more advanced
-than Tasso's, may fairly be put in competition with the "Rinaldo,"
-without disparagement to either. Nothing connected with the existence of
-man, in this mysterious world, at once living within and beyond himself,
-exceeds, either in purity or intensity, the delight of youth when
-framing poetry at first according to the extent of new-formed powers,
-and anticipating poetry to come, when years shall have matured his
-faculties, and his wings, after their first moulting, shall have
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">{Pg 117}</a></span>
-acquired full vigour of plume to bear him "with no middle flight" above
-the Aonian mounts while he pursues
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Things unattempted yet in prose or rhyme."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Among real "curiosities of literature" there yet remain copies of Dante
-and Petrarch, with marginal notes in Torquato's handwriting, which prove
-with what microscopic minuteness he examined and studied the productions
-of those masters of that language, to which he himself was destined to
-give consummate grace as well as power of expression&mdash;the strength of
-Dante, modified from the muscular proportions of Hercules to those of
-the fine-limbed Apollo,&mdash;the delicacy of Petrarch veiled, like the
-Medicean Venus, in the mantle of Minerva. It may here be noticed, that
-Tasso was no more an expert penman than a fluent speaker; his
-manuscripts, according to his own acknowledgment, being very
-indifferently recommended either by the fashion of the letters, or the
-correctness of the spelling. The numberless erasures, interpolations,
-and new readings, with which many of his best works, preserved in the
-library of the house of Este, are disfigured to the eye, are interesting
-marks of that process of elaboration by which he slowly but as
-effectually brought out all the hidden beauty of his thoughts, as though
-they had been suddenly conceived and perfectly expressed in the ardour
-of inspiration.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During their residence at Venice, Torquato was much employed by his
-father in transcribing his own multitudinous poems and letters, as well
-as in preparing for the press the enormous length of the "Amadigi." By
-this exercise the son himself became daily more familiarised with the
-means and artifices by which those who excel others in the productions
-of their genius, form their peculiar style according to their peculiar
-standard of intellect, and identify their whole cast of thinking with
-their whole structure of language. To put a passage of an eloquent
-author to the nicest test of <i>touch</i> (if the expression may be allowed
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">{Pg 118}</a></span>
-for the intercourse of mind with mind, in the communication and
-reception of ideas splendidly conceived and felicitously bodied forth by
-the one, and by degrees only apprehended by the other,)&mdash;to put to the
-nicest test of <i>touch</i>, as it were, any eloquent passage of poet or
-orator, let the admirer copy it out at length, and he will find that the
-progress of mind, hand, and eye, going all together, and through every
-part, will give him the most distinct possible possession of the whole
-in its full proportion, minutest details, and utmost effect.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But while thus the amanuensis of his father, Torquato was not less
-assiduously cultivating his own talents, and meditating the composition
-already alluded to, in which he was soon not only to rival the former,
-but even while a boy, and upon the enchanted ground of romance itself,
-to prove a greater magician than he. This the sudden and passionate
-admiration with which his "Rinaldo" was hailed throughout Italy, and
-beyond the Alps and Pyrenees, irreversibly established. The failure of
-Bernardo's hopes, in the neglect with which both sovereign princes and
-the reading public, after the first effervescence of applause, treated
-his "Amadigi," was nearly contemporaneous with the first triumph of his
-more fortunate son, who, so far as fame could gratify or reward his
-literary labours, may be said to have succeeded in all that he
-attempted, either in prose and verse, thenceforward, though some of his
-performances had but an ephemeral popularity, being welcomed at first,
-and afterwards formally honoured from the courtesy due to their author,
-and the measure of kindred excellence by which they were all allied to
-the happier offspring of his too prolific mind. Bernardo, after he found
-that the stupendous monument of labour in vain, which he had spent so
-many years in accumulating, was likely to be left to moulder away and
-fall of itself into oblivion,&mdash;having at its first appearance excited
-neither enough of envy or admiration to render it extensively attractive
-to public curiosity,&mdash;lay down in despondency at its base, amidst his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">{Pg 119}</a></span>
-perished hopes; and though he made several attempts afterwards to rise,
-these were all equally unavailing, and the latest solace of his life was
-the contemplation of that glory descending upon his son which had
-departed from him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In considering the fate, by a natural death (so to express it), after a
-date somewhat longer than that of a natural life, of those who have been
-renowned in their own age, but have dwindled into insignificance, or
-become utterly extinct in that which followed, it may be said of the far
-greater number of those who flourish among contemporaries, not, indeed,
-that they,
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i12">"are born to blush unseen,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And waste their sweetness on the desert air,"</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-but that they are flowers which bloom in their season, and charm with
-their fragrance the passers by of one generation, then disappear, and
-are remembered no more. This is the order of Providence, and it is wise
-and good; for were the Almighty less liberal of his gifts, though the
-possessors being "few and far between" might be more admired and longer,
-the world would be less benefited than by that perpetual succession and
-supply (according to the demand for literature) of minds worthy,
-perhaps, of any age, but formed peculiarly to suit the taste, the
-manners, and the society of their own. Among Chalmers' "English Poets,"
-for example, how many names, once illustrious, now merely catalogued,
-are prefixed to works, unread though unforgotten, on which talents as
-diversified and as well cultivated as the circumstances of the times
-would allow were painfully expended, to delight and improve mankind;
-each of whose possessors hoped, besides serving his own generation, to
-leave something behind which the world would not willingly let die. Yet
-it may be questioned whether some of these, had they lived in other
-periods, or under different orders of things, might not have taken far
-higher rank among the candidates for fame, and established permanent
-claims to the veneration of posterity. Is not great genius, as we call
-it, when fortunately developed, and favoured by many contingencies,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">{Pg 120}</a></span>
-without which it never would have been so developed, more common than is
-generally imagined? Is there not at all times and every where a class of
-intelligences which may be trained up to become generals and captains in
-literature, in comparison with the rank and file out of which they may
-be called by peculiar events in their own or their nation's history, and
-without which they could not have risen above the ordinary state of
-their less distinguished, but, perhaps, equally capable companions; as
-the working bees in a hive, as some naturalists tell us, when their
-queen is lost or taken away from the little community, by a particular
-regimen, may be nourished up into queens, and from labourers become
-perpetuators of the race? There seems some probability for this
-hypothesis, fanciful as it may be deemed, because in all extraordinary
-emergencies, whether in the world of politics or of literature, minds of
-the first order are invariably brought into activity from the motives,
-the means, and the opportunities then afforded to them, though they
-could never have risen above the depression, mediocrity, or neutral
-indifference to which they were born, in which they had long lived, and
-must assuredly have died, had it not been for those apparently
-accidental opportunities which gave them distinction and pre-eminence,
-by a change in themselves resembling a new creation, but in reality only
-an awakening of latent powers.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While Torquato was thus continually giving new pledges, and redeeming
-old ones of equal lustre, or surpassing the proudest names in his
-country's literature, the old man, from bitter but unprofitable
-experience as regarded himself, having proved the precariousness of the
-favour of princes, and the vanity of expecting fortune to follow fame in
-verse, determined to indemnify his son for the loss of both his parents'
-property by bringing him up to a profession in which wealth and honour
-might more readily be acquired by common industry than by idly looking
-for the golden rewards of genius at the hands either of aristocratic
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">{Pg 121}</a></span>
-patrons, who bestow them as bounties, or of the multitude that compose
-the public, and who care little about the good or ill fare of those on
-whom their transient applauses are lavished.
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"So praisen babes the peacock's spotted trayne,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And wondren at bright Argus' golden eye:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">But who rewardes him e'er the more for thy,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Or feedes him once the fuller by a graine?"</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i20">SPENSER, <i>Ecl. X.</i></span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-In his seventeenth year, therefore, Bernardo placed his son at Padua, to
-study jurisprudence, as Petrarch and Ariosto had been condemned to do
-before him, by prudent parents, and like each of those hopeful sons, who
-were
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i10">"born a father's hopes to cross,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And pen a stanza when he should engross,"</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Torquato (though it is said that he dutifully and diligently applied
-with his head to the study of the law) gave his heart and his hand in
-secret to the unportioned muse. The issue of this affiance, while he was
-yet embroiled in the nets of legal precedents and practice, was the
-"Rinaldo" already mentioned, a romantic poem, in twelve cantos. The hero
-is not his own champion of that name, the glory of his later poems, but
-one of "the million" that figure in the "Orlando Furioso"&mdash;a work
-which so possessed the mind of young Tasso, while he was at Venice, that he
-tells us he could not sleep for the fame of Ariosto. This juvenile
-performance is written more after the manner of that inimitable master
-than the "Gerusalemme;" but, though deficient in the humour and vivacity
-which constitute the all-binding and assimilating spell of Ariosto's
-tissue of episodes, and by which the reader is reconciled to wink at all
-the author's incongruities and caprices, Tasso's poem, nevertheless, by
-a more serious kind of magic, laid hold upon public feeling and so
-happily hit the expiring taste of his countrymen for the extravagances
-of chivalrous fiction, that where his father, after years of hard toil
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">{Pg 122}</a></span>
-in the same fields had miscarried, the son, in ten months, achieved a
-triumph, of which the trophies remain to this day; "Rinaldo" being yet
-one of the metrical romances which are interwoven with the party
-coloured staple of Italian literature.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Well might Bernardo be astonished and delighted, yet humbled and
-chagrined (in some measure), when the manuscript of his son's poem was
-presented to him, seeing himself already eclipsed in his meridian
-altitude (which he fondly imagined he had attained in the "Amadigi") by
-this morning-star of promise just "flaming in the forehead of the orient
-sky;" and perceiving, as he must have done, that his purpose was for
-ever thwarted, of placing the boy in that path where fortune scatters
-her golden apples before the feet of competitors in the race for her
-favour, rather than indulging them with golden dreams under the shadows
-of laurels planted by the wayside, the most precious rewards which she
-bestows on the most successful among poets. The father, however, was too
-great a lover of song to ruin a good poet in making a bad lawyer, as
-might have been the case had he persevered in his former views with his
-son. Wherefore, after some delay, he reluctantly, yet willingly, (a
-state of mind perfectly possible, though hard to reconcile,) gave his
-consent to the publication of the "Rinaldo." He who in the letter to his
-daughter formerly quoted, so tenderly and beautifully anticipated the
-happiness of being himself, with his very features, perpetuated in her
-infant progeny, could not but be transported to see himself, with the
-features of his very soul, perpetuated in the glorious offspring of his
-son's congenial yet surpassing mind. With a smile and a sigh, therefore,
-he permitted the poem to appear, surrendering at the same time his
-cherished expectation of seeing that son as eminent in the law as he was
-now likely to be in that which is remotest from law practice and law
-profits. "Let who will make the laws," said Fletcher of Saltoun, "let me
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">{Pg 123}</a></span>
-make the songs of a people, and by these I will govern them." Tasso's
-songs have assuredly had larger dominion, and had deeper, wider, more
-enduring influence in modifying the subsequent character of his
-countrymen than any legislative enactments, in which it may be imagined
-that he would never have been concerned, could have exercised. But then
-he might have enriched and ennobled himself; he might have escaped most
-of the calamities which hunted him to death in the midst of life; and he
-might not only have been happier himself, but a more useful member of
-that society in which he was born, which he served in his day, and in
-which he died without any monument except some splendid sculpture to
-record his name. It came otherwise to pass; and whether the world has
-been made better or worse by his labours, it must be acknowledged that
-the fame which he sought, and for which he sacrificed all beside, was
-dearly purchased to himself by the sufferings which it cost him to win.
-It is reported that when Bernardo remonstrated with him on his
-indiscreet preference of philosophy (for with him philosophy and poetry
-were identified) to jurisprudence, and angrily demanded, "What has your
-philosophy done for you?" he replied, "It has taught me to bear with
-meekness the reproofs of a father."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The appearance of Torquato's "Rinaldo" was not only the dawn of his own
-day of glory, but the dawn of a new day in the literature of his
-country. The age of absolute romance was succeeded by one of transition
-in public taste, during which what was most truly wonderful and
-meritoriously captivating in the wild fictions of knight-errantry was
-engrafted upon a stock of classical invention, design, and execution.
-This was in fact the nearest recurrence that could be made in epic
-poetry to the models of the ancients,&mdash;for the mythological machinery
-of Greece and Rome could not again be revived in poetry any more than in
-religion; Jupiter could never again resume his thunder and his throne;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">{Pg 124}</a></span>
-Neptune his trident; Pallas her ægis, or Venus her cestus; nor could
-the supernatural interposition of the supreme God, the agency of angels
-and sainted spirits, or of Saturn and his legions, be extensively
-employed (without constructive irreverence, not to say rank blasphemy)
-as auxiliaries in heroic fable, disguised as true history, or true
-history disguised as heroic fable. Tasso, Marino, Camoëns, and Milton
-have indeed presumed upon the perilous experiment of enlisting the
-armies of heaven and hell in conflict with each other, and intermeddling
-with earthly affairs; yet, with the exception of our countryman&mdash;and
-he would be a bold critic who should dare to arraign him for impiety in the
-use of what nothing but the most signal, unexampled, and inimitable
-felicity of success could justify,&mdash;it may be added, that he would be
-a critic not less bold, who, as a believer in the Christian faith, should
-venture to defend even Milton to the extent in which he has exercised
-this questionable, though hitherto unlitigated, license of
-fiction;&mdash;with the exception of our countryman, the authors aforenamed
-have, for the most part, grievously miscarried in the management of
-their agents of this class, whether good or evil, these being among the
-most indifferent and ineffective personages in their respective poems.
-Epic poetry, indeed, either upon classic or romantic precedent, may be
-said to have become extinct from the time of Tasso. "Paradise Lost"
-cannot be classed with either; he having achieved the only work of the
-kind, which, being neither the one nor the other, but combining the
-merits of each, touched the point beyond which improvement could not be
-carried. He may be said to have lived in the last age in which
-supernatural agents and miraculous interventions could be successfully
-introduced into narrative verse, as being consistent with popular
-credulity or superstitious belief&mdash;an absolutely indispensable
-requisite for the employment of such means to illustrate human affairs. For
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">{Pg 125}</a></span>
-example, a poem equal to Homers or Ariosto's, written now on the plan,
-and with the gods of the one or the enchantments of the other, would be
-insufferable: no power of genius could create an interest in behalf of
-Apollo and Venus, no longer believed in by the poet or by his readers;
-nor would the achievements of giants and witches, if celebrated by one
-born in this "age of reason," find mercy from criticism, or indulgence
-even from the vulgar students of our <i>penny</i> literature. Monk Lewis's
-Tales of Wonder, and the monstrosities of the German drama, have been
-long ago forgotten; the "Michael Scott" of the great minstrel "of that
-ilk!" alone keeps his ground; but all the other preternatural machines
-of the same creative hand would have perished utterly, had they not been
-associated with records of the doings and sufferings of beings of flesh
-and blood like ourselves, though existing in a state of semi-barbarous
-society exceedingly different from our own.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The "Rinaldo" was the first form of the abstract conception of a regular
-poem, at once to rival Virgil and Ariosto, which originated in the mind
-of Torquato while yet a youth of seventeen, but was not wholly developed
-till, at twice that age, he had produced the "Gerusalemme Liberata." All
-the characteristics of his peculiar genius are perceptible in the
-incidents, style, embellishments, and conduct of this juvenile essay;
-which, contrasted with the matured form and perfect majesty of that
-later offspring of his genius, is, as his own Gabriel, sent to comfort
-Godfrey, at the opening of the siege of Jerusalem:&mdash;take the image in
-Fairfax's version,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"A stripling seem'd he, thrice five winter's old,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And radiant beams adorn'd his locks of gold,"&mdash;</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">{Pg 126}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>
-compared with Milton's "Raphael," "in prime of manhood, where youth
-ended," alighting on the eastern cliff of Paradise, where,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i17">"like Maia's son he stood,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And shook his wings, that heavenly fragrance fill'd</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The circuit wide."<a name="NoteRef_40_40" id="NoteRef_40_40"></a><a href="#Note_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-This prodigy of youthful genius no sooner appeared than it was hailed
-with acclamation throughout Italy, and eager inquiries from every
-quarter were made concerning the author&mdash;that prodigality of praise
-might be lavished upon him by the learned, and parsimony of recompence,
-doled out to him by princes, ambitious of attaching so great a "natural
-curiosity" to the collection of live rarities about their palaces. For
-the great of those times coveted the glory, little as they liked the
-expense, of retaining men of talents in the train of their sycophants
-and dependents, even when they regarded them only as remarkable among
-their species, in the same manner as the lions, tigers, eagles,
-peacocks, and other strange and beautiful animals in their menageries
-were in comparison with the meaner ranks of brutes. Ariosto, who had
-experienced all the bitterness of such favour, and felt keenly the
-ignominy of such distinction, plainly tells us, that the patrons of his
-day loved those of their parasites who would minister to their personal
-necessities, pull off and on their boots, share in their orgies, and
-pander to their vices,&mdash;rather than those, whose proud stomachs
-disdained to allow them to be any thing less than themselves within the
-precincts of courts,&mdash;poets among princes, who could give enduring
-lustre to the names of inglorious patrons, which otherwise would have
-found no better memorial than the registers of their births, marriages,
-and deaths in their family genealogies.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After Torquato's emancipation from the trammels of law by the hand of the
-parent who had so carefully involved him in them,&mdash;flushed with the
-new wine of liberty, obtained at the surrender of every thing else in
-prospect, and with nothing but itself in possession,&mdash;he repaired to
-Bologna, to pursue his philosophical studies and indulge in his poetical
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">{Pg 127}</a></span>
-passion;&mdash;for poetry was truly to him a passion, and the ruling one of
-his existence,&mdash;honour, fortune, ease, pleasure, were all in turns but
-ministers <i>to</i> this, while <i>by</i> this he aimed at the acquisition
-of each of them, as the one or the other were, for the moment, the object
-of desire or the subject of lamentation for having lost it. But from
-Bologna he was expelled for a literary squib, the only thing of the kind by
-which he has gained any celebrity, whether it were his own or not. Some
-anonymous censor had been amusing himself with publishing pasquinades,
-ridiculing the principal people of the city, as well as the students of
-the college, with "much malice and a little wit." Those who were exposed
-to these sarcasms were exceedingly galled by the firing from this
-ambuscade of the pen, and the more so as they knew not on whom to wreak
-their vengeance. Torquato, in the reckless gaiety of a youth of twenty,
-on a certain occasion making himself merry among his companions by
-repeating one of these, was immediately pounced upon as the author, not
-only of the unlucky lines, with which he had been caught in his mouth,
-but he was assailed as being the secret manufacturer of all the rest. It
-was in vain that he denied the charge indignantly, and challenged his
-accusers for the proofs, urging that he himself had been the butt of the
-sharp-shooter's shafts, flying out of darkness and hitting in broad day.
-His papers were seized and examined before the criminal magistrate; but
-nothing being discovered to fix the imputation upon him, he was
-nominally acquitted, though the suspicion was not so easily effaced from
-the minds of the offended individuals. He took the matter himself in
-such dudgeon, that he precipitately left Bologna, and removed to Padua,
-whither he had been Invited by his early friend Scipio Gonzaga, who had
-lately established in the latter city the academy <i>Degli Eterei</i>, of
-which Tasso&mdash;certainly one of the most congenial spirits of the
-age&mdash;was worthily enrolled a member, and, according to the pedantic
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">{Pg 128}</a></span>
-fashion of those pompous but puerile institutions, assumed the name of
-<i>Pentito</i>&mdash;for some fanciful reason not well explained, though
-there has been no small wrangling about it.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To enlarge his mind, to exalt his imagination, and to enrich his
-eloquence, Torquato now devoted much of his attention to the works of
-Aristotle and Plato; but while the former subjected his reason to the
-severest discipline in the ascertainment of principles of truth, he gave
-his whole soul to the guidance of the latter, whose visionary splendour
-and profound speculations, on subjects the highest that created
-intelligences can conceive, and of which comparatively so little can be
-learned without "light from heaven" to illumine the "light of
-nature,"&mdash;while infinite space is afforded for everlasting
-conjectures, showing at once the capabilities and the limitations of the
-human intellect,&mdash;these peculiarly suited the young student's cast
-of thought and intense delight in contemplating the things that are
-invisible and eternal, as associated with things seen and perishable.
-Nor was the philosophical poet an unworthy disciple of the poetical
-philosopher, even upon his own ground and in his own style. Many of
-Tasso's sublimest compositions are in the form of dialogues, in which he
-discourses with an elevation of sentiment and a power of diction which
-might have gained admiration in the school of his master himself.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Meanwhile the germ of his great poem, which had been quickened, probably
-not later than the publication of the "Rinaldo," was growing up in his
-thought,&mdash;for Tasso, by the necessity of his nature, was ever
-ruminating on some premeditated or progressive theme; and some mightier
-conception followed the disburdenment of every matured production of his
-inexhaustibly inventive genius. While this new and magnificent project
-was gradually assuming shape and character before he entered upon the
-deliberate execution of it, he prepared himself for the task by
-composing his "Discourses on Heroic Poetry," which place him among
-critics in as high a rank as that which he holds among poets. The merit
-of these essays, indeed, is so remarkable, that his principal English
-biographer, Mr. Black, is almost seduced by them to assert the
-universality of the author's genius, in the following plausible remark
-and happy quotations from high authority concerning another
-extraordinary poetic genius, which seemed capable of excelling in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">{Pg 129}</a></span>
-whatever it undertook, whether in prose or rhyme:&mdash;"Of the 'Discourses
-on Heroic Poetry' there appear to have been four, only three of which
-have been printed. Though composed at the age of twenty, and published
-without the knowledge and corrections of the author, they are
-exceedingly valuable; and while they display a most refined taste,
-discover also much metaphysical acuteness and geometrical precision.
-Indeed, I am more and more of opinion that what Mr. Stewart says of
-Burns is true in general of every great poetical genius, 'All the
-faculties of Burns's mind,' says he, 'were, as far as I could judge,
-equally vigorous; and his predilection for poetry was rather the result
-of his own enthusiastic and impassioned temper, than of a genius
-exclusively adapted to that species of composition.'"
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In this year, 1564, Torquato visited his venerable father, now literally
-"<i>dagl' anni e da fortuna oppresso</i>," "borne down by years and evil
-fortune." The transport of affection with which two of the greatest men
-of their age, in the most seductive walk of human ambition, met at
-Mantua, in the relationship of parent and offspring, must have been
-chastened, yet rendered more exquisitely endearing, when the father,
-from his own sad experience, must have foreseen, by "his prophetic
-soul," the sorrows to come which his son would encounter in the course
-that he had chosen; while the son, with emotions not less painful, must
-have looked upon his father, remembering the sorrows past, which he had
-endured in the vain pursuit of fame from the multitude, and fortune from
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">{Pg 130}</a></span>
-patrons, in whose cause he had sacrificed two sources of
-competence&mdash;his own small patrimony, and his wife's dowry.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During this visit the youth was attacked by a dangerous illness, from
-which being rescued by the skill of a physician named Coppino, the
-grateful father rewarded the doctor with the fee of a stanza to his
-honour in a new poem, entitled "Floridante," which the aged minstrel,
-whom no medicine could cure of the disease of rhyme, was composing in
-his seventy-third year. This daughter, as she might be called, of his
-"Amadigi," to which it is a sequel, and his own last child of
-imagination, proved as short-lived as its romantic, and almost as its
-natural, parent, though the dutiful Torquato endeavoured himself to
-revive it, in his own dark days; but "Floridante," of whom it could not
-be said that "she had no poet," died though she had two, and those of no
-mean name. Bernardo Tasso himself survived for five years, dying in
-1669, at the age of seventy-six. However undervalued by posterity, he
-was unquestionably the greatest poet who had appeared between Ariosto
-and his son Torquato.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-About this time Torquato received an intimation that the cardinal
-d'Este, brother to the duke of Ferrara, had nominated him one of his
-personal attendants, and expected him forthwith in that city.
-Notwithstanding the warnings of his father's old friend, Sperone, and
-afterwards his own, Zoilus, who, exasperated by the disappointment of
-hopes of preferment which he had cherished when he went to Rome, gave
-loose to the most violent invectives against courts and courtiers, and
-earnestly dissuaded Torquato from trusting himself where nothing but
-allurements to ruin would be placed in his way, from which it was hardly
-possible for virtue to escape unscathed or uncorrupted, the young poet,
-however, determined not to profit by the experience of the old one, but
-to learn for himself what experience alone can teach, and what he indeed
-learned at an awful cost in the issue. He resolutely, therefore,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">{Pg 131}</a></span>
-determined to put both his virtue and his fortune to the hazard of
-temptation, not doubting that he could secure the former and advance the
-latter, where the most illustrious court in Italy was held by a
-descendant of the patron of Ariosto. Accordingly he hastened to Ferrara,
-anticipating every thing that <i>never</i> came to pass, except the one
-thing on which, indeed, his mind was most bent, that there he should
-complete his contemplated epic, and establish a name which should associate
-him with the most renowned of his predecessors. What a bright morning was
-that, forerunning a day of darkness and despair, on which he entered the
-city, happily unsuspecting the troubles that awaited him there! The
-kings of England, of the house of Hanover, are lineally descended from
-the family of Este. These much celebrated princes, in the best period of
-their ascendency, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were
-the magnificent, if not the liberal, patrons of most of the men of
-genius in the finer arts who were contemporary with them; and none was
-more so than the reigning duke, Alfonso II., under whose benign
-influence for a while, but under whose blighting displeasure afterwards,
-poor Tasso flourished and faded.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the last day of October, 1565, Torquato arrived at Ferrara, where the
-most superb preparations were making for the nuptials of Alfonso with
-Barbara, daughter of the emperor Ferdinand, and sister to Maximilian II.
-He was cordially welcomed, and immediately received into the service of
-the duke's brother, cardinal Luigi, whose establishment consisted of
-nearly 800 persons, ministering to his pleasure or subsisting on his
-bounty. This prince was not less dignified than his brother, but
-altogether more amiable and engaging. On the 2d of December the queen
-(as she was styled from her imperial lineage) entered Ferrara, crowned,
-and accompanied by a gorgeous retinue. The marriage was celebrated by a
-succession of the most imposing spectacles and profuse festivities,
-which continued for six days, when they were suddenly broken off on the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">{Pg 132}</a></span>
-arrival of intelligence of the death of the pope, Pius IV. Among the
-throng of the great and the small, who had assembled from all parts of
-Italy to witness the tournaments, the pantomimes, the balls, and the
-banquets given on this occasion, Torquato was but a solitary unit;
-observing and treasuring up in his memory all that he saw and heard, as
-materials for celebration in another form of the same scenes of luxury
-and splendour upon a grander scale, and, though in an ideal field, of
-more enduring exhibition. Myriads of eyes may have glanced upon the
-contemplative youth, and passed over him as one of the most
-insignificant personages in the city; but, after the lapse of nearly
-three centuries, even these gorgeous ceremonials are principally
-subjects of interest because he was present at them. Not a human being
-in existence at this remote period (one might imagine) can feel any
-personal sympathy with the bridegroom, the bride, or any other actor or
-spectator, native or stranger, upon the spot; yet even "the
-representation of the Temple of Love, which was erected in the ducal
-gardens, with a stupendous scenery of porticoes and palaces, of woods
-and mountains," is worthy of being remembered, because of the
-far-surpassing glory of imaginative palaces and gardens which were
-suggested to the admiring poet by the tawdry pageant, "which lasted six
-hours <i>without appearing tedious to the spectators</i>," as Muratori
-states; though, according to the pithy remark of Gibbon, the latter is
-"the most incredible circumstance" connected with the whole account.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During the four months which intervened between the demise of Pius IV.
-and the election of a new pope, who assumed the name of Pius V.,
-Torquato's patron, the cardinal Luigi, being absent, he was left at
-Ferrara to make his way into favour wherever an opening might be
-presented; and it was then that he became more particularly acquainted
-with the princesses Lucretia and Leonora of Este, by whom he was brought
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">{Pg 133}</a></span>
-under the notice of their brother the duke, who, after all that has been
-said and conjectured, seems never to have regarded him otherwise than
-with stately or selfish condescension. That a youth so gifted with
-genius, so early distinguished among his countrymen, favoured by nature
-with more than ordinary personal advantages, and in many other ways
-gallantly accomplished, should have attracted the esteem of these
-illustrious ladies, who appear to have been more than mere court
-beauties, both in intellect and sensibility, delighting in poetry, and
-occasionally exercising themselves in it, was almost a necessary
-consequence of the parties becoming acquainted. Under such
-circumstances, nothing could be more natural than that, on either side,
-secret presentiments of the most gratifying kind should unconsciously
-spring up and be covertly cherished by the several individuals; never,
-indeed, as must be inferred from the sequel, to be fully disclosed, nor
-even, perhaps, perfectly understood by themselves. If, in the age of
-chivalry, it was imperative upon true knights to assert the beauty and
-maintain the honour of their ladies in all due seasons, and in all
-proper places, it was, in the seventeenth century, equally the duty of
-true poets to celebrate the same virtues and adornments in their verses
-upon those of the better sex, who were either their mistresses or their
-patronesses. Torquato, dazzled by the transition from schools, law
-offices, and colleges of philosophy, to the court region of enchantment,
-has described his own emotions and the influence of the change upon him
-in the language which he puts into the mouth of <i>Tirsi</i> (the
-representative of himself in his "Amintor"), where, after taking
-vengeance on his father's friend, but his own very questionable one
-(Sperone), for having dissuaded him from going to the city, which, he
-assured him, was given up wholly to deceit, voluptuousness, avarice, and
-ambition, the shepherd tells his companions how bravely he was disabused
-when he beheld the marvellous reality; for there, "as gracious heaven
-would have it, I happened to pass near the blissful dwelling, whence
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">{Pg 134}</a></span>
-issued sweet, harmonious voices of swans, of nymphs, of
-syrens&mdash;heavenly syrens! and sounds of music soft and clear, with
-other ravishments so strange, that for a while I stood entranced with
-joy and admiration." Being courteously invited to enter by one of noble
-aspect, who appeared the guardian of the enchanted spot, he exclaims, "O
-then what saw, what felt I? I beheld nymphs, goddesses, and
-minstrels&mdash;luminaries new and beautiful&mdash;all without veil or
-cloud, as to the immortals, scattering silver dews and golden rays,
-Aurora seems; Apollo and the Muses, too, I saw, and in that moment felt
-myself as growing greater. Filled with new virtue, new divinity, I sang
-of wars and heroes, disdaining my rude pastoral pipe. But though I soon
-returned to these calm shades (to please another), I still retained a
-portion of that nobler spirit; my simple reed no longer warbled as
-before, but, rivalling the trumpet, filled the woods with notes more
-lofty and sonorous. Mopso (Sperone) heard it, and, with evil eye, looked
-on me and bewitched me, so that I grew hoarse, and long continued mute.
-The shepherds thought I had been glared at by a wolf&mdash;a wolf,
-indeed, he was to me!" The last allusion is to Sperone's savage
-criticisms on the "Gerusalemme," when submitted to his examination in
-manuscript. Torquato, however, had reason to think, after years of
-disappointing experience, that Sperone's notions of courts and courtiers
-were quite as near the truth as his own, during his first visit and
-sojourn at Ferrara.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Of the duke, his brother the cardinal, and their three sisters, it is
-recorded that thirteen years before this date, on a public occasion, in
-presence of their father, Hercules II., and pope Paul III., the
-"Adelphi" of Terence, in the original, was recited by them with great
-spirit and effect, the parts being sustained by the princesses Anna,
-aged twelve, Lucretia, eight, Leonora, six, the princes Alfonso, ten,
-and Luigi, five years of age. Mr. Black observes, with apparent justice,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">{Pg 135}</a></span>
-that the court of Alfonso united, "like the poems of Tasso, classic
-elegance with the richness of romance; and every thing conspired to
-kindle the fancy and refine the taste of the youthful bard."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Anna, the eldest of the three sisters above named, in 1548 was married
-to the celebrated Francis, duke of Guise, and, after his decease, to
-James of Savoy, duke of Nemours. Lucretia, some years later than Tasso's
-arrival at her brother's court, was married to the prince of Urbino,
-only fifteen years old, when she herself was thirty-seven. This was one
-of those state alliances which so little resemble treaties of peace,
-that they deserve to be branded as treaties of discord, in which royal
-and noble parents sacrifice their children, if not to Moloch, at least
-to Mammon&mdash;nay, too often to both,&mdash;for purposes of family
-aggrandisement, by adding territory to territory, and confounding blood
-with blood. On the occasion of these unhappy nuptials, Tasso, "as in
-duty bound," wrote an epithalamium, which had, in its predictions of
-felicity, the equivocal qualification for excelling in that kind of
-poetry which Waller, with experienced adroitness, hinted to Charles II.,
-when rallied by his majesty on having composed a far finer panegyric on
-Cromwell than on himself&mdash;the qualification of fiction; for scarcely
-had the ill-paired couple had time to fall out, when the gallant prince
-left his bride to volunteer in a crusade against the Turks, with whom
-everlasting warfare, in every petty form of hostility, was wont to be
-carried on by the states of Italy. The union ultimately was dissolved,
-without the intervention of death; and Lucretia, as duchess of Urbino,
-returned to Ferrara. For many years afterwards, she was, more openly
-than either her brother or her younger sister, the patron of Tasso, and
-to her are some of his most graceful lyrics addressed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Leonora, the third and younger sister, remained unmarried. Being highly
-attractive in person, in manner, and in mind, it is no wonder if
-Torquato, having many opportunities of ingratiating himself in her
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">{Pg 136}</a></span>
-favour, should be gradually betrayed, under the guise of that romantic
-strain of adulation to rank and beauty (especially in verse) which the
-fashion of the times not only tolerated but sanctioned, to insinuate all
-the fervour of a passion which, though hardly aware of it himself, and
-altogether unacknowledged by its sensitive object, might yet be
-harboured in the bosoms of both, though so secretly, that each more
-complacently and jealously watched the symptoms of a tender attachment
-in the other, than cared to examine the reality of the same in
-themselves. The mystery, thus cherished, for the tantalising delight of
-a hope too remote to be fulfilled, except at the sacrifice of every
-thing but that love, for which, if true, nothing might be deemed too
-much to be sacrificed, has never been cleared up, and all reasoning and
-conjecture on the subject, at this distance of time, must be vain. It
-has been with equal confidence both affirmed and denied, that the poet
-imprudently aspired to the hand of the princess, and that the princess
-as imprudently surrendered her heart to the poet, though, from
-necessity, she withheld her hand. From the numberless <i>canzoni</i> and
-<i>sonetti</i>, of which love is the theme, among the <i>rime</i> of Tasso,
-no premises towards the solution of this problem can be drawn. Dante and
-Petrarch, in all their effusions of the kind, are constant each to his
-respective mistress. Beatrice and Laura are the perpetual idols of their
-amorous devotion; but to so many&mdash;or, if to one, under so many
-different names and characters,&mdash;are Tasso's adorations addressed,
-that he may have had fifty fits of passion for as many flames, and been as
-true in turn to each and equally volatile to all. It is, however, a
-remarkable circumstance, that three of the greatest poets of Italy should
-owe as much of their posthumous renown to their questionable love as to
-their acknowledged genius, having been avowedly attached to ladies whose
-very existence is unascertained at this day, though volumes have been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">{Pg 137}</a></span>
-written, proving nothing more than (to borrow the comprehensive judgment
-of sir Roger de Coverley) that "much may be said on both sides."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the mean time, whatever was the subsequent conduct of Alfonso towards
-Tasso, there seems to be no doubt that, for a considerable period during
-which the poet was engaged upon his great work, the duke countenanced
-him in the way most agreeable to his literary ambition and his personal
-vanity; for he loved rich apparel, splendid apartments, sumptuous fare,
-and to be associated with persons of the highest rank&mdash;feeling that he
-could adorn and dignify the circle in which he moved, both as a man of
-genius exalted above competition by intellectual endowments, and as a
-man of the world qualified to shine in external demeanour among
-gentlemen and soldiers as well as among students and men of letters.
-During this prosperous period&mdash;when the smiles of princesses, who were
-pleased to receive the homage of his muse, flattered his gentler
-affections, and the favour of sovereigns gratified the pride of a heart
-easily elevated to an eminence of self-satisfaction, from which the fall
-when it came was the more terrible, and the dashing to pieces of its
-hopes and its claims the more humiliating and deplorable&mdash;Tasso
-accompanied the cardinal Luigi as legate to the court of France. Here
-his fame had prepared the way for his reception with peculiar honour by
-Charles IX., himself both a lover of verse and a versifier. It is said
-that the king offered the poet some splendid presents, which the latter
-declined to accept, though he was so scantily provided with a wardrobe,
-that he left the kingdom, at the end of twelve months, in the same suit
-of clothes in which he entered it. The snake has but one skin, but while
-that is wearing out another is forming beneath: it would be well for
-poets, who live on court expectations, if they were as well provided.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As not many personal anecdotes are related of our poet, two or three
-indifferent ones may be given here as specimens of the tone of his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">{Pg 138}</a></span>
-conversation and address in public. A poet of some repute having
-committed a crime for which he was condemned to die, Tasso resolved to
-obtain, if possible, a mitigation of the punishment. At the palace he
-learned that the sentence was about to be executed immediately.
-Undiscouraged, however, he pressed forward; and being admitted to the
-presence, he thus addressed the king:&mdash;"May it please your majesty, I
-am come to implore you to put to death a wretch, who has brought disgrace
-upon philosophy, by showing that she cannot stand out against human
-depravity." The king, struck with the turn of the request, spared the
-criminal. Being asked by his majesty one day, "Whether men most
-resembled God in happiness, in sovereign power, or in the ability to do
-good?" Tasso replied, "Men can resemble God only by their
-virtue."&mdash;Again, before the same monarch a discussion was held to
-determine what condition in life is most unfortunate. "In my opinion,"
-said Tasso, "the most deplorable condition is that of an impatient old
-man, borne down by poverty, who has neither fortune to preserve him from
-want, nor philosophy to support himself under suffering."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the course of this journey, whatever he may have gained in honour at
-the French court, gratification in the society of eminent
-contemporaries, and knowledge of the country and people of his hero,
-Godfrey, Torquato lost the favour of cardinal Luigi, as Ariosto
-forfeited that of the cardinals kinsman and predecessor, Hippolyto of Este;
-though not for the same reason&mdash;want of servility to his highness
-(Luigi probably not exacting such base homage as Ariosto's barbarian
-patron had done), but for having manifested more zeal for the catholic
-faith than, in the opinion of some of his confidants, was deemed politic
-at a time, when, for the most treacherous purposes, previous to the
-massacre of St. Bartholomew, the protestants were treated with unwonted
-indulgence, to throw them off their guard. Hereupon he returned to
-Italy, though not immediately to Ferrara; for, travelling in company
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">{Pg 139}</a></span>
-with Manzuoli, the secretary of the late embassy, we find that he
-arrived at Rome in January, 1572. Here he was cordially welcomed by many
-of his father's old acquaintances, as well as greatly distinguished for
-his own sake. Pope Pius V. honoured him with an audience, and the
-privilege of kissing his foot.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Through the mediation of the duchess of Urbino and Leonora, he was soon
-afterwards formally admitted into the service of Alfonso, with a pension
-of a hundred and eighty gold crowns a year, and the understanding that
-no personal duties would be required of him; but that he should be at
-liberty to pursue his studies and finish his poem at his own leisure.
-Generous as this provision undoubtedly was, it yet made him a captive in
-golden chains, too weak to bind the limbs, but strong enough to enthral
-the soul and enslave the mind. So, at least, Torquato found his
-obligation; and even when on both sides it had been broken, after his
-second imprisonment, he was never in spirit enfranchised from the yoke
-of Alfonso, till death set him free. His own testimony concerning his
-patron's munificence at this time, long after he had lost his favour, is
-honourable to both:&mdash;"He raised me from the darkness of my low estate
-to the light and glory of his court; he removed me from penury to
-abundance; he exceedingly enhanced the value of my works, by often and
-willing listening while I read, and treating their author with every
-mark of esteem. He placed me at his table, and countenanced me with his
-personal attention; and he never denied me a favour which I requested."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Under these auspices, while Tasso was still vigorously prosecuting that
-splendid crusade of his muse, the poetical siege of Jerusalem, and had
-now nearly made himself master of it for an everlasting stronghold of
-his poetical sovereignty, his exuberant mind poured out multitudes of
-sonnets, canzoni, and other miscellanies in verse and prose&mdash;almost
-entirely on transient themes, love fancies, and panegyrical attempts&mdash;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">{Pg 140}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i9">&mdash;&mdash;"to give a deathless lot</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To names inglorious, born to be forgot."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Among these, in the composition of which it might be questioned whether
-he was wasting his genius or cultivating it, he produced something more
-excellent, in the form of a pastoral drama. Accordingly, the most
-beautiful offspring of his imagination&mdash;so far as refers to exquisite
-grace of diction, and consummate skill in adorning a subject altogether
-artificial, and feigning a state of society that never did, never could,
-never ought to exist,&mdash;in a story not very natural though the
-incidents are few, nor very happily connected or intelligibly
-developed,&mdash;his "Aminta" appeared, written in flowing verse of various
-measures without rhyme, and enriched with lyric chorusses of extraordinary
-elegance. How the public exhibition of such a drama could be tolerated,
-before the most exalted personages of the state, ladies of the highest
-character, and religionists of the most plausible professions, is very
-difficult for us, in our cold climate, and with our severer as well as
-juster sentiments of decorum, to imagine. All that can be said in
-extenuation of the audience, and perhaps of the poet, comes to this
-presumption, that, though the piece abounds with descriptions and allusions
-the most voluptuous and fascinating to awaken the most perilous passions in
-youth, and which no gravity of age ought to endure, such were the
-manners of the day, and so little of evil was apprehended, where the
-serpent, that allured Eve with his wiles of beauty among the flowers of
-paradise, put on this pastoral disguise of the innocence of the golden
-age, that the fair and the virtuous alike imagined themselves as
-guiltless in listening to his blandishments, as Milton represents the
-mother of mankind to have been unsuspicious of danger, when she followed
-the tempter to the forbidden tree, and entered into a parley with him
-there, till at length, beguiled by his subtilty, "she plucked, she ate."
-And here a subject too delicate to be handled on the present occasion
-must be left to every one's conscience who indulges in the luxury of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">{Pg 141}</a></span>
-such reading as the work under consideration furnishes. It is remarkable
-that the author, designating himself under the name of <i>Tirsi</i>, seems
-to have been forewarned of the malady which soon afterwards overwhelmed
-him, and to which, no doubt, from constitutional temperament he had been
-prone from his youth upward, and which, in premature old age, cast such
-clouds of mystery over the gloom and splendour of his latter life.
-"Knowest thou not what <i>Tirsi</i> wrote, when, fired with frenzy, he
-wandered through the forest, at once moving laughter and pity among the
-lovely nymphs and shepherds? Nor <i>wrote</i> he even then 'things worthy
-to be laughed at, although he <i>did</i> such things.'"
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The duchess of Urbino being absent from Ferrara, when Tasso's muse, like
-Habington's "halcyon," produced
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"The happy miracle of this rare birth,"</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-invited him to her delightful retirement of Casteldurante, where she
-heard the pastoral strains from his own lips, which, though not eloquent
-from natural infirmity, would yet convey the soul and passion, the
-delicacy and pathos, of every passage, with an impression which no actor
-on the stage, nor indeed any reader but himself, could give. The living
-voice, in this case, would be the actual language of the spirit that
-conceived the thoughts, speaking to the spirit of her who received them
-through the ear, fresh and flowing from the fountain in his heart; for
-the written copy, to the eye, would be but a translation, wanting the
-incommunicable accompaniments of tone, look, expression, and perfect
-intelligence of the whole in all its bearings and meanings, such as the
-original author alone could possess; for, as Dr. Johnson said, "no
-<i>words</i> can convey <i>sounds</i>;" and both sounds and words were
-requisite to do justice to such verse as his. Tasso remained several months
-with the duchess.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-All Italy soon echoed with the fame of this poetical phenomenon, which,
-though not the first of the kind, (an indifferent model having been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">{Pg 142}</a></span>
-produced six years before, by one Arienti,) it was the first that had
-power to compel almost universal admiration, and establish a precedent
-and authority for that fantastic species of literary composition.
-Imitations, by the most gifted of his contemporaries, sprang up in rapid
-succession, and passed away as rapidly, with the exception of one, the
-"Pastor Fido" of Guarini, which not only maintained its ground, but even
-disputed that on which its forerunner stood, and from which no rivalry
-has ever yet been able to remove it. The renown which Tasso acquired by
-the "Aminta" naturally exasperated envy in proportion as it commanded
-applause, and among the multitude of competitors who could not soar to
-his elevation, there were not wanting those who employed every artifice
-to bring him down to their level, that they might trample him under
-foot. Whatever were the causes, Tasso to the end of his life was
-persecuted as much by unmerciful critics as he was oppressed by
-hard-hearted patrons.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But the "Aminta" was not the only episodal enterprise of Tasso, while he
-was slowly but unweariedly proceeding with the "Gerusalemme." Flushed
-with the success of his pastoral drama, he set earnestly about the
-construction of a regular tragedy; but he had not advanced far in the
-second act, when the project was suspended, and the fragment of fine
-promise which remains, compared with the completed performance long
-afterwards, when his faculties were on the decline, exhibits a brilliant
-but melancholy contrast of "the change" that had come "o'er the spirit
-of his dream"&mdash;his dream of life, love, and glory, blighting his "May
-of youth," and causing him in the prime of manhood to "fall into the sere
-and yellow leaf." His "Torindo," as this failure was styled, was less a
-failure than the "Torrismondo," as the resumed and perfected task was
-called.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Towards the conclusion of his toils on his main work (as he fondly
-hoped), but the beginning of a series of miseries consequent upon it,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">{Pg 143}</a></span>
-from which he found no end but in the grave, Tasso was seized with a
-violent fever. This left him in such a state of bodily exhaustion, that
-it was not till the following spring (1575), that from the last lines of
-his poem he could look back upon all the intervening ones to the first,
-as the links of a chain, more subtle than air, yet stronger than
-adamant, which should deliver his thoughts as he had bound them in his
-words, from generation to generation, to delight millions of minds, so
-long as his country's language should be understood. He had already
-enjoyed such exhilarating foretastes of fame by the circulation in
-manuscript of portions of the poem, as they came completed from his
-hands, that he was the less prepared to encounter the enmity and
-opposition, which rancorous and intriguing rivals, or fanatic and
-supercilious ecclesiastical censors of the press, immediately commenced,
-and inveterately continued to manifest towards him to the close of life.
-There was in Tasso&mdash;conscious as he must have been of his powers, and
-confident as he must have felt in the exercise of his own judgment&mdash;a
-readiness to submit to learned and candid criticism, and a willingness
-to concede to dissentient opinions on minor points of taste, so far as was
-consistent with manly independence,&mdash;which can rarely be found among
-men of first-rate talents, but yet might be expected from a court poet,
-accustomed in other matters to defer to superiors, be compliant towards
-equals, and condescending to inferiors. This disposition, however, which
-ought to have conciliated envy herself, only provoked her the more to
-assume every shape of candour or malignity, as best suited her humour,
-to torment and distract him, that she might revel over his wretchedness,
-if she could not accomplish his fall. Years intervened while the
-"Gerusalemme Liberata," in its finished form, was undergoing as many
-ordeals almost as he had friends, and its author suffering almost as
-many martyrdoms as he had enemies. Into the particulars of these
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">{Pg 144}</a></span>
-persecutions it is not necessary to enter here. The poet was certainly
-induced by the force of arguments used by some, and the terror of
-inquisitorial powers exercised by others of his critics, to alter,
-expunge, and amend many parts of the poem, which, after all, suffered
-little from the processes to which it was thus exposed before its
-publication. That publication, however, was long delayed by such
-vexatious hinderances, and at last was effected surreptitiously, to the
-great offence and injury of the author, then in confinement as a
-lunatic.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Tasso's malady was grievously aggravated by these excruciating
-criticisms, when he found himself, on the one hand, charged with heresy
-against Aristotle and good taste, and, on the other, with heresy against
-the church and good morals. Fevers, headaches, strange dreams, waking
-suspicions, restlessness, disappointment, dissatisfaction with his
-patron, to whom he had dedicated his poem, and in honour of whom he had
-created his imaginary hero, Rinaldo,&mdash;perhaps, too, the bitterness of
-desponding passion, though that is questionable,&mdash;suggested to him the
-idea of absconding from Ferrara and taking refuge at Rome, where he
-purposed to bring out the "Gerusalemme," at his own pleasure, and hoped
-to reap a considerable pecuniary benefit from the sale. Alfonso,
-however, was not willing to lose the glory of the dedication to himself,
-though he seems to have wanted the generosity, the humanity, the justice
-to deal with the author except as an impotent creature in his power, who
-could do him much honour by flattering his pride, but to whom he showed
-at best but stinted kindness. To secure his selfish object, he made the
-poet a prisoner near his own person,&mdash;both at Ferrara, and at his
-palace of Belriguardo in the country,&mdash;a prisoner at large, indeed,
-but under perpetual observation. Of this the sufferer was aware; and the
-very idea of a human eye for ever upon him, restraining his looks, words,
-and actions, poring over him while he slept, haunting his dreams, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">{Pg 145}</a></span>
-entering into his very thoughts&mdash;for so he must have felt as though it
-did&mdash;this alone was enough to madden a man of iron heart and millstone
-brain, much more a poor hypochondriac, as Tasso had already become.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Notwithstanding the jealousies of Alfonso, and the fascinations of his
-sisters to detain him, the capricious bard escaped from his splendid
-captivity to Rome,&mdash;and escaped even with the permission of the duke;
-who gave him a letter of recommendation to the cardinal Hippolyto, to
-befriend him as a stranger there, for the avowed purpose of obtaining
-the accustomed indulgence granted to visiters during the jubilee. Here
-he met with the cardinal Ferdinand de' Medici, afterwards grand duke of
-Tuscany, who renewed to him in person the tender of an honourable asylum
-(formerly intimated to him in private), should he be disposed to leave
-altogether the service of Alfonso. The offer was gratefully
-acknowledged, but not formally accepted; and after six weeks of holidays
-(as he felt them to be) spent in the luxury of literary intercourse, and
-the renewal of the impressions which the scene of Rome's posthumous
-glory in her magnificent ruins, and her not less imposing revival in her
-hierarchal pomp, had left on his mind in youth, he returned by way of
-Sienna and Florence to Ferrara. Here, while his poem was going through a
-second round of critical purgatory, and his soul was sinking under the
-burden of censures laid upon him, like the spirits of the proud in
-Dante, condemned to bear enormous stones along the uneven uphill road,
-he received the appointment of historiographer to the house of Este,
-with a small stipend, which laid upon him another cobweb obligation to
-remain at Ferrara. What were the duties of this office it is of no
-consequence to inquire; he does not seem even to have performed any, nor
-perhaps did he owe any; his fable of the origin of that family from his
-hero Rinaldo&mdash;the Rinaldo of his "Gerusalemme"&mdash;had already
-conferred on it more of that glory which princes covet, than the true
-history of all its ancestors might have done. When the results of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">{Pg 146}</a></span>
-aforesaid second revisal of his poem were communicated to him, in
-despair of conciliating his critics, and determined not to yield
-altogether to their incompetent authority, on points where he felt
-himself strong in poetical power to produce the very effects which they
-deprecated, but which he had aimed at and achieved most triumphantly, he
-composed an interpretation of the whole as an extended allegory,
-spiritualising its heroes and its scenes, with more perverse ingenuity
-than felicity of success. Of this it may be fairly said, that if the
-original were mainly fiction, the moral was wholly so. His censors,
-however, persisted in condemning the voluptuous passages to which he
-himself was most attached, because he knew them to be the most
-beautiful, and recked not that they were the most seductive. In this
-respect the poet himself was the Rinaldo of his sorceress muse, who by
-her enchantments had wholly captivated his heart, and carried him away
-to her "limbo of vanity;" from which Sperone and Antoniano, his
-remorseless critics, in vain endeavoured to deliver him; as Carlo and
-Ubaldo had rescued his hero from the thralls of Armida in her island of
-sensual delights. He never yielded all, though he conceded many things,
-and sacrificed several extravagant inventions, by which the poem, was
-rather mended than mutilated.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-An incident occurred about this time, which exhibited Tasso not less in
-the character of a hero than he had hitherto figured in that of the
-laureate of heroes. Suspecting one of his friends to have been guilty of
-opening his trunks with false keys, to pry into his secrets among his
-papers, he gently remonstrated with the offender, who resented the
-charge by giving him the lie, and received in return a blow upon the
-face. This rencontre took place in the court of the palace, and was
-therefore sufficiently notorious. The cowardly aggressor&mdash;one Maddalo,
-a notary&mdash;walked away with the dishonour on his brow, but meditating
-in his heart the most atrocious vengeance. Accordingly, having enlisted
-three of his kindred in the quarrel, they sallied forth, armed, to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">{Pg 147}</a></span>
-assail the poet; and finding him abroad in the street, they fell upon
-him from behind. Tasso promptly turned round, drew his sword, and dealt
-so dexterously with it, that the ruffians were soon put to flight;
-though their fears of being apprehended, no doubt, to their "speed lent
-wings," till they found refuge under the roofs of various friends. The
-circumstance gained him no small reputation, and gave rise to a couplet
-which was often repeated:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Con la penna e con la spada</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Nessun vai quanto Torquato."</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"With the sword and with the pen,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Tasso beats all other men."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-It is not practicable, in this succinct memoir, to trace the sufferer
-through all the details which have been recorded of his miseries from
-penury, pride, ambition, and disappointment, the wrongs inflicted on him
-by patrons and rivals, and above all, those growing symptoms of a mind
-diseased, occasioning suspicions, jealousies, misunderstandings, and
-quarrels with his friends and contemporaries; while that insidious
-malady, which no medicine can reach, was making its unchecked ravages
-upon his constitution, and inveterately fixing upon him its evil
-influences, so that, with brief and distant lucid intervals, his
-remaining days were passed in horror and despondency, whether amidst the
-darkness of the dungeons of Ferrara, or wandering amidst the broad
-sunshine on foot, and depending for bread and shelter upon casual
-hospitality, from province to province throughout Italy. Imagining that
-his enemies&mdash;enemies as imaginary, in this case, as were his fears of
-them&mdash;had accused him to Alfonso of treason, and to the pope of
-heresy, he at length grew so outrageous, that, one day, for some
-unaccountable provocation, he drew a dagger upon a servant, and assaulted
-him in an apartment of the duchess of Urbino. Being instantly disarmed, he
-was confined, by order of the duke, within the precincts of the palace.
-Here, when for the first time he found himself a prisoner, he was
-overwhelmed with anguish, and bitterly bewailed his fate. As soon as he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">{Pg 148}</a></span>
-could again command his passion, he wrote a very penitential letter to
-Alfonso, suing for pardon and release. Both were granted to him; and he
-was removed, under the eye of the duke himself, to the palace of
-Belriguardo, in the country, that he might recover his health and
-spirits, amidst scenes and with the society in which he had formerly
-delighted to be placed. With a delicate regard to one of his most
-grievous temptations&mdash;that he had been guilty of heresy, Alfonso
-introduced to him the head of the holy inquisition at Ferrara, who,
-after duly examining him, fully absolved him from all imputations of the
-kind, and assured him that he was yet a good catholic. Not contented
-with this, he suddenly left Belriguardo, and took refuge in a convent of
-St. Francis, from which he sent word to his patron, that as soon as he
-should be sufficiently restored he intended to enter himself among the
-fraternity. But nothing could calm the troubled waters of his mind; he
-still conceived himself under the displeasure of the duke, and that his
-acquittal by the inquisitor was invalid. In this turmoil of doubts and
-self-reproaches, he importuned Alfonso and the duchess of Urbino with
-letters concerning his imaginary offences, and imploring comfort and
-assurance which they could not give, because he would not receive. With
-Leonora he appears never to have had that freedom and frequency of
-correspondence which he had hitherto been permitted to hold with her
-elder sister. Whether this be in favour of his presumed passion or not
-must be left to those who are skilled in the mysteries of love-making
-between unequal parties. On this subject, as on the poet's strange
-melancholy, and the severity with which it was visited by his patron,
-whether for the punishment of the lover or the cure of the maniac, it
-would be futile to argue here. After all the explanation and
-mystification by Tasso's biographers, the general impression has been,
-is, and probably will remain, that his love for Leonora was real; that
-his imprisonment was vindictive on the part of her brother, and that his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">{Pg 149}</a></span>
-frenzy was the effect of hopeless passion and impotent resentment
-against oppression. "Historians," says Ugo Foscolo, "will be ever
-embarrassed to explain aright the reasons of Tasso's imprisonment: it is
-involved in the same obscurity as the exile of Ovid. Both were among
-those thunder-strokes that despotism darts forth. In crushing their
-victims they terrified them, and reduced spectators to silence. There
-are incidents in courts, that, although known to many persons, remain in
-eternal oblivion&mdash;contemporaries dare not reveal, and posterity can
-only divine them."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the following summer, Tasso, bewildered and desperate, and not
-knowing whither to turn, or in whom to confide, at length fled secretly
-from Ferrara to visit his sister at Torrento, whom he had not seen since
-they were children together. She was now a widow, the mother of two
-sons, and dependent upon her uncles, who still withheld her mother's
-dowry, for the means of subsistence. With that caution to do every thing
-by stealth, which characterises the hallucination of one who fancies all
-the world conspiring to do him harm, he presented himself before her in
-the habit of a shepherd, affecting to be the bearer of certain letters
-from himself. He found her alone; her children being absent. The letters
-represented her brother at Ferrara as surrounded by enemies, and in the
-most imminent danger of his life, unless she interposed in his behalf,
-and rescued him from their machinations. When she had read the
-distressing intelligence, she implored the supposed messenger to tell
-her all, the worst, at once. He answered by a recital of miseries so
-aggravated, in a tone so earnest and impassioned, that, whether she
-suspected him or not, she fainted with alarm. When she had been
-sufficiently recovered, the cunning minstrel changed the hand that
-played upon her, like Timotheus on his harp, and, from excess of pity
-for her brother's sufferings, gently awoke all her tenderness of
-affection, by old and beautiful recollections of former days, and hopes
-yet possible to be realised in years to come. At length, when she was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">{Pg 150}</a></span>
-well prepared, he discovered himself fully to her, and they were brother
-and sister again in a moment, and thenceforth to the end of life. With
-her he remained in comparative tranquillity for several months, being
-all the while unacknowledged in the neighbourhood, except as Cornelia's
-cousin from Bergamo, who, coming to Rome, had availed himself of the
-opportunity to visit her.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But, as might be expected, his self-tormenting mind became unquiet
-amidst scenes of repose, which, from day to day, delighted him at first,
-but, from day to day, presenting little change of aspect or incident, he
-sighed again for Ferrara, choosing rather the agony of life to that rest
-which was no longer supportable. Thither, then, he returned, on the
-assurance of pardon from the duke, and the restoration of his papers. It
-was soon after his arrival, that an act of indiscretion attributed to
-him by some, and denied by others of his biographers, is said to have
-caused him to be put in ward as a person of deranged intellect. Being in
-company with Alfonso and his sisters, in the presence of the court, in
-reply to a question from Leonora, Tasso gave her an involuntary salute,
-their faces being so near together that he felt attraction to be
-irresistible. The duke, astonished and indignant, turned to his
-attendants and exclaimed, "See to what a lamentable condition this great
-man has been brought by the loss of his reason!" But the date of this
-circumstance happens to be as disputable as the fact; for it is certain
-that the poet had not long resided at Ferrara, when, still unsatisfied
-with the duke's conduct towards him, he again withdrew from the city,
-and successively sought temporary refuge at Mantua, Urbino, Florence,
-Padua, Turin, and Venice. Being ill at ease every where, by a fatality
-of instinct, as it might be deemed, he returned to Ferrara, and thence
-departed no more till after a confinement of seven years. For, imagining
-himself coldly received at court, and unworthily repulsed when he sought
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">{Pg 151}</a></span>
-an audience, he vented his anguish of disappointment in bitter
-invectives against the duke, who, amidst the festivities of his new
-nuptials with a young bride, his third wife, a daughter of the duke of
-Mantua, was little inclined to hearken to the complaints and
-supplications of one whom he had long looked upon as insane. On this
-ground he was committed to St. Anne's hospital, as a lunatic, which in
-those days of medical ignorance of the proper treatment of such patients
-was to be punished as a criminal for his misfortune. The following
-extract must stand in place of multifarious details of the poet's
-feelings under this long restraint. His imprisonment commenced in March,
-1579. Soon afterwards he thus expressed himself in a letter to his
-friend Scipio Gonzaga:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Ah me! I had intended to compose two heroic poems of noble argument,
-and four tragedies, of which I had contrived the plots. Many works in
-prose also, on the most exalted and useful subjects, I had contemplated;
-purposing so to unite philosophy and eloquence, that I might leave an
-eternal monument to my memory in the world. Alas! I hoped to close my
-life with glory and renown, but now, borne down under the load of my
-misfortunes, I have lost all prospect of fame and distinction. Indeed I
-should consider myself abundantly happy, if, without suspicion, I could
-but quench the thirst with which I am tormented; and if, as one of the
-multitude, I could lead a life of freedom in some poor cottage, if not
-in health, which I can no longer be, yet exempt from this anguish. If I
-were not honoured, it would be enough for me not to be abominated; and
-if I could not live like men, I might at least quench the thirst that
-consumes me, like the brutes which freely drink from stream and
-fountain. Nor do I fear so much the vastness as the duration of this
-calamity; and the thought of this is horrible to me, especially as in
-this place I can neither write nor study. The dread, too, of perpetual
-imprisonment increases my melancholy, and the indignities which I suffer
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">{Pg 152}</a></span>
-exasperate it; while the squalor of my beard, my hair, and my dress, the
-sordidness and the filth of the place, exceedingly annoy me. But, above
-all, I am afflicted by solitude, my cruel and natural enemy; which; even
-in my best state; was sometimes so distressing, that often, at the most
-unseasonable hours, I have gone in search of company. Sure I am, that if
-she who so little has corresponded to my attachment, if she saw me in
-such a condition; and in such misery, she would have some compassion
-upon me."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Though such statements must be received with some allowance for the
-power of self-torturing which he possessed in no small degree, and
-exercised with as little forbearance as though he were his own most
-implacable enemy, yet, according to Tasso's representation, the
-treatment which he experienced under the hands of his brother-poet,
-Agostino Morti, formerly a disciple of Ariosto, the keeper of the
-hospital, was almost as bad as that which he received at his own. He
-says that by this man he was not allowed the necessaries of life, the
-medicines which his bodily disease required, nor the spiritual
-consolations which his heart-sickness needed: moreover, that his
-meditations were disturbed by the inmates of the house, so that he could
-not proceed with the preparation of his works for the press; but above
-all, that he was under the power of witchcraft, Morti being in league
-with certain magicians to destroy him by enchantments; and as this was a
-capital crime, he threatens to accuse the keeper to the duke.<a name="NoteRef_41_41" id="NoteRef_41_41"></a><a href="#Note_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> His
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">{Pg 153}</a></span>
-sonnets to the cats of the hospital, imploring them to lend him the
-light of their eyes to write by, are specimens of that <i>kind</i> of mirth
-which suits and sets off melancholy, in a certain "humorous sadness."
-Their genuineness, however, is not certain, and they are hardly
-translatable.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Whatever were the actual circumstances of Tasso's mental alienation and
-corporal sufferings from disease or ill usage, his life, from the period
-of his first imprisonment, was to himself like one of <i>the opium-eater's
-dreams</i>&mdash;splendours and horrors, alternations of agony and rapture,
-changes sudden, frequent, and strangely contrasted: he inhabited a world
-of <i>unrealities</i>, of which the joys and sorrows, the hopes and fears,
-were the more real in proportion as they were ideal, and therefore
-incurable; acting upon the soul itself like that effect upon the bodily
-senses, excruciatingly susceptible of impressions of pain, so happily
-imagined, and not less felicitously expressed by the most polished of
-our own poets:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Say what their use, were finer optics given?</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To inspect a mite, not comprehend the heaven;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Or touch, if tremblingly alive all o'er,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To smart and agonise at every pore;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Or, quick effluvia darting through the brain,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Die of a rose in aromatic pain;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">If nature thunder'd in his opening ears,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And stunn'd him with the music of the spheres.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">How would he wish that heaven had left him still</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The whispering zephyr and the purling rill."</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i18">POPE's <i>Essay on Man</i>, Epist. I.</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-And such a being, too exquisitely sensitive, is every poet, whose
-imagination or whose passion overmasters his reason and his judgment.
-Tasso was eminently such&mdash;a poet in every thing, and all life long.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Meanwhile editions of his "Gerusalemme" were multiplying throughout
-Italy, and beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees; while the mind that
-conceived and produced it was wandering, like a lost star through the
-infinity of space, unaccompanied by any kindred planet, and unattracted by
-any parent sun; and the poet himself&mdash;he whom monarchs had delighted
-to honour, the associate of sovereigns, who had been the favourite of
-princesses, and the admiration or the envy of the highest intellects of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">{Pg 154}</a></span>
-his age&mdash;was treated as a brute, out of whose living frame the
-rational soul had departed, and whose animal appetites were to be subdued
-by severe abstinence, or controlled by harsh discipline.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Yet in his solitude, when the first rigours of his imprisonment had been
-relaxed, and an apartment of less discomfort was allotted to him, he
-pursued, with unabated ardour and intensity, his studies, so far as he
-had the means, and poured out, as he was ever wont, his sorrows and his
-hopes, his remembrances and his imaginations, in every form of verse.
-Indeed, many of his most beautiful compositions are dated within the
-term of his captivity. In course of time, as he grew calmer, his
-friends, and illustrious strangers attracted by his fame, were permitted
-to visit him. Occasionally, too, a day of light and liberty was granted,
-and he was brought out of his prison-house to those splendid mansions
-which he loved to inhabit, and which he was so well qualified to adorn.
-Marfisa of Este, cousin to the duke, especially befriended him in this
-manner, and entertained him at her delightful villa, where, in company
-with her distinguished household and visiters, he looked abroad again in
-sunshine, with all a poet's transport and all an invalid's delight, when
-mere existence, void of suffering, is enjoyment.
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"See the wretch, who long has tost</span><br />
-<span class="i4">On the thorny bed of pain,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">At length repair his vigour lost,</span><br />
-<span class="i4">And breathe and walk again:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The meanest floweret of the vale,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The simplest note that swells the gale,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">The common air, the earth, the skies,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To him are opening paradise."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-So sang Gray, and so felt Tasso for a few hours of freedom,&mdash;but soon
-remanded back to his lonely abode, he relapsed into despondency; and
-though one such day, while it lasted, might seem to compensate for all
-the past, yet when it was gone, its pleasures appeared too dearly
-purchased by the misery of another day rendered more bitter by the
-transient change.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Having collected a volume of his fugitive verses, principally composed
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">{Pg 155}</a></span>
-in prison, he published it with a dedication to the princesses, the
-duchess of Urbino and Leonora; but the latter lived not to receive this
-mournful proof of the fidelity of his gratitude, if not of his love. She
-died, after a long illness, in 1581, aged 43 years. Tasso enquired
-earnestly after her during her sickness, and offered to do any thing in
-the power of his muse to beguile that part of her suffering which song
-might soothe, while patiently bearing the rest, for which there was no
-relief but from Heaven. After her death he became mute on that theme,
-which most of his biographers would fain prove to have been the real
-though covert one of many an amorous effusion among his sonnets and
-lyrics. "Great griefs are silent."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Among his wild imaginations, Tasso thought himself haunted in his prison
-by a sprite&mdash;something akin to our old English
-Robin-good-fellow&mdash;who (probably in the very person of his knavish
-attendant) played all manner of petty mischievous pranks to plague him.
-One extract from a letter on this subject will show how little command
-of his reason he had at this time. He says, "The little thief has stolen
-from me many crowns, I know not what number&mdash;for I do not, like
-misers, keep an account of them&mdash;but perhaps they may amount to
-twenty. He turns all my hooks topsy-turvy, opens my chests, and steals
-my keys, so that I can keep nothing. I am unhappy at all times,
-especially during the night, nor <i>do I know if my disease be frenzy,
-or what is its nature.</i>" Far more frightful visitations he complains
-of during this dreadful interval, all which seem to prove a lamentable
-derangement of intellect, of which he was himself sometimes so
-conscious, that he rouses all his powers of reasoning to convince
-himself that he has not really lost his wits. To a friend he
-writes&mdash;"I cannot defend any thing from my enemies, nor from the
-devil, <i>except my will</i>, with which I will never consent to learn
-any thing from him or his followers, or have any <i>familiarity with him
-or with his magicians.</i> * * * * Amidst so many terrors and pains,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">{Pg 156}</a></span>
-there appeared to me in the air the image of the glorious Virgin, with her
-Son in her arms, encircled with clouds of many colours, so that I ought by
-no means to despair of her grace. <i>And though this might be an illusion,
-because I am frenetic</i>,&mdash;troubled with various phantasms, and full
-of infinite melancholy,&mdash;yet, by the grace of God, I can sometimes
-<i>cohibere assensum</i> (withhold my assent), which, as Cicero says, being
-the act of a sound mind, I am inclined to believe it was a miracle of
-the Virgin."&mdash;This vision he celebrates in one of his most brilliant
-sonnets, and also in an elegant madrigal, ascribing to her grace the
-marvellous cure of his mental affliction.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In whatever way that cure may have been temporarily effected, Tasso,
-after more than seven years' confinement, was liberated in 1586, at the
-special intercession of the prince of Mantua. Alfonso refused to allow
-him an audience, and he left Ferrara like a transport released from
-prison, to go into perpetual banishment; for the duke remained
-inexorable, and, indeed, implacable, to the end of his victim's life.
-For a while Tasso enjoyed the sudden transition, again being lodged in
-the palace of Mantua, faring sumptuously, and being admitted to the
-high, amiable, and intellectual society of nobles, ladies, and scholars.
-This pleasant season was not, however, without relapses of his fearful
-disease: the evil spirit came upon him at times, and all the enchantment
-of his harp could not drive it away.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During several years afterwards, the poet wandered about, as his father
-had done, from city to city, and from court to court, experiencing all
-the vicissitudes of what is called fortune, but which, in his case,
-appears to have been the lot which he chose and cut out for himself.
-Princes were ever ready to open their doors to him, and wherever he was
-known, he was honoured according to the reputation which he had so
-painfully but unprofitably acquired; his patrons having only afforded
-him hospitality while he abode with them, and booksellers having been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">{Pg 157}</a></span>
-enriched at his expense by the spoils of his genius, in a country where
-the property of literary men in their own works was little acknowledged
-and less respected. His controversy with the <i>Della Cruscan</i> academy
-during his imprisonment, the members of which had invidiously prejudiced
-the public mind against him, the living, whom their favour might have
-benefited, by exalting Ariosto, the dead, whom their preference could
-not serve,&mdash;while it grievously galled him, rather tended to spread
-the knowledge, and, necessarily with that knowledge, the fame of his
-"Gerusalemme," than permanently to injure his fair fame. But he himself,
-from scruples of conscience and infirmity of mind, became dissatisfied
-with it, and employed no small portion of his brief remaining life in
-remodelling it, under the title of "Gerusalemme Conquistata,"&mdash;a
-scheme in which he utterly miscarried. His last great poetical attempt, and
-worthy of him in his palmy state, was a work on the creation, entitled
-the "Sette Giornate" (the Seven Days), which he left unfinished. It was
-composed in <i>versi scidti</i>, which nearly correspond to English blank
-verse. There are many passages in this magnificent fragment, which were
-evidently so familiar to Milton's mind, that he fell into the same
-trains of thought, and imitated them in the style peculiar to himself,
-repaying as much as he borrowed, "stealing and giving odours."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Tasso, soon tiring of Mantua, and even languishing for Ferrara, though
-never permitted to return thither, wore away the residue of his
-desultory life, principally at Bergamo, Florence, Rome, and Naples. In
-the latter city (his sister being dead), when it was too late for him to
-enjoy the possession of it, he recovered his mother's long-disputed
-dowry, or such a portion of it as, at an earlier period, might have
-rendered him independent of those eleemosynary supplies from precarious
-hands, on which he generally subsisted. About the same time the pope
-also settled a pension upon him, and consented to allow him the honour
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">{Pg 158}</a></span>
-of a coronation, such as had been granted to Petrarch, two centuries
-before. But wealth and honour, such as mortal hands could confer or
-withhold at pleasure, came too late for him. In his latter years, too,
-he became acquainted with Manso, marquis of Villa, his last patron, and
-his first biographer; known in this country as, in his old age,
-befriending our Milton, then a youth, on his travels in Italy, as, in
-his own youth, he had befriended Tasso sinking to the grave under
-premature decay.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-One of the most remarkable circumstances of the last days of Tasso was
-the imagination, that he was occasionally visited by a spirit&mdash;not the
-mischievous Robin-good-fellow of his prison, but a being of far higher
-dignity, with whom, alone or in company, he could hold sublime and
-preternatural discourse, though of the two interlocutors none present
-could see or hear more than the poet himself, rapt into ecstasy, and
-uttering language and sentiments worthy of one who, with his bodily, yet
-marvellously enlightened eyes and purged ears, could distinguish the
-presence and the voice of his mysterious visitant. Manso gives a strange
-account of such an interview, when he himself stood by, yet perceived
-nothing but the half-part which the poet acted in the scene.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"One day," says the marquis, "as we were sitting alone by the fire, he
-turned his eyes towards the window, and held them a long time so
-intensely fixed, that when I called him he did not answer. At last,
-'Lo!' said he, the courteous spirit, which has come to talk with me;
-lift up your eyes and you shall see the truth.' I turned my eyes thither
-immediately; but though I looked as keenly as I could I beheld nothing
-but the rays of the sun, which streamed through the window-panes into
-the chamber. Meanwhile Torquato began to hold, with this unknown being,
-a most lofty converse. I heard, indeed, and saw nothing but himself;
-nevertheless his words, at one time questioning, and at another
-replying, were such as take place between those who reason closely on
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">{Pg 159}</a></span>
-some important subject. * * * * Their discourse was marvellously
-conducted, both in the sublimity of the topics, and a certain unwonted
-manner of talking, that exalted myself into an ecstasy; so that I did
-not dare to interrupt Torquato about the spirit which he had announced
-to me, but which I could not see. In this way, while I listened between
-transport and stupefaction, a considerable time elapsed; at length the
-spirit departed, as I learned from the words of Torquato, who, turning
-to me, said, 'From this day forward, all your doubts will be
-removed.'&mdash;'Rather,' I replied, 'they are increased; for though I have
-heard many wonderful things, I have seen nothing to dispel my doubts.'
-He smiled, and said, 'You have seen and heard more of him than
-perhaps&mdash;' here he broke off, and I, unwilling to trouble him, forbore
-to ask further questions; as it was more likely that his visions and
-frenzies would disorder my own mind, than that I should extirpate his
-true or imaginary opinion."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Throughout the year 1594 the poet was so manifestly breaking down, both
-in his bodily and mental faculties, that his early dissolution was
-anticipated by all his friends. He arrived at Rome on the 10th of
-November; when on being introduced to the pope, his holiness, in the
-most condescending terms, told him that he intended to bestow upon him
-"the crown of laurel, that from him it might receive as much honour as,
-in times past, it had conferred on others." The winter proving very
-tempestuous, the ceremonial was deferred till the succeeding spring. As
-the time approached when all his dreams of ambition were to be thus
-consummated, Tasso drooped daily both in spirits and in strength, so
-that from the 10th of April, when he was seized with violent fever, no
-hope could be entertained of preserving his life. Being informed of his
-danger, he thanked the physician for communicating tidings so welcome.
-Instead, then, of the vain glories of coronation in this world, he set
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">{Pg 160}</a></span>
-himself to prepare, according to his religious views, for his last
-change to that eternal state, where nothing could avail him but to have
-found that mercy, which is the only hope of sinful man beyond the grave.
-On the 25th of April he quietly expired, with the words upon his lips
-(of which the last were inaudible), "<i>Into thy hands, O Lord! I commend
-my spirit.</i>" He was aged fifty-one years.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The personal and poetical character of Tasso are so strikingly betokened
-in the incidents of his life, that, in a memoir, necessarily so
-circumscribed as the present, no further remark on either need be
-introduced here. To enter into a critical examination of his writings,
-which should at all do justice to their extent, their diversity and
-their excellence, of various kinds whether in prose or verse, would
-require a distinct essay, equal in length to the whole of this article.
-This, however, is little to be regretted, for, of all the Italian poets,
-Tasso is the best known in our country; indeed, he has been almost
-naturalised, for his greatest work has been oftener translated than any
-other continental poem,&mdash;so that the style, the story, the sentiments,
-the actors, the scenes, the whole fable, with all its embellishments and
-adjuncts, are better known to general readers than those of the "Faerie
-Queene," and, perhaps, it may be said, than those of "Paradise Lost"
-itself, except among that "fit audience," which, "though few," Spenser
-and Milton must for ever "find," while English poetry holds its
-place&mdash;and that the highest, hitherto&mdash;in the literature of
-Christendom.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Besides several inferior versions, those of the "Jerusalem Delivered,"
-by Fairfax, Hoole, Hunt, and Wiffin, have each some peculiar merit,
-though it must be confessed, that, in each, so far as regards the
-diction, that peculiar merit belongs rather to the translation than to
-the author, the grace and harmony of whose verse, unsurpassed in his own
-language, is absolutely unapproachable in ours. Fairfax's version, in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">{Pg 161}</a></span>
-the original stanza, is masculine and free; Hoole's, in the heroic
-couplet, is easy and commonplace, but as a mere entertaining tale, the
-most <i>readable</i> of the four; Hunt's, in the same measure, may lay
-great claim to indulgence for any defect in vigour, on the score of the
-classic taste and learning which it displays. Wiffin's is unquestionably
-the best; and it is his own fault that it is not as good as any
-reasonable judge could desire a translation of Tasso to be: but, having
-chosen to hamper himself, and to encumber his author, with the intricate
-stanza of Spenser, containing an extra-Alexandrine line beyond the
-Italian octave, he has been compelled to amplify his original <i>one
-eighth</i>, which must deduct at least in the same proportion from the
-compactness, precision, and symmetry of every corresponding section. How
-could a master of versification like Mr. Wiffin, himself a genuine poet,
-choose to run such a race, carrying such a weight? He has won it,
-nevertheless, though not in the style that might have been wished; yet
-he that shall hereafter beat him must be a rival, who, beyond the Alps,
-would have been a worthy competitor with Tasso himself, had they been
-countrymen and contemporaries.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">{Pg 162}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_37_37" id="Note_37_37"></a><a href="#NoteRef_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a>The translation is from Dr. Black's valuable Life of
-Tasso, from which other occasional quotations may be hereafter made,
-with this brief but grateful acknowledgment.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_38_38" id="Note_38_38"></a><a href="#NoteRef_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a>See note, page 117.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_39_39" id="Note_39_39"></a><a href="#NoteRef_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a>It is curious and provoking to observe in how momentary
-and contemptible a circumstance originated this enduring injury to the
-reputation of one of the greatest poets by one of the greatest critics.
-In a note to the clause in Satire IX., Boileau says, "<i>Un homme de
-qualité fit un jour ce beau jugement en ma présence.</i>" So, because "a
-fool of quality" ("<i>un sot de qualité</i>," as he words it in the verse)
-once happened to "say, in the hearing of a wit, that he preferred the
-"Gerusalemme" to the "Æneid," "all Europe" has been made to "ring from
-side to side," for a century and a half, with the <i>clinquant</i> of Tasso
-against the gold of Virgil.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_40_40" id="Note_40_40"></a><a href="#NoteRef_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a>Milton, in the context, has manifestly imitated both Tasso
-and Fairfax;&mdash;Tasso in the description of the angel's descent, and
-Fairfax in the lively circumstance here quoted, and which is not in the
-original:&mdash;</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">"On Libanon at first his foot he set,</span><br />
-<span class="i0"><i>And shook his wings</i>, with rory May dews wet."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-The "fragrance" is Milton's own; and here we have the process of one
-thought, carried onward by three poets, to consummate beauty and
-perfection in the last.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_41_41" id="Note_41_41"></a><a href="#NoteRef_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a>Well might Collins, a kindred spirit, both in his powers
-of song and in his "moody madness," thus celebrate the great Italian,
-whose "Godfrey of Bulloigne" he only knew through Fairfax's
-translation:&mdash;</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i6">&mdash;&mdash;"In scenes, which, daring to depart</span><br />
-<span class="i0">From sober truth, are still to nature true,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">And call forth fresh delight to fancy's view,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">The heroic muse employ'd her Tasso's art.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">How have I trembled when, at Tancred's stroke,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Its gushing blood the gaping cypress pour'd;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">When each live plant with mortal accents spoke,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">And the wild blast upheaved the vanish'd sword;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">How have I sat, when piped the pensive wind,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">To hear his harp by British Fairfax strung!</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Prevailing poet! <i>whose undoubting mind</i></span><br />
-<span class="i0"><i>Believed the magic wonders which he sung.</i>"</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i12"><i>Ode on the Highland Superstitions.</i></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="CHIABRERA">CHIABRERA</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1552-1637.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Gabbriello Chiabrera was born at Savona, a town on the sea-shore, not
-far from Genoa, on the 8th of June, 1552. He was born fifteen days after
-his father's death, and his mother, Gironima Murasana, being young when
-she was left a widow, married again; which circumstance caused Chiabrera
-to be brought up by an uncle and aunt, brother and sister to his father,
-who were both unmarried. At the age of nine, his uncle, who resided at
-Rome, took him thither, and gave him a private tutor, who taught him
-Latin. He was twice during childhood assailed by dangerous fevers, which
-left him so weak and spiritless, that his uncle placed him at the
-Jesuits' college, that he might regain vigour and hilarity in the
-company of boys of his own age. The experiment succeeded, and Chiabrera
-became robust and healthy to the end of his long life. During his
-juvenile years, his application, memory, and studious habits attracted
-the applause of his instructors; and the Jesuits were desirous of
-inducing him to become one of them. The youth showed no disinclination;
-but his uncle watched over him, and prevented that sacrifice of liberty
-and independence, which would have rendered him miserable through life.
-When he was twenty this good uncle died; but he had emancipated himself
-from monkish influence, and after paying his relations at Savona a short
-visit, he returned again to Rome, where coming accidentally into contact
-with the cardinal Comaro Camerlingo, he entered his service, in which he
-remained some years.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">{Pg 163}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His residence at Rome, however, came to a disastrous termination: he was
-insulted by a Roman gentleman, and being forced by the laws of honour to
-avenge himself, the consequences obliged him to quit the city; nor was
-he permitted to return till eight years after. He now took up his abode
-in his native town, and grew to love the leisure and independence of his
-life. At one time his tranquillity was disturbed by another quarrel, in
-which he was wounded; but with his own hand, as he tells us, took his
-revenge. He was forced, on this, to absent himself from Savona; and
-remained, as it were, outlawed for several months, when at last a
-reconciliation being brought about, he returned and enjoyed many years
-of complete tranquillity.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Chiabrera had been born rich, but he was negligent of his affairs, so
-that at last his fortune was reduced to a mere competence; and this was
-at one time even endangered by a lawsuit at Rome, all his property there
-being confiscated; but it was returned to him, through the intervention
-of cardinal Aldobrandini. At the age of fifty he married, but had no
-children. With the few interruptions above recorded, he passed a life of
-peaceful leisure, content with his fortunes, honoured and esteemed by
-every body, and rendered happy by the exercise of his talents and
-imagination. While at Rome in his early life, he had cultivated the
-friendship of literary men; and during his leisure, on his return to
-Savona, he occupied himself by reading poetry as a recreation. His own
-genius developed itself as he studied the productions of others. The
-Greek poets particularly delighted him; and perceiving how much they
-excelled all other writers, he made them his study, till, his emulation
-being awakened, he wrote some odes in imitation of Pindar: these being
-much admired, he was encouraged to continue, still making the Greek
-lyrical poets his models, though he did not confine his admiration to
-them only. Homer he preferred to all other writers; he was charmed by
-the versification and imagery of Virgil; and appreciated in Dante and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">{Pg 164}</a></span>
-Ariosto, the power which they possessed of felicitously describing and
-representing the objects which they desire to bring before their
-readers.<a name="NoteRef_42_42" id="NoteRef_42_42"></a><a href="#Note_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Chiabrera had the ambition of forming a new style; as he expressed it,
-he meant to follow the example of his countryman, Columbus, and to find
-a new world, or be wrecked in the attempt. His wish was, to transfuse
-the spirit of the Greeks into the Italian language. He perceived that
-the fault common to the poets of his day, was a certain cowardice of
-style, and an obedience to arbitrary laws, which limited and chilled the
-poetic fervour. He shook off these trammels, and adopted every possible
-mode of versification, and even bent the dialect of Petrarch and Tasso
-to new and unknown forms of expression. He was no lover of rhyme,
-preferring to it a majestic harmony in the arrangement of syllables and
-sound, which he found more musical and expressive than the mere jingle
-of a concluding word. His style thus became at once novel and exalted.
-He adorned his verses with pompous epithets and majestic turns of
-expression: he was harmonious and dignified, fervent and spirited.<a name="NoteRef_43_43" id="NoteRef_43_43"></a><a href="#Note_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As he dedicated nearly the whole of his long life to the composition of
-poetry, he has left a vast quantity, much of which has never been
-printed,&mdash;narrative poems, dramas, odes, canzoni<a name="NoteRef_44_44" id="NoteRef_44_44"></a><a href="#Note_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>, sonnets, &amp;c.; but
-his canzoni, or lyrics, far excel all the rest. This results from his
-style being at once more original and beautiful than his ideas. We are
-apt to say, as we read, we have seen this before, but never so well
-expressed. He does not, like Petrarch, anatomise his own feelings, and
-spend his heart in grief: even in his love poetry, while he complains,
-he does not lament, and there is a sort of laughing and vivacious grace
-and a liquid softness diffused over these poems in particular, which is
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">{Pg 165}</a></span>
-infinitely charming. One of his most celebrated, beginning&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Belle rose porporine,"</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-is in praise of his lady's smile. It is impossible for any thing to be
-more airy and yet heartfelt&mdash;he speaks of how the earth is said to
-laugh, when, at the morning hour, a rivulet or a breeze wanders
-murmuring amid the grass, or a meadow adorns itself with flowers;&mdash;how
-the sea laughs, when a light zephyr dips its airy feet in the clear
-waters, so that the waves scarcely play upon the sands;&mdash;and how the
-heavens smile when morning comes forth, amidst roseate and white
-flowers, adorned in a golden veil, and moving along on sapphire wheels.
-"When the earth is happy," he says, "she laughs; and the heavens laugh
-when they are gay: but neither can smile so sweetly and gracefully as
-you." The flowing measure, the admirable selection and position of the
-words render this and other similar poems models of lyrical composition.
-A fairy-like colouring, and a thrilling sweetness, like the scent of
-flowers, invest them, and render them peculiar in their aerial vivacity
-and spirited flow.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-These lighter and more animated productions have not been translated;
-but, as a specimen of his more serious style, we select one of the
-epitaphs or elegiac poems among those which Mr. Wordsworth has
-translated, with his usual accuracy and force of diction:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">There never breathed a man who, when his life</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Was closing, might hot of that life relate</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Toils long and hard. The warrior will report</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Of wounds, and bright swords flashing in the field,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And blast of trumpets. He, who hath been doom'd</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To bow his forehead in the court of kings,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Will tell of fraud and never-ceasing hate,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Envy, and heart-inquietude, derived</span><br />
-<span class="i2">From intricate cabals of treacherous friends.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I, who on shipboard lived from earliest youth,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Could represent the countenance horrible</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Of the vexed waters, and the indignant rage</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Of Auster and Boötes. Forty years</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Over the well-steer'd galleys did I rule:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">From huge Pelorus to the Atlantic pillars,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Rises no mountain to mine eyes unknown;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And the broad gulphs I traversed oft and oft;</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Of every cloud which in the heavens might stir</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I knew the force; and hence the rough sea's pride</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Avail'd not to my vessel's overthrow.</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">{Pg 166}</a></span><br />
-<span class="i2">What noble pomp, and frequent, have not I</span><br />
-<span class="i2">On regal decks beheld! Yet in the end</span><br />
-<span class="i2">I learn that one poor moment can suffice</span><br />
-<span class="i2">To equalise the lofty and the low.</span><br />
-<span class="i2">We sail the sea of life&mdash;a <i>calm</i> one finds,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">And one a <i>tempest</i>&mdash;and, the voyage o'er,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Death is the quiet haven of us all.<a name="NoteRef_45_45" id="NoteRef_45_45"></a><a href="#Note_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-The tranquil life of Chiabrera was agreeably varied by his love, not
-exactly of travelling, but of visiting the various cities of Italy, and
-by the honours paid him by its princes, in recompence for his poetry,
-which was enthusiastically admired by all his countrymen. He never made
-any long stay away from home, except at Genoa and Florence, and there he
-possessed friends who were glad to welcome him; for if he was of an
-irascible, he was of a placable disposition, and though serious of
-aspect, he was gay and good-humoured in society. The grand duke of
-Tuscany, Ferdinand I., held him in high esteem, and employed him in
-arranging various dramatic representations on the marriage of Mary de'
-Medici with the king of France. Charles Emanuel, duke of Savoy, made him
-generous offers of remuneration, if he would take up his abode at his
-court; but Chiabrera wisely preferred his independence. It has been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">{Pg 167}</a></span>
-mentioned that he arranged the interludes of a comedy of Guarini, when
-it was represented on occasion of the marriage of the son of the duke of
-Mantua with a princess of Savoy. All these princes rewarded him with
-gifts, or honours, which he seems to have set a still higher value upon;
-lodging him in their palaces, sending their carriages for his
-conveyance, and permitting him to remain covered in their presence. He
-had been the intimate friend of cardinal Barberini, and when the latter
-was created pope, under the name of Urban VIII., Chiabrera often visited
-Rome, though he would never reside there; and the pope made him priestly
-gifts of <i>agnus dei</i> and medallions, and in the year of the jubilee
-wrote him a brief, or letter of compliment, similar to those sent to
-sovereign princes and men of the highest rank.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Chiabrera was always an orthodox catholic, "a sinner," he expresses it,
-"but not without Christian devotion. He had Santa Lucia for his
-advocate, and during a space of sixty years, he never failed twice a day
-to devote himself to pious thoughts, which continued uppermost in his
-mind all his life." His moderate desires and temperate habits assisted
-to preserve him in uninterrupted good health. He died at the advanced
-age of eighty-six, and was buried in his own chapel in the church of San
-Giacomo.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">{Pg 168}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_42_42" id="Note_42_42"></a><a href="#NoteRef_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a>Vita di se stesso.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_43_43" id="Note_43_43"></a><a href="#NoteRef_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a>Muratori.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_44_44" id="Note_44_44"></a><a href="#NoteRef_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a>There is no English word that gives the exact idea of a
-canzone; we call such lyrical poems; yet in Italian they form a class
-apart.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_45_45" id="Note_45_45"></a><a href="#NoteRef_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a><i>Per il Signor Giambattista Feo.</i></p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Uomo non è, che pervenuto a morte</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Non possa raccontar della sua vita</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Lunghi travagli. Il cavalier di Marte</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Dirà le piaghe, e lo splendor de' brandi,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Ed il suon delle trombe: il condannato,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Nelle gran Reggie, ad inchinar la fronte,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">De' Re scettrati, narrerà le frodi,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Le lunghe invidie, ed i sofferti affanni</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Infra le schiere de' bugiardi amici.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Io, che mi vissi in su spalmate prore,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Potrei rappresentar l' orribil faccia</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Del mar irato, ed i rabbiosi sdegni</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E d'Austro e di Boöte. Anni cinquanta</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Commandai su galere a buon nocchieri:</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Dal gran Peloro all' Atlantei colonne</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Non sorge monte a gli occhi miei non noto,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E gli ampj golfi veleggiai più volte:</span><br />
-<span class="i0">D' ogni nube, che in ciel fosse raccolta,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Seppi la forza, onde marino orgoglio</span><br />
-<span class="i0">A' legni miei non valse fare oltraggio.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Che nobil pompa non mirai sovente</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Su regie poppe? E pure io provo al fine,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Che le disuguaglianze un' ora adegua.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Tutti quaggiuso navighiamo in forse.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Altri ha tempesta, ed altri ha calma, e poscia</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Nel porto della Morte ognun dà fondo.</span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="TASSONI">TASSONI</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1565-1635.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Alessandro Tassoni was born at Modena, in 1565, of a noble and ancient
-family. He was so unfortunate as to lose both parents in early
-childhood; nor had he any near relative to watch over his tender years
-and guard his interests. In consequence, scarcely had he emerged from
-boyhood, than his inheritance was attacked by lawsuits, and he was
-involved in the most annoying struggles with private enemies, while long
-and painful illnesses unfitted him to cope with these evils. Still a
-love of knowledge rose above the multiplied disasters that beset him,
-and from his earliest years he was a student. He learnt the Greek and
-Latin languages under Lazzaro Labadini, a learned and worthy man, but
-somewhat of the Dominie Sampson species: simple-hearted and abstracted,
-he was exposed to ridiculous mistakes; and his pupil records in his
-celebrated poem, how, when a servant informed him of the death of a cow,
-he sent to the apothecary's shop for drugs to cure her.<a name="NoteRef_46_46" id="NoteRef_46_46"></a><a href="#Note_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> While yet
-under this master's tuition, he wrote a Latin poem named Errico, which
-displayed an extraordinary smoothness of versification and command of
-language. At the age of eighteen he took the degree of doctor of laws,
-and in 1585 he entered the university of Bologna, where he continued
-five years, applying himself to philosophy, under the most celebrated
-masters. He afterwards studied jurisprudence at Ferrara, and acquired a
-reputation for his learning and critical acumen.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was not till past thirty years of age that he appears to have
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">{Pg 169}</a></span>
-seriously entered on the task of bettering his moderate fortunes.
-<span class="sidenote1">1597.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-32.</span>
-He visited Rome, and entered the service of cardinal Colonna. He
-accompanied his patron to Spain, and two years after was sent by him to
-Rome, to obtain permission from pope Clement VIII. to accept the
-viceroyalty of Aragon. Succeeding in his mission, Tassoni returned to
-the cardinal. It was during these journeys that he amused himself by
-composing his "Considerations on Petrarch," which afterwards occasioned
-so much controversy. The cardinal sent him again to Rome to manage his
-affairs there; but a few years after, for some reason, with which we are
-unacquainted, Tassoni quitted his service.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Restored to independence, he visited Naples, and then took up his abode
-at Rome. He now published his "Considerations on Petrarch," and his
-"Thoughts on various Subjects," which exposed him to the attacks of the
-literati of Italy. Tassoni was of a bold and original turn of mind; he
-hated literary prejudices, and loved to set himself against received
-opinions, merely because they were supported by the greater number. Thus
-he attacked Homer, Aristotle, and Petrarch. He was singularly acute in
-discovering minor defects, and his sarcastic and witty talent rendered
-his criticisms doubly poignant. He was attacked for his publications and
-he replied with a mixture of humour and bitterness peculiarly galling.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He had thus become well known in Italy, when his reputation was raised
-to its highest pinnacle by the "Secchia Rapita," or Stolen Bucket, a
-serio-comic or mock-heroic poem, the first of the kind that had
-appeared. A work of this nature is adapted only to the very region in
-which it is composed; and even then, there are certain minds which never
-relish travesti. How much more is Hudibras spoken of than read, and to
-how many, except in select and peculiar passages, does it prove heavy
-and tedious. To an English reader the "Secchia Rapita" must appear
-greatly inferior to the work of Butler; it is coarser and more
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">{Pg 170}</a></span>
-long-winded; besides that the rhymes, the wrenching and transformation
-of language, the vulgarisms and idioms fall coldly on the ears of those,
-who have not been habituated from infancy to their use or abuse.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The "Secchia Rapita" is founded on those petty wars between two towns,
-so common in Italy in the 14th and 15th centuries. The people of Modena
-had, in 1325, discomfited the Bolognese at Zoppolino, and the vanquished
-fled with such precipitation, that their pursuers entered their town
-with them. The Modenese were driven out again, but carried off, as token
-of their triumph, the bucket belonging to the public well of the city.
-The Bolognese made an expedition to recover it, and this forms the basis
-of the poem. The plebeian names of the "unwashed artificers" who compose
-the several armies, their ridiculous proceedings, their combats, mocking
-those of belted knights, are all infinitely relished by the Italians.
-Tassoni is praised also for the various fancy he displays in
-individualising the combatants, their combats, and the modes by which
-they die, as well as for the dignity with which he invests the really
-noble personages who take a part in the warfare. There are episodes
-also, some more dignified, others more burlesque even than the main
-subject of the poem; the gods and goddesses take part, and the kings of
-Naples and Savoy are brought in on either side. The chief satire of the
-poem falls on an unfortunate count di Culagna, under which name Tassoni
-held up to ridicule count Paolo Brusantini, a noble of Ferrara, who had
-provoked him by instigating a violent and infamous attack on one of his
-works. Tassoni was unable to avenge himself openly, as Brusantini was a
-favourite of his prince, but vowed future vengeance, and writing to a
-friend he exclaims, "If God lends me life, he shall learn, in one way or
-another, that he has furnished a work to the devil." The count di
-Culagna falls in love with the Amazon of the poem, and resolves to
-poison his wife: he makes a confidant of one Titta, a Romagnole, a
-courtier of the papal court, who was in fact the lover of the countess,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">{Pg 171}</a></span>
-and betrays to her the murderous design. The lady accordingly deceives
-her husband, changes her soup plate with him, and then flies to the tent
-of Titta. The count's physician, however, who had been applied to for
-poison, has only furnished physic, and Culagna recovers. He hears of the
-infidelity of his wife, and defies Titta to mortal combat. Titta is not
-brave, but Culagna is trebly a coward. When his challenge is accepted,
-he takes to his bed, makes his will, and declares that he is going to
-die. His friends cannot inspire him with any valour, but his doctor, by
-administering three or four large cups of wine, imparts the necessary
-courage. The opponents meet; Titta's spear strikes the throat and chest
-of the count, who falls to the ground, and is carried to his tent, to
-bed, while Titta exults in his overthrow and death. The surgeon visits
-Culagna's wound; but, to the surprise of all, the skin even is not
-scratched: "Yet I saw something red," cries the count, "it was assuredly
-my blood!" On this they examine him with more attention, and discover a
-red riband hanging from his throat to his girdle. The blow of Titta
-disordering his dress, had exposed this unfortunate silk of sanguineous
-hue to the eyes of the frightened combatant, who at once believed that
-he had received a mortal wound. Now, perceiving how he had been
-deceived, the count thanked God most fervently, and, in his artless,
-pious gratitude, pardoned his friend and his wife all the injuries they
-had done him. Such is the outline of the principal episode of the
-"Secchia Rapita," which concludes by a peace brought about by the pope's
-legate; the bucket remaining, however, with the Modenese; and there it
-probably is to this day. Goldoni saw it, in 1730, suspended by an iron
-chain from the belfry of the cathedral.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This poem was hailed with rapture, even in manuscript: for some time,
-indeed, it was only known thus, and numerous copies were made at the
-price of eight crowns each. As Tassoni had not spared his countrymen or
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">{Pg 172}</a></span>
-his contemporaries, great obstacles were thrown in the way of its
-publication; and even when printed at Venice and Padua, no edition was
-really on sale till 1622, when it was published at Paris, under the
-inspection of Marini.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Tassoni's slender fortunes meanwhile did not permit him to preserve his
-independence: he accepted the offers of Charles Emanuel, duke of Savoy;
-but scarcely had he entered on his new service, than a series of
-persecutions was commenced against him, which ended by his taking refuge
-in private life.
-<span class="sidenote2">1625.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-50.</span>
-Again free from all slavery, disgusted by the inconstancy of men and the
-intrigues of courts, he took up his abode at Rome, where he had a house
-and vineyard, giving himself up to the enjoyment of solitude and study,
-and deriving his chief pleasure from hunting and the cultivation of
-flowers. Still he was not wholly weaned from the world, nor content to
-be neglected: he said that he reminded himself of Fabricius expecting
-the dictatorship; and to follow up this truly mock-heroic similitude, he
-accepted the offer of cardinal Ludovisio, nephew of pope Gregory XV.,
-and entered his service, in which he remained till his patron's death.
-He afterwards returned to his native town, and being taken into favour
-by its reigning prince, he passed the remnant of his life prosperously,
-under the shadow of that fame, which his works, his arduous studies, and
-great talents caused to gather thick around him. After a few years spent
-in peace and honour, he died on the 5th of April, 1635, in the
-seventy-first year of his age.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">{Pg 173}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_46_46" id="Note_46_46"></a><a href="#NoteRef_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a></p>
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">La dove il Labadin, persona accorta,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Fe' il beverone alla sua vacca morta.</span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="MARINI">MARINI</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1569-1625.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Giambattista Marini was born at Naples on the 18th of October, 1569. His
-father, a celebrated jurisconsult, was desirous of bringing up his son
-to the same profession; but the youth felt an unconquerable distaste to
-the career of the law. Marini possessed a fervid and lively imagination,
-and a facility in the composition of poetry which determined, without a
-question, his destiny in life. There are many poets even, we may say, of
-a higher class than Marini&mdash;many more sublime, more earnest, more
-pathetic&mdash;but, in his degree, Marini is a genuine poet, and gave
-himself up with confidence and ardour to the pursuit of that fame of which
-he reaped so large a harvest. His father, angry at his resistance to his
-wishes, was doubly indignant when he gave open testimony of his new
-career, and actually published a volume of poetry: he turned him from
-his house, and refused to supply him with the necessaries of life.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But Marini was born under a more fortunate star than usually smiles upon
-men who give themselves to the fervent aspirations of genius. Amiable
-and generous as he was, he did not possess that stern independence of
-disposition, nor that self-engrossed intensity of feeling, which often
-render poets an intractable race. Several noblemen stepped forward to
-assist and patronise the young adventurer in the groves of Parnassus.
-<span class="sidenote1">1589.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-20.</span>
-The duke of Bovino, the prince of Conca, and the marquess of Manso, the
-friend of Tasso, offered him protection and shelter. He became
-acquainted with Tasso, who encouraged him to pursue his poetic career;
-and he published his Canzoni de' Baci, which acquired for him a great
-reputation.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">{Pg 174}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He was concerned in some youthful scrapes; and having assisted a friend
-to escape, who had been imprisoned on account of a love adventure, he
-was himself thrown into a prison. He amused himself there by writing gay
-and light-hearted verses; but soon after he escaped from confinement,
-and fled to Rome, where he took up his abode with monsignore Crescenzi.
-With him he visited Venice, but returned to Rome after a short absence,
-and entered the service of cardinal Aldobrandini. At Venice he published
-a volume of lyrical poetry, which established his fame.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Marini was always a popular man, and beloved and esteemed by his
-friends. When Paul V. was created pope, his patron, cardinal
-Aldobrandini, was sent as legate to Ravenna, and Marini accompanied him.
-He frequently visited Venice and Bologna, and formed intimacies with the
-men of reputation and talent residing in those cities. He was devoted to
-the cultivation of poetry; and here he first conceived the idea of the
-"Adone." He accompanied the cardinal to Turin, where Charles Emanuel,
-duke of Savoy, received him at his court with the most flattering marks
-of distinction. Marini repaid him by a panegyric, which he called "Il
-Ritratto" or the Portrait, and was rewarded by the gift of a gold chain,
-and made cavalier of the order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus. When
-cardinal Aldobrandini returned to Ravenna, the poet was invited to
-remain at the Piedmontese court; and, with the consent of his former
-patron, he accepted the offer.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Marini's life was chiefly diversified by literary quarrels, in which he
-came off with his usual good fortune. He had already sustained several
-skirmishes with various authors, when the most deadly war was declared
-against him by Gasparo Murtola, a Genoese, and secretary to the duke. He
-believed himself to be the first poet of the age, and was indignant at
-the favour shown to Marini. He levelled an attack of epigrams and
-satirical sonnets against him, which Marini answered, and was considered
-to have the best of the battle: they published these collectively
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">{Pg 175}</a></span>
-afterwards, under the title of the Murtoleide and the Marineide: but
-Murtola, still more angry at the advantages gained by his adversary in
-this paper hostility, took a more injurious mode of showing his enmity:
-he shot at him as he was walking in the public square, but, missing his
-aim, wounded a favourite of the duke who was with him. Murtola was
-thrown into prison, and condemned to death. Marini generously interceded
-in his favour, and at his solicitation he was pardoned and liberated.
-Murtola, more angry and envious than ever, brought forward a poem of his
-enemy, which satirised the duke of Savoy. In vain Marini represented
-that this work had been written at Naples in his youth, many years
-before. He was thrown into prison, nor liberated till the marchese Manso
-sent his testimony of the truth of what he had declared, as to the
-period of its composition. His tranquillity does not appear to have
-suffered by this persecution. He continued to devote himself to learning
-and poetry: he applied himself to the study of the Holy Scriptures and
-the writings of the Fathers, and published his poem on the Murder of the
-Innocents, which he considered his best production.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His fame, spread beyond the Alps, had induced queen Marguerite of France
-to invite him to her court. Marini accepted her invitation; but by the
-time he arrived in Paris his patroness had died. Queen Mary de' Medici
-stepped forward, however, in her room, and the place of gentleman to the
-king, with a pension of 2000 crowns, was bestowed on him. He became very
-popular among the French nobility; many learnt Italian for the express
-purpose of reading his works. He lived a happy and honourable life. His
-great pleasure consisted in forming a valuable and extensive library,
-and collecting pictures by the best artists. The queen showed him many
-marks of favour: if she met him in the street, she was in the habit of
-stopping her carriage, for the sake of conversing with him; and such
-generosity was shown him by her, and his other noble patrons, that he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">{Pg 176}</a></span>
-was enabled to buy a villa near Naples, on Mon Posilippo, whither he
-intended at some future time to retire, and end his days. No doubt, in
-the chill climate of Paris, under the dusky atmosphere of the north, his
-lively imagination recurred with yearning to the beautiful and genial
-land of his nativity.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1623.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-54.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-He published his "Adone" while at Paris. The popularity of this poem was
-extraordinary; nothing was spoken of but it and its author, and the
-rapid sale enriched Marini, though it also exposed him to much literary
-enmity, and the censures of the church. Italian critics have since
-become exceedingly indignant, and consider it the origin of the false
-taste, the conceits, and flowery style of the seicentisti. But, while it
-must be allowed that the imitators of Marini form a school of poetry
-remarkable for its corrupt style, its mannerism, and false and
-metaphoric imagery, it is impossible not to admit that the "Adone"
-itself is a work of great beauty and imagination: it wants sublimity,
-and deep pathos and masculine dignity; but its fancy, its descriptions,
-its didactic passages, are animated by the undeniable spirit of poetry.
-Marini possessed an extreme ease of versification, and a versatility and
-fecundity of style that carries the reader along with it. The "Adone" is
-founded on the well-known mythological story of Venus and Adonis. Cupid,
-having been chastised by his goddess mother, in revenge, resolves to
-wreak on her the miseries of love. He brings the son of Myrrha to the
-shores of Cyprus, and while the Queen of Beauty is regarding the
-beautiful youth as he sleeps, her wily son pierces her heart with his
-love-poisoned arrow. She falls in love on the instant, and Adonis, on
-awakening, is not slow to return her passion. Venus conducts him to her
-palace, where Cupid relates to him his adventures with Psyche, and
-Mercury those of Narcissus, Hylas, Actæon, and other victims of love.
-He is then led through the gardens of pleasure, into the tower of
-delight; but the loves of the goddess and her favourite are interrupted
-by the jealousy of Mars, and Adonis flies in alarm from the angry god.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">{Pg 177}</a></span>
-He falls afterwards into the hands of a fairy, who imprisons and annoys
-him: he escapes, and, after many wanderings and adventures, returns to
-Venus. It is then that he departs on that fatal hunting expedition which
-brings on the catastrophe. Mars and the malicious fairy unite in sending
-the hoar against him, by which he is destroyed: his death&mdash;the grief
-of Venus&mdash;his interment&mdash;and the combats with which the goddess
-celebrates his funeral, conclude the poem. Its chief fault is, that it is
-terribly wiredrawn, even in the particular descriptions; for as to the
-story itself, that forms but a slender portion of the whole composition.
-Besides this, we are told that an allegory of youth is contained in the
-temptations, pleasures, and fatal catastrophe of the young lover; and
-this, as well as the unreal and fantastic nature of the personages,
-deprives it of all vivid interest. It is far removed from the fire of
-Ariosto, or the pathos and dignity of Tasso; still it is pleasing,
-varied, and imaginative, and but for its length would to this day be a
-more general favourite.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The cardinal Ludovisio, nephew of pope Gregory XV., earnestly entreated
-Marini to forsake Paris and repair to Rome. The king and queen of France
-permitted him to accept the invitation; and he returned to Italy,
-unterrified by the accusation that hung over his head, on account of the
-licentiousness of his work. He was received at Rome with enthusiasm, and
-his society was courted by every person of distinction. Here, as
-elsewhere, however, he was involved in literary squabbles; so that at
-last he resolved to retreat to the home he had prepared for himself at
-Naples. The tribunal, meanwhile, demanded alterations in his poem,
-accused of licentiousness and a tendency to impiety. Two of his friends
-appeared to answer for him; but he permitted two stanzas only to be
-altered. The poem of Marini is certainly in its very texture soft,
-effeminate, and amorous; but there are no passages so reprehensible as
-many in Ariosto: the "Orlando Furioso" was never denounced; and it is
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">{Pg 178}</a></span>
-singular that so pertinacious an outcry should have been raised against
-the "Adone."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Its author, however, was not destined to suffer persecution, nor to
-enjoy his success for any long time. Soon after his return to Naples, he
-established himself at his delightful villa at Posilippo, where his life
-came to a sudden close: he fell ill of a painful malady, and died on the
-25th of March, 1625, aged fifty-six. He was buried in the cloister of
-the Theatin Fathers, to whom he had bequeathed his valuable library.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">{Pg 179}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="FILICAJA">FILICAJA</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1642-1707.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Vincenzo da Filicaja was born at Florence, on the 30th of December,
-1642. The families of both his parents were noble; his mother being the
-daughter of Christofano Spini, one of the most distinguished families of
-Tuscany. His father educated him with care, and he attended the public
-schools of Florence. He gave early token of his literary and poetic
-genius: his memory was tenacious, and his industry indefatigable; while
-the seriousness of his disposition rendered retirement and study natural
-and easy to him. Perceiving his inclination for learning, his father
-sent him to the university of Pisa, to fit him for pursuing the legal
-profession. Filicaja attended the lectures of the professors on this
-subject; yet he could not induce himself to bestow his whole time on the
-law, but applied himself also to philosophy and theology, and to the
-imbuing himself with a perfect knowledge of the Latin and Italian
-languages. He was naturally inclined to piety, and spent much of his
-time in prayer and devout exercises. His habits were regulated by strict
-principles of morality; and so devoted was he to the cultivation of his
-intellect, that he always rose two hours before dawn, finding his mind
-clearer, and more capable of grappling with the abstruse subjects of his
-contemplation, in the early hours of morning.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While yet a student at Pisa, when on a visit to his home during the
-vacation, he fell in love; and his poetic talent first developed itself
-in verses addressed to the beautiful and noble girl who was the object
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">{Pg 180}</a></span>
-of his affection. She died soon after, and he lamented her death in
-poetry; but the exact moral discipline to which he subjected his
-inclinations reproached him for giving himself up to the influence of
-passion; and he burnt all his love poetry, and made a resolution, which
-he kept to the end of his life, of dedicating his genius to the
-celebration only of moral and sacred subjects.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After a residence of five years at Pisa, having taken the degree of
-doctor of laws, he returned to Florence, and was placed under Giovanni
-Federighi, a jurisconsult of eminence, that he might add to his
-theoretical, a practical knowledge of law. At the age of thirty-two, he
-married Anna, the daughter of the marchese Capponi. Soon after his
-father died; and, freed from all restraint, he followed the bent of his
-disposition, by retiring into the country, where he spent the greater
-part of each year in domestic retirement, devoting himself to the
-education of his two sons.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Hitherto his poetic merits were unknown beyond the limits of a small
-circle of friends; but public events called his genius to higher
-flights. The Turkish army overrunning Hungary, laid siege to Vienna, and
-filled Christendom with alarm. The enthusiastic piety of Filicaja added
-to the natural disquietude inspired by such a disaster; and while the
-fate of the war was in suspense, and afterwards, when victory drove the
-infidels from the gates of the capital of Austria, he poured out his
-terrors and his exulting triumph in odes, which breathe a pure and
-elevated lyric spirit.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the time when he wrote, Italian poetry had received a check from that
-unfortunate propensity men have to shackle the free course of genius by
-rules and precedent. There was a distinction made between the poetic and
-prosaic style; the former was founded upon Petrarch, and it became a law
-to use no expressions but such as had his authority. The language of
-Italian verse was thus becoming, as it were, a dead idiom; repeating
-itself, and incapable of any original expressions. Filicaja disdained
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">{Pg 181}</a></span>
-these shackles, and revivified his poetic diction by transfusing into it
-many elevated and energetic modes of speech, hitherto reserved for prose
-only. Facility, dignity, and clearness are his characteristics; and the
-grandeur of his ideas gives force to the originality of his expressions;
-which, emanating spontaneously, as they did, from a mind full of his
-subject, found an echo in the hearts of his readers.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His friends alone had hitherto been aware of his talent; but the
-enthusiasm they felt on reading these spirited odes led them to give
-copies; and they got into the hands of those princes who, as the leaders
-of the armies against the Turks, were celebrated in them. One of his
-finest odes he had addressed to John, king of Poland; who acknowledged
-the honour in letters full of praises and thanks. Christina, queen of
-Sweden, displayed in a more kind and liberal manner her admiration:
-hearing that Filicaja had two sons, she insisted upon providing for
-their education; declaring that she would bring them up as her own
-children. She showed herself so generous, that the poet was accustomed
-to say, that he could not look on his home and family without perceiving
-the marks of her favour. While her modesty was such, that she insisted
-that her bounty should be kept a secret; declaring she was ashamed it
-should be known that she did so little for a man, whom she esteemed so
-much; and her benevolence remained unknown till after her death.
-Filicaja's life was not, however, wholly prosperous: on the death of
-Christina, he became involved in pecuniary embarrassments, and he was
-attacked by a dangerous malady. He lost, also, his eldest son, who,
-since the queen's death, had been appointed page of honour to the grand
-duke of Tuscany. The high opinion entertained of him by Cosmo III.
-extricated him from a part of his difficulties. This prince named him to
-the command of the city of Volterra. Ancient feuds and old and almost
-irremediable abuses of various kinds, afflicted the town; and it
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">{Pg 182}</a></span>
-required all the influence which Filicaja obtained by his justice, his
-benevolence, and urbanity to put an end to these evils. Volterra enjoyed
-tranquillity and plenty under his direction; trade and the arts
-flourished; and this venerable city was restored to a portion of its
-former splendour: he thus became so dear to the citizens, that they
-twice petitioned the grand duke to continue him in the government. Their
-request was accorded; and when, at last, he was recalled, he carried
-with him the universal regret.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On his removal from Volterra, he was, for two years, governor of
-Pisa,&mdash;a situation of high trust. On his return to Florence, he filled
-several law offices of great power and emolument. He was popular and
-beloved throughout: equitable, but benevolent; diligent and
-conscientious, his virtues were adorned by his pleasing and affable
-manners. His piety caused him to devote much of his leisure to
-devotional exercises; and his taste led him to cultivate poetry. His
-industrious habits enabled him to compose a great deal when his time was
-otherwise much taken up by his public duties. He wrote much in Latin, a
-small portion only of which has been published; and it displays a deep
-knowledge and command of that language. He employed himself also in
-correcting and adding to his Italian poetry. He was a severe critic on
-his own works; and yet, mistrusting his judgment, he submitted them to
-the further censorship of four selected friends. He was much beloved, as
-well as admired, by all who knew him; and belonged to the Della Crusca
-academy, and to the Arcadian,&mdash;of both of which he was the brightest
-ornament. His last work was an "Ode to the Virgin," which occupied him
-but a few days before his death. Filicaja was not only devout, but a
-rigid catholic. One of the acts of his life previous to entering on a
-new career, had been a pilgrimage to Loretto; and, in his dying moments,
-a picture of the Virgin excited his pious and poetic thoughts. There is
-great spirit and sweetness in this ode, in which he recurs to the love
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">{Pg 183}</a></span>
-of his earlier days; and how, on losing the object, he transferred his
-devotion, entire and for ever, to the mother of his Saviour.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While thus employed, he was seized by an inflammation of his lungs. His
-religious faith supported him in his sufferings, and did not forsake him
-to the last. He died on the 24th of September, 1707, at the age of
-sixty-five. He was buried in his family tomb in the church of San Piero,
-at Florence.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">{Pg 184}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="METASTASIO">METASTASIO</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1698-1782.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio was of obscure origin. He owed his prosperity, in the first
-place, to the talents with which nature had endowed him; and, in the
-second, to singular good fortune; while his amiable disposition and
-excellent character gave a scope to the course of felicitous
-circumstances; which, among men of genius, is frequently checked by
-their impetuosity and thoughtlessness, or by the proud sense of
-independence attendant upon their organisation. The name of the poet's
-father was Felice Trapassi, a citizen of Assisi. His poverty had forced
-him to enter into the Corsican regiment of the pope; and he added to his
-slender means by acting as copyist. He married Francesca Galasti, of
-Bologna; by whom he had two sons and two daughters. Later in life, he
-saved money enough to enter into partnership in a shop of <i>l'arte
-bianca</i>,&mdash;a sort of chandler, where maccaroni, oil, and other
-culinary materials, are sold. His younger son, Pietro, was born at Rome, on
-the 13th of January, 1698. The child gave early indications of genius; and
-his father resolved to bestow on him the best education in his power;
-and placed him, at a very early age, with a watchmaker, that he might
-learn a respectable art.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But the boy was born to pursue a nobler career. He was already a poet;
-and, when only ten years old, attracted an audience in his father's shop
-by his talents as improvisatore. It happened, one summer evening, that
-Vincenzo Gravina, a celebrated jurisconsult, and renowned for his
-learning and love of letters, was walking with the poet Lorenzini in the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">{Pg 185}</a></span>
-streets of Rome. Passing by Trapassi's shop, he was attracted by the
-childish voice of the juvenile poet, who was in the act of reciting
-extempore verses. He joined the audience; and, being perceived by
-Pietro, the little fellow introduced some stanzas in his praise into his
-effusion. Gravina, charmed by his talent and prepossessing appearance,
-offered him money, which the child refused. The lawyer continued to
-question him, and was so satisfied by the propriety and spirit of his
-answers, that he immediately proposed to adopt him as his son; promising
-to give him a good education, and to facilitate his career in the same
-profession as himself. No objection could be raised to so generous and
-beneficent an offer. The boy was not to be taken from his native town,
-nor were his duties towards his parents to be interfered with.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-One of Gravina's first acts was to change his adopted son's, name from
-the ignoble one of Trapassi to the better sounding appellation of
-Metastasio, which was a sort of translation of his paternal name into
-Greek. Gravina did not delay to cultivate the boy's understanding, so as
-to fit him for a literary career. Being an idolater of ancient learning,
-his first care was to initiate his pupil in the languages of the writers
-of Greece and Rome, and then to imbue him with a knowledge of their
-works. Metastasio showed himself an apt scholar: at the age of fourteen
-he wrote a tragedy, which, in a letter written in after years, he freely
-criticised. "My tragedy of 'Giustino,'" he says, "was written at the age
-of fourteen, when the authority of my illustrious master did not permit
-me to diverge from a religious imitation of the Greek models; and when
-my own inexperience prevented me from discerning the gold from the lead
-in those mines whose treasures were but just opened to me." The tragedy,
-written thus in strict imitation, is necessarily frigid; nor does the
-language bear the stamp of the ease and grace which so distinguished
-Metastasio's after writings.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He still continued to improvisare verses in company. This attractive art
-renders the person who exercises it the object of so much interest and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">{Pg 186}</a></span>
-admiration, that it is to be wondered that any one who has once
-practised it, can ever give it up. The act of reciting the poetry that
-flows immediately to the lips is peculiarly animating: the declaimer
-warms, as he proceeds, with his own success; while the throng of words
-and ideas that present themselves, light up the eyes, and give an air of
-almost supernatural intelligence and fire to the countenance and person.
-The audience&mdash;at first curious, then pleased, and, at last, carried
-away by enthusiastic delight&mdash;feel an admiration, and bestow plaudits,
-which, perhaps, no other display of human talent is capable of exciting.
-The youth, the harmonious voice, and agreeable person of Metastasio added
-to the charm: yet, fortunately, he gave up the exercise of his power before
-it had unfitted him for more arduous compositions. He gives an account
-of his success, and his quitting the practice, in a subsequent letter to
-Algarotti. "I do not deny," he writes, "that a natural talent for
-harmony and rhythm displayed itself in me earlier than is usually the
-case; that is, when I was about ten years of age. This strange
-phenomenon so dazzled my great master. Gravina, that he selected me as
-soil worthy to be cultivated by so celebrated a man. Until I was
-sixteen, he brought me forward to improvisare verses on any given
-subject; and Rolli, Vanini, and Perfetti, then men of mature years, were
-my rivals. Many people tried to write down our effusions while we
-extemporised, but with no success; for, besides that they were no adepts
-in short-hand, it was necessary to deceive us cleverly, otherwise the
-mere suspicion of such an operation would have dried up my vein. This
-occupation soon became burdensome and injurious to me; burdensome,
-because I was perpetually obliged, by invitations which could not be
-refused, to task myself every day, and sometimes twice a day,&mdash;now to
-gratify some lady's whim, now to satisfy the curiosity of some high-born
-fool, and now to fill up a blank in some grand assembly,&mdash;losing thus
-miserably the greater part of the time necessary for my studies. It was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">{Pg 187}</a></span>
-injurious, because my weak and uncertain health suffered. It was
-perceptible to every one that the agitation attendant on this exercise
-of the mind, used to inflame my countenance and heat my head, while my
-hands and extremities became icy cold. Gravina consequently exerted his
-authority to prohibit me from making extempore verses,&mdash;a prohibition
-which, from the age of sixteen, I have never infringed, and to which I
-believe that I owe the remnant of reasonable and connected ideas that
-are to be found in my waitings." He goes on to state the evils that
-result to the intellect perpetually bent on so exciting a proceeding;
-when the poet, instead of selecting and arranging his thoughts, and then
-using measure and rhyme as obedient executors of his designs, is obliged
-to employ the small time allowed him in collecting words, in which he
-afterwards clothes the ideas best fitted to these words, even though
-foreign to his theme: thus the former seeks at his ease for a dress
-fitted to his subject; while the latter, in haste and disturbance, must
-find a subject fitted to his dress.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On withdrawing his pupil from the exercise of this fascinating art.
-Gravina became aware that his education could not be carried on with
-success amidst the pleasures and idleness of his life at Rome; and he
-sent him to study under his cousin Camporese, who lived near the ancient
-Cortona, a town of Magna Græcia, famous in antiquity for its schools of
-philosophy. Metastasio was very happy at this period of his life; and,
-in a letter written at an advanced age, he recurs to it with yearning
-fondness. "Of how many dear and pleasing ideas, my friend," he writes to
-Don Saverio Mattei, "you have awakened the recollection, by causing me
-to go over in my thoughts the happy time I spent, not less usefully than
-delightfully, between boyhood and adolescence, in Magna Græcia. I saw
-again as if they were present all those objects which pleased me so much
-at that time. Again I inhabited the little chamber, in which the sound
-of the breakers of the neighbouring sea so often lulled me into the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">{Pg 188}</a></span>
-sweetest sleep; and, by force of my imagination, I revisited in my boat
-the shores of neighbouring Scalea; and the names and aspects of many
-places recurred to me, before forgotten. I heard again the venerable
-voice of the renowned philosopher Camporese; who, stooping to instruct
-one so young, led me, as it were, by the hand among the vortexes of the
-then reigning Descartes, of whom he was a strenuous advocate, and
-attracted my boyish curiosity, by showing me in wax, as if in a game,
-how globules were formed from atoms, and filling me with admiration of
-the bewitching experiments of philosophy. It seems to me as if I again
-saw him labouring to persuade me that his dog was formed upon the same
-principle as a watch; and that the trinal dimension is a sufficient
-definition of solid bodies. And I behold him smile, when, having kept me
-long plunged in a dark reverie, by forcing me to doubt of every thing,
-he perceived that I breathed again, on his assertion, 'I think,
-therefore, I am;' the invincible proof of a certainty which I had
-despaired of ever again attaining." Camporese died, unfortunately, in
-the midst of these studies, and Metastasio returned to Rome.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1718.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-20.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-It was soon after his lot to lose his adopted father, Gravina. He
-expresses, both in letters written at the time, and in after years, his
-deep grief on the death of his benefactor. Gravina kept his word, of
-considering him as his son; and, with the exception of a legacy to his
-mother, left him heir to all that he possessed, to the amount of about
-fifteen thousand crowns. Finding himself thus independent, and even rich
-in his own eyes, Metastasio gave himself up to the study of poetry.
-Hitherto the rules of Gravina had limited his reading: now he emerged
-into freedom; and, having been before allowed only to peruse Ariosto,
-among the Italians, he read the "Jerusalem Delivered" for the first
-time. He was enchanted by the order and majesty of a single action,
-conducted with art, and terminated with dignity. The grandeur of the
-style, the vivid colouring and fervid imagination of Tasso, transported
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">{Pg 189}</a></span>
-him with delight. Ovid was also an especial favourite; and it is
-recorded that he regarded Marini with an approbation which that poet,
-indeed, deserves, but of which, as the original corrupter of the Italian
-style, and the leader of the degenerate Seicentisti, he is usually
-deprived.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Unfortunately, independence and youthful thoughtlessness led Metastasio
-into other deviations from Gravina's lessons, less praiseworthy than
-reading Tasso. The poet was warm-hearted, hospitable, and gay. He was
-surrounded by companions ready to share the pleasures and luxuries which
-his money procured; while he believed his future prospects secured by
-the promises he received from influential protectors. Two years had not
-passed before he was undeceived. He had squandered the greater part of
-his fortune; he had made many enemies, and his friends fell off. With a
-firmness worthy of his education, he stopped short of actual ruin; and,
-disgusted with the society of Rome, and the treatment he had suffered,
-he changed, on a sudden, his whole plan of life, following up his new
-designs with zeal and perseverance.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"There lived at Naples," says his biographer, Venanzio, "a rough incult
-lawyer, called Castagnola, covered with rust and dust, and an enemy to
-every thing that was not allied to forensic struggles and turmoils."
-Wishing to place a barrier between his will and his inclinations,
-Metastasio went to Naples, and chose this man for his master, believing
-that his asperity and detestation of poetry would serve to guard him
-against having again recourse to an art towards which nature impelled
-him. For nearly two years he submitted to the control of Castagnola, and
-devoted himself to the severest study. But he was well known at Naples,
-and his talents were appreciated. He was perpetually solicited to
-compose epithalamiums, theatrical pieces, and occasional verses. He
-resisted the temptation as long as he could: at last, commanded by the
-viceroy, he consented to write a drama, to celebrate the birthday of the
-empress Elizabeth Christina, wife of Charles VI. He, however, obtained a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">{Pg 190}</a></span>
-promise of secrecy, and hoped to conceal his crime from his master. To
-accomplish this, he was obliged to steal for his work the hours usually
-devoted to sleep; but his natural vein, checked for some time, flowed
-with such felicity, that he accomplished his task before the appointed
-time. The "Orti Esperidi" charmed his august employer, who bestowed on
-it the highest praise, and presented the author with a purse containing
-two hundred ducats.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The success of this interlude on the stage confirmed the judgment of the
-viceroy. It was admirably set to music, and the decorations were most
-splendid. All Naples flocked to the representation&mdash;all Naples
-resounded with its praises, and every one was eager to thank and applaud
-the author. But Metastasio, reluctant to quit his legal studies, shrank
-from the censures of his master, and continued to preserve the concealment
-he had at first adopted: he even angrily denied the charge when he was
-accused of being the writer, and put enquiry to fault; till at last the
-discovery was made by the prima donna, Marianna Bulgarelli, usually
-called La Romanina, from her native city. She had received the greatest
-applause in the character of Venus, in this drama; and her gratitude and
-admiration made her eager to learn to whom she owed her success. Despite
-all his efforts, she discovered that Metastasio was the author, and she
-lost no time in spreading the report throughout Naples.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Castagnola was highly indignant. He treated his pupil with severity and
-disdain; while, on the other hand, the Romanina used every argument to
-inspire him with self-confidence, and to induce him to follow the career
-for which he was formed by nature. He consented at last: he quitted the
-angry lawyer, who refused even to listen to his farewell; and, at the
-earnest invitation of his new friend, took up his abode at her house.
-Marianna Bulgarelli had a society around her of distinguished men and
-accomplished artists, and among these Metastasio found every
-encouragement to pursue his new career. He studied the science of music
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">{Pg 191}</a></span>
-under Porpora, the first composer of the day, and acquired a knowledge
-of the art which greatly assisted the melody of his verses; so that, he
-tells us, he never wrote any lyrical poetry without imagining an
-accompaniment at the same time, which regulated its cadences and
-modulated the sounds. His natural inclination led him to desire to write
-tragedies; but, on reflection, he found that it was not sufficient that
-tragedies should be written, if there were no actors to represent them,
-nor an audience which could take interest in the representation. His
-association with musical people, and a prima donna, led him to consider
-the opera as the natural drama of Italy. Operatic dramas owed their
-origin to Florence, the birthplace of so much that is great and
-admirable, and were first brought forward in 1594. After that time they
-fell into disrepute, till Apostolo Zeno, choosing in ancient mythology
-and history the groundwork of his plots, brought out pieces that
-acquired great popularity. To this species of composition Metastasio
-accordingly turned his thoughts. Marianna encouraged him to proceed;
-and, when he received the commission to furnish the Neapolitan theatre
-with an opera for the carnival of 1724, she suggested the subject of
-"Didone Abbandonata," or the desertion of Dido. In this, she filled the
-part of the unfortunate queen; and her dignity, pathos, and musical
-powers imparted an attraction to the piece, which filled the audience
-with enthusiasm, while her heart warmed with gratitude towards the poet,
-whose admirable conception and execution gave a scope to her talents,
-before denied to them. The reputation of Dido spread through Italy:
-during the carnival of the following year, it was acted at Venice, la
-Romanina being still engaged to fill the principal part. Metastasio
-accompanied his friend, and wrote, while in that city, another opera,
-called "Siroe."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This was the last appearance of Marianna on the stage: she was no longer
-young, and retired from her profession. She took up her residence at
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">{Pg 192}</a></span>
-Rome, and with some difficulty persuaded her friend to return to his native
-city. The two families resided under the same roof&mdash;Marianna and her
-husband&mdash;Metastasio with his father, elder brother, and two sisters.
-The relations of the poet were indigent; but he possessed some property,
-and his friend was comparatively rich. The household was in common;
-Marianna acting as steward and housekeeper, while she still kept her
-station beside the poet; encouraging him in moments of despondency;
-suggesting subjects for his muse; and displaying, at all times, that
-active and generous affection which so distinguished her.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio did not, however, meet with the encouragement at Rome which
-hailed his first exertions. He wrote his drama of "Cato," which was
-acted in 1727: but it was not attended with his accustomed success. The
-austere character of the Roman hero&mdash;the cold loves&mdash;and
-disastrous ending&mdash;displeased the morbid tastes of the spectators, who
-were unable to appreciate the simplicity of the plot, or the grandeur of
-the sentiments. Metastasio had a true tragic bias for an unhappy
-catastrophe; but his audience did not relish it, and, subsequently, he
-adapted himself better to their tastes, and his operas have usually the
-happy ending, then supposed more consonant to the inherent lightness of
-musical dramas, or, probably, to the talents of the singers: as, in our
-days, the sublime acting of Pasta has induced composers to bring forward
-tragedies of the deepest dye, "Medea" and "Otello," as the subjects best
-fitted for their art.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio was discouraged: he was poor, and he had many enemies at
-Rome, who prejudiced the pope against him, and rendered his abode very
-disagreeable. At this moment, fortune came to his aid, and his whole
-future life became prosperous and stable. In November, 1729, he received
-a letter from prince Pio of Savoy, director of the imperial theatricals,
-inviting him to become the court poet of Vienna. Apostolo Zeno was at
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">{Pg 193}</a></span>
-that time poet laureate to the emperor Charles VI.; but he also, with
-praiseworthy liberality, seconded the emperor in his wish to invite
-Metastasio to his court; and the way was opened to him by the absence of
-envy in one, who might have looked on him as a rival, but who generously
-preferred regarding him as a fellow-labourer, or rather, successor, to
-his own exertions. Metastasio at once accepted the offer with many
-expressions of gratitude. He was allowed to delay his journey to Vienna
-till the spring of 1730, and to fulfil his engagement of supplying the
-Roman theatre with two pieces for the carnival. These were "Alexander in
-India," and "Artaxerxes." The latter was a favourite from the first: the
-poet considered it the most fortunate of his productions, and was
-accustomed to say that he owed it more obligations than any other of his
-dramas; since, even when set to indifferent music, it never failed to
-meet with success.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio thus made his appearance at Vienna, surrounded by the halo of
-a recent triumph. He left Rome with pleasure; but he quitted his family
-with regret: more than all he must have lamented his separation from his
-generous and affectionate friend, Marianna, the encourager of his
-youthful timidity, the chief promoter of his fortunate choice of a
-profession, and his unwearied comforter during adverse circumstances. He
-went to new scenes and to a new people, and adapted himself at once to
-the change. He was kindly received by the emperor, and his heart
-overflowed with gratitude for his condescension and beneficence.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is a strange fact, how little we are contented with negative
-qualities in our fellow-creatures; and, indeed, how amiability, and even
-generosity, become slight in our eyes, if unaccompanied by energy,
-independence, and pride. Metastasio was the most amiable of men: his
-disposition was affectionate and constant; yet he was derided in his own
-time for his courtier-like qualities, and the gratitude he naturally
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">{Pg 194}</a></span>
-evinced towards his imperial benefactors; and censured for a coldness of
-heart of which we can find no trace in his writings or actions. There is
-one circumstance that renders posterity more just, and, in particular,
-induces those who write his biography to regard him with a favourable
-eye: this is the publication of his letters. We possess a series from
-the age of thirty to that of eighty-four, when he died, which let us
-into the secrets of his heart, and display his good sense, his friendly
-disposition, his justice, and the ready sympathy that he afforded to
-those to whom he was attached, in a more undisguised manner than could
-be known to his contemporaries. These letters prepossess the reader in
-his favour; and, while the biographer finds few events to record, and
-little of misfortune or error to mark his pages with high-wrought
-interest, he may envy the tranquil career of the fortunate poet, and
-wish that fate had made him the friend of such a man.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio entered on his employments at Vienna in the year 1730, at the
-age of thirty-two. He took up his abode in the house of Niccolo
-Martinetz, who held a place in the court of the apostolic nuncio, and
-with whom he remained to the end of his life. The dramas that he brought
-out during the year succeeding to his arrival were eminently successful.
-These were "Adriano," and "Demetrio;" and, during the three following,
-he wrote the "Olimpiade," "Demoofonte," and "Issipile." Each, as it
-appeared, excited still renewed admiration and applause. After the
-representation of "Issipile," the emperor broke through his habitual
-majestic reserve, and expressed his satisfaction to the poet, who was
-enraptured by the unusual condescension. His imperial master soon after
-testified his approbation in a more solid manner, by bestowing on him
-the place of treasurer to the province of Cosenza in Naples, worth
-annually 350 sequins. Unfortunately, the war of the Spanish succession
-deprived him of this income, after he had enjoyed it but for a few
-years.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The poet's heart and soul were in his profession, and his operas were
-written with that fervent and exalted spirit which marks the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">{Pg 195}</a></span>
-compositions of genius; while his modesty engendered doubts concerning
-their reception, which were delightfully dissipated by the triumph of
-their success. His feelings are all ingenuously expressed in his letters
-to Marianna Bulgarelli, who, together with her husband, still remained
-at Rome with the poet's family. "I did not believe," he writes, "that I
-should have been able to send you the good news I now give&mdash;I was so
-entirely prepared for the contrary. My <i>Demetrio</i> was brought out last
-Sunday, and with so great success, that the old people here assure me
-they never witnessed such universal applause. The audience wept at the
-Addio&mdash;my august master was not unmoved&mdash;and, notwithstanding the
-respect paid to the imperial presence, the public could not restrain
-themselves from giving marks of applause. My enemies have become my
-applauders. I cannot express my surprise, for this opera is so
-delicately touched, without any of that strong colouring that strikes at
-once, that I feared that it was not adapted to the national taste. I was
-mistaken&mdash;every one seems to understand it, and passages are recited
-in conversation, as if it were written in German." While composing the
-"Olimpiade," he thus addresses his friend:&mdash;"Here is a moral sonnet
-which I wrote in the midst of a pathetic scene, that moved me as I wrote
-it: so that, smiling at myself, when I found my eyes humid from pity at
-a fictitious disaster, invented by myself, I expressed my feelings in
-the sonnet I send. The idea does not displease me; and I did not choose
-to lose it, as it will serve as an incitement for my piety." The thought
-of the sonnet is, that, while he smiles at himself for weeping over
-dreams and fables of his own invention, he may remember that every thing
-that he fears and hopes is equally fictitious,&mdash;that all is false, his
-existence a delirium, and his whole life a dream;&mdash;and it ends with a
-prayer that he may awaken and find repose in the bosom of truth.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Again, he writes, "Will you suggest the subject of an opera? Yes or no?
-I am in an abyss of doubt. Oh! do not laugh, and say that the disease is
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">{Pg 196}</a></span>
-incurable; for indeed; the choice of a subject merits all this
-inquietude and scepticism. It is my lot to be forced to make a choice;
-and I cannot avoid it; otherwise I should continue to doubt until the
-day of judgment; and then begin again. Read the third scene of the third
-act of my 'Adrian;' remark the character which the emperor gives of
-himself, and you will see my own.<a name="NoteRef_47_47" id="NoteRef_47_47"></a><a href="#Note_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> From this you may conclude; that I
-know my faults; but not that I can correct them. This pertinacity in a
-fault; which torments me without the recompence of any pleasure; and
-which I clearly perceive; without being able to remedy; makes me often
-reflect on the tyranny which the body exercises over the mind. If my
-understanding is convinced, when reasoning calmly, that this excess of
-indecision is a troublesome, tormenting, and useless vice, and an
-obstacle to the execution of any design, why do I not get rid of it? Why
-not abide by a resolution, so often taken, to doubt no more? The answer
-is clear; that the mechanical constitution of the soul's imperfect
-habitation gives a false colouring to objects before they reach it, as
-rays of the sun appear yellow or green or red, according to the hue of
-the substance which they traverse to meet our eyes. Hence it is clear,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">{Pg 197}</a></span>
-that men for the most part do not act from reason, but from mechanical
-impulse, subsequently adapting, by the force of their understanding,
-their reason to their actions, so that the cleverest frequently appear
-the most reasonable. Do not get weary, because I play the philosopher
-with you; I have none else with whom to play it; and doing it thus by
-letter, I call to mind conversations of this kind, which made us spend
-so many happy hours together.&mdash;O, how much more matter for such has my
-experience in the world given me!
-<span class="sidenote1">July 4.<br />
-1733.</span>
-We will again talk on these subjects, if fortune does not, through some
-caprice, entangle the thread of my honourable but laborious life."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A few months after fortune cut, rather than entangled, the thread of
-these prospects; Marianna died, and, true to her feelings of
-friendship<a name="NoteRef_48_48" id="NoteRef_48_48"></a><a href="#Note_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> to the end, she left the poet heir to her possessions, to
-the amount of thirty thousand crowns. Metastasio writes thus to his
-brother, on receiving this sad intelligence:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"In the agitation I feel from the unexpected death of the poor and
-generous Marianna, I cannot long dilate. I can only say, that my honour
-and my conscience have both induced me to renounce her bequest in favour
-of her husband. I owe it to the world to undeceive it from a great
-mistake,&mdash;that of fancying that my friendship was founded on avarice
-and interested motives. I have no right to take advantage of the partiality
-of my poor friend to the injury of her husband, and God will by some
-other means make up for what I now renounce. I need nothing for myself;
-I possess sufficient at Rome to maintain my family in decency, and if
-Providence preserves to me my property in Naples, I will give my
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">{Pg 198}</a></span>
-relations other marks of my affection, and think seriously of you in
-particular. Communicate my resolution to my father, as I have not time
-to write to him. Assure him of my intention always to contribute as
-heretofore to his comfort, and even to increase my assistance, if my
-Neapolitan income does not fail me. In short, make him enter into my
-feelings, so that he shall not imbitter them by disapproving of my
-honest and Christian determination.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"You will continue to live with signor Bulgarelli, who will, I hope,
-display towards you that friendly kindness which my conduct with regard
-to him deserves. All will go on as before; only poor Marianna will never
-return, nor can I hope for any consolation, and the rest of my life will
-be insipid and painful."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"I feel," he wrote to another friend on this occasion, "as if I were in
-the world as in an unpeopled solitude; desolate as a man would feel, if,
-transported in his sleep among the Chinese or Tartars, he should, on
-awakening, find himself among a people whose language, manners, and
-customs are alike unknown to him. In the midst of such fancies, so much
-reason remains, as permits me to be aware how without foundation they
-are, and how produced; but reflection has not yet sufficed to dissipate
-them. You will have heard that I have renounced the bequest. I know not
-whether this renunciation will be approved of by all, but I know that
-neither my honour nor my conscience permit me to take advantage of the
-excessive partiality of a woman to the injury of her relations, and that
-the want of the riches which I refuse, is more tolerable than the shame
-which they would produce in me."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio was, with his accustomed modesty, disturbed by the fear, lest
-his honourable conduct would be disapproved of by his friends and the
-world; and he was agreeably surprised when, on the contrary, it met with
-the general approbation it deserved. "I should be insincere," he writes
-to the same friend, "if, affecting philosophy, I pretended to be annoyed
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">{Pg 199}</a></span>
-by the kind approval which my country has universally yielded to my
-renunciation of Marianna's bequest. It delights me in the first place,
-and like a vow, confirms me in my opinion of the justice of the act; and
-in the second, it surprises me, as being the testimony of the affection
-of so great a mother for the least of her sons."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This, during the space of ten years, from the time of his first arrival
-in Vienna, was the only event that disturbed Metastasio's life. These
-ten years are the period during which his poetic powers flourished most
-vigorously, and during which his best as well as the greater number of
-his works were produced. The favour they met confirmed his situation at
-court, while they caused him to labour unintermittingly. It is difficult
-to give one not versed in the Italian language a correct idea of the
-peculiar merits of his poetry, and the excellences of his dramas. They
-are not absolute tragedies: their happy conclusions, the introduction of
-airs, and their being compressed into three acts, give them a lightness
-and a brevity unlike the heavier march of tragedy. They are to a great
-degree ideal, and yet possess the interest which passion and plot,
-described and developed with masterly skill, necessarily impart. His
-command of language is singularly great, and he adapted poetic diction
-to dramatic dialogue with wonderful felicity. A long and profound study
-of the genius of his native tongue gave him such extreme facility, that
-the perfection of art takes the guise of the most unadorned nature; and
-the flow and clearness of his verses so excite our sympathy, as to make
-us feel as if the thoughts and sentiments which we find in his pages
-were the spontaneous growth of our own minds. The magic of his style
-renders sensible and distinct the most delicate and evanescent feelings,
-so that it has been remarked<a name="NoteRef_49_49" id="NoteRef_49_49"></a><a href="#Note_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>, that many of the movements of the
-human soul, which the ablest writers have scarcely been able to indicate
-in prose, and which, from their subtlety, are almost hidden from our
-consciousness, are brought home to us in his verses with a lucid
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">{Pg 200}</a></span>
-felicity of expression, that leaves no portion of them either obscure or
-vague. He thus formed a language peculiarly his own. In his airs the
-words flow in so unforced a manner and with such extreme propriety, that
-they appear to place themselves: not one can be changed, not one
-omitted. There is no pedantry, no affectation; simplicity is his
-principal charm; it seems as if a child might utter them,&mdash;they are so
-unstudied; and yet no other poet possesses to an equal degree the art of
-clothing his ideas with the same easy grace.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When we reflect on the singular perfection of his style, we are not
-surprised that he preserved it with the most jealous watchfulness. He
-was careful not to accustom his mind to the use of any language except
-Italian, and never knew more of German than the few words "sufficient,"
-as he forcibly expresses it, "to save his life." Many nobles of Vienna
-paid him the compliment of learning his language for the sake of
-conversing with him, and Italian being in common use among the
-well-educated, he did not lose so much as might be expected: yet he must
-have felt the privation. He was right, however, in adhering to his
-resolution. He was settled at Vienna for life, while at the same time
-his present occupation and his future glory depended on his preserving
-uninjured that delicacy of taste, and felicity of expression in his
-native language, which characterises his compositions. But to return to
-his operas.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He himself has said, that if he were forced to select one of his dramas
-to be preserved, while all the rest were annihilated, he should fix upon
-"Attilio Regulo." The principal action of this play, founded on the
-well-known heroism of Regulus, in dissuading his countrymen from an
-exchange of prisoners, and his consequent return to servitude and a
-cruel death in Carthage, is conducted with dignity and pathos. But the
-interest of the piece is somewhat marred by an underplot, and the airs
-interspersed are not among his best. Perhaps we are inclined to give the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">{Pg 201}</a></span>
-preference among them to "Themistocles:" the dignity of the subject
-raises it to this pre-eminence; but in pathos, tenderness, and
-impassioned dialogue, the "Olimpiade" is unequalled. Devoted friendship
-forms the action; the personages are placed in the most interesting
-situations, and the language is sustained to the height of those
-emotions which the clash of heroic feelings would inspire. There are
-scenes in "Demofoonte" as fine as any to be found in Metastasio, but
-there is a reduplication of plot which mars the unity of the action; as,
-after deeply sympathising with the hero in his fears concerning his
-wife's fate, through nearly four acts, we are somewhat exhausted, and
-cannot well reawaken other sentiments, to mourn over the relationship
-that he imagines that he has discovered to exist between them. Voltaire
-and others have praised the scene between Titus and Sestus in the
-"Clemenza di Tito," as surpassing the representation of any similar
-struggle of feeling in any other dramatic poet; and the airs in that
-piece are among his happiest compositions. It was the poet's aim and
-pleasure, in all his writings, to make virtue attractive, and to paint
-patriotism, self-sacrifice and the best affections of the soul, in
-glowing and alluring colours. This gives a great charm to his dramas. We
-live among a better race, and yet the sorrows and passions and errors of
-the personages are represented in a manner to call forth our liveliest
-sympathy. A heartfelt pathos reigns throughout, and if passages of
-sublimity are rare (though there are several which merit that name), the
-elevated moral feeling acts on our minds to prevent the enervating
-influence of mere tenderness and grief.<a name="NoteRef_50_50" id="NoteRef_50_50"></a><a href="#Note_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">{Pg 202}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Besides his dramas, Metastasio composed at this period two canzonetti,
-which are among the best of his productions. The "Grazie agli inganni
-tuoi," or thanks of a lover to his lady for having disenchanted him by
-her caprices, is written at once with feeling and spirit. The "Partenza"
-is yet more beautiful. It was founded on the unfortunate attachment of a
-Viennese nobleman for a public singer, who at last yielded to the
-entreaties of his friends, in detaching himself from her, on condition
-that Metastasio should write some verses of adieu. The lover must have
-been satisfied, and the lady charmed, despite regret, by the passion,
-tenderness, and beauty of the poem which celebrates their separation.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio's tranquil and prosperous life was broken in upon in 1740, by
-the death of the emperor Charles VI., who fell a victim to either poison
-or indigestion, after eating mushrooms. The poet was unfeignedly
-attached to his imperial master, whose moral and religious character was
-congenial to his own; and the disturbed state of Europe, immediately
-after, added to his regret. This prince had no son, and his daughter,
-Maria Teresa, succeeded to him as queen of Bohemia and Hungary. Her
-husband aspired to the imperial crown; but the influence of France
-caused the duke of Bavaria to be elected, under the title of Charles
-VII. This disappointment was not the only misfortune of the queen; the
-king of Prussia invaded Silesia almost immediately after her father's
-death, and Vienna being threatened with a siege, she was obliged to quit
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">{Pg 203}</a></span>
-it, and to take refuge in Presburg. After a reign of four years, Charles
-VII. died, and the husband of Maria Teresa, then grand duke of Tuscany,
-was elected emperor in the year 1745, under the name of Francis I.: but
-the war still continued, and its various success, and the disasters,
-with which it was attended, gave the court little leisure or inclination
-for amusement, until the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the death of Charles VI., several of the European sovereigns invited
-Metastasio to their courts, and made him advantageous and honourable
-offers; but, as Maria Teresa still continued him in the place he held
-under her father, the poet felt that fidelity and gratitude alike
-forbade him to change masters during her adversity. His naturally
-sensitive mind was strongly agitated by the various success of the
-empress queen's arms. His susceptibility of disposition did not allow
-him to regard the course of events with a stoical eye; and to the
-disquietude he suffered is attributed the bad state of health into which
-he fell after the year 1745, when he was forty-seven years of age. His
-malady was chiefly nervous; hysterical affections, and a rush of blood
-to the head, were brought on by the slightest mental exertion, followed
-by a total temporary inability to write, or even to think: he was thus
-obliged entirely to suspend his poetic labours; and when he forced
-himself to them, they bear the mark of a falling off in his powers. It
-cannot be doubted that this unfortunate state was brought on in a great
-degree by climate. He was a native of Rome, and, till the age of
-thirty-two, had resided constantly in the south of Italy. What a dreary
-contrast did Vienna present to the enchanting land in which he passed
-his youth! The clear skies, the perpetual summer, the cheerful feelings
-produced by the habits of a southern life, were injuriously changed for
-the gloom of the freezing north. The very precautions which the natives
-take to protect themselves from cold during the interminable winters,
-the stoves, closed windows, and consequent want of fresh air and healthy
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">{Pg 204}</a></span>
-exercise, being in diametrical opposition to the more hardy habits of
-southern nations, are injurious to the health and spirits of those who
-are accustomed to regard the "skiey influences" as friendly instead of
-inimical to their comfort and well-being. Metastasio never left Germany
-after he first entered it. A part of his occupation, in the sequel,
-became the teaching the archduchesses, daughters of Maria Teresa,
-Italian: this was an office he felt that he could not desert, with any
-grace, even for a limited number of months. The kindness of the empress
-in yielding to the total suspension of all theatrical composition on his
-part, forced on him by ill health, bound him yet more devotedly to her.
-As he grew older, he became a man of habit, and consequently averse to
-travelling. It is impossible, however, not to believe, that if he had
-varied his residence in Germany by occasional visits to his native
-country, the disease under which he laboured, which embittered though it
-did not shorten existence, would have been dissipated and cured.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Metastasio's life, we are told, is only to be found in his letters, yet
-these detail no event; one of them contains, indeed, an offer of
-marriage to a lady, whose name is omitted: it is well written, and with
-considerable delicacy of sentiment; but, as he had no acquaintance with
-the object, and aspired to her alliance on account of her character, and
-his friendship for her father, his feelings could not be very deeply
-interested. Many of his letters are addressed to his brother, and they
-display a warm interest for his family. After the death of Marianna, the
-management of his affairs in Italy devolved on his relatives, and many
-are taken up with directions and advice. Leopold, and the rest of
-Metastasio's family, fell into the common error of supposing, that since
-he was in favour at court, the greatest prosperity would flow in upon
-him. The poet endeavoured to undeceive him:&mdash;"Princes and their
-satellites," he writes, "have neither the will nor power to confer
-benefits correspondent to the notions people are pleased to form. I do
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">{Pg 205}</a></span>
-not know what definition merit bears among them; and I religiously
-abstain from inquiring, placing it among those mysteries which are
-beyond, though not contrary to, our understanding. Following these
-principles, I do all that is enough to prevent my feeling remorse for
-sins of omission; but I never allow hope to interfere in the guidance of
-my cautious line of conduct. It is a long time since I have ceased to be
-the dupe of hope, and it would be shameful to become such at our age.
-Expect less, therefore, on my account, and you will find the scales more
-even. This letter speaks more freely than any other, as I write only for
-you, and among other earthly goods, I desire for you the most useful of
-all,&mdash;a clear perception, if not of all, of the greater part of those
-innumerable errors, contracted through our lamentable education, and our
-intercourse with fools."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-These sentiments did not float merely on the surface of Metastasio's
-mind,&mdash;he made them the guides of his actions. As he says, gratitude
-and duty regulated his conduct, but no servile hunting after greater
-benefits mingled with the deference he manifested towards those in
-power. He acted on the defensive in his intercourse with courts, with
-such consistency of purpose, that he refused the honours chiefly valued
-there, and declined the various orders, and the title of count, which
-the emperor Charles VI. had offered to bestow on him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is from passages such as these, interspersed in his letters, that we
-can collect the peculiar character of the man&mdash;his difference from
-others&mdash;and the mechanism of being that rendered him the individual
-that he was. Such, Dr. Johnson remarks, is the true end of biography, and
-he recommends the bringing forward of minute, yet characteristic details,
-as essential to this style of history; to follow which precept has been
-the aim and desire of the writer of these pages.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In other letters Metastasio writes concerning his works, and explains
-his views in the developement of his dramas; but he never makes himself
-the subject-matter without an apology. "Never in my life," he writes on
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">{Pg 206}</a></span>
-one occasion, "did I before write so much concerning myself. I perceive
-this at the end of my letter, and blush, not because I feel myself
-guilty of too great self-love, but because I shall appear so to you.
-Remember that few people distrust themselves to a fault, as I do; and in
-communicating to you the perfection which I desire to attain, I do not
-fancy that I am exempt from those defects, to which human nature and my
-own weakness expose me."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-All his letters to his brother express the most earnest and affectionate
-interest. It is the more necessary to mention this, as one of the
-calumnies propagated against him was, an aversion to render service to
-his relatives. "You know," he writes to his brother, "that your honour
-and welfare have always been the objects of my solicitude, and that I
-never proposed to myself any reward, except the agreeable consciousness
-that my endeavours to introduce you and sustain you in the career of
-letters, have not failed of success; if you think that you owe me any
-gratitude, pay it by increasing my self-satisfaction on this account.
-You can never show yourself more generous to me than by meriting that
-esteem which begins to be your due."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the death of their father he writes with great feeling:&mdash;"The loss
-of our poor father did not surprise, while it filled me with the liveliest
-grief. I measure your sorrow by my own. I feel that it will require time
-to render me reasonable. I thank you for your fraternal kindness in the
-midst of your affliction. Dear brother, you now fill the place of a
-father in his stead: do it worthily, and if there is any thing that I
-can do to comfort you, demand it from me without reserve: your consolation
-will produce mine. My poor sisters!&mdash;how lost they will feel
-themselves! take care of them, dear Leopold: reflect how much fewer
-supports they have than we against the assaults of passion, especially
-of that feeling which is derived from the most sacred of nature's laws.
-Adieu. If I have always loved you, consider how this affection is
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">{Pg 207}</a></span>
-augmented by the loss of him who possessed before so large a proportion
-of it. Let yours increase also."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His brother distinguished himself afterwards by some writings in favour
-of religion; and it appears that he even had the design of writing the
-poet's Life. Metastasio, while he praised Leopold for occupying himself
-in a praiseworthy manner, advised him against publishing controversial
-arguments, which would occasion him to be attacked by the cleverest men
-of Europe; and which, doubtless, were not stamped with that talent which
-could insure success. Metastasio, while deprecating the spread of
-unbelief occasioned by the French philosophers of those days, yet joined
-with the throng in fearing their attacks, and in flattering
-Voltaire,&mdash;showing in how great awe he stood of the enmity and sarcasm
-of that wonderful man. It is supposed that Leopold died in 1770, after
-which date no more letters appear addressed to him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-One of the principal correspondents of Metastasio, and to whom his most
-agreeable letters are addressed, is Farinelli. The poet and the singer
-were nearly of the same age; both began their career at Naples at the
-same time; which causes Metastasio to give his friend the affectionate
-appellation of his twin. Both met with immediate and complete success;
-and they formed a friendship, which the letters of the poet prove to
-have been maintained on his side with sentiments of the warmest
-affection, and the most active wish to render service. After having met
-with the greatest applause in the various theatres of Europe, Farinelli
-was invited to Spain, in 1737; where his voice had the peculiar effect
-of calming and solacing the accesses of malady to which the king, Philip
-V., was subject. On this account he was retained at the Spanish court, a
-large income was settled on him, and he never sang again on the public
-stage, being, to please the Spanish notions of etiquette, made cavalier
-of the orders of St. Jago and Calatrava, that he might be considered of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">{Pg 208}</a></span>
-rank sufficient to attend the private hours of the monarch. Philip V.
-died in 1746, but Farinelli continued in equal favour with his
-successor. His prosperity continued till the accession of Charles III.,
-in 1763, when he was ordered to quit Spain, and, with singular cruelty,
-not permitted to make choice of an abode. At last, Bologna was
-prescribed to him as the place that would best please the Spanish
-monarch,&mdash;we are not told for what reason, except that Farinelli was
-as a foreigner in that city, and cut off from all personal intercourse with
-his friends.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-An interesting volume might be formed out of Metastasio's letters to the
-singer. They are full of enthusiastic friendship; now dwelling on
-alterations made to operas for the peculiar benefit of Farinelli,&mdash;now
-on more personal topics. Metastasio's days were clouded by ill health,
-and his genius impaired through the same cause; but it did not check the
-overflow of his kind heart, nor injure the happy influence of his
-contented disposition. It is difficult, however, to select passages,
-since the interest consists in the openness, friendship, and warmth of
-the whole, and mere isolated extracts would be devoid of attraction. The
-whole correspondence is replete with frank exhibitions of the writer's
-mind, and the style is remarkable for its vivacity as well as elegance.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-With the exception of his physical sufferings, which were rather
-annoying than painful, and that sensibility of character which could not
-fail to chequer his life with a thousand various emotions, Metastasio's
-latter years was singularly prosperous, and perfectly monotonous. A few
-weeks spent each autumn in Moravia was his only change. The empress
-kindly excused him from forcing his powers to compose new dramas, and
-his occupation principally consisted in the easy task of instructing the
-archduchesses in Italian. When the empress Maria Theresa died, the
-emperor Joseph II. continued to him his protection; and the esteem and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">{Pg 209}</a></span>
-even affection in which he was held at the imperial court prevented the
-death of his benefactress from injuring his fortunes, or disturbing his
-repose.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He filled, however, a place in the public eye which exposed him to a
-good deal of trouble. As the first Italian poet of the day, each minor
-aspirant to the laurel sent their verses for his criticism, or rather
-approval. He has been accused of lavishing praise without moderation or
-judgment. It is difficult for one author not to flatter other authors,
-since severity of criticism will be attributed to envy or ill-humour;
-and, besides, the Italian genius is singularly inclined to superlative
-panegyric. But it may be remarked that, though Metastasio gilds the
-pill, he never fails, particularly to his friends, to point out the weak
-points of their works, and to bestow sagacious and valuable
-observations.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When Dr. Burney visited Vienna in 1772, Metastasio was an old man; and
-his life, uninterrupted by any events, flowed on in one unbroken and
-quiet stream. "He lives," writes the doctor, "with the most mechanical
-regularity, which he suffers none to disturb. He has not dined from home
-these thirty years. He studies from eight o'clock in the morning till
-noon. Then he is visited by his acquaintance. He dines at two; and at
-five receives his most intimate friends. At nine, in summer, he goes out
-in his carriage, pays visits, and sometimes plays at ombre. He returns
-at ten o'clock, sups, and goes to bed before eleven. In conversation he
-is constantly cheerful; fanciful, playful, and sometimes poetical; never
-sarcastic or disputatious; totally devoid of curiosity concerning the
-public news or private scandal in circulation; the morality of his
-sentiments resembles that of his life. In confidence with few, but
-polite to all, his affection to his countrymen is great, and extends to
-ecclesiastics, painters, musicians, poets, and ministers from the
-Italian states, who are all sure of his kindness and good offices. I was
-no less astonished than delighted to find him look so well; he does not
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">{Pg 210}</a></span>
-seem more than fifty years of age. There is painted on his countenance
-the genius, goodness, propriety, and benevolence, which characterise his
-writings. I could not keep my eyes off his face,&mdash;it was so pleasing
-and worthy of contemplation."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He thus spent in ease and peace the last years of his life. It has been
-said that, like Dr. Johnson, he had a great aversion to any allusion
-being made to death in conversation, and carefully avoided all
-lugubrious subjects. He continued to live with his friend Martinetz,
-whose daughter, Marianne, being educated by Gluck, became a celebrated
-musician; and in this family he met with that respect, attachment, and
-attention that rendered old age easy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His last letter was written to Farinelli. He complains of the "dreadful
-season," and says, that he "cannot find a friend or acquaintance who
-does not complain of ill health."&mdash;"We are all equally obliged," he
-writes, "to have recourse to resignation. My neighbour prays for me, and
-I pray for my neighbour; and we all are wishing better health to our
-afflicted friends. My complaints obstinately defend their posts, and I
-my patience."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This letter is dated in March, 1782, and was written but a short time
-before he died. Though advanced to the age of eighty-four, his death was
-unexpected, as the vigour of his constitution, and his vivacity and
-unbroken powers, promised several years more of life; nor did his
-nervous indispositions threaten dissolution, for they neither interfered
-with his sleep nor appetite, nor the enjoyment he both conferred and
-received in his domestic circle. A fever, attended with weakness and
-loss of speech, and lethargy, carried him off after an illness of only
-twelve days. He died tranquilly, and without pain, on the 12th of April,
-1782. He left the family of Martinetz his heirs to considerable wealth;
-his property consisting of about 130,000 florins, in addition to many
-valuables presented to him by sovereign princes. He was sincerely
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">{Pg 211}</a></span>
-regretted at Vienna; and Martinetz struck a medal in his honour. Nor was
-he forgotten in his native country; and the various literary academies
-of Italy vied with each other in offering poetic testimonials of
-veneration to his worth and genius.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">{Pg 212}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_47_47" id="Note_47_47"></a><a href="#NoteRef_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a></p>
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">"Ah, tu non sai</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Qual guerra di pensieri</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Agita l'alma mia.</span><br />
-<span class="i6">*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;* &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*</span><br />
-<span class="i6">Trovo per tutto</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Qualche scoglio a temer. Scelgo, mi pento;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Poi d' essermi pentito</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Mi ritorno a pentir. Mi stanco intanto</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Nel lungo dubitar, tal che dal male</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Il ben non distinguo: alfin mi veggio</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Stetto dal tempo, e mi risolvo al peggio."</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">"Ah, thou knowest not the war of struggling thoughts</span><br />
-<span class="i0">That agitates my soul. I find in all</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Some peril still to dread. I choose; and then,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">My choice repent&mdash;and then again regret</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Having repented; while protracted doubt</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Wearies my mind, so that the ill from good</span><br />
-<span class="i0">No longer I distinguish; till at length</span><br />
-<span class="i0">The flight of time impels me to the worst."</span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_48_48" id="Note_48_48"></a><a href="#NoteRef_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a>We have made no remark on the nature of this kind-hearted
-and generous woman's attachment. In Italy it is customary to look on
-such as formed by friendship only, and to consider that they are
-rendered respectable by constancy. The Italians lavish the greatest
-praise on Marianna Bulgarelli for her perception of the poet's merits,
-her zeal in persuading him to, and assisting him in, his arduous career;
-and the disinterested affection which caused her at once to make a
-sacrifice of her own feelings, and to advise his journey to Vienna. Her
-errors are those of her country. Any one who has visited Italy must at once
-censure, and deeply deplore, the social system there carried on&mdash;a
-system which blights the affections, degrades the moral feeling, and
-causes almost universal unhappiness. But it is unjust to heap the
-censure of a system belonging to a whole country, and carried on for
-centuries, on the head of an individual, whose virtues, we may presume
-to say, redeemed an error, the very existence of which is, after all,
-uncertain.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_49_49" id="Note_49_49"></a><a href="#NoteRef_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a>Baretti.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_50_50" id="Note_50_50"></a><a href="#NoteRef_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a>There is a curious instance in Metastasio of a poet using
-the same image adopted by a preceding writer, which yet, it is probable,
-that the later one had not read. The explanation may be, that both drew
-it from an ancient writer; but we have been unable to find it. The
-passages are subjoined as, if both are unborrowed, it forms a curious
-though natural coincidence of thought.</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i6">And as goodly cedars,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Rent from Oeta by a sweeping tempest,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Jointed again, and made tall masts, defy</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Those angry winds that split 'em, so will I</span><br />
-<span class="i0">New pieced again,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">And made more perfect far,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Stand and defy bad fortunes.</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i10">FLETCHER, <i>Tragedy of "Valentinian.</i>"</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">Spezza il furor del vento</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Robusta quercia, avezza</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Di cento verni, e cento</span><br />
-<span class="i0">L' ingurie a tollerar.</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">E se pur cade al suolo</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Spiega per l' onde il volo,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">E con quel vento istesso</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Va contrastando il mar</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i10"><i>Adriano.</i></span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="GOLDONI">GOLDONI</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1707-1792.</h4>
-
-<p>
-The life of Goldoni, written by himself, is, as well as his comedies, a
-school, not of crabbed philosophy, but of Italian manners, in their
-gayest, lightest guise. At a time when it is hoped that a change is
-taking place in the system of society in that country, resulting in a
-great degree from the concourse of English, it is interesting to observe
-what they were anterior to the French revolution, and to remark the
-state of the Italians before they awoke to the sense of their
-oppression, or, rather, while oppression was in exercise only of the
-first of its effects&mdash;the demoralisation of its victim, before the
-second stage of its influence, that of producing a noble and impatient
-disdain of servitude.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Carlo Goldoni was born at Venice, in the year 1707, in a large and good
-house, situated between the bridge of Nomboli and that of Donna Onesta.
-The Venetians, who, when on land, spend their lives in running up and
-down the bridges that cross the canals, make them the chief land-marks
-of their directions. The family of Goldoni came originally from Modena.
-His grandfather, while studying at Parma, formed an intimacy with two
-Venetian nobles, who persuaded him to accompany them to Venice; and the
-death of his father rendering him soon after independent, he established
-himself in the native city of his friends. He had an employment under
-government, and was sufficiently rich, but not at all economical. He
-loved the drama; comedies were played in his own house; the most
-celebrated actors and singers were at his orders; and he was for ever
-surrounded by a concourse of theatrical people. His son had married a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">{Pg 213}</a></span>
-lady of the Salvioni family, and resided with his father. Carlo was
-born in the midst of all the bustle and hilarity attendant on a
-predilection for actors and acting: his first pleasures were derived
-from plays; his first recollections were of histrionic gaiety; and his
-future life retained the colouring imparted by the amusements of his
-early years.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He was the delight of the family. His mother devoted herself to his
-education, and his father to his amusement. He made a puppet theatre for
-him, and, with two or three friends, drew the cords and acted plays to
-the boy's infinite delight. But a change soon came over this holiday
-life. His grandfather died, in 1712, from the effects of a cold, caught
-at an assembly. His extravagance had dissipated his fortune; and, from
-abundance and luxury, the family fell into the narrowest circumstances.
-The prospects of the father of Goldoni were dark. He had no employment
-and no profession, and his inherited property was all sold or mortgaged.
-In the midst of this distress, his wife gave birth to a son: this added
-to the solicitude of the father; but, unwilling to be the prey of
-useless gnawing cares, he set out on a visit to Rome, for the sake of
-diverting his thoughts. His wife remained at home with her sister, and
-two sons. The second, never a favourite, was put out to nurse; and she
-devoted herself to Carlo. He was gentle, obedient, and quiet. At the age
-of four he could read and write and say his catechism; on which they
-gave him a tutor. He grew to love books, and made progress in grammar,
-geography, and arithmetic; but the old instinct survived, and plays were
-his favourite reading. There were a good many in his father's library:
-he pored over them at his leisure hours, copied the passages that
-pleased him most; and, incited by a noble hardihood, at the age of
-eight, wrote a comedy. Some laughed at it; his mother scolded and kissed
-him at the same time; while others insisted that it was too clever to
-have been written by a child of his age, and that his tutor must have
-helped him.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">{Pg 214}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Meanwhile his father, instead of returning after a short visit, remained
-four years at Rome. He had a rich friend there, who received him
-cordially, lodged him in his own house, and introduced him to Lancisi,
-physician and private attendant to Clement XI. He attached himself
-warmly to Goldoni, who was clever and agreeable, and sought to advance
-himself. Lancisi advised him to study medicine. The advice was taken.
-After attending lectures and hospitals for four years at Rome, he took
-his doctor's degree; and his patron sent him to Perugia to exercise his
-profession. He became in vogue in this town: if he were not the best
-physician in the world, he was an agreeable man, and quickly gained the
-esteem and friendship of the first families. Thus fortunately situated,
-he resolved to have his son with him. He does not appear to have thought
-of inviting his wife also; and the mother and child were separated, to
-the deep grief of the former. Carlo quitted Venice for the first time,
-in a felucca. He disembarked at the mouth of the Marecchia, and it was
-proposed that he should continue his journey on horseback. Carlo had
-never seen a horse except at a distance: he was frightened when placed
-on the saddle, confused when told to hold reins and whip; but, as the
-novelty wore off, he made acquaintance with this new and strange animal,
-and fed him with his own hands.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On arriving at Perugia he was placed at school. His first trial by the
-masters, for the purpose of judging what progress he had made in Latin,
-was infelicitous; he became the ridicule of his companions; his masters
-conceived a slight opinion of his abilities; his father was in despair,
-and Carlo fell ill from mortification. The holidays drew near, when it
-was usual for the scholars to present a Latin composition, as a specimen
-of their powers, on which their advancement to a higher class was
-determined upon. Carlo had no hope of any such promotion. The day came:
-the master gave out the theme; the pupils wrote. The boy summoned all
-his powers; he thought of his honour, his father, his mother; he saw his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">{Pg 215}</a></span>
-companions look at him and laugh; rage and shame animated him to
-redoubled exertions; he felt his memory clear&mdash;his thoughts free: he
-finished, sealed, and delivered his paper before any of his comrades.
-Eight days after, the school was assembled&mdash;the decision announced:
-Goldoni had the first place&mdash;his translation was without a fault. He
-now received compliments on all sides, and his father was desirous of
-rewarding him. He was aware of his love for theatricals, and shared it.
-He assembled a company of young actors in his own house, and erected a
-theatre. A play was got up, in which Goldoni took the part of prima
-donna, and was much applauded; but his father told him that, though not
-devoid of talent, he would never make a good actor, and after experience
-proved the justice of his decision.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The signora Goldoni bore her husband's absence very philosophically; but
-she could not consent to continue separated from her son: she entreated
-her husband to return; and, on his refusal, removed herself to Perugia.
-But, accustomed to the soft air of Venice, the climate of that city,
-placed on the summit of a hill, and surrounded by mountains, disagreed
-with her: other circumstances tended to disgust her husband with
-Perugia; and, as soon as Carlo had finished his course of education at
-the school, they resolved to return to Venice. Passing through Rimini in
-their way, they were received kindly by a friend, who persuaded them to
-leave Carlo for the sake of his pursuing his studies under a celebrated
-professor. His parents embarked for Chiozza. Chiozza is a town
-twenty-five miles from Venice, built, like that city, upon piles in the
-midst of the sea; it contains 40,000 inhabitants; the population were
-divided between rich and poor; the rich wore a wig and a cloak; the
-poor, a cap and a capote. These last, who were fishermen and sailors,
-while their wives fabricated lace, had often more money than many
-individuals of the class named rich. The signora Goldoni took a liking
-to this place; and her husband was averse to return to Venice till his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">{Pg 216}</a></span>
-circumstances should have become more easy. To further this end, he was
-obliged to make a journey to Modena: he proposed to his wife to
-establish herself at Chiozza till his return; and she consented.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Carlo, meanwhile, remained at Rimini. He did not like his master, who,
-bigotted to rules and systems, wearied him to death: he escaped from
-him, to read Plautus, Terence, Aristophanes, and the fragments of
-Menander; and soon the incarnate spirit of drama arriving at Rimini, he
-was wholly turned from his abstruser studies. A company of actors made
-their appearance, and Goldoni became familiar with them: he went behind
-the scenes; joined in their parties of pleasure; and they, being all
-Venetians, were happy to find a countryman. One Friday it was announced
-that they were leaving Rimini, and that a boat was engaged to carry them
-to Chiozza. "To Chiozza!" said Carlo, "My mother is at
-Chiozza!"&mdash;"Come with us, then," cried the director. "Yes, come
-with us," cried the whole company, "come in our boat; you will have a
-pleasant passage; it will cost you nothing: we shall laugh, dance, and
-sing, and be as happy as the day is long." A boy of fourteen could
-scarcely resist so strong a temptation. His master refused leave, and
-the friends of his family interfered with objections. There was but one
-resource: Carlo put two shirts in his pocket, and hurried to hide
-himself in the boat. It made sail, and he was on his way to Chiozza. The
-light-hearted rambling life of strolling comedians was alluring beyond
-measure to a mirthful lad, who loved plays better than any thing in the
-world. The company consisted of twelve, besides scene-shifters,
-mechanists, and prompters; there were eight men servants, and four
-women, two nurses, a quantity of children, dogs, cats, apes, parrots,
-birds, pigeons, and a lamb. The prima donna was ugly, clever, and cross;
-the suicidical drowning of her cat diversified the time; and, after a
-prosperous and merry voyage, the whole cargo, with the exception of poor
-puss, arrived safe at Chiozza.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">{Pg 217}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The signora Goldoni received her son with a mixture of gladness and
-scolding, which evinced no violent disapprobation of his truant
-disposition; but he himself began to regret it, and to reflect seriously
-on the consequences, when he read a letter just received from his
-father. Business had taken Goldoni from Modena to Pavia. The governor of
-Pavia was named the marchese di Goldoni-Vidoni. On hearing of the
-arrival of a namesake in his town, he sent for him, and invited him to
-dinner. The governor belonged to one of the best families of Cremona;
-but he considered that Cremona and Modena were not far distant from each
-other, and he had the whim of finding out and assisting a poor relation:
-he promised to get a presentation for Carlo to a college of the
-university of Pavia, and the father gladly consented to accept it. He
-set out to seek his son with this news, and found him sooner than he
-expected, and was by no means pleased at a scrape which promised little
-for his future steadiness; but Carlo was penitent, and Goldoni gloved
-actors, and was acquainted with several of this very company in
-question: so, good easy man! he forgave the runaway, and accompanied him
-to thank the companions of his voyage.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Goldoni's fame as a physician had spread to Chiozza, and he found it
-worth his while to establish himself, and to enter upon practice there:
-while waiting for the presentation for the university of Pavia, he
-resolved to initiate his son in the rudiments of a profession which he
-intended him hereafter to pursue. He did not put him to the more
-difficult part of the medical science; but made him accompany him in his
-visits to his patients, as the easiest mode of giving him a superficial
-knowledge. Carlo did not like this plan, though he was forced to submit.
-But passive obedience of will does not conquer the mind: with all his
-gaiety, the youth was subject to fits of hypochondria and low spirits,
-and under the paternal discipline he lost his appetite, and grew thin
-and serious. His mother easily extracted from him the cause of his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">{Pg 218}</a></span>
-dejection, and sought to bring a remedy. She represented to her husband,
-that the patronage of the marchese Goldoni could be of no possible
-service to their son in a medical career; while, on the contrary, if
-they brought him up to the bar, a senator of Milan could without
-difficulty open to him the road of fortune. She advised his going to
-study under an uncle at Venice, proposing to accompany him herself, and
-to stay with him till his removal to Pavia. Goldoni resisted for a long
-time, but at last he became aware that her representations were
-reasonable: poor Carlo listened to the discussion with tearful eyes and
-a beating heart; and his indisposition vanished as soon as his father's
-consent was given. Four days after, he and his mother set out for
-Venice. They were kindly received by signor Paolo Indric, who had
-married his father's sister; and Carlo found his home with him perfectly
-delightful. The study of law was infinitely to be preferred to his
-father's medical initiation at Chiozza; he fulfilled his duties with
-exactitude, and his uncle was satisfied with him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Meanwhile he enjoyed his residence at Venice. "Oh! la triste ville que
-Vénice!" Madame de Genlis exclaimed, on entering the sea-paved city.
-Scarcely any but a French person would echo her exclamation; and <i>we</i>,
-who people the palaces and bridges with the shades of Othello,
-Desdemona, Pierre, and Belvidera, find a peculiar charm in its strange
-and beautiful appearance. There is something charming to the imagination
-in the wide-spread lagunes, in the palaces rising from the waves, the
-sea that flows through the streets, and the sombre-looking but luxurious
-gondolas: no picture, no description, can convey an idea of Venice, that
-is, of the impression made by its singular aspect, and the modes and
-machinery of daily life&mdash;dissimilar to those of every other city in
-the world. The young Goldoni, as a native, yet returning to it after so
-long an absence, was enchanted by the novelty of all he saw. His stay,
-however, was short; the presentation to a College at Pavia arrived: he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">{Pg 219}</a></span>
-was forced to quit Venice; and, after a harried visit to Chiozza to join
-his father, they set out together.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote1">1723.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-16.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-On arriving at Milan, several obstacles presented themselves to impede
-his entrance into the university, which, being under clerical
-jurisdiction, required a number of attestations and documents, with
-which the travellers were wholly unprovided, and which could only be
-obtained at Venice. Signora Goldoni hastened thither to get them, while
-the father and son enjoyed themselves at Milan, hospitably entertained
-by their kind and noble soi-disant relation; till, the necessary papers
-having arrived, they pursued their way to Pavia, and Goldoni left his
-son at his college.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The university of Pavia was on a more expensive and luxurious footing
-than is usual in Italy, and dissipation and liberty were the order of
-the day. The students were regarded in the town like officers in
-garrison: the men hated, and the women welcomed them; while the studies
-principally followed up were dancing, fencing, music, and games of
-hazard: the latter were prohibited, and, therefore, the more sought
-after. Carlo's youth, gaiety, and Venetian dialect pleased generally;
-and he easily suffered himself to be seduced from study to pleasure.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His success caused him to make many enemies among his fellow-students,
-augmented by the distinction derived from the kindness of the marchese
-Goldoni; still he passed two years happily enough, returning to Chiozza
-during the vacations, and spending his time between unforced studies and
-pleasant society. But misfortune was at hand to blight his happiness.
-The time approached when he was to take his degree; and this very moment
-was seized upon by his college enemies to ensure his disgrace. He had
-been admitted into the university at sixteen: the legal age was
-eighteen. He was a boy among men, and an easy prey. A serious quarrel
-arose between the inhabitants of Pavia and the students: four among the
-latter, who had conspired to ruin poor Carlo, persuaded him to revenge
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">{Pg 220}</a></span>
-himself and his comrades by a satire. The verses of which he was the
-author attacked and insulted many families: his four false friends
-dispersed them and betrayed him: the outcry was prodigious; and, despite
-every exertion made by his protectors, Goldoni was expelled. The youth
-repented very bitterly at once his imprudence and the easiness of his
-disposition. Shame and regret overwhelmed him, and the idea of his
-parents' reproaches filled him with terror. To escape these he meditated
-plans of flight, resolving to seek his fortunes at Rome. It appeared of
-slight import to him that he should go on foot without money or
-resources, so that he could fly from those who were justly offended.
-This idea was frustrated by the vigilance of those about him: he was
-sent back to his family under the especial care of the master of the
-boat, who never lost sight of him; and a good monk, who was a passenger
-with him, comforted him by his pious but kind admonitions. His mother's
-affection and his father's easiness of nature led them to pardon his
-fault, from which he had suffered severely enough. A few days after he
-accompanied his father to Friuli. Goldoni exercised his profession as
-physician at Udine, and Carlo studied the law under an eminent advocate;
-after a short time, the former proceeded to Gorizia, to the house of
-count Landieri, lieutenant-general of the army of the emperor Charles
-VI. The count was ill, and having heard of the skill of Goldoni, sent
-for him. Carlo, left behind at Udine, got into several youthful scrapes,
-very little to his credit: he found himself deceived and betrayed; and,
-fearing a dangerous termination, he hurried away, and found his father
-at Vispack, where count Landieri had a mansion. They remained there for
-some months, till the count was convalescent, hospitably entertained,
-and very happy. A dramatic puppet-show was got up, which exercised the
-theatrical talents of Carlo; and afterwards he made a tour to Laubeck,
-Gratz, and Trieste, with the count's secretary. On his return to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">{Pg 221}</a></span>
-Vispack, he and his father set off on their journey home, the latter
-having happily effected the cure of his patient, who rewarded him
-handsomely for his trouble. "We arrived at Chiozza," said Goldoni, "and
-were received as a fond mother receives a son, and a wife a beloved
-husband, after a long absence. I was delighted to see again a virtuous
-mother who was tenderly attached to me. After having been deceived and
-betrayed, I needed the consolation of being loved. This, indeed, was
-another species of attachment, but, until I felt a virtuous and
-engrossing passion, my mother's love formed my greatest happiness." Soon
-after his arrival at Chiozza, his father received a letter from a cousin
-at Modena, to inform him that the duke of that state had revived an
-ancient decree, which forbade the possessor of any landed property
-within it, to absent himself without an express permission from the
-sovereign, which it was very expensive to obtain. This relation added,
-that his best course would be to send his son to Modena, which would
-satisfy the law, and he might there pursue his legal studies. The advice
-was followed, and the youth sent to Modena.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He went by water; and the master of the boat was a very religious man:
-each evening he invited the passengers to join him in prayers. When
-Goldoni arrived at Modena, this man, whose name was Bastia, asked him
-where he meant to lodge, and, learning that he had his lodgings to seek,
-asked him to select his house as his place of abode; and, with the
-assent of his cousin, who had been the cause of his journey, Goldoni
-agreed to the proposal. He found that the family of Bastia was equally
-devout with himself; father, sons, and daughters, all were given up to
-pious exercises. No great amusement could be derived from their society;
-but, as they were respectable people, and lived in concord, Goldoni was
-satisfied and happy under their roof. He grew as religiously inclined as
-themselves, while, as is often the case in youth, this sentiment was
-accompanied by feelings of despondency and even terror. One day he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">{Pg 222}</a></span>
-happened to pass through the public square while an unfortunate
-churchman was doing public penance for his conduct towards a female
-penitent. The sight struck him in the most painful manner: he brought it
-home to his own heart; he thought of his past life, his expulsion from
-college, his adventures in Friuli: the world seemed beset with
-multiplied dangers, and there was no refuge from them, except in total
-retirement. He wrote to his parents to express a part of these feelings,
-and to declare his resolve of entering the order of Capuchin monks. His
-parents acted on this occasion with prudence: they were both, especially
-his mother, pious, but without bigotry. They wrote in answer, that he
-should do exactly as he pleased, but in the mean time entreated him to
-return to them without delay. He immediately obeyed: he was received
-with caresses, and no opposition was made to his project. His father
-proposed to take him to Venice, and he refused with that boldness which
-the fancy of acting in immediate obedience to God, alone inspires; but,
-on being told that he was to be introduced to the guardian of the
-Capuchins, he consented. They went to Venice, visited their relations
-and friends, dining with one and supping with another: he was even
-tricked into going to the theatre. His low spirits and ascetic vocation
-vanished insensibly, and he returned to Chiozza cured of every wish to
-shut himself up in a cloister.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It became matter of anxiety to know what to do with him. His brother, an
-adventurous, gallant youth, had entered the army, and was in garrison.
-But Carlo was nothing; the plaything of fortune, all the expense gone to
-on his account had been of no avail; the only resource seemed to be to
-obtain an employment under government; and, at the moment when it
-appeared impossible to succeed in so doing, one presented itself to
-them. The republic of Venice governed the towns under their dominion
-through an officer called a podestà, who had under him a chancellor, or
-criminal judge, who was assisted in his duties by a vice-chancellor, or,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">{Pg 223}</a></span>
-as he was called, a coadjutor; and where there was much to do, this
-officer also had an assistant. These places were more or less lucrative,
-but were always desirable, since they included the privilege of dining
-at the governor's table, and making one of his society. The father of
-Goldoni was intimately acquainted with the governor of Chiozza, and with
-the judge, and through their means Carlo was employed to assist the
-coadjutor.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Goldoni was not of a noble and enterprising disposition, but he
-possessed great integrity, and that habit of scrupulously examining his
-own motives, and those of others, which makes a part of the nature of
-one whose bent it was to enter into and describe character. On this
-occasion he was earnest to do his duty, and interested to observe the
-variety of human action and motive, which presented themselves to his
-enquiry in the exercise of his office as assistant to the criminal
-judge. He acquitted himself to the satisfaction of his superiors; and,
-when the governor of Chiozza was changed, and the chancellor was
-appointed to go to Feltri, the latter offered Goldoni the place of
-coadjutor, which was eagerly accepted.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Feltri is at a distance of 180 miles from Venice, high up among the
-mountains, whose snows besiege it during the winter, and block up the
-streets and houses. Goldoni found plenty of amusement here, for there
-was a company of comedians; and he also fell in love. He assures us that
-this was his first passion, and a sincere one; but the future writer of
-comedies had not that tenderness and passion of soul which creates a
-profound and engrossing attachment. He made parties of pleasure for the
-lovely girl, who returned his affection, and got up a tragedy for her
-amusement, which did not amuse her at all; for, too bashful to act
-herself, with all the delicacy of love, she was pained at witnessing her
-lover's familiar conduct with other women. "Poor girl!" exclaims
-Goldoni, with naïveté; "she loved me tenderly and sincerely, and I
-loved her with all my heart; and I may say that she was the first person
-for whom I felt a sincere attachment. She was desirous of marrying me;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">{Pg 224}</a></span>
-and would have become my wife, but for some considerations which
-prevented my proposing for her." These considerations were a notion he
-formed that her beauty was of a delicate, evanescent species, and that
-she would soon fade and become old, while he remained in the pride of
-youth. Such was the force of his first passion, that it was at once
-overcome by selfish foresight, and the habit, innate in him, of
-dissecting the materials of life, despoiling them of their sunny gloss,
-and handling the most frail, yet precious, among them with a roughness
-that iron and rock could not have resisted. This dry, analytical spirit
-is very apparent in his comedies: he dignifies it with the name of
-morality and honour; but its root is often in coldness and tameness of
-feeling and fancy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On his return from Feltri his father had accepted a medical situation at
-Bagnacavallo, a town of Romagna, near Ravenna. Carlo joined him; but,
-after a short time, the elder Goldoni fell ill of a malignant fever, and
-died in the month of March, 1731, when his son was four and twenty years
-of age. He was sincerely lamented by his wife and son, who wept together
-over their loss. As soon as the funeral was over, Goldoni accompanied
-the widow to Venice, and established her with her sister at the house of
-a relation. She was most anxious to have her son resident with her, and
-her persuasions, and those of other friends, induced him to yield, and
-to enter on the profession of barrister at Venice. The profession of
-advocate at Venice was exceedingly honourable; the first men of the city
-practised it: but there were 240 registered barristers, and few among
-them rose to eminence; the rest spent their time in running after
-briefs. Goldoni, however, was of a sanguine disposition, and did not
-doubt that he should rank among the most celebrated pleaders at the bar.
-He calculated how much could be gained, and found that a barrister might
-make an income of 2000<i>l</i>. a year,&mdash;a large fortune at Venice,
-which at that time, before it fell under the Austrians, whose aim is to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">{Pg 225}</a></span>
-ruin it by the imposition of a vexatious taxation, was one of the cheapest
-places in the world. It is true that the beginning of a forensic career
-is in all countries trying to the patience; and, while Goldoni indulged
-in castles in the air with regard to future eminence, he spent his time
-attending the courts without a brief, or in waiting for clients, who did
-not appear: still he might hope for better success than the major part
-of his brethren of the robe, since, during the first six months of his
-being at the bar, he carried on and won a cause; but his destiny
-concurred with the genius still unformed and dormant within him to draw
-him another way.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the very moment of triumph on gaining his suit, and when he might
-fairly hope for an influx of clients, an incident occurred to destroy
-his prospects, causing him to form the resolution to quit Venice.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He had fallen in love with a lady at Venice, who, though forty years of
-age, was as fair and beautiful as a girl. She was rich and unmarried:
-the affection was mutual, and he already looked forward to their union,
-when the attentions of a noble awakening the ambition of the lady, she
-jilted him for his patrician rival. This lady had a married sister with
-two daughters, one deformed and the other ugly, but not without
-attraction; she had beautiful eyes, a laughing countenance, and
-graceful, fascinating manners. She had often deprived her beautiful aunt
-of lovers, and inspired her with jealousy. She tried to win Goldoni from
-her; and, on her tergiversation, vengeance induced him to make the niece
-an offer. Her mother entered into her plans, and the contract of
-marriage was drawn up and signed; but when the moment came to fulfil it,
-a variety of doubts presented themselves to Goldoni's mind. He was
-himself in debt, and several years must pass before he could hope to
-make an income at the bar. The mother of his promised bride was wholly
-unable to fulfil the conditions of the marriage contract, and he found
-that he should be burdened with the expense of his wife's family. He
-consulted his mother, and his own sense of prudence: he had become very
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">{Pg 226}</a></span>
-much in love but, in his light heart, every motive and impulsa was
-stronger than the strongest affection: frightened at the prospect before
-him, he made a sudden determination; paid his debts, threw up his
-profession, and quitted Venice; leaving a letter for the unfortunate
-girl's mother, attributing to her his sudden departure, and promising to
-return if she would fulfil the conditions of the contract. He received
-no answer.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Again he was thrown on the world, and all his prospects of future
-subsistence were centred in a tragedy, called "Amalassunta," which he
-had written in his leisure hours. It has been mentioned how, born amidst
-theatricals, his early pleasures had all been derived from plays. When
-he first went to Pavia, he had studied the ancient drama; and, finding
-that Italy had no theatre, he had already conceived the idea of
-bestowing one on her, on a more enlarged plan, more intricate as to
-plot, and more diversified as to character, than those of Plautus and
-Terence. In the course of his youth, to get up a play was his chief
-pleasure; and now, with "Amalassunta" in his pocket, he felt sure that
-his fortune would be made at Milan, at the theatre of which city he
-intended to offer it; and, with this expectation, his happy disposition
-caused him easily to forget prospects, friends, love, and
-disappointments,&mdash;all but his mother; while the pleasure of freedom
-easily consoled him for the loss of his bride.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Poor and almost friendless, the first piece of good fortune that
-happened to him was finding at Bergamo the noble who had been governor
-at Chiozza when he was vice-chancellor. He presented himself at his
-palace, and was kindly received. The governor perceiving that he was
-depressed in spirits, enquired the cause: and Goldoni confessed that he
-was penniless: his kind protector offered him his purse and a home at
-his house. Goldoni contented himself with borrowing ten sequins, and, in
-lieu of the latter offer, asked for letters of introduction at Milan,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">{Pg 227}</a></span>
-which were instantly given him. These served him in good stead in that
-capital. The Venetian resident received him kindly, asked the object of
-his journey, and, when Goldoni had recounted his adventure, offered to
-lend him money, which was declined.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Amalassunta" was the anchor of his hope, and he lost no time in seeking
-the actors and directors of the theatre. He paid a visit to the first
-ballerina, whom he had formerly known, and offered to read his opera to
-her circle of actors, and musicians, and theatrical patrons. His offer
-was accepted: he took the manuscript from his pocket, and
-commenced&mdash;"Amalassunta!" The chief actor, Caffariello, began to
-object, in the first place, to so long and ridiculous a name. Every one
-joined in the laugh thus raised, except the poor author, who went on to
-read the list of dramatis personæ. New censure followed the too great
-number of persons introduced; and, when it was found that the opera
-commenced by a scene between the two principal actors, he was told that
-would never do: the chief singers would never consent to begin during all
-the bustle of the first entrance of the audience. The criticisms multiplied
-as he went on, till a kind amateur, count Prata, took him by the hand,
-and, leading him into another room, asked him to read the opera to him
-alone. Poor Goldoni consented, and the whole piece was gone through.
-When finished, the count pointed out its defects, not with regard to
-plot and situation, but to operatic rules; how he had given airs of
-passion and interest to secondary personages, and curtailed the first of
-what they considered their just proportion. The count would have gone on
-to find more fault, but Goldoni begged him to take no more trouble, and
-took his leave. He returned, mortified and miserable, to his inn. His
-first impulse was to burn his unlucky opera. The waiter asked him if he
-would sup. "No," he replied, "no supper, only a good fire." While this
-was making, he looked over his poor "Amalassunta:" it appeared to him
-very beautiful, and worthy of a better fate: the actors were in fault,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">{Pg 228}</a></span>
-not it. Yet; after all his pains, his hopes were fallen; and, in a fit
-of desperation, he cast it on the flaming brands, glad to see it burn,
-and busy in collecting all the fragments, that none might escape
-destruction. While thus employed, he began to recollect that no disaster
-which had yet happened to him, had ever caused him to go to bed
-supperless. He recalled the waiter, ordered his repast, ate it with a
-good appetite, and went to bed to sleep till morning. It is no wonder
-that love could exercise so little power over so well-regulated an
-appetite!
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The next morning he was obliged to reflect seriously on his desperate
-situation, and he paid Signor Bartolini, the Venetian resident, a visit,
-that he might consult with him. He asked for a private interview, and it
-was granted; and then he related the occurrences of the previous
-evening, the impertinent criticisms of the actors, and the decisive
-judgment passed by count Prata, and ended by declaring that he was
-totally at a loss what to do. Bartolini laughed at his recital, and
-asked to see the opera. "The opera?" cried Goldoni, "I have not got
-it!"&mdash;"Where is it, then?"&mdash;"I burnt it; and with it my hopes, my
-possessions, and my whole fortune." The minister laughed still more at this
-<i>dénouement</i>, and ended by offering him the situation of gentleman
-in his palace, with a good suite of rooms. Goldoni now found that he had
-gained by his loss: without doubt, as he declares himself, he was a
-lucky man, and it was his own fault whenever he fell into misfortune.
-Yet he did this so frequently, that the best part of his luck was that
-cheerful buoyant disposition which never allowed him to be overwhelmed
-by adversity, and an integrity that always kept him from any
-dishonourable scrape.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Amalassunta" was burnt, but Goldoni's predilection for theatricals
-continued as strong as ever. There arrived at Milan a singular man,
-named Buonafede Vitali, who had talents and knowledge enough to practise
-as a regular physician, but who preferred strolling as a mountebank,
-under the name of the Anonymous. As a part of the paraphernalia of his
-trade, he had with him a company of comedians. Goldoni sought out this
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">{Pg 229}</a></span>
-man, who availed himself of his protection, to obtain leave for his
-company to act on the Milanese theatre. There were several good actors
-among them, but their representations were made on the old Italian plan.
-Goldoni was particularly scandalised by a travestie of the story of
-"Belisarius," given out as a tragedy; and, to prevent the future
-degradation of historical names and sentiments, he promised to write a
-tragedy on the subject, but was interrupted by events of greater moment.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The king of Sardinia allying himself with France against the Austrians,
-in the war of 1733, he sent an army of 15,000 men, to which was added
-some French troops, to occupy Milan. That city being too wide in circuit
-for defence, it was forced to receive the soldiers; who immediately
-entered on the siege of the citadel. On this event, the Venetian
-resident was ordered by his government to quit Milan, and to take up his
-abode at Crema: he had before quarrelled with his secretary, and he took
-this opportunity to dismiss him, and to install Goldoni in his place. He
-was now fully employed, and his situation was at once honourable and
-lucrative; but soon after he lost the good graces of the minister,
-though not from any fault of his own. His brother had quitted the
-Venetian service, and, seeking employment, visited him at Crema. He
-introduced him to the governor, who gave him the situation of gentleman
-of his chamber, formerly occupied by Goldoni; but both were violent and
-irritable, and they did not agree. The resident dismissed his gentleman,
-and no longer regarded Goldoni with the same favour as heretofore. They
-had a quarrel; Goldoni asked for his dismission, and set out for Modena,
-where his mother was residing.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The country through which he passed on his way was the seat of war;
-robbers took occasion of the unsettled state of the country, and the
-roads were unsafe: Goldoni was the sufferer; the little carriage in
-which he travelled was attacked by five men, who robbed him of his
-money, watch, and effects, while he escaped across the country, glad to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">{Pg 230}</a></span>
-preserve the clothes he had on. After running a long way, he came to an
-avenue of trees, by which flowed a rivulet. He drank of its waters in
-the hollow of his hand, and then, fatigued in body, but more composed in
-mind, he proceeded quietly along the avenue, till he encountered some
-peasants, to whom he related his misfortune, and who in return told him
-that there were a set of outlaws who took advantage of the war to attack
-not only travellers, but gentlemen's seats and cottages; while a number
-of men of some wealth near, who had formed themselves into a company to
-purchase the spoils of war, became their accomplices by becoming the
-purchasers of the stolen goods. "Such," exclaims Goldoni, "are the
-miseries of war, which fall alike upon friends and enemies, and ruin the
-innocent!" The sun was now declining, and the peasants offered Goldoni a
-part of their supper, of which, notwithstanding his disaster, he partook
-with appetite. They then guided him to a village, and recommended him to
-the care of the curate, who received him hospitably. To him he related
-his adventures, making his manuscript tragedy of "Belisarius," then in
-his pocket, the principal hero of the tale. He was invited to read it.
-The curate, two abbés, and the servants of the house, were his
-audience; and they all applauded it with enthusiasm. The offers and
-kindness of these good simple-hearted people filled Goldoni with
-gratitude. Unwilling, however, to burden them with his maintenance, he
-hastened to take leave; the curate lent him his horse, and sent his
-servant with him to defray the expenses of the day's journey to Brescia.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From Brescia, Goldoni proceeded to Verona. He was in a deplorable
-situation; he only possessed a few sequins, lent him by an adventurer
-whom he met by accident at Brescia; but with "Belisarius" in his pocket,
-he did not fear the enmity of fortune, and "Belisarius" did not prove so
-false a friend as "Amalassunta." When at Verona, he went to the
-celebrated amphitheatre, a portion of which was arranged as a theatre,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">{Pg 231}</a></span>
-and here a drama was about to be performed. To his infinite joy, he
-discovered in the principal actor a man who had formed one in the
-companions of the mountebank at Milan, and for whom he had promised to
-write "Belisarius." He instantly went behind the scenes, and was
-welcomed with joy. He was on the moment installed poet to the company.
-"Belisarius" was read, approved, and the parts distributed. In the month
-of September they proceeded to Venice. Goldoni was presented to the
-proprietor of the theatre, who received him with kindness. On the 24th
-of November, 1734, he being then twenty-seven years of age, "Belisarius"
-was acted, and met with the most complete success. All actors in Italy
-are strollers, and looked upon with a good deal of contempt. Goldoni
-might have been expected to regret the exchange he had made from the
-honourable profession of an advocate, for that of poet to a theatre; but
-his light heart and easy temper were not to be afflicted by trifles of
-this nature, and the talent that perpetually impelled him to take
-interest in theatricals, prevented him from feeling degraded by his
-association with the professors of the art: and their existence and all
-its vicissitudes bear another aspect under a sunny sky, and amidst a
-laughter-loving people, unspoilt by pride. Goldoni had much of the
-spirit of Gil Blas in his disposition, and possessed in his own person
-all the talent which belongs, not to the hero of that book, but its
-author. Several pieces, operas, and interludes of his were brought out;
-and in the spring he accompanied the actors to Padua and to Friuli,
-where, leaving them, he returned to Venice to see his mother, who had
-arrived there from Modena. His success as an author, and the talent he
-displayed, raised him in the estimation of his fellow-citizens. His
-relations crowded around him; and he repaid their kindness by relating
-his adventures to his old uncles and aunts, making those laugh, who had
-never laughed before. In September the actors returned to Venice, and he
-recommenced his labours, which were not all literary, but interspersed
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">{Pg 232}</a></span>
-by those occasioned by the jealousy of the actors, or rather of the
-actresses. After the winter season had passed, he consented to accompany
-the manager to Genoa and Florence, and was glad, without expense, to
-visit two of the most celebrated cities of Italy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He was delighted with the aspect of Genoa; and the first good fortune
-that happened to him, was to gain 200 crowns in the lottery; the second,
-to marry a girl, "who," he tells us, "was beautiful, virtuous, and
-prudent, and who, after all he had suffered from the treachery of women,
-reconciled him to the sex."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His acquaintance began in the true Italian style: he saw her at an
-opposite window, and, pleased with her appearance, saluted her. She
-curtsied, and hastily withdrew, nor again presenting herself at the
-window. His curiosity was thus excited; he made enquiries, and learnt
-that her father's name was Corrio; that he was a notary, with a large
-family and small fortune. He contrived to make acquaintance, and within
-a month asked permission to marry his daughter. The affair was soon
-concluded: he was married in July; and, omitting the promised visit to
-Florence, returned to Venice at the beginning of September.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Hitherto Goldoni's pieces had been rifaccimenti of old dramas.
-"Griselda," "Don Giovanni," and "Rinaldo di Mont' Albano," were
-melodramas or tragedies, written in the old style. But at this time,
-finding that the company of actors at Venice, through various changes,
-had become one of great excellence, he began to think the time arrived
-when he might enter on the reform of the Italian theatre, which he had
-long meditated: he commenced writing comedies of character, which are
-the genuine source of the dramatic merit, following the example of
-Molière, who had surpassed all ancient models, and even now stands
-alone, as the first comic writer in the world. "Was I wrong," he asks,
-"in presuming to enter upon such an undertaking? for my natural bent
-leading me to write comedies, excellence in the art was the proper aim
-of my endeavours."
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">{Pg 233}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The old comedy in Italy was on a singular system: there were four masks
-on which all the farcical incidents turned. Pantaloon, a Venetian
-merchant, who was the father of the heroine; a garrulous, kind-hearted
-old gentleman. The doctor, a Bolognese, also an old man, whose learning
-was opposed to Pantaloon's simplicity: and two Bergamese servants.
-Brighella and Harlequin. Brighella, a clever rogue; Harlequin, a greedy
-simpleton; his many-coloured clothes symbolising the poverty that forced
-a patched garment. The actors who filled these respective parts seldom
-played any others. It required ready wit and cleverness; for the plot
-only being sketched, and the scenes indicated, the dialogue was left to
-their own invention. Of course, no great refinement could be expected:
-practical tricks and broad jokes were sure to command the laughter and
-applause of the audience; while, there being in the Italian character
-something peculiarly adapted to extempore exercises of the intellect,
-and a vivacity that renders them good actors, many people regarded this
-rude but amusing effort at drama, as something at once so national and
-so genuine, as rendered it preferable to the studied productions of the
-closet. Goldoni, on the contrary, saw farce take place of comedy, and
-the whole action and conduct of the piece often sacrificed to the
-petulance of a favourite mask; while no real sentimental interest, nor
-any comic incident out of the common routine, could be introduced. He
-proceeded, however, slowly in the reform he meditated. At first writing
-only the more serious portions of his plays; then the parts of the masks
-themselves, and only after some time, and at intervals, dispensing with
-them altogether. Nor, at the time of which we are writing, did he bring
-out any of his best dramas; though those which he did produce were
-eminently successful.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To add to the respectability, and, as he hoped, to the emoluments of his
-situation, the relations of his wife obtained for him the Genoese
-consulship at Venice. This office, however, turned out more honourable
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">{Pg 234}</a></span>
-than lucrative: no salary attended it, and the fees did not amount to
-more than 100 crowns a year. To do the republic he served honour, he had
-taken a better house and increased his number of servants, and found
-himself considerably embarrassed. To add to these annoyances, his income
-from Modena failed him; and he came to a resolution to make a journey,
-with the triple object of bringing out a comedy with a part for a
-favourite actress at Bologna, to solicit a salary at Genoa, and to look
-after his possessions at Modena: the first object failed before he set
-out, through the sudden death of the actress, while an unexpected
-disaster rendered the two latter even more imperative than before. His
-brother, who was out of employ, introduced to him a Ragusan of agreeable
-and gentlemanly manners. He asserted that he was sent on the secret
-service of raising a regiment of 2000 men for his state. He showed his
-commission as colonel, offered a company to Goldoni's brother, and the
-office of auditor, or judge, to the author. Goldoni, always
-easy-tempered and credulous, though a little frightened by the danger
-incurred if the Venetian state should come to suspect these proceedings,
-was soon talked over, and, on an alleged emergency, lent the man a large
-sum of money. The fellow was an adventurer: he ran off with the money,
-and left Goldoni so disagreeably implicated by his tricks, that he
-judged that his only resource was to quit Venice on the instant. The
-Ragusan had disappeared on the 15th of September, and on the 18th of the
-same month Goldoni and his wife embarked for Bologna.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1741.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-34.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-Their journey was full of "many accidents of flood and field." The
-melancholy and thoughtfulness occasioned by his disaster vanished under
-the influence of his happy temperament; and his wife was even better
-skilled than he in that best philosophy which makes light of worldly
-misfortunes. On their arrival at Bologna, he was surrounded by the
-directors of theatres, who asked for comedies. He gave them three, and
-wrote another on the subject of the Ragusan swindler, in which he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">{Pg 235}</a></span>
-comforted himself, and dissipated the rest of his regrets, by
-representing to the life all the actors in that too real drama. This
-task concluded, he was about to proceed to Modena, when he heard that
-the duke was absent at the Spanish camp at Rimini, and that his best
-chance of pursuing his claims was to accompany Ferramonti, a celebrated
-pantaloon, to the latter town; where, in default of justice being done
-him by his sovereign, he might have a further resource in the company of
-actors to which this comedian belonged. This latter staff turned out the
-stoutest of the two: the duke changed the conversation when Goldoni
-mentioned his claims on the ducal bank; but as long as the carnival
-lasted, he supplied the actors with dramas, and lived a comfortable life
-at Rimini. At length it became necessary to depart for Genoa. The armies
-which then occupied the country rendered it impossible to get horses;
-and he and some other travellers agreed to embark for Pesaro. The sea
-was high, the passengers suffered: weary of their sea voyage, they
-disembarked half way, at Cattolica, and, leaving their effects to the
-care of servants, proceeded in a cart to Pesaro.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A new misfortune here awaited him. The Spanish army had changed
-quarters, and were replaced by their enemies, the Austrians. The
-soldiers entered Cattolica, and seized on the boat, the servants, and
-the effects of the unlucky passengers. All was lost: trunks and
-band-boxes, dresses and jewels, were the spoil of the ravagers: even the
-signora Goldoni was moved by so overwhelming a calamity: but some remedy
-was to be found. Goldoni resolved to apply in person to the Austrian
-officers for the restitution of his property; and his wife, with great
-cheerfulness, prepared to accompany him. Pesaro is ten miles distant
-from Cattolica: with great difficulty they hired a carriage to take
-them. The vetturino was very averse to the job, but showed no signs of
-discontent. When three miles from Pesaro, the pair alighted to walk a
-short distance; and the cunning fellow, seizing the opportunity, turned
-his horses' heads, and gallopped back to Pesaro, leaving them in the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">{Pg 236}</a></span>
-middle of the road. No house, no living being was to be seen; the
-inhabitants had fled on the arrival of the armies. Signora Goldoni began
-to cry. "Courage!" said the husband; "it is but six miles to Cattolica:
-we are young and strong; it will not do to turn back; let us walk on."
-The journey was not, however, an easy one; the road was crossed by
-several torrents, and the bridges were broken. Goldoni carried his wife
-over the swollen streams; but they had been obliged to make a circuit in
-search of a ford, and found themselves fatigued beyond measure. At
-length they arrived at the first advanced post of the Austrians. Goldoni
-presented the passport with which he came provided, and they were
-conducted to the commanding officer. The colonel at first took them for
-two wandering pedestrians; but, reading the passport, he made them sit
-down, and, looking kindly on them, said: "What, are you signor
-Goldoni?"&mdash;"Alas! Yes," replied the other. "Author of
-'Belisarius?'"&mdash;"I am indeed."&mdash;"And this lady is the signora
-Goldoni?"&mdash;"She is the last good I possess in the world."&mdash;"I
-hear you came on foot."&mdash;"Alas! sir, you heard the truth." Goldoni
-now explained the nature of his expedition, and the officer reassured
-him: he restored his luggage, and liberated his servant, and, happy in
-the recovery of their property, Goldoni and his wife returned to Rimini.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After spending some weeks happily in this town, he set out on a tour
-through Tuscany, meaning to proceed afterwards to Genoa. He visited
-Florence, Siena, Volterra, and then arrived at Pisa. While walking
-about to see the "liens" of this town, he passed by a palace, and,
-perceiving that a great concourse of people were entering its gates, he
-looked through, and saw a large court, and the company all seated in a
-circle round. He asked a servant in livery, who waited, what the
-occasion was of so large an assembly. "That assembly," replied the man,
-"is a colony of the Arcadians of Rome, called the Alphean colony; that
-is, the colony of Alpheus, a celebrated river of Greece, which flows
-near the ancient Pisa of Aulis." Goldoni asked if he might make one of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">{Pg 237}</a></span>
-the audience, and the servant ushered him to a seat. After a variety of
-pieces of poetry had been read, he sent the servant round to ask if a
-stranger might be permitted to recite; and, on being answered in the
-affirmative, he repeated an old sonnet of his, which, with a little
-alteration, seemed extemporised à propos for the occasion. The Pisans,
-charmed at once by the compliment and the talent of the stranger,
-crowded round him. He made many acquaintances, was invited to their
-houses, and their cordial kindness seemed at one time to change the
-whole tenour of his life for ever. For, invited and pressed by them, and
-promised protection and patronage, he became a pleader once again, and
-for three years practised at the Pisan bar. Briefs flowed in, clients
-were numerous, all were satisfied, and Goldoni, content with his lot,
-abjured the theatre. He was too well known to be without temptations to
-break his resolution: actors wrote to him for plays, and he tried to
-refuse, and then, yielding to the desire, he wrote pieces for them in
-hours borrowed from sleep, and gave his days entire to his profession.
-Still law and the drama contended for him, and his heart was with the
-latter, though he tried to turn his back on her, and to devote himself
-to her rival. But he lost the game. A manager, named Mendebac, arrived
-at Pisa with a company. Goldoni went to see the representations. They
-acted his comedy of "La Donna di Garbo," which he considered his best
-piece: he had written it for a favourite actress; but she died, and he
-had never seen it acted. The wife of the manager was young, beautiful,
-and a good performer, and she took the part of the Donna di Garbo. It is
-difficult exactly to translate, in one word, this expression: as used by
-the Tuscans it means, the worthy woman&mdash;the woman whose conduct is
-upright and estimable. The heroine of the piece, however, deserves more
-the name of the cunning than the worthy; and her chief merit consists in
-her success. Rosaura is the daughter of a lace-maker of Pavia; and her
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">{Pg 238}</a></span>
-mother's house being frequented by many of the students and professors
-of the university, she acquires a good deal of the scholastic pedantry
-of the schools. She is seduced by a student, who deserts her; on which,
-for the sake of revenge, she gets, herself introduced as a servant into
-the house of his father, where, by pleasing every body, and adapting
-herself to their humours, and by great display of learning, she hopes to
-force her lover into a marriage, and succeeds. This is by no means one
-of the best of Goldoni's comedies, but it pleased on the stage; and on
-this occasion the principal part being filled up by the wife of the
-manager, who was a clever actress, it met with the greatest approbation.
-Goldoni, warmed by success, enticed by the offers of the manager, and
-drawn on by the instinctive bent of his disposition, suddenly resolved
-to leave Pisa and the profession which he was pursuing with so much
-advantage, and returning to Venice, to enter again on the task of
-writing comedies for its theatre. Such a determination was sufficiently
-strange and imprudent; but Goldoni's love for his art was such, that he
-never regretted the sacrifice he made; on the contrary, being now wholly
-devoted to the drama, his enthusiasm rose, and, filled with projects for
-its reform, he worked with an ardour, which was rewarded by success, and
-which inspired his best pieces.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is, perhaps, difficult for a person who has never visited Italy to
-enter with zest into all the merits of Goldoni. His perfect fidelity to
-nature, the ease of his dialogue, and the dramatic effect of his pieces,
-can only be entirely appreciated in the representation. The best of them
-have often a slight plot, but the interest is kept alive by the variety
-of the dialogue. It was only slowly, however, that he proceeded to the
-reform of the Italian comedy; the substitution of natural incident for
-violent and forced situations, and the higher properties of comedy for
-the mere burlesque of farce. Obliged to bring out his plays in quick
-succession, they are, of course, unequal, and did not meet always with
-the same approbation. Unfortunately, his first season ended with a piece
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">{Pg 239}</a></span>
-which had no success. The company for which he wrote, had to contend
-with others, longer established in the city; and; at the end of the
-carnival; these circumstances combined to afford a dreary prospect for
-the following year. At this moment Goldoni stepped forward in the most
-singular manner; to the assistance of the manager. He publicly promised
-sixteen new comedies for the next season; and the audience, wondering
-and anxious, instantly engaged all the boxes. His enemies ridiculed, his
-friends trembled for him; but he felt secure that he could fulfil his
-engagement, although at the moment he had not conceived the plot or plan
-of one of the promised sixteen.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This certainly was a great stretch of invention and mental labour. Out
-of the sixteen, for he completed the whole number, there were not more
-than three or four mediocre ones, and some were among his best. The
-"Donne Puntigliose," or Punctilious Ladies, is exceedingly amusing. A
-Sicilian trader's wife from the country, desires to be received among
-the noble ladies of Palermo: she contrives to get herself invited to
-small parties, where there are many men, and no lady except the mistress
-of the house; but finds it impossible to get admitted to their
-ceremonious assemblies. At last, an old countess, high-born, but poor,
-promises to give a ball, to which she shall be invited, on certain
-conditions, to which the low-born lady readily consents, though they
-draw rather largely on her purse. But to her consternation, as soon as
-she enters the ball-room, every woman flies as if she brought infection
-with her, and leaves her alone with her hostess. The punctilious
-scruples of those who try to make use of her without derogating from
-their own dignity, and who are ever ready to receive, but never to
-confer favours, form a very amusing picture of manners. "Pamela" was
-among the most successful of these pieces. Richardson's novel of
-"Pamela" is a great favourite with the Italians; and Goldoni was often
-asked to write a drama on the subject. As the Venetian laws are severe
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">{Pg 240}</a></span>
-against the children of a <i>mésalliance</i>, he considers the catastrophe
-of the novel as not inculcating a recommendable line of conduct. He,
-therefore, transformed Gaffer Andrews into a Scottish lord of the
-rebellion of '45, and gave Pamela good blood to render her marriage with
-her lover a commendable act on his part. This comedy had the greatest
-success. "The Donna Prudente" was equally a favourite. The story is
-founded on a jealous husband, afraid of ridicule, who is tortured by the
-attentions of the cavaliere servente of his wife, yet who dares not
-encounter the laughter that would ensue if he forbade the service. The
-prudent lady exerts herself with success to get rid of her cavaliere
-without its being supposed that her conduct arises from her husband's
-jealousy. The last of his sixteen was a purely Venetian subject, written
-almost entirely in the Venetian dialect: it is called "I Pettegollezzi,"
-or The Gossipings, and turns on the misfortunes brought on the heroine
-through the gossip of her female acquaintances. It was brought on the
-last day of carnival. "The concourse," Goldoni writes, "was so immense,
-that the price of the boxes was tripled and quadrupled; and the applause
-was so tumultuous, that those who passed near the theatre were uncertain
-whether the sound was that of mere plaudits, or of a general revolt. I
-remained tranquil in my box, surrounded by my friends, who cried for
-joy. When all was over, a crowd of people came for me, forced me to
-accompany them, and carried, or rather dragged, me to the Ridotto, and
-overwhelmed me with compliments, from which I would fain have escaped. I
-was too tired to support all this ceremony; and, besides, not knowing
-whence all this enthusiasm sprang, I was angry that the piece just
-represented should be more extolled than many others which were of
-greater merit. By degrees I discovered the true motive of the general
-acclamation: it celebrated the triumph of my fulfilled engagement."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Goldoni was now forty-three years of age. His invention had not yet
-fallen off, but he tried his strength too much. An illness was the
-consequence of this extraordinary exertion, and he felt the effects of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">{Pg 241}</a></span>
-it all his life after; yet during the ensuing season he brought out
-scarcely a smaller number, and, as he proceeded, attained a yet purer
-style of comedy; and he became the censor of the manners, and satirist
-of the follies, of his country. The peculiar system of what is called
-service, paid by gentlemen to the ladies of their choice, all over
-Italy, would have presented an ample field both for ridicule and
-reprehension, could he have ventured on it openly; but he was obliged to
-treat it with the same reserve, when bringing it on the stage, as is
-used when it is spoken of in society; and he could attack only the
-ridicule, not the real evils of the system. This comedy, called the
-"Villeggiatura," which turns on this subject, is particularly amusing;
-but it can scarcely be called an attack upon it. An Italian gentleman,
-returned lately from Paris, offers to serve a lady in the French manner:
-he is not to perform those thousand services required of the cavaliere
-servente, nor to attend on her, nor to be of any use or amusement to
-her: they are to be friends secretly; and, to preserve their friendship
-more sacredly, they must abstain from nearly all intercourse with each
-other. The lady, accustomed to be constantly waited upon, and to find in
-her cavaliere a resource against the ennui of solitude, is at a loss to
-understand the good that is to result from a negative of all the
-ordinary uses of friendship. The "Smanie della Villeggiatura" attacks
-another of the foibles of the Venetians. It is their custom, each
-autumn, to spend several weeks at their country seats; but, instead of
-this being a period of economy and retirement, it was the fashion to
-invite their friends, and to transport with them the dissipation of the
-city. Besides this, it being necessary, as a mark of fashion, to retire
-to a villa, those who were poor, and did not possess one, fancied
-themselves obliged to hire a house, and to go beyond their wealthier
-neighbours in the number of their guests and the splendour of their
-entertainments: nor can any idea be formed out of the country of the
-sort of fanaticism with which this custom was pursued; even to the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">{Pg 242}</a></span>
-bringing ruin on those who imagined themselves forced to so unnecessary
-an expense. Goldoni wrote three comedies on this subject: the first
-consisted in describing the preparations for the villeggiatura, or visit
-to the country. It has for its subject the difficulties of a a poor
-proud family, who were bent on following the general example; the
-thousand obstacles that rendered it almost impracticable; and the envy
-with which they view and vie with the preparations of their wealthier
-acquaintance. At length they depart triumphant, resolving to forget
-their debts and difficulties until their return. The second comedy
-consists of the adventures in the country; where, in the midst of
-gambling, pleasure, and apparent enjoyment, a thousand annoyances
-distract, and jealousy and envy prevent, all real happiness. The third
-comedy, of the return from the country, shows the unfortunate lovers of
-rural pleasures overwhelmed by debt; surrounded by a thousand
-difficulties, sprung up while there; and saved only, when on the verge
-of ruin, by a kind and prudent friend who assists them, on their promise
-never to undertake a villeggiatura again. These plays are without the
-masks, and give a perfect representation of Italian conversation and
-manners. As he wished to criticise the Venetians, he did not venture to
-place the scene at Venice; but the audience easily brought home to
-themselves the faults and follies of the Tuscans or Neapolitans. In thus
-making a detail of some of the best of his plays, it is impossible to do
-more than to indicate those which appear the best worth reading. The
-"Vedova Scaltra," or The Gay Widow, was a great favourite in Italy. A
-rich widow, with four lovers from four different nations, seeks from
-each a proof of love, and gives her hand to the Italian, who, by his
-jealousy, evinces, she imagines, the sincerest testimony of the tender
-passion. The "Feudatario" has in it more of farce than he usually
-admits, and is peculiarly amusing; as well as the "Donna del Maneggio,"
-or Managing Lady, whose avaricious husband, after incurring a thousand
-ridiculous disasters, ends by placing the disposal of his property in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">{Pg 243}</a></span>
-his wife's hands. It would be too long and uninteresting to enter on
-even this brief notice of more; but we may mention the titles of some of
-his best, to guide any one who wishes to read only a portion of the vast
-quantity he wrote: among these may be named "Il Cavaliere e la Dama,"
-"Il vero Amico," "La Moglie Saggia," "L'Avanturiere Onorato," "Molière
-e Terenzio," which he names himself as the favourite offspring of his
-pen.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He spent many years thus respectably and happily. He loved his wife and
-his domestic circle. The applause of a theatre perpetually ringing in
-his ears, he was gratified by the consciousness that he was reforming
-the national taste. Sometimes he was attacked for what he considered the
-chief merit of his dramas. The advocates of the old comedy condemned his
-new style as puerile and tame. He defended himself, and was satisfied
-that he obtained the victory. During the summer, when the theatres at
-Venice were closed, he visited the various cities of Italy; and his life
-was diversified, and his invention refreshed, by these occasional tours.
-He had reason to be dissatisfied with the manager, Mendebac, who had
-allured him from Pisa, as he not only was illiberal enough not to add to
-his salary on these extraordinary efforts, but appropriated the profits
-arising from the publication of his works. Goldoni was unwilling to
-enter into a lawsuit with him; he contented himself, therefore, by
-bringing out an edition of his play at Florence; and as soon as his five
-years' engagement with Mendebac was over, he transferred himself to the
-theatre of San Luca, on terms at once more advantageous and honourable.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-With some few reverses, attendant on an entire change of actors, and his
-ignorance of the peculiar abilities of the company, to which he was not
-accustomed, his career on this new stage was equally successful. He
-wrote several comedies in verse, which became peculiar favourites. This
-success was the occasion of his being invited to Rome during the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">{Pg 244}</a></span>
-carnival: but his dramas did not succeed so well there. The actors,
-unaccustomed to his style, were unable to give them with any effect, and
-the Roman audience called out for Puncinello.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1750, he received an offer from the French court of an engagement for
-two years, on very advantageous terms. Goldoni hesitated a little about
-accepting it. A few years before, his brother had returned to Venice, a
-widower, with two children. Goldoni gave up to him all his property in
-Modena, and adopted the children, having none of his own. He made a good
-income in Italy; but he had no provision for old age: still he was
-unwilling to leave his native country&mdash;whose climate and people were
-dear to him&mdash;where he was honoured, loved, and applauded. He made some
-enquiries with regard to the possibility of getting a pension from the
-Venetian government; but this appearing a vain hope, he considered it
-right to close with the offer of the king of France. He hesitated the
-more before taking this step, as, although the engagement in question
-was but for two years, he felt that, once in Paris, and acquiring an
-honourable maintenance, it was probable that he should never see Italy
-again.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During the carnival of 1761, the last pieces he wrote for the Venetian
-theatre were represented: one, the last acted, was a sort of allegorical
-leave-taking, which was so understood by the audience; and the
-acclamations and adieus of the public moved him to tears. He left Venice
-in April 1761, accompanied by his wife. His mother was dead; his niece
-he placed in a convent, under the superintendence of a respectable
-family at Venice; his nephew was soon to follow him. As he passed
-through Italy, on his way to France, he was received at the various
-towns with distinction and kindness. He spent some little time at Genoa,
-with his wife's relations, and then they proceeded by slow stages to
-Paris.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Goldoni's <i>débût</i> as an author in the French capital was not a happy
-one. The Italian comedians there were not accustomed to regular
-comedies, which they were to learn by heart, but to the old style of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">{Pg 245}</a></span>
-their native farce, where the plot and arrangement of the scenes were
-all that was written, and they filled up the dialogue themselves.
-Goldoni wrote two or three pieces for them on this plan without success.
-His stay in Paris was, however, decided by the post of Italian master to
-the daughters of Louis XV. being bestowed on him. He knew so little of
-French, that he gained as much knowledge from the princesses as he
-imparted to them. His salary was very slender, but it was increased in
-the sequel; and his nephew also was provided for by the post of Italian
-teacher in the military school.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Goldoni was charmed by the French actors; and his ambition was excited
-to write a comedy to be represented by the excellent comedians who then
-flourished. His desire was fulfilled to the utmost. He brought out "Le
-Bourru Bienfaisant," into which he endeavoured to instil the spirit of
-French dialogue and plot with great success; so that Voltaire praises it
-as the best French comedy written since Molière. He wrote another on
-the same plan; but it fell to the ground, and he at last desisted from
-adding to the immense number of pieces of which he is the author.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He lived tranquilly and content with his moderate means. His niece was
-married at Venice; his nephew settled happily at Paris. The revolution
-did not, fortunately, disturb the repose of his last years. The National
-Convention confirmed his pension to him, and continued it to his widow
-after his death. Goldoni died in the year 1792, at the age of
-eighty-five. No man was ever more born for the career which he pursued.
-His heart was excellent, and his disposition gay. He never allowed
-himself to be cast down by adversity, and met the attacks of his enemies
-with good humour, or such replies as caused the laugh to be on his side. He
-is numbered by his countrymen as among the best of their authors,&mdash;an
-opinion confirmed by all those sufficiently cognisant with the Italian
-language and manners to enter into the spirit of his compositions.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">{Pg 246}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="ALFIERI">ALFIERI</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1749-1803.</h4>
-
-<p>
-The Italian poets of the early ages were eminently distinguished for
-their patriotism. The haughty spirit of Dante burst forth into indignant
-denunciations against the oppressors of his country; the gentler, but
-not less fervent, Petrarch was never weary of adjuring its rulers to
-bestow upon it the blessings of justice and peace; and the latter years
-of Boccaccio's life were ennobled by his public services, and his
-earnest endeavours to implant a love and reverence for literature in the
-minds of his countrymen. The pages of Roman history and the writings of
-Roman poets made them proud of the country which had given them birth,
-and which added to its moral grandeur, of having been once the sovereign
-and civiliser of the world,&mdash;the natural affection inspired by its
-being, from its fertility, the diversity of its woods, lakes, and
-mountains, and surrounding sea, the most beautiful country upon earth.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The national spirit died away in after times. The devastating wars
-carried on in the Peninsula by France and the emperor, the rise of minor
-principalities, and the struggles of rival states, so excited the
-passions and absorbed the interests of the Italians, that they became
-incapable of enlarged views for the good of their country. The
-depressing influence of courtly servitude checked the free spirit of the
-writers; Ariosto and Tasso were both conspicuous for personal
-independence of character; but they did not extend their love of liberty
-to any exertions for the redemption of Italy. A darker day was at hand.
-The Peninsula, divided and weakened, became a mere province. A Spanish
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">{Pg 247}</a></span>
-viceroy reigned over Naples, and the northern portion was controlled by
-France and Austria. The Italians were taught to take pride in the
-virtues of slaves; in submission, patience, and repose. The prosperity
-of the country was gone, its trade destroyed, its armies annihilated. No
-scope was given to generous ambition; no career offered, by entering on
-which a man might exercise the peculiar privilege of the free&mdash;that of
-instructing their fellow countrymen: to be inoffensive to the ruling
-powers was the aim of all. The love of money&mdash;not the love of gain,
-for to gain was impossible, but mere parsimony, arising from the necessity
-of regarding the domestic expenditure as the only business of
-life&mdash;engrossed the fathers of families; the women were uneducated and
-degraded, and though they preserved, as is often the case in a depraved
-state of society, a nature more generous, artless, and kindly than the
-other sex, yet these virtuous feelings found no scope for their
-developement, except in the passion of love. While the law of
-primogeniture interested not only the large class of younger sons, but
-even the heads of families, who wished to prevent their children from
-marrying, to establish a system of society, which, beginning by
-subverting the best principles of morality, ended by destroying all
-social happiness. While the higher orders were thus occupied by
-money-saving and intrigue, the lower orders were tamed by hard labour,
-and rendered submissive by the priests. The writers were the servants of
-princes: they administered to the pleasures of their countrymen, without
-uttering one word that could call them from their state of debasement,
-or inspire a love of the active and disinterested virtues.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Full of talent as the Italians are, and formed by nature for the noblest
-scenes of action, doubtless "many a village Hampden" was born and died
-in obscurity and inaction; and yet this expression gives rise to a false
-notion. The peasants of Italy have no education, and, although
-infinitely superior in talent, perhaps, to any other peasantry in the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">{Pg 248}</a></span>
-world, are incapable of that generalisation of ideas which produces
-patriotism. But, among the better sort of gentry,&mdash;men of simple
-habits and strong good sense, among the men of science and the professors
-at the universities,&mdash;there were individuals who mourned over the ruin
-of Italy. These men did not so much dwell on the ancient greatness of Rome,
-as on the achievements of their countrymen during the middle ages.
-Literature had been revived by them; the arts had flourished among them:
-they were proud of the past, but they despaired of the present.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The voice of liberty was silent. The Italians hated and despised their
-masters, but never dreamed of rebelling against them. Tuscany was
-slothful under a mild sway, whose tyranny was never felt, except by the
-few who believed that they were not merely <i>fruges consumere nati</i>,
-and were bitten with a noble mania for benefiting their race. Piedmont was
-ruled by a prince, who, by cultivating in his subjects, not a martial,
-but a military spirit (a very different thing), gave his idle nobles
-something to do. Lombardy was crushed by foreign bayonets. The voice of
-liberty was silent, when the French revolution awoke the world, and the
-hope of freedom spoke audibly in the hearts of all; and, afterwards,
-when the victories of Napoleon crushed this hope, they could not impose
-a silence for ever broken. Its language is now felt and understood from
-one end of the country to the other, and the day must come when the
-oppressors will be unable to oppose the veto of mere physical force to
-the overpowering influence of moral courage.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was while Italy yet reposed submissive and mute, that a poet was
-born, who dedicated all the powers of his mind to the awakening his
-countrymen from their lethargy&mdash;to strengthening their enervated
-minds, and spreading such knowledge and such sentiments abroad among them,
-as would at once reveal their degraded state, and give them energy to
-aspire to a better.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Vittorio Alfieri was born at Asti, in Piedmont, on the 17th of January,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">{Pg 249}</a></span>
-1749. His parents were noble, wealthy, and respected. To these three
-circumstances Alfieri attributes many of the prosperous circumstances
-that attended his literary career. "Since I was born noble," he says, "I
-could attack the nobility without being accused of envy; since I was
-rich, I was independent and incorruptible; and the respectability of my
-parents prevented my ever being ashamed of my rank."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His father was named Antonio Alfieri, and his mother was Monica Maillard
-de Tournon, whose family, originally from Savoy, had long been
-established at Turin. His father was a man of blameless life: he had
-never entered on any public office, and was without a spark of that
-ambition which might have led him to seek distinction at court. He was
-fifty, five when he married, and his wife, though very young, was
-already a widow. Their eldest child was a daughter. Two years after, to
-the infinite joy of his father, Vittorio was born. He was put out to
-nurse, at a village called Rovigliasco, two miles from Asti; but such
-was the tenderness of his father, that he went on foot each day to see
-the child. This was a strong mark of affection, and testified also his
-simple and unostentatious disposition: for the Italian nobility usually
-love repose beyond all things, and their greatest pride is never to go
-on foot. This solicitude unfortunately cost him his life: he caught cold
-on occasion of one of his visits, and died after a few days' illness,
-leaving his wife about to give birth to another son, who, however, died
-in his infancy. She was an amiable and excellent woman, and still young
-when her second husband died; so that she was induced to marry a third
-time. Her husband was a cadet, of another branch of the Alfieri family;
-but, by the death of his elder brother, he in process of time inherited
-the wealth of his family, and became very rich. This marriage proved a
-very fortunate one. The cavaliere Giacinto was handsome and amiable; the
-couple grew old together in happiness; and the lady, as she advanced in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">{Pg 250}</a></span>
-years, gained the love and respect of all by her piety and works of
-charity and kindness.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the marriage of his mother, Vittorio and his sister went to live in
-their father-in-law's house, who proved himself a kind parent to the
-orphans. Although his health was not robust, Alfieri's childhood was
-little interrupted by sickness; and his first grief was experienced at
-the age of seven, when his sister Julia was sent to a convent for her
-education. Although he was, at first, permitted to see her every day,
-yet he felt, on her removal from the parental roof, that violence of
-emotion and boiling of the blood which was apt to seize on him, in after
-life, when forced to separate from any one to whom he was warmly
-attached. Thus his sensibility developed itself early; and sensibility
-and pride, both exalted into passions rather than feelings, were always
-the prominent traits of his disposition, and which at last, from the
-excessive influence they exercised over him, generated that gloomy
-melancholy to which he was a victim.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Alfieri remained at home, under the tutelage of a worthy priest, named
-Don Ivaldi, with whose assistance he began to learn the rudiments of
-Latin. His disposition was, for the most part, taciturn and placid: now
-and then he became loquacious and gay in the extreme, and, at other
-times, the melancholy already nascent in his heart, filled him with
-strange and passionate thoughts. He was obstinate when treated unkindly,
-but readily yielded to affection; and, above all, he was susceptible, to
-a painful degree, of the sense of shame. When, as a punishment for
-childish faults, any sort of public penance was imposed on him, he
-endured such transports of agony as affected his health for weeks.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the age of nine, his uncle, the cavaliere Pellegrino Alfieri, who was
-his guardian, returned from a tour in France and England, and visited
-Asti, on his way to Turin. He found his nephew happy under the domestic
-roof, but learning little or nothing; accordingly, he thought this a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">{Pg 251}</a></span>
-very bad state of things, and insisted that he should be placed at the
-public school at Turin, where ignorance, rather than knowledge, was
-taught, but where, as he would be neglected and enslaved, it was to be
-supposed that his education would prosper better than under the
-indulgent care of a fond mother. She was obliged to consent, and parted
-from her son with reluctance and tears. The boy's grief at the moment of
-separation was vehement; but it was quickly dissipated by the delight of
-travelling post, and the pleasure he took in bribing the postilions to
-go at their utmost speed. He was accompanied by a servant only; and,
-while the old man slept, the little fellow sat proud and gay in the
-carriage, as it whirled past village and town in quick succession. When
-arrived at Turin, his uncle received him kindly. He was at first
-depressed by the change of scene, and missed the caresses of his loving
-mother; but soon he became so joyous, and even riotous, that the
-cavaliere Pellegrino hastened to place him at the academy: and here he
-was, at the age of nine, torn from the domestic circle to which he was
-accustomed, at a distance from all his friends, isolated and abandoned.
-The only species of education, such as it was, entered upon at the
-academy, regarded their literary studies: the feelings were left to form
-themselves; lessons of morality and the duties of life making no part of
-the instruction afforded the pupils.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The academy," Alfieri tells us, "was a large, handsome quadrangular
-building, with a large court in the middle; two sides of the square were
-occupied by the students, the other two by the king's theatre and royal
-archives. The side occupied by us, who were called of the second and
-third apartment, was opposite the latter; that occupied by the students
-of the first apartment being opposite to the king's theatre. The upper
-gallery on our side was called the third apartment, and was devoted to
-the younger boys and lower schools. The gallery on the ground floor was
-called the second, and occupied by the pupils rather more advanced in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">{Pg 252}</a></span>
-age: a portion of these studied at the university, another edifice
-adjoining to the academy; the rest received their education in the
-military college. Every gallery contained at least four chambers, each
-occupied by eleven youths, over which an assistant, or usher,
-presided,&mdash;a poor fellow, whose only payment consisted in being
-boarded and lodged free of expense, while he studied theology or law, at
-the university; or, if he were not a poor student, he was an old and
-ignorant priest. A third portion of the side destined to the first
-apartment was occupied by the king's pages, to the number of twenty or
-twenty-five, who were totally separated from us of the second, at the
-opposite angle of the court, and close to the galleries of the archives.
-We, the younger pupils, could not have been worse placed. On one side,
-was a theatre which we were only permitted to visit about five or six
-times during the carnival; on the other, the pages who attended on the
-court, and who, continually hunting and riding, appeared to enjoy much
-freer and happier lives than the poor imprisoned boys; besides these, we
-overlooked the proceedings of the first class, which was composed almost
-entirely of foreigners, Russian and German, with a large proportion of
-English;&mdash;this class was restrained by no rule except that of being in
-by midnight; and their apartment was a mere lodging house to them,
-instead of being a place of education."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Alfieri was placed in the third apartment: he had the luxury of a
-servant to attend on him; but the fellow, unchecked by superior
-authority, became a sort of petty tyrant over his young master: in all
-other respects, he was on an equality with the rest of his comrades.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The basis of the system of education consisted in strict imprisonment,
-little sleep, and unwholesome food. To this was added a certain degree
-of parrot knowledge of the Latin language: the boys were taught to
-construe Cornelius Nepos; but so little pains were taken, or, rather, so
-little power was there in their instructors to enlarge their stores of
-real knowledge, that Alfieri tells us, that not one of them knew who the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">{Pg 253}</a></span>
-men were whose lives they read; nor what the country, government, or
-times were in which they lived, nor even what thing government was. The
-boy made progress, however, in what he was taught: his emulation was
-excited, and his memory was cultivated; but, on the other hand, he grew
-sickly and stunted in growth, the effects of bad food and too little
-sleep. He had only his drunken, his dissipated servant to attend on him
-when he was ill; who often, on such occasions, left him half the day
-alone, which increased the constitutional melancholy of his disposition.
-His pleasures were few; and the want of all affectionate treatment
-blighted his life. It seems strange to us that his mother did not visit
-him, and that he never went home for a vacation: but such were the
-customs of the country, and he was brought up in conformity with them.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The spirit of emulation, caused him, in some degree, to distinguish
-himself, and he advanced to higher classes and attended lectures on
-philosophy, humanity, and mathematics; but such was the style in which
-they were taught, that, when he had gone through six books of Euclid, he
-was unable to demonstrate the fourth proposition; and, though he studied
-a whole year under the famous Beccaria, he did not comprehend a word of
-what he was taught. This is the less extraordinary, since, speaking the
-patois of Piedmont, Italian was as a foreign language; and, though he
-contrived to obtain a copy of Ariosto, he was unable to understand a
-word of it. His teachers were, for the most part, equally ignorant; so
-that while his time was devoted to Latin, his native language was a
-sealed book to him. He had a few relations at Turin, and when he became
-really ill, they interfered that he should have more sleep and better
-food; but he continued a puny and ailing boy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Some few pleasures diversified his life. His uncle found that the education
-of his sister Julia was entirely neglected at Asti, and she was removed
-to a convent at Turin. She was fifteen&mdash;in love&mdash;and divided
-from the object of her affections. Her brother became her confidant: he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">{Pg 254}</a></span>
-visited her twice a week, and tried to inspire her with constancy and
-resolution; but youthful spirits were of more avail than the lessons of
-romance, and, in short time, she was consoled. Another pleasure he
-enjoyed was, when a relation took him, on one occasion, to the opera
-buffa, sung by the best comic singers of Italy. The opera was the
-"Mercante di Malmantile." The spirit and vivacity of the music made a
-profound impression on him, leaving, as it were, a trail of harmony in
-his ears and heart, so that for many weeks after he remained immersed in
-an excessive, but not painful, melancholy. During this time he abhorred
-and nauseated his usual studies, while a world of fantastic images
-crowded his mind; and had he known how, he would have composed verses,
-and have expressed the most lively emotions, had not all language in
-which to express them been denied to him, through the ignorance of his
-teachers. This was the first time that music exercised so great an
-influence over him, and it remained long impressed upon his memory. At
-all times he was excessively susceptible to the impressions made by
-harmony, and he found that vocal music, especially female voices,
-possessed a peculiar power to disturb and agitate his mind. Nothing, he
-tells us, awakened in him more violent or various emotions; and almost
-all his tragedies were conceived while in the act of listening to music,
-or a few hours after. One other pleasure that he enjoyed during this
-period, was spending a fortnight with his uncle at Cuneo. This little
-journey did his health good, and occasioned him infinite delight. It was
-here that he wrote his first sonnet, addressed to a lady admired by his
-uncle, and who pleased him. As he knew nothing of Italian, or, as it is
-called, Tuscan, this sonnet must have been very bad. It pleased the
-lady; but his uncle, who was a soldier, and of an austere disposition,
-and who, though imbued with sufficient knowledge of history and
-government, despised poetry, ridiculed the boyish effusion, and put all
-thought of writing another out of his head.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">{Pg 255}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the age of fourteen, the circumstances of his life were considerably
-altered. His guardian uncle died. By the Piedmontese laws, children of
-fourteen are considered, to a certain degree, of age, and are allowed
-the entire disposal of their incomes; while a trustee is appointed to
-prevent their alienating any part of the principal or real property.
-Alfieri was thus raised at once to independence; and, to add to his
-comfort, his servant, who had tyrannised over him, and who, unwatched,
-and unchecked, had fallen into the worst vices, was dismissed. Alfieri
-parted from him with regret, despite his ill-treatment, and showed the
-kindliness of his heart by visiting him twice a week, and giving him
-what money he could spare. He tells us that he can ill account for his
-attachment to one who had shown so little kindness to him: he could not
-attribute it to generosity on his part; but partly to habit, and partly
-to the talents of the man, who, besides being singularly sagacious, was
-accustomed to tell him long adventures and tales full of imagination and
-interest.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The first fruit he reaped from the death of his uncle was being
-permitted to attend the riding school, which had been before denied. He
-was then of diminutive stature and weak of frame, and little able to
-control his horse; but perseverance, and a great desire of success,
-supplied every other defect. To this noble exercise he owed the good
-health, robustness, and increase of stature, that he soon acquired. The
-next great event that followed was, his being removed from the second to
-the first apartment of his college. In the second, the students were
-mere boys, and they were kept in strict discipline; in the first, entire
-freedom and idleness was the order of the day. He made his entrance on
-the 8th of May, 1763. His comrades were almost all foreigners, many were
-French, a still greater number were English. An excellent table was
-served in the best style, and all breathed luxury, comfort, and freedom.
-Much amusement, a great deal of sleep and of riding, gave Alfieri
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">{Pg 256}</a></span>
-renewed health and spirits. He spent his money on horses or dress. His
-trustee quarrelled with him for his extravagance, but that did not alter
-the state of things. With liberty and money he acquired friends and
-companions in every amusement and enterprise. "Yet," he says, "in the
-midst of this busy vortex, being little more than fourteen, I was not
-nearly so unreasonable as I might have been. From time to time, I felt a
-silent impulse within me to apply to study, and a good deal of shame for
-my ignorance, concerning the extent of which I never deceived myself,
-nor others. But, grounded in no one study, undirected by any, not really
-acquainted with a single language, I knew not how nor to what to apply
-myself. I read French romances, and conversed with foreigners, and
-forgot the little Italian I had before contrived to pick up from my
-Ariosto. At one time I took it into my head to immerse myself in the
-thirty-six volumes of Fleury's Ecclesiastical History, making extracts
-in French; but soon I threw it aside, and took to romances and the
-'Arabian Nights.'"
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Riding, and horses, and fine clothes were his passions. He and his
-friends went out in troops, leaping over every obstacle, fording rivers,
-and breaking down the unfortunate animals they rode, till at last no one
-would let them any. But these active exercises invigorated Alfieri's
-health, strengthened his frame, and filled him with spirit and
-resolution; preparing his mind to support, and even to make good use of,
-the physical and moral liberty he afterwards acquired.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The youth of the first apartment were perfectly free, but they were all
-young men: Alfieri was as a boy among them, being only fifteen; and it
-was considered right that his servant should attend him constantly, and
-act as a check upon him. The man who had replaced his former tyrant was
-a foolish, good-humoured fellow, who easily yielded to bribery and
-persuasion, and let his young master do as he pleased. But this did not
-satisfy the youth's pride; he resolved to be on an equality with his
-comrades, and, without saying a word to his valet, or to any one, went
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">{Pg 257}</a></span>
-out alone. He was reproved by the governor, but repeated his offence
-immediately. On this he was put under arrest for a few days; but no
-sooner was his prison door opened, than, in open defiance, he went out
-again unaccompanied; and although, on the renewal of his offence, the
-term of his imprisonment was prolonged, it was without avail. At length
-he declared that his arrest must be perpetual, since as soon as he was
-set at liberty he should exercise the same privilege, being resolved not
-in any way to be on a different footing from his comrades; that the
-governor might remove him from the first, and replace him in the second
-apartment, but that he insisted upon being put in possession of all the
-rights of his companions. On this he was kept confined for more than
-three months; nor would he make any request to be liberated, but,
-indignant and stubborn, had died rather than have yielded. "I slept
-nearly all day," he tells us; "towards evening I got up from my bed,
-and, having a mattrass placed near the fireplace, I stretched myself
-upon it on the ground. Not choosing to receive the usual college dinner,
-I caused food to be brought into my room, and cooked pollenta and
-similar things at my fire. I never dressed myself, nor allowed my hair
-to be touched, and became an absolute savage. Though I was not allowed
-to quit my room, my friends were permitted to visit me; but I was sullen
-and silent, and lay like a lifeless body, not replying to any thing that
-was said; and thus I continued for hours, with my eyes fixed on the
-ground, and full of tears, though I never suffered one to escape from
-them."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This obstinacy must have annoyed his masters considerably, and they
-were, no doubt, glad to make use of the first fair occasion for
-restoring him to liberty. The marriage of his sister gave them a
-pretext, of which they availed themselves. Julia married count Giacinto
-di Cumiano on the 1st of May, 1764: the wedding took place at the
-beautiful village of Cumiano, ten miles from Turin. Alfieri enjoyed the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">{Pg 258}</a></span>
-spring season and his newly recovered liberty with intense delight, and,
-on his return to college, was admitted to all the privileges of the
-class of students to which he belonged. The control over his income
-being now almost entirely in his own hands, he launched out into a
-variety of expenses, the first of which was the purchase of a horse, a
-fiery but delicate animal, which he loved so passionately, that he could
-never after call him to mind without emotion: if it was ill, he could
-neither eat nor sleep. The delicacy of this beloved horse was the
-occasion of his buying another; and after that he bought carriage
-horses, and cab and saddle horses, till he had a stud of eight, to the
-great dissatisfaction of his trustee; but, as he could set his
-reprehensions at nought, he gave no ear to them, but plunged into every
-kind of expense, principally in dress, competing in extravagance with
-the English members of the university. In the midst of this vanity, the
-ingenuousness of his disposition manifested itself. He made display
-among the rich foreigners, who were his associates; but, when he was
-visited by his poorer friends and countrymen, who, though of noble
-birth, were yet straitened in means, he was accustomed to change his
-dress, to put on modest attire, and even to hide his finery, that he
-might not appear to possess any superiority over them: this delicacy of
-feeling extended itself to other parts of his conduct, and showed the
-genuine urbanity and benevolence of his disposition.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the autumn of 1765, he made a short journey to Genoa with his
-trustee: this was the first time that he had left Piedmont; and here,
-for the first time, he saw the sea, the aspect of which transported him
-with admiration, and so exalted his imagination, that he says, if he had
-understood any language, or had had any poetry before him, he should
-certainly have composed verses. During this journey, to his infinite
-delight, he visited his native town, and his mother, whom, strange to
-say, he had not seen for seven years. There seems something
-incomprehensible in a state of society that should admit of the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">{Pg 259}</a></span>
-propriety, or, rather, enforce the necessity, of a boy of nine being
-separated from all maternal care, and left to struggle as he might,
-during the precarious season of childhood and of adolescence, without a
-parent's eye to watch over his well-being, and administer to his health
-and happiness. On his return to Turin, he was not a little proud among
-his countrymen of his journey to Genoa; but among the English, German,
-Polish and Russian students he felt the utmost rage and shame to think
-that they had seen countries so much more distant. This uneasy sense of
-inferiority inspired him with a passion for travelling, and made him
-resolve to visit the various lands of which his comrades were natives.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the first impulse of expectant manhood, he had petitioned to be
-allowed to enter the army. As he grew older he began to find that his
-liberty was dearer to him than any military parade; but, as he did not
-withdraw his request, he found himself admitted, in 1766, as ensign into
-the provincial regiment of Asti. He had chosen this, as the duties
-attendant on it were slight, it being only required to assemble for
-review for a few days twice a year: however, this necessity annoyed him,
-especially as it forced him to quit the university, where he would have
-been well pleased to remain; but there was no help, and he left college,
-after an abode of nearly eight years. He took a small apartment in the
-same house with his sister, and spent all he could in horses and all
-sorts of luxuries, as well as in dinners given to his friends. A dislike
-of military discipline, and a love of travelling, made him soon after
-ask a year's leave of absence; and he set out for Rome and Naples under
-the care of an English Catholic, who was about to make that tour, as
-tutor to two young Flemish gentlemen. It was with great difficulty that
-he obtained the necessary permission; the king was averse to the nobles
-leaving the country, and it was only by a thousand petty artifices and
-intrigues that at last he succeeded in his wishes.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Agitated by an inexplicable disquietude of mind, ignorant of all with
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">{Pg 260}</a></span>
-regard to literature and the arts, that could make travelling
-interesting. Alfieri had at this time but one pleasure in a journey,
-which was, going along the high road with the greatest possible speed.
-His companions were as little awake to rational inquiry as himself; and
-the only one among them, he tells us, who had common sense, was his valet,
-who also acted as courier,&mdash;a man named Elia, who served him for
-many years with the greatest fidelity. The first city at which the party
-stopped was Milan. They went to see the curiosities, and visited the
-Ambrosian library. The treasures of the collection were wasted upon
-Alfieri: when an autograph of Petrarch was shown him (perhaps the Virgil
-on whose cover the poet has recorded his passionate sorrow on the death
-of Laura), he, barbarian like, pushed it away, saying, it was nothing to
-him. This act did not arise from mere indifference; but partly from a
-grudge he felt against Petrarch, arising from his not being able to
-understand his poetry; and shame for his own ignorance took the guise of
-contempt of another's genius. On visiting Florence, the only object that
-called forth any emotion was the sight of Michael Angelo's tomb; when
-the recollection of the fame which had been acquired by this master of
-his art filled him with ideas that he could not define; and the thought
-rose in his mind, that those men only were truly great, who left some
-enduring monument of genius behind them. But these notions were vague
-and transitory; he lived only for the present hour, even while that
-afforded no one object to occupy or please him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On leaving Florence, he hurried through Pisa and Siena; but such is the
-magic of the name, that the approach to Rome made his heart palpitate,
-and his torpid soul warmed into something like enthusiasm. He was
-charmed by the magnificent aspect which the eternal city presents as it
-is entered by the Porta del Popolo; and scarcely had he alighted at the
-hotel in the Piazza di Spagna, than he hurried off co behold the wonders
-of the place. Ignorance narrows the intellect, and takes the living
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">{Pg 261}</a></span>
-colours from the imagination. Alfieri, after all, regarded coldly those
-objects which render Rome a city of absolute enchantment. He was best
-pleased with St. Peter's. At each successive visit, the solemn vastness
-of the mighty aisles of the cathedral made a deeper impression; the
-splendour of the architecture, the sublime stillness of its
-incense-breathing atmosphere, and the soft twilight that reigns beneath
-its dome, kindled his soul to something like poetic inspiration. But
-even these feelings could only for a few moments appease the
-restlessness that pursued him, and he hurried away from Rome with all
-the impatience of one ill at ease in himself. At Naples he grew still
-more disturbed and melancholy: music, which he loved, only tended to
-increase his gloom; and his reserve prevented him from forming any
-intimacies. All day he drove from place to place, in those droll little
-Neapolitan <i>calesine</i>, which go at such a prodigious rate under the
-guidance of their Lazaroni drivers,&mdash;"Not," he says, "that I wished to
-visit remarkable objects, for I had no curiosity nor knowledge about
-them, but merely for the sake of being on the road: I was never satiated
-of rapid motion, but a moment's quiescence filled me with annoyance."
-... "And thus I lived, a riddle to myself, believing that I had
-capacity for nothing; feeling no decided impulse or emotion, except a
-continual melancholy; never finding peace nor quiet, yet not knowing
-what I desired; blindly obeying my nature, although I neither studied
-nor comprehended it. Many years afterwards I perceived that my
-unhappiness proceeded from the want, nay the necessity, which I have, to
-have at once my heart occupied by some worthy object, and ray mind by
-some ennobling pursuit; for, whenever either of these two fail me, I
-remain incapable of the other, satiated and weary, and beyond all things
-miserable."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the midst of this disturbed and unprofitable state, he nourished the
-ardent desire to travel on and on, beyond the mountainous boundaries of
-his country, uncontrolled and alone. For this purpose he applied to the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">{Pg 262}</a></span>
-Sardinian minister; and, representing how correct his conduct was, and
-how capable he showed himself of managing his own affairs, he besought
-him to obtain leave from their sovereign, that he might detach himself
-from the tutor, and proceed alone. To his great joy, his request was
-complied with; and, with infinite delight, he left Naples for Rome,
-eager to make use of his entire independence, and to find himself
-solitary and lord of himself, on the high road, more than three hundred
-miles distant from his native Piedmont.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-How little does mere freedom of will satisfy the mind, when not
-ministered to and filled by thoughts that go beyond the present moment.
-The aimless uneasiness of Alfieri was not to be dissipated by the mere
-ability of satisfying his craving for locomotion. He obtained leave of
-absence for another year, and permission to visit France and England:
-but the same spirit accompanied him of melancholy and ennui; and all
-objects were stale and unprofitable to his languid senses. Motive was
-absent; and his ardent feelings, left to prey on themselves, produced
-tears and regret but no power of finding a means of exercising them with
-advantage and happiness. If his ignorance was ever brought home to him,
-he was rendered uncomfortable, but felt no wish to improve. He tells us
-that, at Rome, he was accustomed to visit each day the count of Rivera,
-minister of Sardinia,&mdash;a worthy old man, who showed him every
-kindness, and gave him the best advice. One morning he found the count
-occupied in reading the sixth book of the Æneid; and when Alfieri entered,
-he signed to him to approach, and began to recite the beautiful lamentation
-for Marcellus. Six years before, Alfieri had translated, and known by
-heart, the greater part of Virgil; but he had now forgotten it, and felt
-thoroughly ashamed, but with little courage to amend; so that the result
-of this scene was only that he sullenly ruminated over his disgrace, and
-never went near the count again. The desire of some sort of interest
-drove him into a fit of avarice. He was slenderly provided with means
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">{Pg 263}</a></span>
-for his ultramontane journey; and he resolved to save all he could in
-Italy, that he might not be restricted when among foreigners. He
-followed up his system of parsimony with his usual ardour, and carried
-it to an excess which became its cure, since he got weary of the
-privations and annoyances he thus brought on himself.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From Rome he proceeded to Venice, passing through Ferrara without a
-thought of Ariosto or Tasso; and Padua, without visiting either living
-professors, or the tomb of the illustrious dead in the neighbourhood.
-What was Petrarch to him? he again asked himself; he wrote in an unknown
-tongue, of which, after all, he felt ashamed of being ignorant. He was
-pleased with Venice, and was diverted by its amusements; yet the spring
-season brought his usual annual fit of melancholy, and he spent many
-days brooding over he knew not what, and weeping he knew not why.
-Spurred on by restlessness, he hurried away from Venice: he passed
-solitarily and ennuied through the beautiful cities of Lombardy, seldom
-presenting letters of recommendation, and always keeping out of the way
-of acquaintances: proud and shy, he hated new faces; and besides, his
-desire of travelling made him avoid the ties of friendship and even of
-love, though once or twice the smiles of beauty almost softened his
-heart. All his desire was to hasten to France, and to enjoy the delights
-he there promised himself. He was destined to be disappointed; for his
-ill-regulated imagination always exaggerated the pains and pleasures of
-the future, while it did not possess the better power of exalting and
-adorning the objects which in anticipation had appeared so desirable,
-and which in possession grew contemptible and barren.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-One of the singularities of Alfieri's character was the extravagant
-hatred of France which he cherished all his life. He attributed this, in
-the first place, to a vehement childish dislike of his French
-dancing-master. Still he read nothing but French books, French was the
-language he commonly spoke, and he left Italy in eager anticipation of
-the pleasures of Paris. But Alfieri did not know his own nature; nor was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">{Pg 264}</a></span>
-he aware that he could find happiness through the medium of his passions
-and intellect only, while amusement and even dissipation had the effect
-of wearying and disgusting him. The circumstance of his first entrance
-into Paris sufficed to cloud his stay; nay, the feelings of his whole
-life were influenced by the painful impression then made. It was the
-month of August, in Italy so sunshiny and festal; a drizzling rain,
-accompanied by a chilling temperature of air, impressed him most
-disagreeably; the streets, houses, and people were all mean, dirty, and
-impertinent in his eyes; his illusions vanished, and, but for a sense of
-shame, he would on the instant have quitted the city he had come so far
-to visit. The lapse of a quarter of a century did not erase the profound
-traces of disgust and aversion that were then trenched in his mind. At
-the time, the principal effect of his disappointment was a little to
-diminish his passion for travelling; and to find that, beyond the Alps,
-he learned to appreciate the beauties of the divine country he had been
-so eager to quit.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He delayed his departure from Paris till January, and then hurried to
-London, which delighted as much as Paris had disgusted him; and he thus
-gives evidence of a fact of which many English, who have travelled, must
-be aware&mdash;that there is something in Italy and the Italians, in the
-rural beauty of the country, and in the unpretending but highly gifted
-natives, more congenial to our taste, than in the peculiar habits and
-manners of the French. Industry does here, in beautifying the landscape,
-what nature does beyond the Alps; while in France, there is a discomfort
-and a desolation apparent in the midst of its civilisation and plenty,
-which is singularly disagreeable. In this country, the roads, the inns,
-the horses, the women, all charmed Alfieri; the appearance of general
-competence, the activity of life, and the cleanliness and comfort of the
-houses, diminutive as they struck him to be, made an agreeable
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">{Pg 265}</a></span>
-impression, which each successive visit renewed. Yet he led a strange
-life&mdash;avoiding society, although in the midst of it. He had been
-accompanied from Paris by a friend; and he amused himself, each morning,
-by driving him about town, and acting the coachman for him at night,
-sitting on the box for hours, and taking pride in his dexterity in
-extricating his carriage amidst the difficulties and confusion attendant
-on the vast multitude of equipages that throng round places of amusement
-during the London season. This did for a little while; then, in
-obedience to his wandering propensity, he made a tour to Portsmouth,
-Bristol, and Oxford. He was pleased with all he saw; and began to
-entertain a wish to settle in a country whose aspect was so agreeable,
-where the manners were simple, the women modest and beautiful, the laws
-equitable, and the men free. The enthusiasm he felt, made him disregard
-the melancholy generated by the gloomy climate, and the ruinous expense
-of living. He observes, and with justice, that Italy and England are the
-only countries in which it is desirable to live: the former, because
-there nature vindicates her rights, and rises triumphant over the evils
-produced by the governments; the latter, because art conquers nature,
-and transforms a rude ungenial land into a paradise of comfort and
-laughing abundance.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In June, he left England for Holland; and at the Hague for the first
-time became really in love, and at the same time his heart opened itself
-to friendship. The lady whom he admired, and who returned his affection,
-was unfortunately a married woman, but an Italian education and habits
-prevented any scruples of conscience from interrupting the felicity he
-enjoyed. His friend was Don José d'Alcunha, Portuguese minister in
-Holland. Alfieri describes him as clever and original, with a cultivated
-understanding and firm unbending character: with tact and efficacy the
-Portuguese awoke in his new friend shame for his idle, aimless life. It
-was a curious circumstance, he tells us, that he never felt a strong
-desire for mental improvement, except at such periods as when he was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">{Pg 266}</a></span>
-passionately in love, and his time so employed that he could bestow none
-of it on literature. In process of time, when he became worthily
-attached, he may have perceived in this, the beneficent action of the
-passions in our nature, when their objects are what they ought to
-be&mdash;ennobling and permanent.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After a period of great happiness, he was forced to separate from the
-lady to whom he was attached,&mdash;she being obliged to join her husband,
-who had gone to Switzerland; and Alfieri suffered the mildest of the
-punishments that result from loving one to whom you cannot consecrate
-your life. But though a separation, attended neither by disastrous
-incident nor infidelity, is the gentlest penance for such an error, it
-visited the young Italian in no gentle manner. It was a natural wish, as
-any one will acknowledge who has attended to his own sensations, on
-first being subjected to passionate sorrow, that which he formed&mdash;for
-being bled: prevented by his friend and a faithful servant from allowing
-this bleeding to be fatal, his grief became gloomy and taciturn; Holland
-grew hateful to him; and he returned to Italy with the utmost
-speed&mdash;never resting till he found himself at Cumiano, in his sister's
-villa, after a three weeks' journey, during which time he saw nothing
-and said nothing, communicating only by signs with his faithful servant,
-Elia, who never lost sight of him, and bore with exemplary patience his
-caprices and heedless tyranny.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This state of melancholy regret augmented his love of solitude, and
-engendered, moreover, a desire to study: he passed the winter at Turin,
-in his sister's house, seeing absolutely no society, and spending his
-time in reading. He turned over the pages of Voltaire, Rousseau,
-Helvetius, and Montesquieu; but his chief delight was derived from the
-perusal of Plutarch's lives. His mind was strongly excited by the heroic
-virtues of the great men of whom he read, and tears of mingled
-admiration and indignation gushed from his eyes. He felt the misfortune
-it was to be a native of Piedmont; and to have been born in a country,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">{Pg 267}</a></span>
-and at a time, when no scope was afforded for word or action, scarcely
-any for thought and feeling.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In the spring of 1769 he set out on another and a longer tour. He had
-been disappointed in a matrimonial project, proposed to him by his
-brother-in-law. The young lady was rich and beautiful, but she preferred
-a handsome young courtier to a man already remarkable for the
-eccentricity of his conduct and the sombreness of his disposition: for
-Alfieri, withdrawn from the common routine of society by his passionate
-and earnest nature, could but awkwardly and reluctantly fulfil the
-thousand minute duties which an Italian is accustomed to pay to his
-lady; nor, on this occasion, did love inspire him with that devotion of
-heart which might have proved acceptable in lieu of petty attentions. He
-was now twenty, and, according to the laws of his country, of age&mdash;so
-that his entire fortune was at his disposal: this consisted of an income
-of 2500 sequins, or about 1200<i>l</i>. a year, and a large sum of ready
-money; and, to augment the value of his possessions, he had acquired the
-habits of rational economy, which sprang from the scantiness of the
-allowance which his prudent trustee had made him. Thus he set out with
-"money in his purse," and no love in his heart, except the tender
-recollection of his half-extinguished Flemish flame; and if with a head
-not much fuller of ideas, yet with a thousand sentiments awakened, which
-afforded matter for thought. As he drove along, he read Montaigne, or
-reflected on what he read&mdash;a little galled by finding that he could
-not construe the Latin quotations, and still more so by being obliged to
-skip the Italian ones. Vienna and Berlin were hastily visited, and seen
-without pleasure: he had beheld the results of liberty in England, and
-he had read of them in Plutarch, and his natural sense of independence
-made him revolt from the military despotisms of the north. Instinctive
-good sense served him better than the philosophy of Voltaire, and he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">{Pg 268}</a></span>
-recognised the cloven foot of arbitrary power in the barrack capital of
-the philosopher of Sans Souçi. He hurried away from these mockeries of
-liberalism, and found more pleasure in the simplicity of the Swedes: the
-contrast which barren nature afforded, in these frozen regions, to the
-luxuriance and glory of Italy interested and pleased him; the velocity
-of his sledge, as he proceeded through the silent pine forests, and over
-the ice-covered lakes, fostered an agreeable melancholy; and he
-describes his spring journey from Sweden to St. Petersburgh with a
-vividness and beauty which it would spoil to abridge. Embarking at the
-first breaking up of the frost on the Gulf of Bothnia, his boat had to
-struggle through the floating ice; and the novelty of his situation was
-a source of amusement. "This is the country of Europe," he says, "most
-agreeable to me, from its savage rudeness; fantastic, gloomy, and even
-sublime, ideas are created in the mind by the vast, undefinable silence
-that reigns there, making you feel as if transported away from the
-globe." St. Petersburgh disappointed him; nor would he see the empress
-Catherine, whom he regarded as the murderess of her husband, and whose
-conduct&mdash;having failed in her promise of bestowing a constitution on
-her subjects&mdash;was unredeemed, in his eyes, by any mitigating
-circumstances.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From Russia he traversed Germany to Holland, and again visited England.
-His time, during his second visit to this country, was engrossed by an
-attachment for a lady of rank, who proved herself not only unworthy of
-the affection of the husband whom she betrayed, but the lover to whom
-she was false. The more violent passions of Alfieri were all roused to
-their utmost vehemence by the various chances of this adventure, which
-was attended by all those hairbreadth escapes, menacing dangers, and
-final ruin and misery, which usually wait upon intrigue in England.
-First it was love, accompanied by the "sin and fear" which attends on
-mystery and deceit; then separation came to drive him to despair. The
-London season over, the lady went to her country house near Windsor; and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">{Pg 269}</a></span>
-Alfieri could only visit her clandestinely, on such nights when her
-husband was absent in London. His impatience and agony during the
-periods of separation were only appeased by excessive exercise: he rode
-about all day, performing such feats of horsemanship as endangered his
-life. Leaping a five-barred gate, with his thoughts wandering to his
-lady, instead of being fixed on his bridle-hand, his horse fell on him,
-and dislocated his shoulder; but that did not prevent a visit to Windsor
-on the following evening, the last that he was destined to make. The
-servants observed and watched him, and the husband of the lady had
-intelligence of her infidelity; "and here," he writes, "it is impossible
-not to laugh at the contrast between English and Italian jealousy, so
-different are the passions in different characters, in another climate,
-and, above all, under other laws. Every Italian would now expect to hear
-of blows, poison, stabs, or, at least, of the imprisonment of the lady,
-under such violent provocation: nothing of all this happened, though the
-English husband adored his wife after his manner." It was much according
-to the present customs, that the English husband, besides instituting
-legal proceedings against his wife and her lover, called out the latter.
-The duel was, however, a very harmless proceeding: Alfieri could not
-fence, and his adversary was satisfied by merely drawing blood by a
-scratch in the arm, carefully abstaining from inflicting the wound or
-death which he had it in his power to bestow. A far deeper and more
-painful wound was reserved for the Italian, when he learned how grossly
-the lady had deceived him. A groom of her husband had formerly been her
-lover: he still lived in the house; and, fearing that his lord would
-risk his life in an encounter with Alfieri, he hastened to inform him
-that the lady was totally unworthy such a chivalrous encounter. All
-these disgraceful circumstances came out on the trial. Alfieri, maddened
-and enraged, was yet unable, at first, to separate from his treacherous
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">{Pg 270}</a></span>
-mistress. They travelled together in England, he furious at his own
-weakness, and perpetually struggling to vanquish it; till, seizing on a
-moment when shame and indignation were stronger than love, he left her
-at Rochester, on her way to France with a relative, and returned to
-London. In after times, the chief impression left on his mind from this
-adventure was, a feeling of mixed respect and gratitude towards her
-husband, who spared both his life and his purse, neither killing him,
-nor demanding damages: the first the English noble, apparently, had at
-his mercy; but it is unlikely, under all the circumstances, that the
-latter should have been awarded him, to any great extent.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After tempests like these, it was long before the impetuous and
-sensitive soul of Alfieri settled into any thing like calm: paroxysms of
-rage, love, grief, and despair succeeded one to the other, and his only
-relief was derived from locomotion. He left London, and after visiting
-his friend Alcunha at the Hague, he hurried on to Paris; he traversed
-France, and entered Spain, struggling with the passion that warred
-within him, and devoured by the gloomiest melancholy. At Barcelona he
-bought two Spanish horses, and with these resolved to proceed on his
-journey to Madrid. His carriage went on first, under the care of the
-servants and muleteers; and he followed, chiefly on foot, his beautiful
-Andalusian trotting beside him with the docility of a dog. This mixture
-of idleness and change&mdash;of solitude and independence&mdash;soothed his
-disturbed mind. He was given up to endless reverie, now engrossed by
-melancholy and moral trains of thought; now possessed by images wild,
-terrible, or gay. He knew no language, and could express nothing that he
-felt&mdash;all was confused and vague, and mingled with violent transports
-of grief and despair. He spoke to no one; and his taciturn, self-devouring
-misery irritated him almost to madness. His faithful servant, Elia, who
-followed him during all his journeys, had nearly become the victim to an
-explosion of the pent-up volcano. In combing the count's long
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">{Pg 271}</a></span>
-tresses,&mdash;which it was the fashion then to wear,&mdash;he accidentally
-pulled one hair; and Alfieri, starting up like lightning, hurled a
-candlestick at his head, which struck him on the temple and inflicted a
-wound. Elia's Italian nature was roused, and he flew on his master. Other
-people interfered, and no more harm was done. Alfieri told his servant
-that he might kill him if he chose: he deserved it, and would take no
-precautions against his vengeance; and he praises his own courage in
-thus exposing himself, and the magnanimity of the man for not rising in
-the night and murdering him as he slept. The whole scene is inexplicable
-to our northern imaginations, and borders on the excesses of savage
-nature. "It would be difficult for any one," says Alfieri, "to
-understand the mixture of ferociousness and generosity on both sides,
-who has not had experience of the manners and hot blood of the
-Piedmontese."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After a journey through Spain and Portugal more savage, wild, and
-solitary than was even his wont.
-<span class="sidenote1">1772.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-23.</span>
-Alfieri returned to Turin; and here he seemed to be in greater danger
-than he had ever been of losing all the exaltation of character and
-feeling that clung to him despite his excesses, his ignorance, and the
-total absence of all mental culture. He took a magnificent house, and
-fitted it up with luxury and taste. He had a circle of friends, who
-formed themselves into a society, with laws and regulations. One of
-their amusements was a sort of literary budget, to which the various
-members contributed writings for the recreation of the general society.
-Alfieri wrote several papers, which obtained a good deal of applause: he
-had a turn for satire, and that is always a popular style of writing in
-a coterie. These compositions were all in French.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A worse degradation than this sort of vegetative dissipation awaited the
-count: he became a cavaliere servente. The lady was of rank, a good deal
-older than himself, but of extraordinary beauty. She was noted for her
-gallantries; and Alfieri, who was not in love, her style of beauty even
-not being exactly to his taste, was drawn in, at first, by mere
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">{Pg 272}</a></span>
-idleness, and a belief in the excessive attachment she bore him. Soon a
-most vehement passion engrossed him. Friends, diversions, even horses,
-were neglected; from eight in the morning till twelve at night he was
-continually with her&mdash;discontented with his servitude, but unable to
-stay away.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is difficult to understand, and impossible to sympathise with, the
-sort of frenzy he describes. He did not esteem the lady, and he despised
-himself for the humiliating state to which he was reduced. The situation
-of a cavaliere servente is, we are told by high English authority in
-such matters, "no sinecure." To be constantly in attendance is its chief
-duty. A cavaliere sits with his lady, drives with her, walks with her,
-goes to assemblies and the opera with her: he follows her like her
-shadow, and no matrimonial exigence can equal the total abnegation of
-all independent occupation to which the cavaliere must submit. The lady,
-indeed, may equally become weary; but an Italian woman is used to this
-excess of indolence. Her life is monotonous, her passage from one
-amusement to the other invariable, sameness forming the essence of her
-existence: nothing animates it except love, scandal, or quarrelling:
-these, and the natural vivacity of southern blood, which can diversify
-the indolence which would otherwise mantle over and incrust every
-faculty. But all this was torture to the fiery spirit of the count, who,
-born for better things, struggled with his fetters, and roared like a
-lion in the toils. His slavery lasted for two years. At one time, the
-nervous irritation produced a violent and inexplicable malady, which the
-wits of Turin declared he had invented exclusively for himself. He was
-unable for several days to swallow aliment in any shape; and the
-convulsions brought on by any attempt to force it on him almost deprived
-him of life. At another time, he acquired resolution enough to scheme a
-journey to Milan, and actually set out; but scarcely had he passed the
-gates of Turin than his heart failed him, and he returned, burning with
-indignation against himself, to resume his chains. His friends saw and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">{Pg 273}</a></span>
-pitied his miserable state, and their compassion aggravated his
-sufferings, while it did not enable him to rise above the enthralment.
-Day after day, month after month, he formed new resolves to extricate
-himself, and for a long time in vain.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At length, in the February of 1775, being now twenty-six years of age,
-he, in desperation, came to a determination to break off the disgraceful
-intercourse. His old remedy of change of place had proved of no avail,
-so he resolved to remain on the same spot; to shut himself up in his own
-house, which was opposite that of the lady, but to receive no letters,
-hear no messages, and to be induced by no failing of the heart ever to
-behold her more. In token of his fixed purpose, he cut off his long
-hair, and sent it to a friend, as a proof that he could not present
-himself in society so shorn and disfigured.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-And now a better day dawned on the tempest of passion that darkened his
-soul. In Lisbon he had been acquainted with the abate Caluso, a man of
-learning and talent, who had, in some degree, awakened in him a desire
-for knowledge, while, with the utmost forbearance and kindness, he tried
-to lighten the shame inspired by every glimmering light that displayed
-his excessive ignorance. They had passed many long evenings together,
-and Alfieri preferred his instructive but unpretending conversation to
-the gaieties of society; and here he felt an awakening of that dormant
-power of composition which afterwards was to expand into worthy and
-perennial fruit. In Turin, also, he was acquainted with several
-literati; and now, a voluntary prisoner, and passing many long hours in
-entire solitude, unaware and almost unsought, a true, strong, and
-enduring love of knowledge sprang up within him, never after to be
-weakened or destroyed. The first token of the spirit of composition, was
-a sonnet in commemoration of the freedom he had acquired. Some years
-before, in Paris, he had bought a collection of Italian poets, and by
-reading them had gained a slight knowledge of versification, and of his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">{Pg 274}</a></span>
-native language; yet so ludicrously imperfect was this, that, when he
-showed his sonnet to a literary man, the first advice he received was to
-learn to spell. Orthography, grammar, and rhythm were alike defective in
-his production. He was not discouraged. This same friend, father
-Paciaudi, had given him the "Cleopatra" of cardinal Delfino. Alfieri
-fancied that he could write a better tragedy himself; and he began one
-on the same subject. He consulted his friends upon it, and tried to gain
-some instruction as to style and poetic laws, of which, hitherto, he had
-remained in profound ignorance. His house became a sort of academy;
-while he, desirous of learning, but proud and indocile, wearied himself
-and all around him by his alternate fits of industry and despondency. At
-length, a tragedy and a farce were the result of his endeavours, and
-both were acted on the same nights, at the theatre of Turin, with
-applause, on two consecutive evenings, and were given out for a third
-representation. But Alfieri by this time began to discover the entire
-want of merit of these productions: which prove, as we may judge from
-the passages he has preserved, that ideas and feelings are of no avail
-in composition, where there is a total absence of style, and an absolute
-incapacity of finding language in which to clothe the naked and unformed
-conceptions of the brain. On the third night, therefore, Alfieri
-prevented the representation; and on the same night he was seized by so
-vehement and burning a wish to deserve the applause of an audience,
-that, he tells us, no fever of love had ever assailed him with similar
-impetuosity.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"And thus," he says, "at the age of seven and twenty, I entered into the
-difficult engagement with the public and myself to become a writer of
-tragedies; and these were the props I had to sustain me in my
-undertaking,&mdash;a resolved, obstinate, and untamed spirit; a heart
-boiling over with all sorts of emotions, among which predominated the
-transports of love, and a profound and indignant abhorrence of every
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">{Pg 275}</a></span>
-species of tyranny; a very slight recollection of the French tragedies I
-had seen acted, having read and studied none; an entire ignorance of the
-rules of the drama; and a total incapacity to command the language of which
-I made use;&mdash;all this was surrounded by a husk, not so much of
-presumption, as of petulance, and an impetuosity of character which
-stood in the way of my ever, except with reluctance, acknowledging,
-investigating, or giving ear to truth."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The first thing he found he had to do, was to apply himself to a
-spelling-book and grammar: this necessity was not admitted without a
-struggle; but the ardour of his enthusiasm enabled him to triumph over
-these petty but perplexing and irritating obstacles; and he gave himself
-up to the study of language with a mixture of impatience and
-perseverance that kept his mind in a perpetual tumult. He was under the
-necessity of driving away all French words and forms of speech from his
-mind, and of imbuing his thoughts in the idiom of Tuscany,&mdash;a work of
-unspeakable labour, uniting the studies of a man with those of a child,
-and sufficient to have overcome the resolution of any temper less ardent
-and ambitious than his own. After all, it must be acknowledged that it
-was to a great degree an insuperable difficulty; and, though overcome,
-in appearance, by Alfieri, yet in composition he had always two
-labours,&mdash;that of giving birth to ideas, and that of examining with
-the attention and scepticism of a foreigner the words in which he clothed
-them. This, perhaps, is the cause, that although, in process of time,
-his prose style became unexceptionable, and that of his tragedies full
-of fire and strength, his lyrics are such lamentable failures.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-For nearly a year he was given up to the ungrateful task of clearing
-away the rubbish of another language, and placing the foundation stones
-of a pure and classic Italian. He retired to a village near Turin, that
-his attention might not be called off; and there, with a literary
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">{Pg 276}</a></span>
-friend, he laboured at all that nauseates a schoolboy, with the still
-greater disgust of mere verbal difficulties which is felt by a man.
-After a year of much industry, he began to be aware that he should never
-attain his object as long as he merely translated himself from the
-French, which had become the language of his thoughts; and he resolved
-to pass six months in Tuscany, to learn, to hear, speak, think, and feel
-Tuscan only.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In this journey he sought the acquaintance of the first literary men,
-and exerted himself strenuously to acquire the knowledge of which he was
-so deficient. He never deceived himself by fancying his deficiencies
-were less than they were. He was born endowed with genius; uncultivated
-and empty of all knowledge as his mind was, yet it was filled with
-thought and feeling, and, during his solitary journeys and long
-incommunicative days of reverie, he had studied his own character. At
-one time he had kept a journal, in which he put down not only his
-actions, but their motives, investigating his moral nature in its inmost
-recesses. This was an exercise of mind which, joined to his natural
-talent, peculiarly adapted him to developement of feeling and motive,
-which is the essence of the tragic art; and it was towards this species
-composition that, from the first, he felt himself irresistibly impelled.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He had now fully entered on his dramatic enterprise. Several months
-before, he had written his tragedies of "Philip" and "Polinices," in
-French prose, which with unwearied industry, he put into Italian verse
-three or four several times; endeavouring to form a rhythm adapted to
-dialogue, and to concentrate and simplify his style as much as possible.
-While studying Italian, he had also applied himself to re-learning
-Latin; and the tragedies of Seneca suggested other subjects. "Antigone,"
-"Agamemnon," "Orestes," and "Don Garzia," were all conceived, and in
-part written, while he was indefatigable in the labour, it cannot so
-well be said of polishing his language, as of modelling and remodelling
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">{Pg 277}</a></span>
-it, as his greater use of Tuscan, and his critical taste suggested.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He had now an aim in life, from the pursuit of which he never deviated,
-but followed it up with incredible enthusiasm and perseverance. His
-labours were great in literature, yet confined chiefly to the formation
-of style; and he translated Sallust, and other Latin authors, for the
-sake of improving in force and conciseness.
-<span class="sidenote1">1777.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-28.</span>
-He did not continue in one place: after a few months spent at Florence,
-he returned to Turin, recalled by the love of his friends and his stud:
-but during the following spring he obtained the necessary permission of
-the king to quit Piedmont and return to Tuscany, for the purpose of
-imbibing at the purest source that energetic and concise language, which
-he considered yielded in elegance and force of expression to no other in
-the world.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As the city where the purest Tuscan is spoken. Alfieri visited Siena,
-and spent the summer there. He there formed an intimacy which served to
-encourage him in his laborious pursuits; for he tells us he was never
-capable of arduous and sustained undertakings, except when the feelings
-of his heart were exercised by an intercourse of friendship or love.
-Francesco Gori was of ignoble birth, and his ostensible pursuits were
-those of traffic, which he pursued more for the sake of pleasing his
-family than for gain. In the obscurity of his warehouse he occupied
-himself with classical literature, and nurtured an admirable and
-delicate taste for the fine arts. Extreme philanthropy formed the
-essence of his character, and a warm-hearted sympathy, that led him to
-forgive and love all mankind. The idle and opulent nobles of the city
-could not, by their worthlessness, excite his hatred or contempt. With
-Tacitus in his hand, and the pure love of liberty in his heart, how
-could he hate the victims of tyranny? he might exclaim, with a poet of
-modern days, whose political principles were equally derived from the
-sensibility of his heart,&mdash;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">{Pg 278}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"I hate thy want of love and truth:</span><br />
-<span class="i2">How should I then hate thee?"</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Self-knowledge deracinated pride in himself, and contempt for others;
-and thus, humbly occupied in his shop, he could extend forbearance to
-all, except the primal causes of the degradation of his countrymen;
-while his only happiness was derived from books, and his chief grief
-from comparing himself and his times with the men and times of which he
-read.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-There is a simplicity in Italian manners that renders the friendship
-between count Alfieri and Gori, the mercer, by no means extraordinary.
-To the sympathy produced by an agreement in opinions was added the
-respect which Alfieri felt for the virtuous qualities of his
-unpretending friend. Their talk was of the ancient glory of their
-country, and of the literary ambition of Alfieri. In the course of
-conversation, Gori suggested the conspiracy of the Pazzi as a good
-subject for a tragedy. Alfieri was ignorant of the history of the
-republic of Florence, and had never heard of the Pazzi. Gori placed the
-Florentine annals of Machiavelli in his hands. Machiavelli (whatever his
-motives were for writing "The Prince") was an enthusiastic republican.
-He tells us in his letters, that while writing the history, he delighted
-himself by exposing the conduct of the princes who had ruined Italy: his
-spirit of freedom found an echo in Alfieri's heart, and so sharpened his
-hatred of despotism, and his love of liberty, that, throwing aside his
-tragedies, he wrote a treatise on tyranny,&mdash;a work of eloquence, but
-rather a juvenile ebullition of feeling, than an argumentative essay.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the advance of winter, Alfieri transferred himself to Florence; and
-here an event happened that altered the colour of his future life,
-through the influence of a constant attachment, which, accompanied by
-esteem for the good qualities and talents of its object, remained fixed
-in his heart to the end of his life.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Louisa de Stolberg, countess of Albany, was at that time twenty-five
-years of age, beautiful and full of talent. Her rank and wealth gave her
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">{Pg 279}</a></span>
-a distinguished place in society. She was the wife of the last of the
-Stuarts who made pretensions to the throne of England, who unfortunately
-disgraced his illustrious house, and even the private station to which
-he was reduced, by habits the most deplorable. Alfieri now regarded his
-future prospects as fixed: he had long determined never to marry,
-considering that, under the despotic government to which he was a
-subject, the ties of husband and father would add weight to the chains
-imposed upon him: attached for life to a woman whom he esteemed worthy
-of him, and beyond all things ambitious of distinguishing himself as an
-author and a defender of the cause of liberty, he began to put into
-execution the schemes which had long presented themselves to his
-imagination, for acquiring entire personal freedom. The nobles of
-Piedmont were in a peculiarly enslaved state: they could not quit the
-territories of their sovereign except by especial leave, granted for a
-limited time; nor could they publish any writings in a foreign country,
-without the licence of their native prince, under penalty of a fine, and
-even imprisonment, "if" (so the law was expressed) "it was necessary to
-make a public example." These shackles were intolerable to a man of
-independent mind, bent upon giving testimony of his abhorrence of
-despotic rule: but few men would have freed themselves at the cost that
-Alfieri paid. He came to a resolve to make a donation of the whole of
-his property to his sister Julia, reserving to himself only the annual
-income of 1400 sequins, or about 600<i>l</i>. a year, the half of his
-actual receipt. To execute this design, the king's permission was
-necessary, who readily gave it, "being," says Alfieri, "as willing to get
-rid of me as I was to emancipate myself from his authority."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The transfer, however, was not completed without a good deal of
-annoyance; and Alfieri was irritated, at one time, into making a
-declaration, that, if his brother-in-law would not receive the donation,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">{Pg 280}</a></span>
-he must the count's abandonment of his whole property; and that he would
-resign his claim to every possession rather than be fettered by the laws
-attendant upon keeping it. In the exaltation of his imagination, he
-almost imagined that this latter offer would be acted on; and, finding
-himself reduced to merely a few thousand sequins of ready money, he fell
-into his second fit of avarice, selling his horses, and all his
-superfluous plate, furniture, and even dress, renouncing the Sardinian
-uniform, to which he had adhered, from boyish vanity, even after
-quitting the service. He spent a good deal of money in books; but this
-was his sole expense; while his abstemiousness of living, directed by
-economy, became of the most rigid kind. Thus, even in extremes, resolved
-never to marry, resolved to be an author, he completed sacrifices, which
-a thousand circumstances might afterwards have caused him to regret, but
-which, he assures us, he never for a moment repented. He did not confide
-the secret of this change in his affairs to the countess until it was
-past recal; for, as their ultimate effect was to render their union more
-stable and permanent, he felt that she might consider it right, as a
-mark of her disinterestedness, to oppose them. When all was over, her
-blame was of no avail, and she forgave the mystery he had practised.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-These various annoyances, joined to the perturbations of love, and the
-ardour of his literary application, occasioned an illness from which he
-only recovered when the season of summer brought that healthiness of
-feeling, that lightness of spirit, and that energy for composition,
-which summer and its heats always imparted to his constitution. During
-this summer, Alfieri, as he tells us, "in a frantic delirium of a love
-of freedom," wrote his tragedy of the "Pazzi," and that of "Mary Stuart"
-(Mary Queen of Scots); the latter at the request of the countess of
-Albany. During the following year he completed these and made the first
-sketch of "Rosmunda," "Ottavia," and "Timoleon." Since his tragedies
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">{Pg 281}</a></span>
-have become so numerous, and many of his best are written, it will be as
-well to glance over them, and to give some account of his progress and
-success in an art to which he devoted his life and fortune.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Energy and conciseness are the distinguishing marks of Alfieri's dramas.
-Wishing to bring the whole action of the piece into one focus, he
-rejected altogether the confidantes of the French theatre, so that his
-dramatis personæ are limited to the principals themselves. The
-preservation of the unities of time and place also contributed to
-curtail all excrescences; so that his tragedies are short, and all hear
-upon one point only, which he considered the essence of unity of action.
-Thus, in the "Merope," there are but four interlocutors, the queen and
-her son, his foster-father, and the tyrant. Instead, therefore, as is
-the case in the French dramas, of the action being carried on by a
-perpetual talk about it, at once tedious and unnatural, the interest is
-always at its height between the parties themselves; and it is singular,
-in the "Merope" in particular, with what talent and success he keeps the
-action in perpetual progress, and the passions developed by such slender
-means. It was the turn of Alfieri's character to consider it a duty in
-an author rather to conquer difficulties than to acquire facilities. He
-would read no other tragedians, for fear of imitating them, and
-abstained from a perusal of the great master of the art, Shakspeare,
-from the same mistaken notion. Genius need not fear to be imitative; but
-genius, unaided by cultivation, and by a study of what has gone before,
-can never surpass what is already written: it were as if a scientific
-man were to refuse to be initiated in the discoveries of science, that
-he might pursue his labours in a new and original path. Thus he might,
-we will say, re-invent gunpowder and printing, but never a new law and a
-new power. To use a more homely illustration, it were as if an
-agriculturist refused to manure the ground, and was bent on forcing the
-native soil, to produce by labour what would arise with greater
-fertility and ease if aided by extraneous nutriment. It is a law of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">{Pg 282}</a></span>
-mechanics, never to waste power, but to proportionate on all occasions
-the means to the end. If, instead of refusing to read the finest
-dramatic works, Alfieri had studied in them the genius and essence of
-the art; he might; instead of simply restricting his invention to the
-bald and inconclusive expedient of contracting the personages of his
-drama, have invented some original method of combining the simplicity of
-design consequent on an observance of the unities, with a more natural
-and inforced arrangement of plot, and with a greater variety and truth
-of character.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The great distinction between Shakspeare and almost every other dramatic
-writer arises from his developement and variety of character: all his
-personages are individuals. In other authors, we have a lover, an
-ambitious man, a tyrant, or a victim of tyranny; but in Shakspeare it is
-not the passion that makes the man, but the peculiar character of the
-person that gives reality and life to the passion. Thus Richard III. and
-Macbeth are both ambitious; but how differently do their respective
-dispositions modulate their conduct and feelings! The cruel, remorseless
-Richard can never, in a single line he utters, be mistaken for the weak,
-vacillating usurper, whose cruelties result from the necessities of his
-situation, and not from inborn ferocity of character. Juliet, Imogen,
-and Rosalind, are alike girls in love; but how variously do they display
-their sentiments! the ardent Italian, the fond, devoted wife, and the
-sprightly, spirited daughter of an exiled prince, are all individuals
-characterised by distinctive marks; so that a painter would give to each
-a physiognomy utterly dissimilar the one from the other. If Alfieri had
-read Shakspeare, he might have discovered and appreciated this
-incomparable mark of his excellence; and his knowledge of the human
-heart would have led him to imitate a model which, if succeeded in,
-could not, from its very nature, bear any resemblance to mere
-plagiarism. He himself felt that one tyrant should not quite resemble
-another, nor one lover be but the mirror of another: but so it is with
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">{Pg 283}</a></span>
-him, with few exceptions&mdash;situation, not character, forms the interest
-of his pieces.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Besides this, Alfieri was not an imaginative poet: his sonnets and
-longer poems are failures; his tragedies are vacant of ideal imagery;
-his sensible objects are never animated by a soul infused into them by
-the speaker; his daggers and poisons, and all the other tragic
-paraphernalia, are the mere things themselves&mdash;the poet's eye never
-gives "to airy nothing a local habitation and a name." His inventive
-powers consisted in being able to conceive situations of passion and
-interest, and giving to his personages feelings and language at once
-natural, powerful, and pathetic.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His mode of writing his tragedies shows, indeed, how spontaneous was his
-conception of the action of a piece, how mechanical the effort by which
-he clothed it in verse. He was accustomed to throw off the design of the
-intended action in a sketch of a few pages, and then to lay it by: after
-an interval, he read this sketch, and, if it pleased him, he arranged
-the plot into acts, and scenes, and speeches, putting down every idea
-that presented itself, and the whole in prose; and again he put aside
-his labour for future consideration. If, on reading it over, he felt his
-imagination warmed and excited, and the ideas renew themselves in his
-mind vividly and forcibly, then he completed his work by versifying it.
-This is not the routine which a genuine poet follows: something of the
-improvisatore's art is inherent in him, and he writes "in numbers, for
-the numbers come."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Philip" was the first of Alfieri's tragedies: it was originally written
-in French prose; and he was so well pleased with its conduct, that he
-was never weary of composing and recomposing it in Italian verse, till
-he was satisfied that the language was equal in vigour to the ideas it
-expressed. The subject of "Philip" is the death of don Carlos, prince of
-Spain; and the contrast of character in the three principal persons is
-finely conceived and well executed. There is the obdurate, deceitful,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">{Pg 284}</a></span>
-cruel tyrant. His son, educated near him, in perpetual fear and
-suspicion, is never his dupe: he sees through all his subterfuges, and
-perceives the snares laid for him in his pretended mercies; and love,
-while it causes him to expose himself to his father's vengeance, only
-renders him doubly watchful and cautious. Isabella, on the contrary, a
-daughter of France, at the same time that, from feminine delicacy, she
-is more restrained in her feelings, yet is unsuspicious, unguarded, and
-ready to give credit to the professions of those around. Her heart opens
-itself readily to hope; while that of her lover is impassive to every
-delusion, and he regards with terror and grief the peril to which, in
-her generous trustingness of nature, she heedlessly exposes herself.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As the genius of Alfieri led him to depict the passions in their
-simplest though most energetic form, unaccompanied by the influence of
-manners, the metaphysical subtleties of Shakspeare, or the wild, but
-deeply interesting intricacy of plot of Calderon and our old dramatists,
-so classical subjects were treated by him with peculiar felicity.
-"Agamemnon" and "Orestes" are among his best dramas: the dignity and
-tenderness of Electra, the remorse and struggles of Clytemnestra, and
-the haughty, rash disposition of Orestes, have more of truth, of nature,
-and grace than is to be found among any modern tragedies on similar
-subjects: but this very simplicity becomes, to a certain degree,
-baldness in modern subjects; and though the conspiracy of the "Pazzi"
-was written, he says, with a delirious enthusiasm for liberty, there is
-a want of developement and relief that renders it more like the sketch
-of a tragedy, than one filled out in all its parts. "Virginia," equally
-pregnant with the spirit of liberty, has more grace and more pathos.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While the mind of Alfieri was thus fully occupied by the composition of
-his dramas, he was happy in the enjoyment of the friendship and love of
-the persons dearest to him in the world. He was the <i>amico di casa</i> of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">{Pg 285}</a></span>
-the countess of Albany; that is, he spent his evenings in her society,
-and attended her in mornings during her visits and excursions: he kept
-up a constant correspondence with Gori, at Siena; and the abbate Caluso,
-the friend who had first awakened his desire for literary composition,
-many years before, at Lisbon, and to whom he was warmly attached, came
-from Turin, and spent a whole year at Florence, that he might enjoy his
-society. But the tranquil course of happiness is seldom allowed to human
-beings, especially when they feel and acknowledge their perfect
-well-being, and repose content on the accomplishment of their desires.
-The conduct of the unfortunate prince, who was the countess of Albany's
-husband, poisoned every enjoyment, and, at last, forced his wife to
-separate herself from him. Given up to the most degrading vice,&mdash;in
-his drunken fits his ferocity and madness endangered her life, and she
-lived night and day, haunted by the terror inspired by his outrages.
-Alfieri exerted himself to obtain permission from the government for their
-separation; and, that being obtained, she retired to a convent in
-Florence, and afterwards, under the sanction of the pope, she removed to
-another convent at Rome.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Alfieri found that thus he had succeeded in saving the life of his
-friend; but the separation necessary to prevent any injurious opinions
-being formed as to the motives of his interference, was a cruel reward
-for his exertions. Florence grew hateful to him in her absence; he
-became incapable of every occupation, and his whole thoughts were bent
-on contriving their re-union: it was matter of difficulty, but not
-insuperable to his earnest endeavours. After some months, the pope
-allowed her to quit her convent, and to take up her abode in the palace
-of cardinal York; and Alfieri, having already quitted Florence and spent
-some time at Naples, ventured at last to fix himself at Rome also,
-having, as he tells us, paid court, made visits, and employed a thousand
-servile and humiliating arts, from which his nature revolted, to obtain
-the sufferance of the pope for his residence in the same city as the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">{Pg 286}</a></span>
-countess. No honours, no glory, no worldly advantage, could have induced
-him to submit to what he considered the excess of meanness and
-degradation; love alone exalted the debasement in his eyes.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Now again he was happy: he lived at the villa Strozzi, near the baths of
-Dioclesian. He spent the long mornings in study, never leaving his house
-except to ride over the solitary and uncultivated country around Rome,
-whose immense and lonely expanse invited him to reverie and poetic
-composition. He spent the evenings with the countess, retiring at eleven
-to his tranquil home, which, divided from all others, rural though in
-the city, and surrounded by objects of antique grandeur and natural
-beauty, was an abode such as Rome only in the world can afford, and
-peculiarly adapted to the noble poet's temper, character, and
-occupations.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His imagination received its happiest inspirations during this period.
-Besides continual labour on his former compositions, he wrote the
-tragedies of "Merope" and "Saul," both conceived and executed with a
-fervour of inspiration that allowed him no pause between the various
-operations into which he divided the composition of a tragedy. The
-"Merope" was written in a sort of indignant burst, to prove that the
-tragedy of Maffei on the subject, could be easily surpassed. The "Saul"
-emanated from reading the Bible, in the study of which he at that time
-occupied himself, and which awoke in him a desire to write several
-dramas on scriptural subjects; had it not been that, fond of forming
-resolutions and of adopting voluntary chains, since he cast away and
-abhorred all others, he had determined to limit his tragedies to twelve.
-The "Saul" and "Merope" caused him to exceed this number by two; but he
-would not be allured to go beyond.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The "Saul" is, there can be little question, the chef-d'oeuvre of
-Alfieri: character forms the basis of the interest, and the situations
-are deeply pathetic. Saul, in some degree, reminds the reader of king
-Lear. The Hebrew king is not, like Shakspeare's dethroned monarch,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">{Pg 287}</a></span>
-thrust from his state, and turned out by his children, a victim to the
-pitiless elements, and, more bitter still, the sense of undeserved
-injury from those whose duty it was to foster and shelter him. The
-children of Saul, and his son-in-law David, surround him with
-protestations of duty and a heartfelt wish to soothe him by their
-affection and care; but he is struck by God; prosperity has departed
-from his house, victory from his banner; and his vacillating reason
-discerns rebellion and dethronement in the very submissions of those
-around him. He struggles with the sense of ill fortune, and the sad
-consciousness of the occasional aberrations of his intellect; now
-lamenting the days of his prosperous youth, now melted to tenderness by
-the caresses of his children; and again, seized upon by suspicion, envy,
-and pride, he wildly and madly casts from him every support and hope, to
-find himself, in the end, alone, defeated, lost; till in a transport of
-shame and despair, he ends a life so tarnished and abhorrent. "Saul" is
-the best of Alfieri's tragedies; and, if we were called upon to point
-out his best scene, we should select the second act of that play.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote1">1782.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-33.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-Alfieri felt proud and happy when he had completed his fourteen
-tragedies. "That month of October," he writes, "was memorable to me,
-since I enjoyed a repose no less delicious than necessary, after so much
-labour: full to the brim of vainglory, I breathed no word of my
-achievements to any but myself, and, with a sort of veiled moderation,
-to her I loved; who, through her affection for me, probably, seemed well
-inclined to believe that I was capable of being a great man, and always
-encouraged me to do all I could to become one." His works, also, were
-becoming known. A few of the nobility of Rome formed themselves into a
-company, and acted his "Antigone," in which he took the part of Creon:
-the representation was crowned with success. He was, besides, in the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">{Pg 288}</a></span>
-habit of reading his tragedies in society, partly for the sake of the
-mute criticism displayed by the attention and interest they excited in
-his audience; and, under the superintendence of his friend Gori, four
-among his dramas were printed at Siena.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But this very celebrity was the cause of the disaster that hung over his
-head, and, by drawing attention to him, engendered enmity and
-disturbance. His familiar intercourse with the countess, and the daily
-habit of his life, in forming a part of the society she gathered around
-her, began to excite censure: this roused at once his fears and
-indignation. His mode of life was in strict accordance with the notions
-of propriety, as they rule manners in Italy. Injurious and to be
-deprecated as the system of society is, no individual thinks, when he
-follows the example of the whole of his countrymen, that he should be
-selected as an object for blame. However, in a moral and religious view,
-the so-named friendship of the countess and Alfieri was blameable, yet
-they scrupulously attended to the rules of decorum, which form the whole
-of an Italian's conscience, generally speaking, and believed that they
-had every right to be happy in each other. As we have said in another
-place, we are not inclined to bestow vehement blame on individual
-conduct, resulting from a system of manners which has endured for ages,
-while that system itself merits the utmost abhorrence, and, we are happy
-to be able to say, is in progress of being extirpated in Italy: until it
-is, there can be no hope of moral regeneration, or for the happiness and
-improvement of its inhabitants.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-However, it must be remembered that though, especially in those days, no
-one would have been so unreasonable or barbarous as to prevent a lady
-from having a cavaliere servente, yet the peculiar cavaliere she selects
-is usually forbidden; and as much misery is often produced by an
-interference in the lady's choice as by a total prohibition to be
-allowed a friend at all. In the present instance, the husband of the
-countess complained to his brother, the priests of the holy city were
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">{Pg 289}</a></span>
-roused to a perception of the scandal, and the pope induced to consider
-it right to interfere. Alfieri found only one mode of mitigating the
-violence of the menaced storm, which was to meet it: he voluntarily
-quitted Rome, and, to prevent any actual measures of prohibition and
-banishment, went into voluntary exile.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Affections and habits which had subsisted so long could not be thus
-rudely torn up without intense suffering. After several years of
-happiness, Alfieri found himself cast from the shelter he had selected,
-wherein to place his warm and sensitive heart, upon solitude,
-uncertainty, and bitter regret. Poetry and composition became
-distasteful to him; he could not even enjoy his friend Gori's society,
-whom he visited immediately upon quitting Rome: he was ashamed to annoy
-him by his melancholy, and his restlessness and desire for travel
-returned. He visited Venice, and wandered for some time in Lombardy, and
-then again returned to Siena, to attend to the printing of six other
-tragedies, although he had become indifferent even to the lately
-engrossing desire of fame; and then he suddenly resolved to visit
-England, for the sole purpose of buying horses.
-<span class="sidenote1">1783.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-34.</span>
-He had long put himself on short allowance with regard to these
-favourite animals; but, having saved a large sum of ready money, during
-several years, at first of parsimony, and then of economy, he determined
-to spend it on the purchase and maintenance of a number of English
-horses of the best breed. A journey thus undertaken, with but one
-object, was executed with a mixture of impetuosity and persevering
-patience characteristic of Alfieri. He went to England; he bought his
-horses, fourteen in number, to equal that of his tragedies; he
-transported them safely across the straits of Dover, conducted them with
-unwearied care through France, and led them across Mont Cenis with a
-success&mdash;they being injured neither in wind or limb&mdash;on which he
-for the moment prided himself scarcely less than on his dramatic labours.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On his return to Italy, he remained a few weeks at Turin; and the king
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">{Pg 290}</a></span>
-showed a disposition to employ him under government. His minister
-sounded the count: but he refused to entertain any proposition on the
-subject; for, although he acknowledges that the sovereigns of the house
-of Savoy were not tyrannically inclined, but showed every inclination to
-benefit their subjects, his uncompromising, and even fierce, spirit of
-independence spurned every shackle, and he felt to breathe more freely
-when he had quitted the territories of Piedmont. The countess of Albany
-was now on her way to Baden for the summer. She passed northwards along
-the shores of the Adriatic, while Alfieri proceeded south, by Modena and
-Pistoia, to Siena. He had resisted the temptation of crossing the narrow
-portion of Italy between them, and obtaining a brief interview; but when
-she had arrived at Baden, and he at Siena, this fortitude gave way, and
-he suddenly left his horses, and his friend Gori, and posted with all
-haste to Alsatia, there for three months to enjoy her society.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During the two years of absence which he had endured. Alfieri had
-forgotten poetry, study, glory, and his tragedies. But the countess's
-presence awoke every dormant energy, and scarcely had he arrived, before
-he conceived and wrote "Agis," "Sofonisba" and "Mirra." The last
-deserves to be particularly mentioned as one of the best of his dramas,
-particularly as he overcomes difficulties of the most appalling
-description. "I had never thought," he says, "either of Myrrha or Biblis
-as subjects for the drama. But, in reading Ovid's "Metamorphoses," I hit
-upon the affecting and divinely eloquent speech of Myrrha to her nurse,
-which caused me to burst into tears, and, like a flash of lightning,
-awoke in me the idea of a tragedy. It appeared to me that a most
-original and pathetic piece might be written, if the author could
-contrive that the spectator should discover by degrees the horrible
-struggles of the burning but pure heart of the more miserable than
-guilty Myrrha, without her betraying the half, nor scarcely owning to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">{Pg 291}</a></span>
-herself so criminal a passion. My idea was, that she should do in my
-tragedy what Ovid describes her as relating, but do it in silence."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-There is something touchingly beautiful in the first description of
-Myrrha, in a scene between her mother and her nurse. She is described as
-so gentle, docile, soft, and pliable of nature&mdash;so fearful of doing
-wrong&mdash;so sweetly earnest to please her parents&mdash;and now to be
-labouring under a melancholy so dark and gloomy, as to deface her beauty,
-and bow her in appearance to the grave. As the action is developed, the
-notion that she is under a supernatural curse adds to the awe and pity of
-the reader; but, at last, it must be confessed, her violence and frenzy
-pass the bounds of modest nature, and the passion she nurtures fails in
-exciting our sympathy. This is the fault of the subject; inequality of
-age adding to the unnatural incest. To shed any interest over such an
-attachment, the dramatist ought to adorn the father with such youthful
-attributes as would be by no means contrary to probability: but then a
-worse evil would ensue; and the more possible such criminal passion
-becomes, the more violently does the mind revolt from dwelling on it.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While at Baden, Alfieri received the afflicting intelligence of the
-unexpected death of his friend Gori. This misfortune disturbed his
-enjoyment of the last days of his visit, which of themselves were sad,
-from the approximation of so painful and bitter a separation. With
-reluctance and grief he left the countess and returned to Siena; but his
-sorrow was too acute to admit of a prolonged stay in a town where he had
-enjoyed the company of a friend lost for ever. He removed to Pisa; while
-the countess took up her abode at Bologna. The Apennines only divided
-them, but he dared not cross them. The gossip of the small Italian towns
-is unconceivably eager and pertinacious; and it was necessary for her
-future liberty to guard their conduct from all remark. Early in the
-following spring, the countess departed for Paris, resolving to fix
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">{Pg 292}</a></span>
-herself in France, where she had friends, relations, and resources. In
-the month of August she again visited Baden, and Alfieri joined her.
-Again his mind was vivified and warmed by happiness, and again two
-tragedies were the result of the inspiration. The subjects were the
-Brutus of the monarchy of Rome and the Brutus who died at Philippi. In
-the first he displays great force and energy; but the second, we must be
-permitted to say, is a complete failure. To make a perfect equality of
-sacrifice between the two heroes, as Lucius Junius Brutus caused his
-sons to be decapitated, so he makes his descendant, Marcus, assassinate
-his parent. The idea that Cæsar was the father of Brutus is so totally
-devoid of foundation, and so little in consonance with the simple
-majesty of the character of the patriot, that it deteriorates from the
-interest of the drama, and, instead of exalting him, the discovery, the
-resolution he declares nevertheless to persist in the assassination, the
-sympathy and admiration he gains, is all so feeble, so puerile, and so
-false, that it is astonishing that Alfieri did not detect his mistake.
-To us, who possess the most admirable portrait ever drawn of magnanimous
-and single-minded virtue in Shakspeare's delineation of the character of
-Brutus, this failure becomes more glaring, and gives further proof of
-the Italian poet's error in not studying the pages of the greatest
-writer the world ever produced.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After some months spent at Colmar, the countess returned to Paris; while
-Alfieri remained at the former place, writing letters and sonnets,
-mourning over his separation, and correcting his tragedies. He passed
-two or three years at this place, the countess joining him during the
-summers. In that of 1787, he had a most dangerous illness. His friend,
-the abbate Caluso, came from Turin to visit him; and but for this
-illness, he had been perfectly happy. On the approach of winter that
-year, he accompanied the countess back to Paris, and established himself
-there. The death of her husband restored her to liberty; but a number of
-circumstances led them to continue for some time in France. Whether they
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">{Pg 293}</a></span>
-were married now, is a secret that never has been revealed; but their
-union was acknowledged, and it was understood that their constant,
-inviolable attachment had received from time a sanction which prevented
-any blame from being cast on it by their relations and friends. Alfieri
-mourned over the necessity that brought him back to his abjured
-Gallicisms; but he was somewhat consoled, during a three years'
-residence in Paris, by superintending and bringing out an edition of his
-tragedies, on which he bestowed the last labours of correction with
-regard to style, and brought the language as near to his standard of
-perfection as he was capable of attaining.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The disagreeable and, to his sensitive temperament, irritating task of
-correcting the press, seems to have exercised an injurious influence
-over his temper and genius. According to his own account, it dried up
-his brain, quenched the fire of youthful enthusiasm, and prevented his
-ever again writing with equal vigour and felicity. After terminating the
-correction of his tragedies, he fortunately betook himself to writing
-the memoirs of his life, which are the groundwork from which the present
-pages are taken. It is written unaffectedly, and with great frankness
-and self-knowledge; the style is unstudied, and the egotism of feeling
-which produced it imparts extreme interest to the details. After
-bringing down the history of his life till the year 1790, when he was
-forty-one years of age, he still felt an utter inability to any high
-flight in literature, and he occupied himself in translating the
-"Æneid" and the Comedies of Terence. He had long enthusiastically
-admired the versification of Virgil, and tried to model his own upon it,
-adapting it, at the same time, to dramatic dialogue. This circumstance
-is curious, since no style can be so opposite; the mellifluous,
-dignified, and graceful flow of the Latin poet being a contrast to the
-rough and concise energy of the modern Italian. This observation
-regards, however, only his tragedies; less praise must be bestowed on
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">{Pg 294}</a></span>
-his other productions in verse: his translation of the "Æneid" is
-feeble in the extreme; his longer original poems are devoid of even
-secondary merit; and his love sonnets are, to say all in a word, the
-very antipodes of his immortal master, Petrarch. Alfieri is a great
-tragedian: it is impossible to read his best dramas without being
-carried away by the eloquence and passion of the dialogue, and deeply
-interested by the situations of struggle or peril in which his
-personages are placed. The rapidity of the action, and the earnestness
-and life with which every scene is instinct, renders it impossible to
-close the volume till the catastrophe ends all. Alfieri was also an
-excellent prose writer: his treatise on "Princes and Literature" is full
-of power; the style is correct, flowing, yet simple, and without
-meretricious ornament. The pure spirit of independence burns like a holy
-lamp throughout, and gives a charm to every sentiment and expression.
-But never was line so distinctly drawn between the poetry of
-circumstance, so to speak, and ideal poetry: In all the pages of Alfieri
-there is not one imaginative image; and we feel this most in his lyrics,
-since ideality is the soul of lyric poetry. He seems never to have been
-conscious of this defect. He would readily have admitted that Dante and
-Petrarch were superior to him in genius; but he seems unaware that they
-possessed a quality of which not one glimmering ray is to be found in
-the whole course of the flood of rhymes to the composition of which he
-alludes frequently as being the overflowings of poetic inspiration. It
-is possible that Alfieri might have been a great novelist, had he ever
-turned his attention to that species of composition. Or had he continued
-to invent, instead of drying his brain up with the irksome task of
-correcting what he had already written, he might have bestowed on us
-tragedies finer than any we have of his, or, at least, several equal to
-the "Saul." But, with all his philosophy and self-examination, he did
-not understand the texture and capabilities of his intellect.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">{Pg 295}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To return to his life in Paris. The disquietude arising from the French
-revolution added to the irritable state of Alfieri's mind. We all see
-the visible universe through a medium formed by our individual
-peculiarities; but it is curious to find the advocate of liberty lay
-most stress on his fear lest the tumults of Paris should interrupt the
-completion of Didot's edition of his works. Probably his intense
-abhorrence of the French prevented his fostering rational hopes for the
-ultimate advantages to be gained by the overthrow of the time-worn and
-corrupt monarchy of France, at the same time that it prevented his ever
-being blinded by any illusion as to the real character of the events
-passing around him. He prides himself on never having seen or conversed
-with any one of the revolutionary leaders, and on having always regarded
-the rise of a lawless democracy as the stepping-stone to military
-despotism. From the first, he was eager to get away from these scenes of
-bloodshed and horror, and in the spring of 1791 accompanied the countess
-of Albany to England. This country did not please her; and he, grown
-querulous and subject to the gout, was quickly disgusted by the climate,
-and annoyed by the peculiar habits of life of the English. A great
-portion of his and the countess's fortune was in the French funds; and
-the fall of the assignats made it advisable for them to live in the
-country where they still bore a value. This circumstance induced them to
-return to Paris; and, resolving to fix themselves there, they took a
-house, furnished it, and Alfieri collected a voluminous library: but the
-whirlwind that swept over unhappy France included them in its
-devastations. They became alarmed by the increase of lawless violence;
-and when, on the 10th of August, 1792, Louis XVI. was dragged from the
-Tuilleries and imprisoned in the Temple, they determined to fly from a
-city, where it appeared that no one of rank or wealth could remain in
-safety. The impetuosity of the poet's character was of great advantage
-on this occasion. With infinite difficulty passports were obtained for
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">{Pg 296}</a></span>
-the countess and himself; and they fixed on the 20th of August for their
-departure. The impatience of Alfieri caused them to anticipate their
-journey, and they set out on the 18th. With a good deal of difficulty
-they passed the barrier of St. Denis, and hastened to a place of safety.
-Two days after, on the 20th, the municipality of Paris sent to arrest
-the countess: had she remained, she would have been thrown into prison,
-and, in all probability, have fallen a victim during the massacres of
-the 2d of September. Not finding her, their income arising from the
-French funds was sequestrated, their furniture, horses, and books
-confiscated, and though foreigners, they were both declared emigrants.
-Alfieri chiefly lamented his library, and the edition of his works. Some
-years after, a French general, then at Turin, with a good deal of
-ostentation, offered to obtain the restoration of his books, a list of
-which he sent him. Alfieri has left about 1600 volumes: the list
-contained the names of 150 of the least valuable. He refused to avail
-himself of what he ironically calls a "French restitution;" and surely,
-if national contempt and hatred is ever pardonable, it was to be excused
-in an Italian, who saw his country over-run by soi-disant liberators,
-who displayed their friendly intentions by a thousand acts of plunder
-and arrogance.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Burning with an unquenchable hatred for all things French, Alfieri
-returned to Florence with the countess of Albany, in which city he
-remained till his death. In the tranquillity of his position, his love
-of study awoke with renewed force. But whether it was that his fiery
-temperament burnt itself quickly out, or that the ardour of his studies,
-joined to ill health and intemperate abstemiousness, exhausted him.
-Alfieri appears to have grown prematurely old. The spirit of invention
-was dead within him; and nothing can be more deplorable than that which
-he mistook for such, under whose influence he wrote laughterless
-comedies and toothless satires, the most dolorous and innoxious that can
-be imagined. Still, though original invention was dead, industry,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">{Pg 297}</a></span>
-perseverance, and fervour in the pursuit of learning were as warm as
-ever in his heart. He brought to a conclusion his translations of
-Terence, the "Æneid," and Sallust: the latter is an excellent specimen
-of style; but his poetic translations are languid and unworthy. As to
-the unlucky "Misogallo," in which he accumulates, in prose and verse,
-the whole force of his detestation of the French, it remains a monument
-of how little men know themselves, and the mistakes to which genius is
-liable, when it exchanges the nobler pursuit of the good and beautiful,
-to soil itself by the pettier passions of our nature.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-While thus employed, a more genial pursuit occupied him for a short
-period, which he calls waste of time, but which, by linking him in
-agreeable intercourse with his fellow creatures, and wearing away the
-rust produced by despondency and over-excited feelings, would have made
-his latter years happier; but Alfieri, ever bent on fighting with
-difficulties, and thwarting his natural tendencies, cast from him the
-medicine offered to his diseased mind. Some friends of his, possessed of
-histrionic talent, got up his tragedy of "Saul:" Alfieri filled the part
-of the unfortunate king. Others of his plays were afterwards
-represented, in which he also acted; but he always preferred the part of
-Saul, which confirms our opinion, that it is, of all the characters he
-has pourtrayed, the best fitted for the stage, and the nearest approach
-to those unrivalled princes of the drama, the heroes of Shakspeare.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After some months had been occupied by these representations, Alfieri
-gave them up, and devoted himself exclusively to study. He had many
-plans for composition: the chief of these were what he called
-tramelogedie, or tragic melodramas, only one of which, "Abel," he found
-energy to write, and this is an entire failure. He entered on a new field,
-to which his genius was not adapted&mdash;the mingling of human beings
-and spirits, of the passions of the heart and the airy creations of our
-fancy; a species of composition which is to be found in perfection in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">{Pg 298}</a></span>
-Calderon, and which Goëthe, Byron, and Shelley have made familiar to us
-in modern times, and, according to their various capacities, adorned
-with the mystery, fire, and glowing imagery peculiar to each.&mdash;But of
-this creative power, that peoples our world with beings not of it,
-though in it,&mdash;Alfieri was wholly destitute. We have already remarked
-how entirely his writings are wanting in the more ideal attributes of
-imaginative poetry.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the age of forty-six he applied himself with desperate ardour to the
-study of the Greek language. Forty-six is no advanced age: how many men
-are in their prime at that epoch! but it was not so with Alfieri; his
-very memory failed him, but he persevered with his accustomed energy,
-battling with difficulties as if they had been opponents, inspired with
-a sense of opposition. Thus he read the most difficult authors, with the
-notes of the scholiasts, learning an infinite multitude of verses by
-heart, and acquiring, in the end, by dint of unwearied industry, a
-considerable knowledge of the language.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His health was infirm and his quiet disturbed by the progress of the
-French armies. They came, they said, to liberate Italy, and, under this
-pretence, destroyed its native governments, introduced their own crude
-institutions, and then, on pretence of the opposition their tyranny met,
-despoiling the Italians of their works of art, endeavouring even to
-supplant their divine language, and treating with contempt and insolence
-their peculiar manners and customs; so that any welcome given by the
-Italians to these pretended friends only showed more plainly their
-insulting pretensions and rapacity. When the French first appeared in
-Florence, Alfieri and the countess hurried away as if it had been
-visited by the plague. They established themselves at a villa in the
-environs, having removed all their property from their house in the
-city; and here they remained till the French were temporarily driven
-from Tuscany. On their second invasion, Alfieri had no time to retreat,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">{Pg 299}</a></span>
-and he satisfied his feelings of scorn and hatred by never speaking to a
-Frenchman, or admitting the visits of the leaders of its armies.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His melancholy increased with the irritation caused by political events,
-by unwearied study, and the physical weakness produced by his systematic
-abstinence. He was happy in the society of the countess of Albany, and
-that of his dear friend, the abbate Caluso: but many long hours he spent
-by himself in gloomy reverie. The bitterness and asperity of his mind
-was thus increased, and his dislike of society prevented the beneficial
-action of sympathy and mutual forbearance. He considered himself, to a
-great degree, a disappointed man in his literary career, and was
-ignorant of the universal applause bestowed upon his tragedies. He
-divided his time with the most scrupulous exactitude, and his horses
-were still dear to him. Many hours were spent in the aisles of Santa
-Croce, or other churches of Florence, listening to the music, and
-absorbed in reverie.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During the last years of his life, he was visited each spring by a fit
-of the gout, and each summer by a desire to employ himself upon original
-composition, to which he devoted himself with an ardour which brought
-on, each autumn, a dangerous illness. His six unlucky comedies were the
-principal objects of these ill-fated labours; and his life was at last
-their sacrifice. A theorist in all things, he imagined that, as the gout
-proceeded from inflammation, it could be starved out of his frame; and
-he commenced a system of abstinence that deprived him of the nutriment
-necessary to support life. The countess in vain implored him not to
-adhere to so senseless a plan: it has often happened that, by resisting
-the prescriptions of physicians, and the aid of medicine, a man has
-conquered inherent disease, and lived to an old age; but as soon as he
-begins to administer remedies to himself, and to act from theories,
-instead of from that long and arduous practice necessary to give the
-smallest insight into the delicate structure of our physical nature, he
-must become the victim: thus it was with Alfieri; hard study and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">{Pg 300}</a></span>
-abstinence reduced his life to a mere flickering spark; he became a
-skeleton in appearance; each day he took less nourishment, and the
-weaker he grew, the more resolutely did he apply himself to study, as
-the sole solace of his worn-out and burthensome existence. In the month
-of October, 1803, he was attacked by gout in the stomach. The physicians
-wished, by means of blisters and sinapisms, to draw it to the
-extremities; but a childish dislike to the inconvenience which would
-ensue, and the impossibility of taking his daily walk, if these remedies
-were applied to his legs, caused him to refuse them. Opium was given
-instead, and his pain was moderated; but still he sat up; and his mind
-was rather excited than calmed by the narcotics administered: he
-remembered as in dreams, but with the utmost vividness, various
-incidents of his past life, or passages from his own writings and those
-of others; and these he repeated to the countess, who sat by him
-watching. No idea of approaching death seems to have entered his mind;
-and the priest, who came to offer the usual offices of the catholic
-religion to the dying, was sent away with an invitation to return on the
-morrow; whether because he believed that by that time he should be
-beyond such interference, or as a mere excuse for delay, cannot be told.
-As he grew weaker, he sent for the countess, and when she came he
-stretched out his hand, saying "Stringetemi la mano, cara amica; mi
-sento morire." "Press my hand, dear friend; I am dying." These were his
-last words. He died on the 8th of October, 1803, at the age of
-fifty-five.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He was buried in Santa Croce, and the countess of Albany erected a tomb
-to his memory, sculptured by Canova. It is not one of his happiest
-efforts; but the inscription, which has been called pretending, appears
-to me simple and affectionate. "Louisa de Stolberg, countess of Albany,
-to Vittorio Alfieri," is surely no impertinent obtrusion of the name of
-his dearest friend; and it may be remarked, that, while the countess has
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">{Pg 301}</a></span>
-been censured for recording her name so prominently. Alfieri, in the
-epitaph he himself composed for her, makes it her chief praise that she
-was "quam unice dilexit,"&mdash;the only love of the poet.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This account of the life of a man who was endowed with the chief
-attribute of genius,&mdash;that of spontaneously forming and manifesting
-itself, despite every obstacle or adverse circumstance,&mdash;may be
-concluded by the quotation of the sonnet in which he describes his own
-person; a faithful translation of which, which we also append, appeared,
-some years ago, in "The Liberal." It may be quoted with the more
-propriety at the end of his life, since it was written when time had
-robbed him of the graces of youth; giving instead those characteristic
-marks stamped by the action of his disposition and pursuits.
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">"Sublime specchio di veraci detti</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Mostrami in corpo e in anima qual sono.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Capelli or radi in fronte, e rossi pretti;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Lunga statura e capo a terra prono;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Sottil persona su due stinchi schietti;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Bianca pelle, occhi azzurri, aspetto buono,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Giusto naso, bel labbro, e denti eletti,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Pallido in volto più che un re sul trono.</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">"Or duro, acerbo, ora pieghevol mite.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Irato sempre e non maligno mai,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">La mente e il cor meco in perpetua lite,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Per lo più mesto, e tal or lieto assai,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Or stimandomi Achille, ed or Tersite;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Uom, se' tu grande o vii? Muori, e il saprai."<a name="NoteRef_51_51" id="NoteRef_51_51"></a><a href="#Note_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></span>
-</div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">{Pg 302}</a></span></p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_51_51" id="Note_51_51"></a><a href="#NoteRef_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a></p>
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">"Thou lofty mirror, Truth, let me be shown</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Such as I am, in body and in mind.</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Hair plainly red, retreating now behind;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">A stature tall, a stooping head and prone;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">A meagre body on two stilts of bone;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Fair skin, blue eyes, good look, nose well design'd;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">A handsome mouth, teeth that are rare to find,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">And pale in face, more than a king on throne.</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i0">"Now harsh and crabbed, mild and pleasant soon;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Always irascible, no malignant foe;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">My head and heart and I never in tune;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Sad for the most part, then in such a flow</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Of spirits, I feel now hero, now buffoon;</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Man, art thou great or vile?&mdash;die, and thou 'It know."</span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="MONTI">MONTI</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1754-1828.</h4>
-
-<p>
-Monti is, without question, the greatest Italian poet that has appeared
-since the golden days of its poetry: he alone emulates his predecessors
-in the higher flights of the imagination. It has been pronounced of
-Dryden, that if each of the princes of poetry surpassed him in their
-peculiar vein, yet his fire and originality give him a near place beside
-them. Thus Monti has not the sublimity of Dante, nor the tenderness of
-Petrarch; neither the inventive flow of Ariosto, nor Tasso's epic
-conception and voluptuous grace: but he has a fervour, a power of
-imagery, an overflowing and redundance of ideal thought, that mark the
-genuine poet.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He came to revive the languid and unnatural style that flourished under
-the reign of the Arcadians. Some few real poets had sprung up in Italy
-in the interval between Ariosto and Monti: they are recorded in this
-volume. Chiabrera and Filicaja are the chief. These men found in the
-inspiration of their own minds the power that led them to adopt a style of
-their own, and to bestow originality&mdash;which, in one shape or another,
-is the vivifying soul of composition,&mdash;on their productions.
-Metastasio carried clearness and grace of expression to a great perfection,
-but he wanted strength and daring: Alfieri had not a trace of that sunshiny
-and rainbow-like (so to speak) colour-giving power of fancy, without which
-there is no real poetry. For the rest, the poets of those days were
-Arcadians; the very word seems to express volumes of inane affectation,
-and turgid, yet soulless, language. It is thus that a clever Italian
-critic of the present day speaks of them:&mdash;"To the hyperboles and
-conceits of the seicentisti, succeeded the follies and pastorals of the
-Arcadians. The subject treated by these poets were restrained in narrow
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">{Pg 303}</a></span>
-limits; they were all futile, trite, vulgar, or silly,&mdash;adulatory, or
-false. A new-married pair, a nun,&mdash;the new-born babe of some sovereign
-or noble,&mdash;the election of a cardinal, or a bishop, or even of an
-abbé&mdash;a funeral or a feigned love; such were the favourite themes of
-the Arcadians. Was a marriage in question,&mdash;Hymen was adjured to bring
-its chains to link two hearts; and a new Hercules or Achilles was
-prognosticated as the future result of the union. If a girl shut herself
-up in the cloister, the poets expatiated on her happiness; they
-described the heavenly bridegroom as descending and stretching out his
-hand to her, while the mischievous Cupid angrily threw away his golden
-quiver; a censurable mixture of sacred and profane imagery was thus
-introduced, and their ideas were steeped in two fountains, in
-contradiction one to the other, the Bible and mythology. The most
-shameless flattery blotted their pages, as they praised one another, and
-depicted themselves on the heights of Parnassus,&mdash;beside the waters of
-Hypocrene,&mdash;in the company of Apollo and the Muses; and the wonders of
-Orpheus and Amphion were renewed, to express the charms of each other's
-verses. No Arcadian dared imagine himself enamoured of a human being:
-she was no mortal woman, but a goddess,&mdash;a Venus sprung on the instant
-from the foam of the sea: lips, and eyes, and hair, had all their
-appropriate, still-repeated epithets: did their lady sigh, or did one
-word escape the paling of her ivory teeth,&mdash;tempests fled, the winds
-were stilled, and Jove was again tempted to transform himself into a
-bull for her sake."<a name="NoteRef_52_52" id="NoteRef_52_52"></a><a href="#Note_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Men can do strange things when they associate in companies, and keep
-each other in countenance by a wide-spread folly, that bars out the
-wholesome fear of ridicule. Thus, the Arcadians had colonies all over
-Italy. They gave feigned names to each other; they lauded, and
-celebrated, and crowned each other. Good sense and good taste were
-sacrificed in the emulation each felt to transcend his rivals in a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">{Pg 304}</a></span>
-sonorous and turgid system of words, in which neither passion nor
-thought appeared.<a name="NoteRef_53_53" id="NoteRef_53_53"></a><a href="#Note_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> A new genius was wanted to trample on this
-overgrowth of vanity or folly, and to gift the tamed and chained
-language of Dante and Bojardo with wings and liberty. Such was the poet,
-the incidents of whose life we now proceed to detail.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Vincenzo Monti was born in Romagna, on the 19th of February, 1754. His
-father's simple, and even humble, but pretty and agreeable, house was
-situated among the vineyards and agricultural country which lies between
-Fusignano and the Alfonsine, in the Ravennese territory. The air is
-healthy and serene, the country fertile and diversified, and the style
-of life of his parents such as at once cultivated simplicity of taste
-and kindness of heart. Nothing can be more primitive and patriarchal
-than the mode of life of the smaller landholders in Italy; and to this
-class Monti's father belonged. The farm-house&mdash;or villa, as it is
-called, if a little better than a cottage&mdash;is situated amidst the
-ground they cultivate. The name of <i>podere</i> is given to these small
-farms, enclosed by hedges, within whose limits grapes, corn, vegetables,
-and fruits are all cultivated in a sort of picturesque confusion. The
-vines, trained on trellises, form covered walks; and the sound of the
-water-wheel is continually heard, and of the water trickling through the
-conduits that lead it to the various parts of the grounds. The Italian
-farmer works very hard, and the cottager still harder. He divides the
-produce of the land with his landlord, entertains few servants, and his
-habits are at once laborious and frugal. The parents of Monti were an
-excellent specimen of the virtues of this unpretending race. They are
-still remembered in the country by numbers of the poor whom they
-assisted and comforted. Their children were brought up to consider it a
-valuable privilege to bestow help upon those in want of the necessaries
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">{Pg 305}</a></span>
-of life, and Vincenzo in particular inherited from them a warm heart and
-a tenderness of feeling that caused him to be idolised in his domestic
-circle.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti passed his early boyhood in this rural retirement. To the end of
-his life he remembered with fondness the days of his childhood, which
-were spent gaily amidst a large family of three brothers, older than
-himself, and five sisters. The reward for good behaviour among them was
-a permission to distribute charity among the indigent,&mdash;a sacred,
-soul-saving duty with catholics. The well-known benevolence of his
-parents drew numbers to their house, where portions of food were
-distributed to them. His mother never felt so happy as when thus
-engaged; and it is related of her that, when, a few years after, the
-family removed to Majano, where their charitable habits were at first
-unknown, she complained in a sort of alarm that they were no longer
-visited by the poor. The same biographer relates a story of Vincenzo. On
-one occasion he was permitted to distribute the portions of food to
-mendicants, who entered at one door and went out at the other: some
-among them fancied that they could deceive the child, and returned
-twice; and he, with ingenuous shame, turned away, and gave to them twice
-without looking, that he might not be obliged to accuse them of their
-trick. "An anecdote," continues his biographer, "perhaps scarcely worth
-relating, only that it describes the character, or rather, it may be
-said, the whole life of Monti, who, even in old age, frequently suffered
-himself voluntarily to be imposed upon." Were a philosophical analysis
-of Monti's disposition to be attempted, it might be discovered how this
-sensitiveness to the shame of others, this sparing of their feelings in
-preference to the assertion of truth and honesty, makes a part of the
-same weakness that led him always to regard as a secondary consideration
-moral truths and political integrity, when put in competition with the
-happiness and welfare of his domestic circle. We call this sort of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">{Pg 306}</a></span>
-sensibility weakness, because, though usually united to great private
-rectitude of character, it is incompatible with the heroism of the
-patriot and the martyr.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-For several years Monti had no instructors except his kind parents; but,
-soon after their removal to Majano, he was sent to the seminary of
-Faenza, which enjoyed a good reputation for the solidity of its
-instruction; there he learnt early and well the Latin language. His
-first attempts in Latin verse were, however, so singularly infelicitous,
-that his master thought it necessary to put him into a lower class than
-that in which he had first been placed. The boy, roused to indignation,
-made no complaints, but secretly learned by heart the whole of the
-Æneid; and persevered so earnestly in conquering the difficulties, that
-his Latin verses soon became distinguished for a style and harmony that
-announced his poetic talent. His second trial was so different from the
-first, that his masters began to regard him as a sort of prodigy; and he
-himself entered with delight and ardour on the study of the Roman poets.
-The full force of his impetuous and fertile imagination was early
-awakened by them, and he began to exercise the art peculiar to his
-country of extemporising verses; but his master had the judgment to
-withdraw him from an exercise so pernicious to the strength and critical
-delicacy of poetry, and induced him to write with care and meditation.
-He was yet a boy when, under this tutelage, he composed a volume of
-elegies, several of which have been printed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is the usual custom among the smaller landholders of Romagna to
-destine their youngest sons to the agricultural labours of their farms;
-and this was fixed as the career of Monti. He yielded to his father's
-commands, but with reluctance. His mind was opened to the necessity of
-cultivation, and mere manual labour and low-thoughted cares were
-infinitely distasteful to him. His heart was with the Latin poets, from
-whom he could not separate himself; and his dislike to every occupation
-that was not intellectual grew to be insurmountable. His father thought
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">{Pg 307}</a></span>
-it necessary to reprove him; and a scene ensued similar to one recorded
-as having taken place, several centuries before, between Petrarch and
-his father. Vincenzo, moved by his parent's reproof to a belief that his
-literary predilections were reprehensible, made a resolution to renounce
-them. He led his father into his chamber, and there, before him, threw
-his favourite authors into a large fire. The good man, touched by this
-act of docility, gave him twelve sequins; and the youth, unable to
-resist the temptation thus held out, hastened to the neighbouring fair
-of Luga, and spent the whole sum in buying over again the authors whose
-works he had left at home, still warm in the ashes of the fire into
-which he had thrown them. His father, seeing the inutility of combating
-with his inclinations, sent him to the university of Ferrara, wishing
-him to enter on the legal or medical profession. But, after a few vain
-attempts to apply himself to these studies, Monti gave up every other
-pursuit, and dedicated himself wholly to the cultivation of literature
-and poetry. He still continued to write in Latin, and always retained a
-predilection for this language, and later in life translated some of his
-own works into it. His first Italian poem was "The Prophecy of Jacob."
-It was, of course, inexact in versification, and unequal; but when Jacob
-prophesies the future glory of the Lion of Judah, the style rises into
-vigour, and even sublimity. At this time the "Visions" of Varino and the
-sonnets of Minzoni, two Ferrarese poets, fell into his hands. They rose
-above the inanities of the Arcadians, and indicated to him the path he
-should pursue. Through reading them he was brought to the perusal of
-Dante, and his soul opened at once to the conception of all that Italian
-poetry contains of grand and beautiful. Henceforth Alighieri was his
-model and master, and he regarded at once with admiration and a sort of
-worship the elevated and godlike powers of this most inspired of poets.
-He wrote the "Vision of Ezekiel" in a sort of imitation of his
-favourite, in which he displayed that grandeur of imagery and command of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">{Pg 308}</a></span>
-language which distinguish his compositions.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Cardinal Borghese was at that time legate at Ferrara. Admiring the
-youth's genius, he took him under his protection. On his return from his
-legation, he obtained the elder Monti's consent to his son's
-accompanying him to Rome. He was now eighteen. The first intimacy that
-he formed in the capital was with Ennio Quirino Visconti, a man of vast
-erudition; and under his direction Monti extended his classical
-knowledge. It happened, while he was at Rome, that the Erme of Pericles
-and Aspasia were discovered,&mdash;one in excavations made in the villa of
-Cassius at Tivoli, the other at Cività Vecchia. Visconti wrote a
-treatise on these marbles, and invited his friend to celebrate them in a
-poem; and he wrote the "Prosopopea di Pericle," which is preserved in
-the Vatican museum, written with great simplicity of style, and his
-usual easy flow, yet fervour, of language. This was the first time that
-he appeared in the character of a poet at Rome; and it was followed by
-several other attempts. He thus attracted attention; but, having no
-fixed situation, after remaining some years in the capital, he was on
-the point of complying with his father's frequent requests that he would
-return home, when a circumstance happened to change his plans. The
-Arcadians of the Bosco Parrasio celebrated the Quinquenalli of Pius VI.
-(1780, ætat. 26.); when Monti recited some of his compositions, which
-attracted so much applause that the duke of Braschi, the pope's nephew,
-sent for him the next day, and offered him the place of his secretary,
-which was at once accepted. Monti remained at Rome in the house of the
-prince, who treated him with all the kindness of friendship, and he
-enjoyed full leisure to pursue his literary studies.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Yet it is, perhaps, matter of regret that Monti should have been thus
-employed. It is very difficult to make rules for the education of
-genius, when, on the one hand, care and want may fetter, and even crush,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">{Pg 309}</a></span>
-its loftiest aspirations; or too much case and leisure wean it from
-habits of industry, and foster the dissipation of thought and feeling
-which too frequently accompanies the poetic temperament. Monti's muse
-had surely not been silent if he had remained in his father's farm,
-surrounded by the luxuriant beauty of nature, and supported by conscious
-worth and independence. But no people need so much sympathy as poets.
-The interchange of thought and feeling, the fresh spirit of inquiry and
-invention, that springs from the collision or harmony of different
-minds, are with them a necessity and a passion. And though solitude is
-named the mother of all that is truly sublime, yet this solitude ought
-not to be that of desolation, but retirement to meditate on the stores
-heaped up in our intercourse with our fellow-creatures. Monti, among the
-uncultivated peasantry of Romagna, might have found his glowing
-enthusiasm grow cool from the absence of appreciation, and the want of
-sympathy and equal intercourse.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Yet servitude at the court of Rome was no good moral school. To the
-years he spent in the service of the pope's nephew, the habits of
-dependence, and his daily intercourse with courtiers, may be attributed
-that want of political integrity, and ready worship of ruling powers,
-which was the great blot of Monti's character. The genuine glow of real
-talent, the ambition natural to conscious genius, and the instinct of
-one, in whom invention and the power of expression were indigenous, to
-pour forth his ideas and sentiments, qualities which indefeasibly
-belonged to him, would, in almost any situation, have made Monti a
-writer. He might have been less refined in the farms of Romagna, but
-more useful as a moral and dignified asserter of truth and independence.
-Yet we must reflect that the germ of each man's character is born with
-him, to be checked or fostered by education, but still there to colour
-the tide of thought and influence the motives of conduct. And as
-independence and strength of principle never displayed themselves as a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">{Pg 310}</a></span>
-part of Monti's character, temptation might have found him as willing a
-slave in the poverty of his farm as in the luxurious servitude of papal
-Rome.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At Rome, at least, he continued to cultivate his poetic tastes. He
-produced several poems which kept alive his fame. On occasion of the
-marriage of his patron, the duke of Braschi, he wrote an ode entitled
-"Beauty of the Universe;" and he celebrated the journey of Pius VI. to
-the imperial court in a poem entitled the "Apostolic Pilgrim." But he
-aspired to signalise himself by some greater work, and long meditated
-writing a tragedy. As early as 1779 he writes to a friend,&mdash;"I am
-weary of writing verses on frivolous subjects. A tragic drama is the notion
-that most delights me. But how can I satisfy the craving I have to write
-a tragedy, since I am not able to tranquillise my mind, and am occupied
-by affairs which have no connection with poetry? An hundred times I have
-begun, and as often broken off." And in another letter he expresses a
-feeling which has often entered the mind of any one deeply interested in
-carrying on some literary labour:&mdash;"I have a ravenous desire," he
-says, "to write tragedies, which preys upon me. This is my madness; and I
-am in despair, because I fear to die before I finish one."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His ambition was further excited by the emulation inspired by Alfieri.
-This great tragedian was now residing at Rome; and Monti was present
-when he read his "Virginia" in a society composed of the most celebrated
-literati of the day. Monti listened with transport, and, burning with a
-desire to rival this production, he instantly began his tragedy of
-"Aristodemo," founded on a story he had read a few days before in
-Pausanias. He was the more eager to accomplish his purpose, as lie
-perceived the faults of Alfieri's style, and hoped to avoid them. The
-fecundity of his imagination rendered it easy for him to rise above the
-baldness and unideal versification of his rival; so that it has been
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">{Pg 311}</a></span>
-pronounced, that a perfect tragedy would be produced, were "the grandeur
-and penetration of Alfieri adorned by the style of Monti." "Aristodemo"
-was acted with the greatest success at Rome in 1787. Monti writes to a
-friend,&mdash;"My tragedy was represented yesterday evening at the theatre
-of Valle. I was not present; but when it was over, my house was inundated
-by my acquaintances, who seemed mad with delight. I ought not to mention
-this, but I write to a friend, and I assure you that every one agrees
-that so great a success and so much enthusiasm was never known at Rome
-before."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-And here it is impossible not to remark the different feelings of
-Alfieri and Monti. Alfieri entered upon his literary career when the
-more brilliant portion of the fire of youth was passing away. He had
-sufficient enthusiasm to animate him to mental labour, and to warm his
-imagination to the conception of fictitious situations, but not enough
-to foster the delusion of success. While he pretended stoicism and
-disdain, he was very sensitive to criticism; but when applause was
-afforded, he scanned the merits of his judges, was annoyed by the faults of
-the actors, and never reaped the just reward of his toils&mdash;the sense
-of triumph. While the more youthful Monti, early catching the spark of
-enthusiasm from his audience and his friends, enjoyed, to its full
-extent, the celebrity which a successful tragedy, more than any other
-species of literary composition, is able to confer.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The genius of Monti, however, was not that of a tragedian: lyrical and
-imaginative rhapsodies, rather than the concatenation of a plot and the
-impersonation of human passion, were the native bent of his mind. The
-story of "Aristodemo" is eminently simple in its construction; the
-interest is entirely confined to the principal character, and there is
-almost no action to support the piece. Aristodemo had, to acquire the
-popular favour, and his election to the throne of Mycene, resolved to
-sacrifice his daughter, when some angry god required that the blood of a
-virgin should be shed on his altar. To save the girl, her lover declares
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">{Pg 312}</a></span>
-that she has yielded to him, and is about to be a mother. In his fury
-the father destroys her, and afterwards discovers that she is innocent.
-To add to his misfortunes he loses his only other child, a little girl
-of three years old, in a skirmish with the Spartans. Henceforth he is
-pursued by remorse; the spectacle of his murdered daughter for ever
-haunts him, and horror and despair darken his soul. The tragedy opens,
-fifteen years after these events, at the conclusion of a war with
-Sparta, with the discussion for a treaty of peace, when the prisoners on
-both sides are to be given up. Among those taken by Aristodemo is a
-girl, to whom he has attached himself with paternal fondness, and who
-devotes herself to mitigating his sufferings. She, of course, is
-discovered to be his long lost daughter; but this is not made known to
-him till the last scene, when the agonies of remorse, joined to sorrow
-at losing his last consolation, have driven him to destroy himself. The
-pure but warm attachment between him and his unknown child is delicately
-and sweetly described, while his passionate and remorseful ravings,
-though they rise to sublimity, shock us by going beyond ideal terrors
-into images palpably disagreeable. From this sketch it may be seen how
-deficient in action the piece is. Aristodemo comes before us to lament
-and to rave. Still, despite his woe, he is a hero and a king; and, when
-the interests of his country require it, he can dismiss his private
-griefs, and assert the majesty of the crown. His character is conceived
-in the truth and sublimity of tragic nature; and the interest that
-hovers over him, the dim but harrowing horrors of his spectral visions,
-the mingled remorse, terror, and love that tear his heart, and the
-poetry in which these overpowering passions are expressed, take
-absolutely from the languor which the want of action might otherwise
-impart.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The success of "Aristodemo" induced Monti to write another drama.
-"Galeotto Manfredi" is, however, a failure. It is founded on the passion
-of jealousy. In his preface the poet mentions that it is wanting in
-tragic dignity: such is not of necessity the fault of his subject, but
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">{Pg 313}</a></span>
-it decidedly is of his method of treating it, and there is no poetry to
-redeem it from the charge of mediocrity.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He married, about this period, the daughter of the celebrated cavaliere
-Giovanni Pickler, who had died a short time before. It is a singular
-fact, that he made choice of his wife without having seen her, and not
-on account of her extraordinary beauty, of which he was ignorant, but
-from respect for the reputation of her father, and a wish to console his
-afflicted family; while she accepted him on account of her admiration
-for the author of "Aristodemo." And now we enter on a new epoch of
-Monti's life, when he composed his most celebrated poem, and at the same
-time gave to his productions that political groundwork which, from his
-vacillation of principle, has not redounded to his honour.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The French revolution was at its height; and the time-worn and absolute
-governments of every country of Europe were shaken, as by an earthquake,
-by the mere echo of the Parisian tocsin. The French, drunk with
-enthusiasm, were eager to call the whole world into a fraternity of
-liberty and equality; and many were the warm young hearts, long bowed
-down by the yoke of the continental systems of slavery, that beat
-responsive to the call. One of the persons sent by the French to spread
-their revolutionary tenets beyond the Alps was Hugh Basseville. He was
-the son of a dyer at Abbeville; the talents he early displayed induced
-his father to wish him to pursue a more dignified career, and he
-educated him for the church, as the only profession then open to the
-lowly born. But Basseville studied theology only to find doubts as to
-his creed; he soon abandoned the clerical profession, and, going to
-Paris, gave himself up entirely to literature. He here fell in with two
-Americans, who engaged him as their companion, or tutor, in a journey
-they made through Germany. At Berlin, Basseville became acquainted with
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">{Pg 314}</a></span>
-Mirabeau. Leaving his Americans he visited Holland, and wrote a work on
-the Elements of Mythology, and a volume of amatory poems. When the
-revolution began, he attached himself to the royal, or rather
-constitutional, party, and instituted a journal which took that side. He
-wrote also a "History of the French Revolution," dedicated to La
-Fayette, with whom he was intimately acquainted; and the views he
-developes are moderate and rational. He was naturally eloquent, and his
-manners were agreeable, while he joined to these fascinating qualities
-the more solid ones of industry, intelligence, and boldness, so that he
-acquired the confidence and friendship of several of the Girondist
-leaders. General Demourier named him secretary to the embassy at Naples;
-and while there he visited Rome, for the purpose of secretly propagating
-revolutionary doctrines. This imprudence cost him his life. On the night
-of the 13th of January, 1793, he was assailed by the populace, and
-received a stab, of which he died thirty-four hours after. In his last
-moments, it is said that he was induced to regard his conduct, in
-endeavouring to raise sedition against the pope, as criminal, and to
-have exclaimed several times that he died the victim of folly.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti, who lived in the service of the pope's nephew, and was thus
-attached to the papal court, and without that ardour for liberty which
-is so natural to many hearts, and which appears at once senseless and
-even wicked to those who do not feel independence of thought to be the
-greatest of human blessings, of course looked on the French revolution
-as a series of crimes, and saw no redeeming good in the madness that
-urged a whole nation to so terrific a mixture of heroism and guilt. He
-was acquainted with Basseville, and, hearing the recantations of his
-dying moments, celebrated at once the repentance of his friend, and the
-awful tragedy acted almost at the same moment (Louis XVI. was beheaded
-on the 19th of January, 1793), in a poem entitled the "Basvilliana." In
-this he feigns that the great enemy of mankind contended with the angel
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">{Pg 315}</a></span>
-of God for the soul of the murdered man. His death-bed remorse caused
-the good spirit to remain triumphant; but as the crime-tainted soul
-could not, according to the tenets of Catholicism, be received at once
-into Paradise, the disembodied spirit of Basseville was condemned to
-visit once more the banks of the Seine, and to view the horrors there
-perpetrated, as the consequence of his guilty and impracticable
-theories. The imagination of Monti developed itself in the happiest
-manner in treating this theme; and the mingled emotions of horror and
-grief that pervade the poem take a shape at once sublime and pathetic.
-The soul of Basseville hovers over Paris at the moment that Louis XVI.
-loses his head by the guillotine. The imagery with which he adorns the
-scene is original and majestic. Four mighty shadows rush on the
-scaffold, and hover over the dying monarch; shadows of former regicides,
-who glory in the companionship of crime. Ravaillac, Ankerstrom, Damiens,
-and one (the executioner of our Charles I.) who veils his face with his
-hand, proudly assist in giving the fatal blow. Louis dies, and before
-his beatified ghost Basseville prostrates himself; but his penance is
-not got over, and he is forced to view other scenes of greater bloodshed
-and more frightful violence; but as the poem enters upon these, it
-breaks off abruptly, and is left unfinished.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The style of this poem does not resemble modern Italian poetry, but is
-modelled on that of Dante; so faithfully modelled, that many
-expressions, ideas, and even whole lines are, as it were, transfused,
-into Monti's verses. It is a singular fact that no poet was ever a
-greater plagiarist than the author of the "Basvilliana;" but the verses
-of others, which he thus employs, are framed, as it were, so
-magnificently by original ones, and are placed with such propriety, and
-acknowledged with such frankness, that, as an English author observes,
-"so far from accusing him of plagiarism, we are agreeably surprised by
-the new aspect which he gives to beauties already familiar to every
-reader." And thus transfusion expresses his imitations better than the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">{Pg 316}</a></span>
-word borrowing: for though the form of expression is the same, a new
-soul and a new sense&mdash;not better, certainly, but different from their
-former one&mdash;are breathed into them. In some sort Dante and Monti
-resembled each other in the cast of their ideas. They were both painters
-of the mind's images. Dante was the more faithful, delicate, and
-heartfelt; but there is a shadowy grandeur joined to a perfection of
-taste and fire of sentiment in Monti, which renders his poetry highly
-fascinating and beautiful.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The "Basvilliana" at once raised Monti's reputation higher than that of
-any poet who had for centuries appeared in Italy; and he might have been
-considered the laureate of royalty, but that his character was not
-adorned by that sincere and exalted enthusiasm, without which no man
-can, with any success, advocate any cause which embraces the interests
-of human nature.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The tide of French republicanism, checked a little in its first
-advances, now swelled by Bonaparte's victories, overflowed the Alps and
-deluged Italy. The Austrians, defeated at Montenotte, Lodi, and Arcoli,
-were driven from Lombardy: and the Italians hoped to exchange servitude
-to a foreign power for national independence; forgetting that liberty,
-when given, may also be withdrawn, and that it is only by force that any
-real freedom can be acquired. While resistance was made to the French
-arms, the requisitions of the victor, and the seizure of the finest
-works of art, might have opened their eyes to the real views of their
-<i>soi-disant</i> deliverers. Napoleon himself had but one idea with
-regard to liberty, which was a free scope to the exercise of his own
-will. When that was given him, he could be generous, magnificent, and
-useful; but when his measures were obstructed, no tyrant ever exceeded
-him in the combinations of a despotism which at once crushed a nation,
-and bore down with an iron hand every individual that composed it.
-Bonaparte's ambition, however, could only be gratified in France, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">{Pg 317}</a></span>
-the conquest of Italy was but the stepping-stone to the French empire.
-Still, when all the north of the peninsula was subjected to him, when
-the pope had submitted to his terms, and the haughty queen of Naples had
-been induced to enter into a treaty with her sister's destroyers, he
-could no longer with any grace refuse the shows of freedom so often
-promised. On the 3d of January, 1797, the Cisalpine republic was
-erected.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti had been before invited to accept a professor's chair in the
-university of Pavia, which he had refused. In the month of February
-1797, general Marmont was sent to Rome on occasion of the treaty of
-Tolentino, to carry letters from Bonaparte to the pope. Monti became
-acquainted with him; being then in a bad state of health, and advised to
-change the air of Rome for that of Tuscany, he accepted Marmont's
-invitation, who offered him a seat in his carriage, and proceeded to
-Florence. It may be imagined, that familiar intercourse with one of
-Napoleon's generals was the foundation of Monti's admiration for the
-French hero, and the cause of his opening his eyes to the good to be
-derived from adhering to the new order of things in his native country.
-At first he entertained the delusive hope that the blessing of liberty
-had really been conferred on Italy by the French arms, and that his
-countrymen would rise from chains and slavery to the enjoyment of
-national independence under national institutions; and yet the
-extravagant praise of Napoleon, which he indulges in, in all his poems
-written at this time, does not bear the marks of a sincere patriotism.
-Besides this, he had to struggle with many personal mortifications. The
-"Basvilliana" was not forgotten. French exactions and French assumptions
-had already alienated the minds of the noble born among the Italians.
-They feared the conqueror, but disdained the masquerade of liberty in
-which they were invited to play a part: thus the better classes shrunk
-from forming a part of the new governments, and the offices devolved
-upon men who had little to lose either in possessions or character. They
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">{Pg 318}</a></span>
-regarded Monti with envy and aversion, and, instead of receiving him as
-a convert with open arms, his superior claims as a man of talent caused
-them to persecute him as an interloper and almost as a spy. The heads of
-the government, indeed, at first favoured him: he was invited to Milan,
-and elected central secretary of foreign affairs; but he was soon
-disturbed by persecutions. "My arrival," he writes several years
-afterwards, "was hailed by the usual abuse of the republican journals,
-who censured the directory for employing an enemy of the republic. I
-loved liberty; but the object of my love was the freedom described in
-the writings of Cicero and Plutarch: that which was adored on the altars
-of Milan appeared to me a prostitute, and I refused to worship her.
-Hence my excommunication,&mdash;hence the public burning of the
-'Basvilliana.' On this I was obliged to prostrate myself before the
-idol. I sang her virtues, and became a revolutionary poet: I grew insane
-with the rest, and my conversion procured me patronage and grace."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was not without a struggle that he stooped to these abject
-submissions, and several events first intervened. The hatred of the
-democrats, then the rulers of the Cisalpine republic, caused them to
-pass a law which decreed that no one should be permitted to hold any
-public employment who, since the year 1 of the French republic, had
-published any books tending to throw odium on democracy. Monti's poem
-was the principal object of this law; and one of his adversaries
-exclaimed, "Let us get rid, not of the author of some foolish sonnet in
-praise of kings, but of those who, with powerful enthusiasm and
-Dantesque imagination, have inspired a hatred for democracy." This law
-being passed, Monti lost his situation. He had published other poems
-since the "Basvilliana;" but even these were not considered sufficiently
-democratic.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The "Musogonia," or Birth of the Muses, is almost entirely mythological;
-but, in the concluding verses, he apostrophises Bonaparte. He implores
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">{Pg 319}</a></span>
-him to be at once the Alexander and Numa of Italy: he beseeches him to
-bestow laws upon her, and to unite her scattered members; and, with a
-noble voice, he calls upon the Italians to cultivate concord and
-unanimity. "Brothers!" he exclaims, "bear the voice of your brother!
-What do you hope from divided opinions and counsels? Ah, let there be in
-our country, in its danger, one mind, one courage, one soul, one life!"
-The republicans perceived a hankering for royalty and tyranny in his
-dislike of their measures.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The "Prometeo" is a finer poem, or rather fragment, for but few of the
-cantos are written. The subject of it is the history of Prometheus; but
-we have only a small portion of it in the poem as it stands. It opens
-with the foolish act of Epimetus. Jupiter had sent to him a casket
-containing the various intellectual attributes and moral qualities, to
-be distributed among the new creation on earth. Epimetus begins by
-bestowing various qualities on animals, and is so prodigal of his gifts,
-that when he comes to man he finds the casket empty. On this, he has
-recourse to his wiser brother Prometheus, who reprimands him for his
-folly. This opening is the weaker part of the poem. Lyrical outbursts
-were more accordant to Monti's genius. The appearance of Constancy
-before Prometheus is sublime, and the hero's prophecy of the future
-state of man is full of fire and grandeur. It ends, however, by a
-prophecy of Napoleon, on whom is heaped every epithet that admiration or
-adulation could suggest. Jupiter gives him his lightning, which loses
-none of its terrors in the young hero's hands. He shakes the bolts over
-Germany, and the Rhetian Alps resound with the hoofs of the Gallic
-cavalry. One after the other, Prometheus celebrates the glorious
-victories achieved in Italy, and hails with enthusiasm French Liberty,
-as the mother of heroes who shiver the chains that bound Ausonia, and
-wipe the tears from universal Europe&mdash;obstructed in its beneficent
-career only by the English robber. Bonaparte must have exulted in the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">{Pg 320}</a></span>
-bitter and venomous abuse that Monti never fails to heap upon England.
-He tells us, in the preface to this poem, that its scope is to bring
-into favour the neglected literature of Greece and Rome, and to merit
-well from a free country by speaking in the accents of freedom. There is
-something in the applause heaped on the conqueror that jars with our
-notions of real independence and patriotism.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti, at this time, entertained the idea of returning to republicanised
-Rome. But his friends dissuaded him; and his reputation, and probably
-his adulation of the victor, caused him soon after to be named
-commissary of the province of the Rubicon. But a poet makes a bad
-politician; and Monti's integrity stood in the way of his success, and
-he was obliged to give up his office. He made many enemies, and,
-naturally timid and fearful for the welfare of his family, he was
-terrified into making a complete <i>amende</i> to the democrats of his
-country by writing odes, whose violent sentiments went beyond those of
-the most furious demagogues: and it is to these poems that he alludes
-when he speaks of the worship he was forced to pay to the mockery of
-liberty; and ever after he regretted his pusillanimity, and despised
-himself for his concessions.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the time they gained this point, his enemies were pacified; and the
-survivorship of the professor's chair of belles lettres in Brera, then
-occupied by Parini, was bestowed on him. But scarcely had he overcome
-the enmity of the friends of liberty and equality, than their star was
-eclipsed, and their reign came to an end.
-<span class="sidenote2">1799.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-45.</span>
-During the absence of Bonaparte in Egypt, Suvaroff and the Austrians
-crossed the Alps, and the French were driven from Italy. Her republics
-vanished like a forgotten dream; and their partisans, Monti among them,
-were forced to follow the retreating army of France, and to take refuge
-beyond the Alps.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti fell into a state of deplorable destitution. He had left his wife
-and young daughter in Italy, and he roamed alone and friendless among
-the mountains of Savoy. His sufferings during the brief period of his
-exile were frightful. He wandered about, subsisting on the fruit he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">{Pg 321}</a></span>
-picked up under the trees. Often seated on the rugged banks of a
-torrent, he satisfied his hunger with roots and nuts, and wept as he
-thought of Italy and his ruined fortunes. The benevolence of his heart
-manifested itself in the midst of this adversity. It is related of him,
-that, as he was wandering one evening in a narrow lane, near Chamberi, a
-stranger accosted him and asked charity, relating that he had a sick
-mother and five children. Monti's heart was moved: two sequins was all
-that he possessed in the world; he gave one of them to the suppliant.
-His health failed through the hardships that he endured; the labour of
-collecting his food became intolerable, and he forced himself to gather
-at one time sufficient for two days, so as to secure himself one of
-uninterrupted rest. His wife, who had remained to put their affairs in
-some order, now joined him. She found him stretched on a wretched bed,
-weak from inanition, but disdaining to apply to any one for relief in
-his need. She brought money with her, and proper food soon restored his
-strength; nor did he again fall into such an extremity of disaster,
-though it was long before the fickle goddess smiled upon him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The minister, Mareschalchi, invited him to Paris; and the new victories
-of Bonaparte in Italy, on his return from Egypt in the following year,
-revived his hopes of better times. Mareschalchi obtained that he should
-be employed to write a hymn and an ode in celebration of the victory of
-Marengo, which had driven the allies from Italy and restored it to the
-French. He was to have been paid 1500 francs for these two poems, with
-the further reward of the professorship of Italian literature in the
-French university. But fortune was not weary of persecuting him; and
-this remuneration was withheld, on its being represented to government
-that he was, at heart, inimical to the French. Mareschalchi continued to
-befriend him, and obtained 500 francs, or about 20<i>l</i>. "No small
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">{Pg 322}</a></span>
-relief to me," he writes, "in my necessitous circumstances." He was very
-eager to return to Italy, and he writes to his brother,&mdash;"Of the many
-thousand refugees who were here, almost all have returned to their country,
-because all have instantly received the necessary succour from home. I
-alone find myself abandoned by my relations, in a strange country,
-without friends, and without resources; unless, indeed, I can make up my
-mind to renounce my country for the sake of earning my bread in some
-office. But an irresistible sentiment is linked to the name of my native
-land. I possess in Italy the objects dearest to my heart&mdash;my child, my
-mother, brothers, friends, studies, habits; all, in short, that renders
-life dear. I pant, therefore, to return; and I implore you to send me
-assistance in the shape of a remittance for my journey, and to discharge
-my debts here. Every delay injures my interests, particularly at this
-moment. Direct to 'Citizen Vincenzo Monti, Post-office, Paris.' I shall
-count the days and moments&mdash;make my account short, if my happiness is
-dear to you."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Soon after his wishes were fulfilled, and he celebrates his return to
-his beloved Italy by a beautiful hymn, which begins&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"Bella Italia, amate sponde,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Pur vi torno a riveder,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Trema il petto, e si confonde</span><br />
-<span class="i2">L' alma oppressa di piacer."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-He does not forget the victor in this song of joy and triumph. Marengo
-is mentioned with exultation; and Bonaparte celebrated with enthusiasm,
-as liberating Italy from the barbarians, and again bestowing upon her
-the blessings of freedom.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On his arrival at Milan, Monti employed himself in correcting his poem,
-entitled the "Mascheroniana," which he had begun amidst the Alps, when
-overwhelmed by misery, an exile, weeping over the disasters of his
-country and his own wrongs. Lorenzo Mascheroni, a celebrated
-mathematician as well as an elegant poet, was forced to quit Italy at
-the same time as Monti, and died in France shortly after. In this poem
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">{Pg 323}</a></span>
-the poet vents all his spleen against his democratic enemies. In his
-preface he exclaims, "Reader, if you really love your country, and are a
-true Italian, read! but throw aside the book if, for your and our
-misfortune, you are an insane demagogue, or a cunning trafficker in the
-cause of liberty." The poem opens with the death of Mascheroni, and the
-ascent of his soul to heaven. He here meets Parini, who laments the
-unhappy condition of Italy. "When I saw her misery," he cries, "I
-desired to die, and my wish was fulfilled. I first beheld her woe when
-dressed in her new freedom, which was called liberty, but which, in
-truth, was rapine. I then beheld her a slave, alas! a despised slave,
-covered with wounds and blood, complaining to heaven that she was
-betrayed by her own children&mdash;by the many foolish, base, and perverse
-tyrants, not citizens; while the few remained mute or were destroyed.
-Iniquitous law's were given her; discord waited on her, and pride, and
-hate, and madness, ignorance and error; while the tears and sighs of the
-people remained unheard. O, wretches! who spoke of virtue in
-high-sounding words, and called themselves Brutus and Gracchus, while
-they proved themselves traitors and monsters. But short-lived was their
-joy. I saw the Russian and the Austrian swords destroy the hopes of the
-fields of Italy, and the armed people commit crimes exceeding the supper
-of Atreus and the vengeance of Theseus!" While Parini is thus pouring
-out his angry and bitter denunciations, Mascheroni interrupts him.
-"Peace, austere spirit!" he exclaims, "your country is again saved. A
-deity has caught her by the hair, and drawn her from the abyss:
-Bonaparte!" At this name, the frowning Parini raises his head, and a
-smile illuminates his countenance. The victories of Egypt, of Marengo,
-and Hohenlinden, are commemorated; and the "British felon" assailed with
-the usual violence of hate. In the midst of the conversation of the
-friends, God appears with his cherubim,&mdash;one the herald of peace and
-pardon, the other of war and vengeance: they are sent out on the earth
-to assist and wait on the Gallic hero. This poem, like so many others of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">{Pg 324}</a></span>
-Monti, which celebrated what was then the present, and is therefore
-truncated of its catastrophe, is a fragment. Such praise, dressed in all
-the magnificence of poetry, must have sounded sweetly in Napoleon's ear.
-The "Mascheroniana," whose chief object is to bestow on him new wreaths
-of victory, is one of Monti's finest compositions. It is full of
-strength, vehemence, and beauty. His imitation of Dante is even more
-apparent than in the "Basvilliana." The machinery of the poem, and the
-peculiar versification, are borrowed from the "Divina Commedia." But, as
-we have before observed, Monti's was too original a mind to be a
-plagiarist. What he took from another, he remoulded and brought forth in
-a new form, in fresh and brilliant hues, all his own. He has not the
-sublimity, the sweetness and pathos, nor the distinct yet delicate
-painting, of his prototype; but no one can read his verses without
-feeling that the true spirit of poetry breathes in every line, and that
-the author pours out the overflowings of a genuine and rapt inspiration.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-His third tragedy of "Caius Gracchus" had been written at Paris, and he
-occupied himself in finishing and correcting it on his return to Milan.
-This tragedy has been praised by some as superior to "Aristodemo," but
-it is difficult to coincide in this opinion. It possesses fine passages
-and some energy, but it is wanting in poetry; and the characters want
-the simple heroism of antiquity, and resemble rather violent Italians of
-modern days. The defects of monotonous dialogue and often repeated
-situations flow also from an observation of the unities, which, by
-confining the subject in narrow limits, permit no variety of action,
-and, except in peculiar instances, force the poet to repeat himself;
-making one scene frequently little else than a repetition of what had
-gone before.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti had begun his literary and poetic life by servitude, when he
-became secretary of the duke of Braschi. In his present desperate
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">{Pg 325}</a></span>
-circumstances he saw no hope, except in conciliating the ruling power of
-the continent, and entering on the service of the man who looked on all
-men as merely engines to fulfil his vast and illimitable projects.
-<span class="sidenote1">1802.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-48.</span>
-Napoleon had by fresh victories driven the Austrians from Italy; and a
-congress, called the Cisalpine, was held at Lyons, to fix on a form of
-government for the north of the peninsula. This was a kind of mockery
-that Bonaparte was fond of encouraging in the early days of his
-elevation, since, under some of the forms of popular election, new
-powers were, with a show of legality, bestowed on him. The Italians of
-the congress fixed on a plan of government, at the head of which was to
-be a president: they entreated Napoleon to accept this office, as the
-disunited state of the country rendered ii unadvisable to elect an
-Italian to it. Napoleon consented. This was a happy moment to bring
-himself before the supreme power, and Monti seized on it. He wrote an
-ode to Bonaparte, in the name of the Cisalpine congress; he chose the
-motto from Virgil, and it was a happy one,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i8">"Victorque volentes</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Per populos dat jura."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-The verses are very beautiful, and worthy of a better cause than laying
-the liberties of his country prostrate at the first consul's feet. Still
-Monti was aware that, degraded by long servitude and disunited by petty
-passions, the Italians were ignorant of the nature of true liberty. He
-saw party spirit, oppression, and rapine as the result of any attempt on
-the part of his countrymen to govern themselves; he knew also how vain
-it was to contend with the conqueror, and he was very probably sincere
-in his belief that the welfare of his country was safest in his hands.
-Still, while we admire the harmony of the verses and the beauty of the
-imagery, we repine at the slavish spirit that lurks within them.
-Bonaparte, who loved to be borne up by the wings of men's imaginations
-into a superior sphere of glory and success, must have been pleased by
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">{Pg 326}</a></span>
-the halo of poetry with which Monti stooped to adorn his name.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He did not go unrewarded. When peace was restored to Italy, the
-institutions for public education became objects of interest to the
-government; and a professorship was offered Monti; either at Milan or
-Pavia, at his choice. Monti preferred the latter, for the sake of
-enjoying the society of the able professors who filled the chairs of
-that university. He was diligent and conscientious in his attendance to
-the duties of his situation, and his lectures were fully attended: the
-best of his prose writings being his inauguration lecture, which had for
-its subject the praise of the literary men of Italy, and the claiming
-for them the merit of many discoveries usually attributed to the natives
-of other countries. After three years spent at Pavia, he was invited by
-the governor to Milan, and a number of offices and honours were bestowed
-on him. He was made assessor to the minister of the interior for the
-department of literature and the fine arts; he was named court poet and
-historiographer, and made cavalier of the iron crown, member of the
-institute, and of the legion of honour. Monti was no laggard in
-fulfilling the duties of the first of these places. He wrote a variety
-of poems in praise of Napoleon, and in celebration of his victories. In
-the "Bard," a fictitious personage, Ullino, attended by the maiden
-Malvina, while watching with enthusiastic admiration the advance of the
-French arms, falls in with a young wounded warrior; they, of course,
-take him home, and watch over his recovery, when he relates, at their
-request, the events of the expedition to Egypt and the battles that
-illustrated Napoleon's return to Europe. There is the merit of
-enthusiasm and glowing description in portions of this poem. The canto
-on the expedition to Egypt contains the best passages.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1805.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-51.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-When Napoleon was crowned king of Italy, Monti was commanded to celebrate
-the event. He writes to Cesarotti,&mdash;"While you are robing the
-magnificent spleen of Juvenal in beautiful and dignified Italian, I am
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">{Pg 327}</a></span>
-sounding the Pindaric harp for the emperor Napoleon. The government has
-commanded me, and I must obey. I hope that love of my country will not
-make my thoughts too free; and that I may respect the hero, without
-betraying my duty as a citizen. I am in a path where the wishes of the
-nation do not accord with its political necessities, and I fear to lose
-myself. St. Apollo help me! and do you pray that I may be endowed with
-sagacity and prudence." This poem, in which he tries to trim his sail so
-nicely between patriotism and servitude, is called "Il Benificio;" or
-The Benefaction, a vision. It has great merit. All that Monti ever wrote
-is graced with such a happy flow, and with so much beauty of imagery and
-expression, that it is impossible not to admire as we read. He describes
-Italy as appearing to him in a vision; she is personified by a woman,
-wounded and drooping, the victim of grief and slavery. The poet, struck
-with compassion and horror, evokes the shades of mighty Romans from
-their tombs to assist the degraded queen of the world; but they turn in
-scorn from the fallen and lost one. Then a warrior, godlike and
-majestic, descends from the Alps,&mdash;Victory attends him,&mdash;yet he
-disregards her, and prefers the olive to the laurel (a most unfortunate
-compliment to a man whose whole soul was war). He approaches the
-unfortunate prostrate being,&mdash;raises her, and bids her reign; nor
-could the livid glare cast by the British cannon over the Tyrrhene sea
-avail against him. The warrior smiles, and at his smile all danger
-vanishes. Then the austere and noble spirit of Dante arises and
-apostrophises Italy, telling her that the regal power of Napoleon was
-exactly the restraint and law he had wished her to fall under; and, taking
-the crown from her head, places it on that of the French emperor. Spain
-salutes the new diadem. The German, still crimson with his own blood,
-acknowledges the victor, and bends his eyes to earth; while the British
-pirate, powerful in fleets and fraud, curses aloud. "I send you a copy
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">{Pg 328}</a></span>
-of the Vision," Monti writes to a friend, "which I have written for the
-coronation of our king: it has succeeded perfectly, and no work of mine,
-since I began to write verses, has prospered so well." It is impossible
-not to congratulate him on his success in attaining prudence. Assuredly
-there was nothing too free in these verses; and Napoleon might accept
-them without an unpleasant thought being awakened as to his usurpation,
-tyranny, and rapacious, unbounded ambition.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Every fresh victory, every new conquest, was a theme for the venal muse
-of Monti; venal we have a right to call it, since he acknowledges the
-bond of a salary and the necessity of obedience. Thus, on occasion of
-the battle of Jena, he brought out the "Spada di Federico;" or, the
-Sword of Frederic,&mdash;the most popular of his odes of triumph. In this
-poem he images the spectral hand of the warrior king of Prussia
-disputing with Napoleon the possession of his sword, and yielding to the
-proud assumptions and tenacious grasp of the Gallic victor. Ten editions
-of this work were sold in the space of five months, and it was
-translated into the French and Latin languages.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The attempted usurpation of the Spanish throne did not go uncelebrated.
-The "Palingenesi" has for its subject the regeneration of mind and of
-political institutions wrought in Spain, under the auspices of the
-French emperor and his brother Joseph. If we could dismiss from our
-minds the truth, and fancy, as Monti assumes, that a great and generous
-nation had sunk into the depths of slavery and degradation through the
-evil influence of a corrupt government, and that Napoleon was bent on
-loosening its fetters and raising it to freedom and knowledge, it would
-be impossible not to be filled with enthusiasm by the noble ideas and
-grand imagery of this poem. But the taint of falsehood prevents any
-sympathy, and our admiration of the imagination displayed is checked by
-our contempt of the flatterer; while we smile at the bitter and violent
-curses poured upon the English, whose motives for assisting the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">{Pg 329}</a></span>
-Spaniards in resisting the French are painted in the most odious
-colours.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-We wonder as we read. There is fire, sublimity, and power in every line.
-Can these be inspired, as we are assured by Monti's friends, by the mere
-desire of acquiring the loaves and fishes, if not for himself
-individually, for his wife and daughter? Are the shadowy forms which he
-invests with so much beauty&mdash;the conceptions into which he infuses so
-much energy and seeming sincerity&mdash;the mere playthings of his thought,
-and not the genuine offspring of a mind teeming and overflowing with a
-sense of usefulness and truth? We cannot believe it; we are so apt to
-forget what our feelings were when the occasion that called them forth
-has vanished like morning mist. When Napoleon fell, men forgot the
-wonder and admiration with which they had regarded him during his
-prosperity. He had come on the time-worn world like an incarnation of
-the memories of antiquity. The greatest sovereigns, who traced their
-descent from the middle ages&mdash;the thrones of the world, so long the
-objects of worship and fear&mdash;the crowns and sceptres which had been
-looked upon as the sacred and inviolable symbols of divine right&mdash;were
-all at his feet, dispossest, transferred, and broken. It could be no
-wonder that men looked upon the cause of these things as something
-prodigious and superhuman. Monti may be excused that he joined in the
-common feeling of awe and admiration; while, afterwards, seeing how
-little good arose from the breaking up of the ancient tyrannies, and how
-the indomitable will of one man was enforced by means of treachery and
-slaughter, he might forget that he could ever have been so blinded, and
-fancy that acknowledged fear was the cause of an inspiration which
-really sprung from the slavish worship of success, which is too
-naturally inherent in human beings.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Although Monti brought forward this disingenuous plea to excuse his
-celebration of the hero of the age, he was sincere in one feeling,&mdash;an
-attachment to the offspring of his brain, and in the indignation he felt
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">{Pg 330}</a></span>
-against those who depreciated his poetic merits. The "Sword of Frederic"
-was attacked by the critics with great asperity, and he replied with
-still greater acrimony. He had been charged with mannerism and sameness,
-especially in the machinery of his poems, in which visions, spectres,
-and cloudy spiritual essences play for ever a principal part. He would
-not allow this to be a defect, and railed at the unimaginative minds who
-conceived it to be such. He tries to be jocose in his indignation, but
-his laugh is bitter; and he heaps the accusations of ill faith and envy,
-as well as of ignorance and bad taste, on those who attack him. There
-may be justice in this, but there is no dignity. There is always a
-degree of degradation in noticing the enmity of a race of ephemera, and
-not calmly relying on the award of the public.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Besides the poems above mentioned, Monti wrote several other poems in
-praise of the conqueror. "The Jerogamia" and the "Api Panacridi" were
-compositions which, whatever their apparent subject might be, turned,
-after all, on the praise of the emperor. They maintained, if they did
-not increase, the poet's fame. His best works were already written; and
-these may be named to be the "Aristodemo," the "Basvilliana," passages
-in the "Prometèo," the "Mascheroniana," and the "Palingenesi" and of his
-shorter odes, that to Bonaparte, on occasion of the Cisalpine congress,
-and his hymn on his return to Italy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Years began to tame the fire of his imagination, and he felt the spirit
-of original composition fail him. His active mind turned to other
-subjects on which to exercise it: his love of classical learning led him
-to works of criticism and erudition, and he wrote "Remarks on the Winged
-Horse of Arsinoe." A want of knowledge of the Greek language must,
-however, have been a great drawback to this species of study; but we
-must regard with still greater wonder, considering this defect, his next
-enterprise, which was the translation of the Iliad. He had been looking
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">{Pg 331}</a></span>
-out for a subject, and meditating in what way he could employ his
-powers, when a word, spoken by chance by Ugo Foscolo, at once awoke in
-his mind the desire and the energy requisite for so arduous a task. Not
-being acquainted with Greek, he applied himself to every kind of literal
-translation, and was, besides, mainly assisted by his friend Mustoxidi,
-who explained passages, compared his version with the original, and
-bestowed a degree of labour which, barren as it was of reputation to
-himself, must be regarded as a singular proof of disinterested
-attachment. Monti applied himself so vigorously to the task, that, in
-spite of all his disadvantages, in less than two years he brought it to
-a conclusion.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This new labour yielded him a large harvest of reputation. Other Italian
-translations of the Iliad already existed: that of Salvini is valuable,
-from his profound knowledge of the Greek and Italian languages. It is
-elegantly and faithfully translated, but it wants spirit; and the
-sublime Homeric fire, which renders the Iliad the greatest of human
-works, glimmers feebly in his version. The translation of Ceruti is as
-faithful as is compatible with his ignorance of Greek; but, besides the
-want of the true spirit of the original, his style, modelled on that of
-Metastasio and Rolli, wants vigour and versatility.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti possessed, beyond any other poet, the faculty of warming himself
-with his subject, of penetrating himself with its soul, and imparting,
-by the vivacity of his language and the glowing brightness of his
-imagination, his own sentiments to the reader. The very act of
-versifying seemed to be to him what the sound of song is to the
-sensitive, in elevating and moving the soul. His mind possessed the
-qualities of the harp, which gives forth sweet music when swept by the
-breezes: thought with him was always pregnant with harmonious and
-animated expression, with glowing and various imagery. On this has been
-founded his excuse for writing with such apparent fervour on subjects
-that did not really interest his feelings; and this facility is a good
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">{Pg 332}</a></span>
-quality in a translator. Monti could conceive and imbibe the spirit of
-the original, and give it out, in his own language, with vigour and
-life. Visconti, in waiting to the poet, says, "The choice and variety of
-diction and phrases, the equal and sustained tone of the verses, and the
-noble simplicity of the style, place your work among the few that
-transmit the poetic name with honour to posterity." This praise was
-accompanied by a few judicious criticisms which showed the care and zeal
-with which he had examined the translation. Monti paid attention to
-them, and endeavoured to amend all the errors pointed out in the
-subsequent editions of his work.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1814.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-60.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-When Napoleon was overthrown, and the north of Italy fell under the yoke
-of the Austrians, Monti of course lost all his public employments, and
-he was menaced in his old age by the miseries of hopeless poverty. But
-his submissive disposition and plastic opinions were just of that sort
-which kings delight to honour; and the emperor of Austria bestowed such
-pensions on him as enabled him to pursue his studies in leisure and
-competence. No doubt Monti felt glad, in common with all his countrymen,
-to get rid of the antinational sway of the French, and hoped that a
-better state of things would result from any change. His experience of
-popular rule in Italy had disgusted him with it. He had not that zeal
-and ardour of feeling resulting from a conviction that, however perilous
-the passage from slavery to liberty, it must be attempted and persevered
-in, with all its attendant evils, if men are to be brought back from
-that cowardice, indolence, and selfishness which mark the slave, to the
-heroism, patience, and intellectual activity which characterise the
-freeman. Besides this, the armies of Austria admitted of no reply from
-the unwarlike Italians. The remnants of their army which had returned,
-wasted and broken, from the Russian campaign had been forced, after some
-show of resistance, to capitulate: submission was their only resource,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">{Pg 333}</a></span>
-and submission was in accordance with Monti's disposition. Nor did he
-afterwards ever give umbrage to the jealous and revengeful government
-whose pay he received, when hopes of better times and of redemption
-warmed the hearts of all the nobler Italians to attempt the destruction
-of their tyrants. He was acquainted with many of the Austrian victims;
-and when we find in his letters complaints of sorrows and misfortunes,
-we must attribute these to the real sympathy he felt for these unhappy
-martyrs: but, though he sympathised with the men, it is probable that he
-disapproved of their attempts. He was hopeless, and a hopeless struggle
-presented to him only the too real picture of aggravated oppression in
-general, and frightful individual suffering; he did not feel that
-boiling of the heart, that fire of the spirit, which makes the great and
-good risk all, rather than live subject to a power which exerted all its
-leaden strength to press down genius, crush every exertion of mind, and
-to reduce men as nearly as possible to the condition of the herds who
-graze in the fields, without a thought beyond the food and rest which
-the fertility of the soil and the beauty of the climate afford. Monti
-was not one of these: his mind was active, and, in his way, he wished to
-benefit his country. So when a thousand hearts were convulsed by the
-throes arising from all the hopes and fears of a just rebellion, he
-turned his attention to the study of the Italian language, to the task
-of freeing it from the shackles which critics had thrown over it, and of
-gifting it with the new spirit and animation which must arise from the
-introduction of living forms of speech, instead of the classic and
-restricted limitations imposed by the Della Crusca society.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He composed few poems after the fall of Napoleon. When the emperor of
-Austria sent the archduke John to receive the oath of fealty from the
-provinces of Lombardy, he wrote, by command, a cantata, entitled
-"Mistico Omaggio," or the Mystic Homage, which was brought out at the
-principal theatre at Milan. When the emperor himself visited Italy he
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">{Pg 334}</a></span>
-celebrated the event by a poem, called "The Return of Astrea," and
-another, named "The Invitation to Pallas." His style in these later
-compositions joins harmony to dignity, and forms that mixture of
-strength and sweetness which is so delightful in Metastasio. His last
-poetic compositions were written at Pesaro, where he was debarred from
-his usual occupations, and dispirited by a disease that attacked one of
-his eyes; and he solaced himself by dictating various poems full of
-grace and beauty, which he afterwards published under the title of
-"Sollievo nella Malinconia," or "Relief of Melancholy."
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1812.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-One of the most fortunate incidents of his life was the marriage of his
-daughter to a man of singular merit. Costanza Monti was (is, we should
-rather say) remarkable for her beauty and her talents; her poetry,
-though there is little of it, is of a very high grade, and one poem, "On
-a Rose," has sufficed to establish her fame in Italy. Count Giulio
-Perticari sprung from a noble family of Romagna. His residence was at
-Pesaro, and he there filled successively the offices of podestà and
-judge. He devoted himself to literature, and had published works both in
-prose and verse, by which he acquired considerable reputation. It must
-be in the memory of all Italians, and all those strangers who visited
-Italy during his lifetime, how he was beloved by every one who knew him.
-No man was ever more popular, more universally pronounced the best of
-men; and this praise resulted from the goodness and singleness of his
-heart, the sweetness of his disposition, and his unpretending but
-attractive manners. Writing concerning this marriage to his friends,
-Monti speaks of it with pride and pleasure. He says, "Count Giulio
-Perticari, of Pesaro, is a young man well cultivated in literature. I
-say nothing of his moral qualities, which render him dear to all. It is
-the most delightful match that paternal love can desire."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-After this period Monti's labours were chiefly confined to prose, and he
-is considered in this manner to have greatly benefited the literature of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">{Pg 335}</a></span>
-his country. The chief among these are the considerations on the
-difficulty of well translating the poetry of the Iliad, and several
-dialogues on the Italian language, full of acute criticism and wit. A
-circumstance turned his attention still more entirely to the subject of
-language. The government of Lombardy, wishing to show some encouragement
-to literature, had ordered the Royal Institute of Milan to occupy itself
-in the reform of the national dictionary; and Monti was requested by his
-colleagues to publish his observations on the subject. He obeyed with
-alacrity. His son-in-law, count Perticari, had devoted much attention to
-this subject, and he became Monti's associate in the task.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The great question in Italy is, whether the pure and classical language,
-the only one not wholly barbarous and vulgar, is Italian or Tuscan; a
-mixture drawn from the various dialects of the peninsula, or solely
-founded on Petrarch, Dante, and Boccaccio, and other early Tuscan
-authors. The academy Della Crusca espoused the latter side of the
-question, and, forming a dictionary, expunged every word not to be found
-in the authors named the Trecentisti. Monti, on the contrary, attacked the
-<i>ipse-dixits</i> of this academy, and, pointing out innumerable errors
-in their dictionary, undertook, as he called it, a crusade against the
-Della Crusca.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This is a question that has divided all the talents of Italy, and in
-which it appears presumptuous in a foreigner to express any decision.
-Still we may reason from general grounds, and from analogy. Every
-portion of Italy has a distinct dialect. Immediately on leaving the
-precincts of any town, an acute ear will detect in the person who lives
-outside the gate a difference in the form of speech and pronunciation.
-Many of the towns use a mere <i>patois</i>, which has never been written.
-The Neapolitan, Romagnole, Genoese, and Milanese, each have a dialect,
-devoid of grace, cacophonous, truncated of vowels, and unintelligible to
-any but themselves; the Venetian being the only one distinguished for
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">{Pg 336}</a></span>
-its own peculiar charms. To a stranger the language of the Romans has a
-great charm: the <i>bocca Romana</i>, or Roman pronunciation, is clear,
-soft, and yet emphatic. Their language is unidiomatic, and therefore easily
-comprehended. You enter Tuscany, and come upon those terse and idiomatic
-forms of speech which enraptured Alfieri, and which give so much energy
-and animation to the expression of sentiment, so much clearness and
-precision to narration or reasoning. But even these are not admitted by
-the Della Crusca. The Florentine is still a dialect&mdash;the Pisan and the
-Siennese fall under the same denomination: the principal difference is
-that the grammar of all the Tuscans is pure, and that you may form your
-speech on that of the peasantry and servants, without running any risk
-of falling into errors and vulgarisms. Alfieri used to mingle in the
-crowds assembled in the market-place of Sienna, there to imbibe from
-unlearned lips the purest modes of the Italian language. The dictionary
-Della Crusca was founded therefore on Tuscan, omitting its
-peculiarities, and carefully registering any innovations that had crept
-in since the era of the Trecentisti. It is obvious, under this tutelage,
-that the Italian became, when written, virtually a dead language. No
-author could adopt the forms of speech he made use of in the common
-conversation. The language that they heard and spoke when moved by joy,
-by grief, by love, or anger, was to be modified, corrected, and, so to
-speak, translated, before it could be put in a book. The living impress
-of the soul was to be taken from it, and, instead of putting down the
-word that rose spontaneously to the lips, and ought to have flowed as
-easily from the pen, the author hunted in the Della Crusca dictionary
-for authorities, which shackled the free spirit of inspired genius with
-chains and bolts forged from the works of the old writers, who
-themselves wrote as they spoke, and created a language, simply by
-putting down the forcible and graceful expressions then in colloquial
-use.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Still a great difficulty arises from any deviation from these rules. Was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">{Pg 337}</a></span>
-then the Florentine dialect, or the Siennese, or the Pisan, to be the
-written language of the country? Each city would have rejected its
-neighbour's, and still more would Lombardisms be regarded with disdain
-by the inhabitants of the south. Language, pronunciation, idiom, all
-form a habit to the eye and ear, which, beginning with our very birth,
-cannot be afterwards discarded. No Tuscan ever would or even could
-tolerate the introduction of any of the words or phrases belonging to
-other dialects; and they endure the mistakes of foreigners with less
-disgust than the uncouth pronunciation of their countrymen of the north
-and east of the peninsula. Nor will they allow that even the well
-educated among these use classic modes of speech. This is the point of
-contention; for their antagonists insist, that they are in as full
-possession as the Tuscans of pure Italian, drawing it from the same
-sources— namely, the best writers of the country; and assert that they
-are as well able to originate new modes of expression, and to turn with
-as much elegance and force those already in use.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti and Perticari both entered heart and soul into this dispute, which
-speedily roused every literary person in Italy to take one side or the
-other. The Tuscans, headed by the Della Crusca, were furious that their
-long-acknowledged supremacy should be questioned; while Monti, resting
-the merits of his opinion on the great authority of Dante, did not
-hesitate in his attack. Several letters to his friend Mustoxidi display
-his earnestness and sincerity in the cause. We extract passages from
-them, as explanatory of his ideas and characteristic of the man.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"The necessity of relaxing a little the intensity of the labour I have
-in hand, led me for a few days among these mountains, where yours of the
-2d found me. To fulfil my duty towards government, I have been obliged
-to publish my remarks on the Della Crusca vocabulary, and the great
-distinction of which it is necessary to remind the Italians; the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">{Pg 338}</a></span>
-distinction I mean between the plebeian dialects, and that dignified
-language spoken by all the well educated in the country, from the summit
-of the Alps to the Lilybæum promontory. Founding my opinion on the
-authority of Dante, in which both Petrarch and Boccaccio concur in a
-surprising manner, I have undertaken to advocate that dignified Italian
-which is not spoken but written; and to vindicate the rights of fourteen
-provinces of Italy against the pretensions of a single one, which,
-contrary to the principles of the great father of Italian literature,
-has endeavoured to substitute the language in use in a single city, in
-short a peculiar dialect, which, however beautiful, is only a dialect,
-and can never fill the place of that universal language of which the
-country has need. I do not know whether I shall treat this great cause
-worthily; but I am convinced that whoever impugns the principles which I
-establish, must begin by proving that Dante and the other two were mad.
-I dare not believe that I have obtained a complete victory; but I have
-laid the foundation-stones on which others of greater talent may one day
-erect and finish the edifice."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To another friend he writes:&mdash;"The treatise of Perticari on the
-language of the Trecentisti, which will soon be published, is a
-<i>chef-d'oeuvre</i>, displaying great philosophy and acute criticism. I
-promise you that it will make a great sensation, and that the Crusca
-with drooping head, <i>caudamque remulcens</i>, will not know what to
-answer."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Grassi has written an excellent parallel of the Della Crusca dictionary
-with that of Johnson and the Spanish academy, which are similar in their
-plan; and you will perceive the Gothic condition of our vocabulary in
-comparison with others. Assistance and support reach me from all parts
-of Italy, even from Tuscany; so that I may say that the whole nation
-sides with me."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-With more moderation he writes afterwards,&mdash;"We do not wish to rule;
-but neither reason nor honour permit us to continue slaves. We only desire
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">{Pg 339}</a></span>
-the right to have a voice in the defence of national rights against
-municipal pretensions: for the rest, we will take the law from them."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In fact, Monti must have felt the extreme difficulty of the question. In
-England and France it is just to say, that the language of the well
-educated all over the country may serve for authority as to language.
-But the nobility and higher classes in Lombardy and Romagna all speak
-their unintelligible dialects among themselves; it is only with
-strangers, and when they write, that they have recourse to Italian. It
-is impossible, therefore, that what they compose by rule, after study
-and practice, can be the living language of a people in opposition to a
-dialect, if you will, which, with few omissions and some change of
-pronunciation, is the admiration of all who can appreciate the true
-beauties of style; which is remarkable for passion and fervour combined
-with concision and sweetness; for idiomatic phrases that realise and
-stamp as it were the thought, instead of a periphrastic expression which
-speaks of an idea or notion rather than giving expression to these
-themselves. Monti was right in throwing aside the classical shackles of
-the Della Crusca; but there is token in his letters that, in his heart,
-he at last acknowledged that there was more of the living spirit of true
-Italian abroad in the colloquial idiom of Tuscany, than in all the
-well-turned sentences and set phrases of the well educated of the rest
-of Italy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-We cannot help thinking that Monti must have been very happy during the
-prosecution of these labours. An active mind abhors repose, when it must
-"cream and mantle like a standing pool." The aid and sympathy of his
-amiable and cultivated son-in-law must have shed an infinite charm over
-his labours, the zeal of his partisans have flattered, the attacks of
-his enemies have animated him. He believed that he was delivering his
-country from a superstition which clogged the springs of her literature,
-and choked up its free course. To a great degree he was in the right,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">{Pg 340}</a></span>
-and the proof is in the original and beautiful use made of his theory by
-the Italian authors of the present day.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Monti, loudly acknowledged to be the first Italian poet of his day,
-continued to reside at Milan, devoted to literary pursuits, surrounded
-by a circle of admirers, the chief not so much of a sect, as of Italian
-literature. Yet he was often attacked, and was by no means tolerant of
-criticism. His heart, however, was of better grain than his temper, and
-his violent literary disputes with distinguished contemporaries, with
-Mazza, Cesarotti, and Bettinelli, terminated in mutual friendship and
-esteem. Angry when offended, and unmeasured in his expressions of
-offence, yet the desire of reconciliation on the part of others was
-always met by him with cordiality and ready forgiveness. He was the more
-loved and admired the more he was known; one of the charms that attended
-his intercourse was the beauty of his recitation. To hear him read
-Virgil or Dante, was to find a deeper pathos in the laments of Dido, new
-energy in the complaints of Ugolino. Fond of, devoted to his art, there
-was no pedantry about him: he never thrust it upon the ignorant or
-frivolous; but with his friends he loved to analyse the essence of
-poetry, and to discuss the great question then in vogue in Italy of the
-classic and romantic schools. There is a letter of his to a friend on
-this subject, passages of which may be quoted as showing his opinions on
-this subject, opinions which bear the stamp of truth.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"A poet," he writes, "ought to paint the nature which he beholds. I
-applaud the poetry of the North, which is in perfect accord with the
-gloomy atmosphere from which it receives its inspiration. But Italian
-poetry, born of a glad and happy sky, is mad when she would robe herself
-in clouds, and study to paint a nature of which she can form no idea
-except from imagination. And besides, should poetry, whose chief use is
-to delight (and, in the miserable state of human beings, to delight is
-to serve), ought she to appear rough and frowning, ruled by pedantry and
-crabbed philosophy? Is it possible that no one knows how to distinguish
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">{Pg 341}</a></span>
-the office of poet from that of philosopher? It is one thing to speak to
-the senses, another to speak to the intellect. Naked and dry truth is
-the death of poetry; for poetry and fiction are the same, and fable
-being only truth disguised, this truth must be ornamented by flowers to
-be gladly received. You scattered fresh and beautiful roses over your
-poetic meditations when you speak of Greece and Rome; but, when you
-leave these fields of perennial poetic beauty, and say that the thoughts
-of the Greeks ran around in a narrow circle of images, and after
-uttering this falsehood, you throw yourself with loosened reins into the
-praise of the romantic school, then, my noble friend (pardon me if I
-frankly declare my opinion), you are no longer the same. Had I been at
-your side when you wrote your tender adieu to the gods of Greece, I should
-have persuaded you not to continue it&mdash;nor to irritate the shade of
-Schiller&mdash;of that Schiller whom, next to Shakspeare, I admire. Do you
-not know that his best and favourite ode is entitled the 'Gods of
-Greece?' in which he manifests his indignation against those who have
-expelled them from the kingdom of the muses, and prays that they may be
-recalled to adorn life and poetry. I conversed much with lord Byron
-during the fifteen days' stay which he made at Milan. Do you know that
-he trembled with rage when any one chanced, fancying that they paid him
-a compliment, to praise the romantic school. Yet, in the sense in which
-we understand it, no one was more romantic than he. But he disdained the
-name, hating to find himself mixed up with the crowd of fools who
-dishonour that noble school. I do not wish to play the preceptor with
-you, but allow the true friendship that binds me to you to conclude with
-a counsel which for many years I have myself followed, <i>inter utrumque
-vola</i>; and, leaving the squabbles of party, let us use our best
-endeavours to write good verses."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-We may add to this profession of the poet's faith with regard to the
-classic and romantic schools, that Monti considered Homer, Dante, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">{Pg 342}</a></span>
-Shakspeare as the first poets of the world; thus giving proof of the
-justness of his taste, and demonstrating that originality and truth were
-appreciated by him at their just value. Next to these three kings of the
-art he placed Virgil, whom he loved as the friend of his boyhood. He
-preferred Tacitus and Livy among the Latin prose writers, and
-Machiavelli among the Italians. His opinions on these subjects were
-delivered without arrogance, and without presuming to institute an
-unappealable decision.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The count and countess Perticari resided principally at Pescara; but
-they held frequent intercourse with Monti at Milan. In the winter of
-1821-22, Perticari having made some stay at Milan, Monti accompanied
-him on his return home. Several of his letters to his wife written
-during this excursion are published; and we cannot resist the temptation
-of giving them to the reader, affording as they do demonstrations of his
-affectionate heart, and of the pleasure he took in the society of his
-amiable relative. The first of these is dated from Verona, 7th October,
-1821.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"I never made a merrier journey. We were six in company: a Brescian, a
-Veronese, a Paduan, Mercandante, and us two. Day had scarcely dawned,
-when we began to examine each other, and snuff-boxes went their amicable
-round. An instant confidence sprung up among us, which led to much chat
-and pleasantry. So gay were we, that we did nothing but laugh in chorus
-till we arrived at the gates of Verona. Perticari and I ordered that our
-luggage should be carried to the inn; being determined to remain free.
-But the signore Mosconi, and Persica, had already left word at the best
-inns that there was no room for Perticari and Monti; and, at the moment
-when we arrived in the diligence, the countess Clarina and her daughter,
-and the count, got into their carriage to meet and run away with us, as
-if we had been two beautiful birds. Poor Mariano, who was accompanying
-the porter with our luggage to the hotel, was pounced upon by the son of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">{Pg 343}</a></span>
-the countess, ordered to turn right about and to follow him, he knew not
-whither; not daring to resist, and fearing that his commander was a
-custom-house officer. In short, it was not possible to resist the gentle
-violence put upon us, and the cordial entreaties of my dear friend the
-countess; and here we are welcomed, feasted, and honoured beyond
-measure.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"It was our intention only to remain three days at Verona, but we have
-been obliged to promise not to go till Sunday. The countess means to
-accompany us half-way on the road to Vicenza, where we shall arrive by
-noon, and on Monday evening we shall be at Bassano, three hours' journey
-only from Vincenza; thence to Passagno, and on to Padua, whence you
-shall hear from us."
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p style="margin-left: 60%;">"Venice, November 20. 1821.</p>
-
-<p>
-"Not to leave you any longer waiting for news of us, I seize a moment
-when every one is asleep (it being only five in the morning) to tell you
-that yesterday we arrived safely at Venice. It would be a too
-long-winded egotism to relate to you the kindness, the politeness, the
-friendly contests, with which we have been every where welcomed. We had
-been expected here for several days with impatience, and, at the moment
-of our arrival, chance brought us into immediate contact with the baron
-Tordero, who embraced us with indescribable delight. It being known that
-we were going to call on the countess Albrizzi, an assembly gathered
-together there; nor can I describe to you the demonstrations of joy with
-which we were welcomed by that celebrated lady, and all her agreeable
-friends. We remained till eleven, and should have staid longer had not
-hunger (for we had not dined) recalled us to our inn; that, and the
-circumstance that our friends, who had accompanied us from Padua, were
-waiting for us. The merriment at table was prolonged till one in the
-morning; so you see I have barely had three hours' sleep, and yet I
-never was so well in my life."
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">{Pg 344}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p style="margin-left: 60%;">"Pesaro, December 7. 1821.</p>
-
-<p>
-"At length, yesterday, at the stroke of the ave-maria, we arrived, safe
-and sound, at Pesaro, to the immense joy of our Constance; a joy,
-nevertheless, mingled with bitterness, because her mother had not chosen
-to accompany us: a circumstance which grieves me also, because I fear
-that the severity of the winter, at Milan, which is here mild, may be
-injurious to you. But, since you have been pleased to disappoint our
-hopes, at least take particular care of your health, and do not expose
-yourself to cold.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Surrounded by visits and compliments, I have no time at present for
-more. Let it suffice that my health is flourishing, and that I hope that
-yours is the same. Constance and Giulio embrace you fondly. Addio,
-addio!"
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The following letter does not concern personal topics; but gives so
-lively a picture of Italian manners, that it is well worthy to be
-extracted:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<p style="margin-left: 60%;">"Pesaro, January 12. 1822.</p>
-
-<p>
-"You have reason to complain of the infrequency of my letters, but I
-study and write continually; and when I am buried among my books, with a
-pen in my hand, you know how difficult it is to draw me away, and ought
-to forgive me.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"I am delighted to hear that, notwithstanding the clouds and snow that
-infest Milan at this season, your health had not yet suffered. I entreat
-you to take the greatest care of it. Mine is perfect. I never enjoyed so
-benignant a winter. It is so mild, that I am dressed now as I am
-accustomed to do at Milan in October.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"For the sake of making a longer letter, I will relate an anecdote which
-will make you laugh.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"There is an ancient custom still existing at Fano, ten miles from
-Pesaro, of celebrating a bull-fight at this season; to which a great
-concourse of people resort from the surrounding towns. A few days ago
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">{Pg 345}</a></span>
-the first celebration took place. A truly ferocious bull was turned into
-the arena. It is a law, that whoever chooses to attack the animal may
-descend into the lists. No one dared expose himself to this infuriated
-creature, and all the dogs who ventured to assail him were tossed and
-killed. At length a peasant presented himself, and, to the wonder of
-all, approached the tremendous animal. He boldly went close to him; and
-the bull became quite mild, allowing himself to be patted and stroked,
-while he licked the hand that caressed him; every one was astonished,
-when, all of a sudden, a fellow among the spectators starts up, and
-calls out, 'The man is a sorcerer!' 'A sorcerer! a magician!' exclaimed
-several others in a fury. 'Burn the magician! burn the magician!' every
-one exclaims. The president of the games is also persuaded that this
-prodigy can only be the work of the devil; and he sends four soldiers,
-who seize on the magician, drag him from the lists, and throw him into
-prison. The poor fellow asked the cause of this violence; he was told,
-'You are a magician; you will be hanged and burnt!' 'What are you saying
-about a magician?' cried the man; 'does not his excellency and his
-reverence know that the bull let me touch him because he knew me? I am
-his master.' This testimony, being confirmed by several who knew the man
-to be the master of the bull, and who took oaths to this effect, ought
-to have cured the president of his folly; but the poor magician is still
-in prison, and they are still disputing what to do with him."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the same time that Monti writes thus to his wife, his letters to his
-other friends are equally full of the pleasure he enjoyed at this time.
-"You will like to know," he writes to one, "how I am passing my life.
-Most happily; but not in idleness. Happily, because I am with my
-children; and enjoy a season so mild and serene, that winter resembles
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">{Pg 346}</a></span>
-the opening of spring. Not in idleness, because I pursue my studies, and
-mean to give a last, short, critical treatise."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But a few months after, in the July of the same year, 1822, Monti again
-visited Pesaro, in circumstances that form a painful contrast with the
-tranquil and domestic happiness that occasioned him so much pleasure
-during his former one. Perticari had died, suddenly, and Monti went to
-assist and console his sorrowing daughter. He thus writes, on this
-occasion, to his friend Mustoxidi, in a letter dated Pesaro, 30th July,
-1822:&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"You will have heard from my wife the pitiable state in which I found my
-poor Constance. My arrival has produced a happy change in this
-unfortunate creature: my coming was like a sunbeam on a flower beaten
-down by the tempest. But, again, her mind is distracted, sleep flies
-from her eyes, and her health suffers dreadfully. I must applaud the
-kind attentions of her mother-in-law, who is an angel of goodness. But I
-perceive that the only way to preserve her from the most dangerous
-consequences of excessive grief, is to take her from a place too full of
-shocking associations. And I would not delay my journey, but for the new
-regulation of the pontifical police, which does not permit any one to
-leave these states without a passport countersigned by the Austrian
-ambassador at Rome. As soon as I obtain this I shall set out, and
-conduct this dear object of my compassion to the arms of her mother."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This was a wound not easily healed, and never to be forgotten. In the
-spring of the following year Monti still alludes to his loss with the
-keenest grief. "Your letter," he writes to a friend, "afforded me
-infinite pleasure and consolation. For a long time I have lived a
-wretched life under the rod of adversity; and it is only when I enjoy
-the society of some person dear to me, or hear from them, that I become
-a little cheerful, and my spirits revive. Such has been the effect, dear
-friend, of your letter to your poor Monti&mdash;poor indeed in every way,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">{Pg 347}</a></span>
-and very unhappy. Unhappy in the death of Giulio; unhappy in the ill health
-of Constance, who is wasting away with grief; unhappy in myself, as I am
-deaf, old, and almost blind. For my eyes, owing to my over-use of them
-in reading and writing by candle-light, are fallen into their old
-state."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The last volume of the "Proposta" was published in July, 1823; and, this
-last prosaic labour finished, the imagination of Monti awoke again, and
-he turned his thoughts once more to the composition of poetry. He
-restored the true reading to the "Convito" of Dante, which he prized as
-the basis and authority of his own theories concerning the Italian
-language. He wrote, also, the idyl on the nuptials of Cadmus; and then
-contemplated the completion of his poem of the "Feroniade," which he had
-begun many, many years ago at Rome. When he was secretary to don Luigi
-Braschi, duke of Nemi, and nephew of Pius VI., he was accustomed to
-accompany his patron in his hunting expeditions: the usual course of
-these excursions was the Pontine marshes, near Terracina, a spot
-abundant in game. There is a fountain in that neighbourhood, supposed to
-be that anciently dedicated to the Diva Ferronia, at which the hunters
-were accustomed to drink to refresh themselves. The sight of that
-insalubrious marshy tract of land, the drainage of which had just been
-undertaken by the pope, for the purpose of restoring it to agriculture,
-awoke in Monti the idea of paying his debt of gratitude to the house of
-Braschi, by commemorating this munificent work; he instantly began his
-task, and named his poem from the guardian genius of the place. The
-circumstances of the times interrupted his design: it became more
-profitable to celebrate the ambition of Napoleon than the piety of a
-captive priest; and the work was neglected, thrown aside, and almost
-forgotten. During the last years of the poet's life, his friends
-solicited him to finish it. Perhaps, when many years and many changes
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">{Pg 348}</a></span>
-had made much of his past life appear like an unconnected dream, the
-memory of his early years came before him with all that charm and
-vividness which youth often assumes in the eyes of age; and he was glad
-to recur to a forgotten monument of bygone times. He yielded, therefore,
-to the request of those about him, and had almost finished, when first
-disease, and afterwards death, put an end to all his designs. It was
-early in the year 1826 that he had thus renewed his poetic existence,
-resolving not again to abandon it while his imagination remained
-vigorous; but in the very opening of this enthusiasm, while every fear
-was distant, and his active mind gladly met, each morning, the series of
-duties and labour which he imposed on himself, he was seized by an
-illness, through which every scheme and every hope was calamitously
-overthrown.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-On the 9th of April, at about eleven o'clock, when he had retired,
-rather to study than repose, a sudden apoplexy attacked him; and no
-medical aid, nor any care, could restore him again to health. He lost
-the use of his left side, and the vital powers appeared mortally
-attacked. The news spread through Milan, and struck every one with
-grief; the population crowded round his door, and this public
-demonstration of kindness sensibly affected him. His mind remained clear
-and strong throughout the attack, nor was he without sanguine hopes of
-recovery. In the April succeeding his first seizure, we find him writing
-to a friend: "I burn with a desire to revisit Florence before I die;
-consequently I have resolved, next June, to go to the mud baths of
-Albano, near Padua, whence I hope to receive a renewal of my strength
-sufficient for my journey." These mud baths, however, were pronounced
-hurtful instead of beneficial to his disorder, and he never went. Still
-hope was alive, and he lingered on until the autumn of 1828, his life
-being consumed in a slow martyrdom: his death-bed was attended by his
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">{Pg 349}</a></span>
-wife and disconsolate daughter, whom, even to the last, he sought to
-cheer by words of affection, and by smiles when he could not speak. He
-expired on the 13th of October, 1828, at the age of seventy-four.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The genius of Monti would, in times of less public excitement, have
-adorned his name with the highest praise; and his faults would never
-have been called into view. The studious and imaginative bent of his
-mind would have led him to cultivate letters and poetry; and we should
-glory in the exalted fancy of a creative poet, without any shame for the
-man. His domestic character was amiable; he was zealous for his friends,
-grateful for benefits; generous, kind, and true in all the ordinary
-intercourse of life: but neither reverence for genius, nor attachment to
-the man, ought to blind us to his political tergiversation, or to
-suppose that there is virtue in that inborn slavishness of spirit that
-could see no degradation in praising those whom he reprobated in his
-heart, and in commemorating with applause acts the most injurious to the
-common cause of humanity. There is retribution in our own consciences
-for all our faults, and Monti felt this: his love of glory was great,
-and he was often pained by being reminded of his political apostacies;
-but too often, when irritated by censure, he was willing to cast the
-blame upon others, instead of admitting his own want of rigid public
-integrity.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But take away this error, and, as a private character, Monti merited the
-affection and esteem of all. The only fault of his disposition was
-irritability and an inclination to anger; but he redeemed it by the
-candour of his acknowledgments, and the uprightness of his conduct.
-Warmth of heart and warmth of temper are too apt to be united in the
-same disposition; but the kindness of his nature was rendered even more
-apparent by this defect of temperament. He was sensitive to injury, and
-his indignation was proportionate to his quick sense of injustice; but,
-though his anger took the appearance of sternness and severity, it never
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">{Pg 350}</a></span>
-led him to injure another, but evaporated in words, and might be said to
-agitate the surface, but never penetrated into the depths, of his mind.
-He was never guilty of an act of revenge,&mdash;on the contrary, he often
-benefited those who injured him. His mind was, in short, of a uniform
-texture; and what it wanted in dignity and grandeur was compensated for
-by gentleness, tenderness, and ready sympathy with the sufferings of
-others. He was beyond measure charitable to those in distress; and
-infinite and unwearied compassion, we are told by one who knew him well,
-was his prominent characteristic. The poor gladly celebrated the
-charities he strove to conceal. This virtue sprung, doubtless, from
-early habits acquired under the roof of his benevolent parents. He was
-simple as a child in the midst of worldliness, and the good faith and
-sincerity of his friendships were without a flaw.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"In person," the same friend informs us who has furnished the public
-with the principal documents on which this memoir is founded, "he was
-tall and handsome: his forehead ample; the shape of his face regular;
-and his eyes, gleaming from beneath his arched and full brows, shone at
-once with a vivacious and soft light, which commanded both affection and
-respect. An air of melancholy was diffused over his countenance, to
-which the habits of reflection would have given a severe and even
-disdainful expression, had not the sweetest smile illuminated it with
-the gracious light of love. His carriage was dignified, his mien
-serious, and his whole aspect was that of a man of talent, and of one
-warmed and softened by the benevolence and affectionateness of his
-disposition."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-We may conclude with this description of the outward man, emanating from
-one who revered and loved him as a preceptor and a friend. The world, in
-the days succeeding to those of revolution and preceding those of
-reform, was much divided between those who despaired and those who
-hoped. The latter now triumph; but Monti died before the milder light
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">{Pg 351}</a></span>
-dawned on the world, and while change appeared inevitably accompanied by
-bloodshed and misery. His compassionate heart preferred the peace of
-submission, both for himself and others, to the suffering attendant on
-defeated struggles; and errors springing from so humane a source may be
-forgiven, even by those whose ardent natures lead them to overlook the
-toil and danger of the journey, in the hope of attaining the
-accomplishment of their desires.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">{Pg 352}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_52_52" id="Note_52_52"></a><a href="#NoteRef_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a>Maffei; Storia della Litteratura Italiana.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_53_53" id="Note_53_53"></a><a href="#NoteRef_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a>Bonetti.</p></div>
-
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4><a id="UGO_FOSCOLO">UGO FOSCOLO</a></h4>
-
-<h4>1778-1827.</h4>
-
-<p>
-The most necessary quality of an author is, that he should impress us
-with the conviction that he has something to say. In reading his pages,
-we ought to feel that he puts down the overflowing of his mind&mdash;ideas
-and notions which, springing up spontaneously, force a birth for
-themselves from the womb of silence, and acquire an existence through
-their own native energy and vitality. An author, therefore, is a human
-being whose thoughts do not satisfy his mind, ruminated on merely in his
-own isolated bosom: he requires sympathy, a world to listen, and the
-echo of assent from his fellow-creatures. But this is not all. Few men
-can be excited by a mere abstraction, by the images of their own mind,
-and the desire of communicating them for the benefit of their
-fellow-creatures. Pride or vanity mingle essentially in the fabric of a
-writer's mind: the pride which leads him to desire to build up an
-enduring monument for his name, formed from his own compositions; or the
-vanity that leads him to introduce himself to the reader, and to court
-the notoriety which usually attends those who let the public into the
-secret of their individual passions or peculiarities.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The three great authors of modern Italy form a singular contrast to each
-other, as to their apparent motives for authorship. Alfieri, proud,
-independent, and gloomy, sought at once to honour his own name, to exalt
-and refine his countrymen, and to produce such works as would benefit
-his species; while the vehement passions of his own soul were their
-primal source and inspiration. Monti was a poet of the imagination. He
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">{Pg 353}</a></span>
-wrote because the imagery, the melody, the aerial fabric of poesy were a
-part of his essence. The subjects of his poems were of less consequence,
-in his eyes, than the well treating them, or the variety, grandeur, and
-fantastic ideality displayed in his verses. Thus, at the word of
-command, he could celebrate the usurper, taint the struggles of a noble
-and free nation, and adorn the naked form of despotism with garments of
-beauty. Foscolo, on the contrary, was impelled to produce and reproduce
-himself: and yet to this assertion we must put some limit, for Foscolo
-was a man of learning and taste, and he was capable of giving light to
-compositions formed by the rules of art, and adorned by the graces
-culled from an intimate knowledge of the finest of human works. But
-vanity was still the mainspring,&mdash;a vanity accompanied by honesty of
-principle and independence of soul, and yet which was vanity&mdash;the
-worship of self&mdash;the making his own individuality the mirror in which
-the world was reflected.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Ugo Foscolo was born in the island of Zante, about the year 1778. The
-Ionian isles had long been under the dominion of Venice. The family of
-Foscolo was of Venetian origin; and his father was a surgeon in the navy
-of the republic. Little is known of his early years. He seldom mentioned
-them in conversation, though his imagination sometimes delighted to
-recur to the sunny land of his birth, and to regret it. In one of his
-sonnets he exclaims,&mdash;
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">Ne più mai toccherò le sacre sponde</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Ove il mio corpo fanciulletto giacque</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Zacinto mia, che te specchi nell' onde</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Del Greco mar.</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">Tu non altro che il canto avrai del figlio,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">O materna mia terra; a noi prescrisse</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Il fato illacrimata sepoltura.</span>
-</div><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">O! never more shall I thy sacred shores</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Approach, where my young limbs first sprung to life,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Beloved Zante! who look'st upon the waves</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Of the Greek sea; and thou the song alone</span><br />
-<span class="i2">May'st claim of thy lost son, maternal land!</span><br />
-<span class="i2">For fate to him decrees an unwept tomb.</span>
-</div></div>
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">{Pg 354}</a></span></p>
-
-<p>
-The Ionian islands were at that time held as colonies of the Venetian
-government, and tyrannised over by the most odious and oppressive laws.
-Among others, no schools nor colleges were allowed to exist, and the
-youth of the islands were sent to Venice for the purposes of education.
-At an early age, therefore, Foscolo repaired to the parent city. His
-father, it would seem, was at this time dead, for we hear only of his
-mother, to whom he was always tenderly attached; and it appears that
-she, also, transferred herself to Venice at the same period. Foscolo
-seldom mentioned his family, with the exception of his mother. He had
-two brothers, one who died, it is reported by his own hand, about the
-year 1797; the other enlisted as a soldier, and rose, from his good
-conduct and valour, to the rank of captain of dragoons.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-When boyhood was passed, Foscolo was sent to the university of Padua,
-and studied under Cesarotti. There was great dissimilarity in the tastes
-and literary opinions of the master and pupil; and thus Foscolo soon
-displayed his original and independent turn of mind. Cesarotti explained
-and commented upon Homer, and undertook at the same time to emend and
-improve the verses of the father of poetry. He preferred Voltaire to
-Euripides, and Ossian to Homer. While a great portion of ridicule
-attaches itself to such paradoxes, the real learning and extensive
-reading of the professor benefited his scholars; and by liberating them
-from the narrow system of instruction which had subsisted for many
-years, he introduced them, as it were, from the paled and guarded park
-of classical literature, to the wilds, the moors, the incult mountains,
-in short, to all the vast variety of unfettered nature.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Foscolo, though taught by the advocate of Ossian, was all his life a
-worshipper of Homer. Studious, as well as ardent in his literary
-pursuits, he became a critical scholar; and, admiring not only Greek
-poetry, but the fabric and machinery which constitute its structure, he
-modelled his own poetic productions on them, and made ancient mythology,
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">{Pg 355}</a></span>
-and allusions to classical history, the props as well as the ornaments
-of his verses. At the same time he admitted Cesarotti's rules with
-regard to the Italian language, and abandoned the dialect of the
-Trecentisti,&mdash;so long held up as a model, and yet which had become a
-dead tongue,&mdash;to form an animated, simple, living language,
-introducing into it phrases and words of modern use; expressions for ever
-on the lips of the Italians, though heretofore banished from their pens.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-We are told that, on leaving college, Foscolo hesitated whether to enter
-the clerical profession, which held out the prospect of competency to
-its followers; but he was fortunately turned aside from a profession
-whose narrow rules and arbitrary laws were in direct opposition to his
-impetuous and independent disposition. Instead of assuming the tonsure,
-Foscolo resolved to follow in the steps of Alfieri, and to acquire fame
-as a tragedian.
-<span class="sidenote1">1797.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-19.</span>
-He produced his drama of "Thyestes" at the early age of nineteen; and it
-may be said to be a creditable production for a youth. It is from his
-after works that we judge that it was not inexperience, but an absolute
-defect of a certain species of talent, that made this boy's tragedy a
-mere bald imitation of those of his illustrious predecessor. Alfieri was
-not a fanciful poet; his talent lay in developing plot, animating
-dialogue, and interesting the reader by the clash of passion, or the
-concentrated feelings of a single person. Foscolo possessed far more of
-the peculiar spirit of poetry; but it was of didactic poetry. He could
-not invent incident, nor describe any feelings but such as originated in
-his own heart. "Thyestes," founded on one of the domestic crimes of the
-unfortunate house of Pelops, possesses all the faults of Alfieri's
-tragedies. He imitated him in producing only a few personages on the
-scene; so that, as a critic observes, it seems as if it were written
-just after the deluge, when the human race congregated by threes and
-fours: obscurity of plot is added to this simplicity of action, and the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">{Pg 356}</a></span>
-purpose and aim of the poet is never clearly discerned. One scene
-follows another, not because produced by the antecedent one, but because
-it is necessary that something should be said and done, or all would be
-at a full stop. The language is clear and energetic; but, as we are
-uninterested by the ideas which it conveys, this must appear a very
-secondary merit.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"Thyestes," however, succeeded in the theatre; and, as success in
-representation is certainly the test of dramatic merit, we might suppose
-some latent energy in its concoction, unapparent to the reader, but that
-its success appears to have arisen from political feeling. It was acted
-for the first time on January 4. 1797, in the theatre of St. Angelo at
-Venice, to a vast concourse of spectators, and was repeated with
-applause for nine consecutive nights. The extreme youth of the author
-filled the audience with admiration, and he was called for after the
-representation. We cannot well discern the political allusions that gave
-it its chief interest, except that the name of king and tyrant are made
-synonymous; a style, it might be imagined, neither distasteful nor
-injurious to a republican government, however aristocratic. It would
-appear, however, that this avidity for liberal sentiments was the cause
-of its temporary success; for it was never again acted on any stage in
-Italy.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Adversity meanwhile was hanging over the head of the poet. The fall of
-Venice, which occurred in the autumn of the same year, deprived him of
-the very name of country. Hatred of the Austrian is a sentiment
-profoundly engraved in every Italian heart; and when Venice was made
-over by treaty to the German despot, Foscolo became a voluntary exile.
-Whether he was in danger of being marked out in any of the lists of
-proscription does not appear; but as it is evident that he is the hero
-of his "Letters of Jacopo Ortis," we gather from that book, that his
-friends feared for his personal liberty if he remained, and besought him
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">{Pg 357}</a></span>
-to shelter himself, while there was yet time, from the enmity of the new
-government. "I have left Venice," Ortis writes, "to avoid the first and
-most violent persecutions. How many victims remain! We Italians
-ourselves bathe our hands in Italian blood. Let what will happen to me!
-Since I despair of good, either for myself or my country, I can await in
-tranquillity a prison or death."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-All these letters are full of the indignant struggles, and the sorrow,
-as well as of the opinions which ruled the heart of Foscolo, as he found
-himself driven a wanderer from his home, sometimes lamenting his own
-misfortunes, sometimes those of his country.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"How many of our fellow-citizens repent their flight from home," he
-writes, "and mourn! for what can we expect except indigence and
-indignity&mdash;or, at the best, that brief and sterile compassion which
-uncivilised nations offer to the stranger exile? And where shall I seek
-an asylum&mdash;in Italy? Unhappy land! and can I behold those who have
-robbed, scorned, and sold us, and not weep with rage? Oh! if the tyrants
-were one only, and if the slaves were less abject, my hand would
-suffice. But those who now blame me for cowardice would then accuse me
-of crime; and the prudent would lament over, not the heroism of one
-resolved, but the frenzy of a desperate man. What can be done between
-two powerful nations, who, from being sworn, ferocious, and eternal
-enemies, colleague to enslave us? and where force alone does not avail,
-the one cajoles us with the name of liberty, the other with that of
-religion; and we, debased by ancient servitude and new-born licence,
-groan, betrayed, enslaved, famished, and yet not roused, either by
-treason or famine. Ah! if I could, I would destroy my house and all dear
-to me, and myself with them; I would leave nothing for the tyrants to
-triumph over. Were there not people who, to escape the Romans, robbers
-of the world, gave to the flames their dwellings, their wives, their
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">{Pg 358}</a></span>
-children, and themselves, burying their sacred independence among the
-glorious ashes of their country?"
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Thus passionately attached to liberty, Foscolo was not to be deluded by
-the false halo that then surrounded the name of Bonaparte, or by the
-fallacious promises of the French republican crusaders. "Another set of
-lovers of their country," he writes, "lament loudly. They exclaim that
-they are betrayed and sold; but, if they had armed themselves, they
-might have been conquered, but never had been betrayed; and if they had
-defended themselves to the last drop of blood, the conquerors could not
-have sold, nor would the conquered have sought to buy, them. Many of our
-countrymen imagine that freedom can be bought with money. They fancy
-that foreign nations come from a disinterested love of justice to
-slaughter each other mutually on our fields, for the sake of liberating
-Italy. But will the French, who have rendered the divine theory of
-public liberty execrable, become Timoleons for our sakes? Many,
-meanwhile, confide in the young hero, sprung from Italian blood, born
-where our language is spoken. But I expect nothing useful or noble from
-a cruel and base mind. What is it to me that he has the strength and roar
-of the lion, if he have the soul of a fox&mdash;and glories in it? Yes!
-base and cruel; nor are these epithets exaggerated. Has he not sold
-Venice, with open and boasted barbarity? Selim I., who caused 30,000
-Circassian warriors, who had surrendered, confiding in his faith, to be
-massacred on the shores of the Nile; and Nadir Shah, who, in our time,
-massacred 300,000 Indians, are more atrocious, but less contemptible.
-With these eyes I saw a democratic constitution signed by the young
-hero; yes, it was subscribed by his own hand, and sent by Passeriano to
-Venice for acceptance; and at that very time the treaty of Campo Formio
-was already confirmed and ratified: Venice was sold; and the confidence
-which the hero fostered in us all, has filled Italy with proscriptions
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">{Pg 359}</a></span>
-and exiles. I do not blame the reasons of state, through which nations
-are sold like flocks of sheep; it was ever so, and so will it ever be:
-but I grieve for my country, which I have lost. '<i>He was born Italian,
-and will one day regenerate his country</i>:' others may believe
-this,&mdash;I never can. I replied, and shall always reply, 'Nature made
-him a tyrant, and a tyrant cares not for his country, nor does he
-possess one.'"
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Ruminating on all these violent and bitter feelings, the offspring of
-patriotism and adversity, Foscolo took the road to Tuscany. "In this
-blessed land," he writes, "poetry and letters first awoke from
-barbarism. Wherever I turn, I behold the houses where were born, and the
-turf that covers, those renowned Tuscans; and I fear at every step to
-tread on their remains. Tuscany is a garden, its inhabitants are
-naturally courteous, the sky serene, and the air full of life and
-health; but I am not happy here. I hope always for better things on the
-morrow, when I shall reach another town: but to-morrow arrives, and I
-pass from city to city; and this state of exile and solitude grows each
-day more unendurable. We Italians are foreigners and exiles even in
-Italy; and scarcely do we leave our little native territory, than
-neither understanding, nor fame, nor blameless habits can shelter us;
-and we are lost if we endeavour to distinguish ourselves. Our very
-fellow-citizens look upon all Italians who are not natives of their own
-town, and on whose limbs the same chains do not hang, as strangers."
-Thus Tuscany afforded no asylum to the fugitive. He desired to see no
-one in Florence except Alfieri; and the retired and reserved habits of
-the count prevented his seeking his acquaintance. He saw him, as he
-describes in one of his poems, wandering silently along the most
-solitary bank of the Arno, gazing anxiously on earth and heaven; but,
-finding nothing living that could warm his heart, he took refuge in the
-aisles of Santa Croce, while wished-for death overspread his countenance
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">{Pg 360}</a></span>
-with pallid hues."<a name="NoteRef_54_54" id="NoteRef_54_54"></a><a href="#Note_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> The silence and the concentrated melancholy of
-Alfieri made a deep impression on the mind of his admirer; and Foscolo
-sought afterwards to imitate it in his own person, forgetful that his
-natural impetuosity and vehemence were very dissimilar to the gloom and
-pride of his model.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-From Florence, Foscolo pursued his way to Milan, which was then the
-capital of the Cisalpine republic, and imparted its rights of
-citizenship to all the wandering patriots of Italy. The new republic
-afforded a strange spectacle: formed upon notions of Greek and Roman
-liberty, picked up from learned priests, mingled with modern notions of
-freedom, it displayed the most ridiculous anachronisms; and its members,
-all Italians, yet strangers to each other, and regarding with oblique
-looks all those born in a different city, met without amalgamating. The
-young found hope and life in the new stage on which they were permitted
-to act a part; and though ridicule and blame might be attached to many
-of their public actions, still the more sanguine lovers of their country
-hoped that, when the first springtide of enthusiasm should ebb,
-prudence, unanimity, and strength would be the first born of national
-independence. Foscolo, however, was not among those. Irascible and
-misanthropic, and sensitively alive to the sufferings of his
-fellow-creatures, he saw the evils around him, and desponded.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-One of the advantages derived from this new capital was, that it served
-to draw together the most distinguished Italians within the walls of the
-same city. Each town of the peninsula sent some man esteemed for his
-talents; and names, scattered before over the surface of the country,
-now congregated together. Foscolo had thus an opportunity of becoming
-acquainted with all his more illustrious countrymen. In his "Letters of
-Jacopo Ortis," he mentions Parini especially with reverence and
-affection; and he became intimate also with Monti, who then displayed
-fervour in the cause of liberty, while his inward dislike for the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">{Pg 361}</a></span>
-members of the actual government must have accorded with the sentiments
-of Foscolo. Two decrees, passed at that time, served, indeed, to show
-that blame deservedly attached itself to them: one was the law enacted
-to deprive of office all those who had formerly written against
-liberty&mdash;an act of despotism levelled expressly against Monti; the
-other was the sentence passed by the great council against the Latin
-language: whether it was because Latin was the language of their religion
-and the priests, or from mere stupid barbarism, they passed a decree to
-prohibit its being taught in the public schools. Foscolo saw, in the
-languages of the ancient world, not only the root of all our knowledge, but
-also the most splendid monuments of human intellect: he knew how fallacious
-and trivial all translations are; he was imbued to the heart with a love of
-classic lore; and he saw, in the suppression of the Latin, the paramount
-influence of the French language. No wonder that he, as well as every
-well-educated man, regarded such a law and its promulgators with mingled
-scorn and disgust.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To make the resemblance between Foscolo and his imaginary hero, Jacopo
-Ortis, the more exact, we are told that, at this very time, he fell in
-love with a young lady of Pisa: his passions, naturally vehement, were
-inflamed to their utmost by the influence of the most engrossing of them
-all. The object of his attachment was singularly beautiful; her large
-black eyes, rich raven hair, her dignified stature and noble carriage,
-her whole person, in short, cast in the very mould of majestic beauty,
-was formed to inspire admiration and love. She possessed also all that
-natural talent which so usually falls to the lot of Italian women: her
-voice was harmonious, and her proficiency in music great. She was known
-afterwards to several of the biographers of her lover; and, with the
-simplicity and frankness usual to the Italians, spoke openly of their
-mutual attachment. One among them, after calling the lady "the flower of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">{Pg 362}</a></span>
-all loveliness," adds, "We heard from her&mdash;for she yet
-lives&mdash;that the few lines cited as being written by Teresa, in a
-letter of Ortis, dated 17th September, 1798, were a part of a letter which
-she wrote to Foscolo."<a name="NoteRef_55_55" id="NoteRef_55_55"></a><a href="#Note_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Giuseppe Pecchio, in his Life of Foscolo, speaks of her
-with great enthusiasm: "I saw her," he writes, "several times after she
-was married, when, at a private theatre, she took the part of Isabella
-in the 'Filippo' of Alfieri; and I still remember, with pleasure, her
-dignified action and her expressive countenance, which filled the
-audience with enthusiasm, and carried their feelings along with her."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This attachment was not fortunate; and Foscolo suffered all the throes
-of disappointment and grief. Violent in all his feelings, love possessed
-his heart like a burning fire; he grew sullen and gloomy, only breaking
-silence by muttering a few sentences indicative of his ardent desire for
-self-destruction. He did not openly speak of his passion; but his
-feelings overflowed on paper, and he wrote and published "The Letters of
-Two Lovers," a sort of novel, which afterwards served as a foundation to
-the "Letters of Ortis." While thus occupied by literature and love, he
-added the duties of a more laborious profession. Bonaparte, having
-created the Cisalpine republic, strove to raise an Italian army for its
-defence. The Lombard legion formed the nucleus of these troops, and the
-sons of the noblest families in Italy accepted commissions: among
-others, Foscolo became an officer.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1800.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-22.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-The absence, however, of Bonaparte in Egypt, and the invasion of the
-Austrio-Russian army, put a sudden end to the existence of the new
-republic. At the same time that Monti fled across the Alps, and
-wandered, a famished exile, among the ravines and woods of Savoy,
-Foscolo, forced also to provide for his own safety, took refuge in
-Genoa, and joined the French garrison commanded by Massena. It was here
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">{Pg 363}</a></span>
-that the French made a last stand, endeavouring to stop the progress of
-the invading army. The siege of Genoa was formed; and Foscolo, serving
-under the French banners, had an opportunity of studying at once the
-military art and the science of government during the various chances of
-a long and arduous struggle. While day lasted, there were perpetual
-combats along the whole line of mountains which surround Genoa to the
-north; and the night was spent in popular assemblies, in which the
-leaders strove to inspire the citizens with resolution to endure the
-evils of the siege. These soon grew intolerable; and famine, and
-consequent disease, made frightful ravages. Foscolo sometimes collected
-the people together in a spot of the city made famous by the act of an
-Austrian corporal, who (1748) struck with his cane a Genoese, who was
-striving in vain to move a cannon: he endeavoured to animate his
-audience to heroic deeds, by describing the magnanimous vengeance with
-which their ancestors had vindicated the insult. Nor was he less forward
-in the performance of his military duties; and his name occurs in the
-lists of those who were most distinguished for their bravery.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-During the siege, on occasion of Napoleon's return from Egypt, and being
-named consul, Foscolo addressed a letter to him from Genoa, which
-prophesied the height to which he would hereafter rise, and besought him
-to rest content with his present exaltation, nor to taint his
-well-merited renown by schemes of unmeasured ambition. This letter,
-which is of two pages only, is written with the freedom of a patriot and
-the dignity of a disinterested and noble mind. He incurred no danger by
-this address, but he displeased the ear of power; and the truth and
-frankness of his representations form an honourable contrast with the
-general adulation, and the barefaced flatteries, which other writers
-addressed to the victor.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The energetic mind of Foscolo was not satisfied by the arduous duties of
-his profession, to which were added the not less exciting task of
-guiding and animating the minds of the citizens of Genoa, when they
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">{Pg 364}</a></span>
-flagged under the visitation of the most frightful calamities. It was at
-this period that he wrote an ode to Luigia Pallavicini, on her falling
-from her horse, which betrays no signs of the sufferings which he was
-enduring, except its motto, taken from Horace: "Sollicitæ oblivia
-vitæ." This poem is all grace, elegance, and classic allusion; but
-there is no originality nor poetic fire. The machinery is mythological,
-the imagery drawn from the same source; and it is rather the work of one
-imbued with the poetry of the ancients, and translating remembered ideas
-into his native language, than the outpourings of a mind inspired by
-passion and nature. It is strange that Foscolo should have found time to
-compose verses at a period when the town he inhabited was being
-bombarded by the English fleet, when the Austrians were making daily
-assaults, and the streets were filled by a famished and dying multitude.
-But while Foscolo shared the labours and dangers of the garrison, he did
-not partake their amusements; and while they were immersed in the
-grosser pleasures of the bottle, of cards, and smoking, he took refuge
-in his imagination, and found relief in the soothing and refined
-feelings generated by study and poetry.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Meanwhile Genoa, reduced by famine, surrendered on the 4th of June,
-1800, with the condition that the garrison should be conveyed to France
-by the English fleet. Foscolo accompanied his fellow-soldiers, but he
-endured only a brief exile from his country. The battle of Marengo drove
-the Austrians from Italy; the Cisalpine republic was restored; and
-Foscolo, together with the rest of the Italian fugitives, returned to
-Milan.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Already known as an author and a man of letters, he increased his fame
-at this period by the publication of the "Last Letters of Jacopo Ortis,"
-a romance which at once acquired great popularity, and, as being the
-first that had been written in the Italian language, demanded the praise
-of some sort of originality. Yet its chief fault is, that it is an
-imitation. Foscolo could not invent incidents, nor weave the artful
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">{Pg 365}</a></span>
-texture of a well-told story. The plot of "Ortis" is similar to that of
-Goethe's more celebrated romance of "Werter." A youth of disappointed
-expectations, and devoured by a morbid melancholy, falls in love with a
-girl who is already betrothed to another. He resolves to die as soon as
-the marriage shall take place; but, meanwhile, fosters his passion by
-frequenting the society of the young lady. She had never been attached
-to her intended husband, and is the victim of obedience to her father's
-will, who, besides that his honour is engaged, would have found an
-insuperable obstacle to the pretensions of Ortis in his plebeian birth.
-His sorrowing daughter, while she obeys, returns the affection of her
-passionate, adoring lover; her destined husband become jealous, her
-father uneasy; and Ortis, called upon by duty and friendship, absents
-himself from her society: he travels to Florence, to Milan, to Genoa;
-and then, hearing of Teresa's marriage, retraces his steps to the
-Euganean hills, the abode of his mistress, and fulfils his long-nurtured
-intention of putting an end to his existence. The slight differences
-between this story and "Werter" are founded on Foscolo's own attachment,
-before alluded to.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-There is, indeed, this main difference between the work of Goëthe and
-that of Foscolo,&mdash;that the former is, so to speak, a dramatic, and the
-latter a didactic, author. Goëthe founded his story on the feelings of
-another. He delineated the sentiments and passions of his unfortunate
-young friend Jerusalem; and, putting himself in his place, filled out,
-from his own experience and imagination, the various portions of a
-picture, the most highly wrought, refined, and true that, perhaps,
-exists in the world of fictitious portraits. Foscolo painted a <i>beau
-idéal</i> of himself. So full was his mind of his own idea, that he
-prefixed a portrait of Ortis, which was only a favoured likeness of
-himself. Like the author, Ortis fled from Venice when it was made over
-to the Austrians. Like the author, his heart was tortured by patriotic
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">{Pg 366}</a></span>
-sufferings, and his soul was in arms against the oppressor. Ortis, like
-Foscolo, saw misery and evil rife around him: compassion rose with him
-into a passion; and his heart bled and burnt alternately, as he pitied
-the victim, and abhorred the tyrant. Ortis, like Foscolo, meditated
-suicide as the cure for all evils, and regarded death as a harbour
-whence to retreat from the tempests of life. Yet Foscolo did not, like
-Ortis, destroy himself; because, we are apt to say, he is in this
-greater than his prototype, since he felt powers and capacities within
-him that led him to continue to endure the evils of life, to raise for
-himself a name among his fellow-creatures, to benefit and to exhort
-them; while Ortis, like a weak plant that wants all self-erecting power,
-fell prostrate, and was trampled on by the iron heels of destiny.
-Egotists, perhaps, are, of all people, the least likely to put an end to
-themselves; yet they like to dwell on their own deaths, and, feeling
-that the drama of their lives is incomplete without a striking
-catastrophe, they ponder on it, and, if led to bring themselves forward,
-are pretty sure to adorn their lives by describing its disastrous
-conclusion.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This morbid shrinking from the woes of existence, this total want of
-fortitude, added to a lively sensibility, presents a picture which, a
-few years ago, was the model by which the youth of Europe delighted to
-dress their minds. Men need a career&mdash;an hope, an aim: the French
-revolution first gave new life to these natural instincts, and then,
-aided by Napoleon's despotism, blighted and tore them up. Since then, a
-better day has dawned, and men are glad to live for the morrow, since
-each day is full of spirit-stirring expectation. The influence of a book
-like "Ortis" is null now: it was pernicious at the time when it was
-written. And yet, in representing his hero as a self-destroyer, Foscolo
-was not without moral aim. The Italians fear death to the extent of the
-most contemptible cowardice; they consider any one insane who engages in
-any actions that even remotely endanger his life; and Foscolo was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">{Pg 367}</a></span>
-earnest to prove that death was not the worst of evils, but that it
-might be sought voluntarily as a refuge from slavery or woe. We find,
-therefore, conjoined to intolerance of personal suffering, the most
-ardent patriotism, integrity, and independence of spirit; lively
-compassion for the physical evils of the poor, which are too often
-disregarded; and observations on life and our natural feelings, full of
-delicacy and profound truth. What more true than the remark, "that we
-are too proud to give our compassion, when we feel that we can give
-nothing else?" What can come more home to a man of sensibility than the
-exclamation of Ortis,&mdash;"I am always in perfect harmony with the
-unhappy, for indeed I always find something wicked in the prosperous?" And,
-again, when he says, "Let us gather up a treasure of dear and soothing
-feelings, which, during the course of years, destined, perhaps, to be
-sad and persecuted, may awaken the memory that we have not always been
-unhappy." Another merit which these letters have may be mentioned, which
-an Italian author has also discovered: they display a love for, and an
-observation of, nature, seldom found among their greatest writers. The
-Italians, generally speaking, are not lovers of nature: full of passion
-and talent, yet they do not ally themselves to the mighty mother, nor do
-their pulses beat responsive to her varied and living phenomena. Dante
-alone, perhaps, displays a true feeling for external objects, describing
-them as they are, and as they may be supposed to feel; while the others
-dilate rather on their beauty, as if they presented a scenic exhibition,
-than were in themselves animated beings to feel and have existence. The
-rambles of Ortis amidst the Euganean hills; the sentiments with which he
-contemplates a tempest and the succeeding calm; the glories of summer,
-or tyranny of winter; resemble those so often to be found in English
-authors, and give the work a charm peculiar to itself. The style, also,
-of these letters (and the Italians make style a chief merit) is pure,
-elegant, and forcible. It created a language hitherto unknown to his
-countrymen, uniting the familiar and colloquial with the tasteful and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">{Pg 368}</a></span>
-the expressive. It is too rhetorical, even thus, for our ears; but the
-Italians easily pardon inflation.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The success of "Ortis" was immediate and striking. The Italians usually
-love to be amused and made laugh; but they were caught by the charm, and
-content to weep over the misfortunes of the victim of love. The author
-had artfully contrived to mingle himself inextricably with the image of
-his hero; and the ladies of Italy were interested by his appearance,
-uncouth as it was, and his manners, dissimilar to the inanity of their
-usual companions. He became what we call "a lion," and he himself fell
-in love with one of his fair admirers; but, as is too often the case
-where the author is more thought of than the man, this lady's love was
-more of the head than the heart, and Foscolo, after a short period, was
-dismissed. We are told that this lady was the daughter of the courteous
-Marchesa F., mentioned by Sterne in his "Sentimental Journey." True
-passion often enforces sympathy; otherwise, we cannot wonder that
-Foscolo did not create a sentiment in another as strong as that which he
-himself felt. In personal appearance he was not formed to excite tender
-admiration. Pecchio, who knew him at this time, describes him in vivid
-but no attractive colours. According to him, Foscolo was of middle
-stature, rather strong and muscular of frame; he had thick, reddish,
-rough hair, which added to his expression of wild vehemence, and
-rendered his fits of gloomy silence, or transports of rage, more
-horrible. His eyes were of a blueish grey, small, deep set, and
-intensely sparkling. His complexion was ruddy; his features well formed,
-except that his lips, though thin, protruded, having that animal-look
-about the jaw which is the opposite of the <i>beau idéal</i> of the human
-countenance: he wore his chin thickly covered with hair, which gave him
-a sort of resemblance to an oran-outang. There is a story told of him
-that a Frenchman said to him one day, "Vous êtes bien laid, monsieur;"
-to which Foscolo wittily replied, "Oui, monsieur, à faire peur." On
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">{Pg 369}</a></span>
-another occasion he was engaged in a duel with a friend, who
-impertinently compared him to the animal above mentioned. To add to the
-wildness and singularity of his appearance, he was fond, in an awkward
-sort of imitation of Alfieri, of appearing immersed in thought,
-maintaining a gloomy silence, interrupted only as he muttered, or rather
-growled forth, various quotations or verses, in a voice which made an
-Italian young lady once name him "a sentimental clap of thunder." Such
-was the outward appearance and manners of the Italian Werter; and if he
-met with success among the fair sex, it must be attributed to the ready
-sympathy they are apt to afford to sincere feeling, and to a generous,
-independent spirit.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote1">1802.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-24.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-When Bonaparte, under the name of first consul, rose to supreme power in
-France, it became necessary to remodel the Cisalpine republic; and a
-congress of 450 deputies was held at Lyons, to decide on the new form of
-government. On this occasion Foscolo published an "Oration to
-Bonaparte." A good deal of uncertainty exists as to the exact
-circumstances under which this oration was composed. It has been
-supposed that it was delivered publicly at the congress; but there is no
-foundation for this idea, as Foscolo was not one of the deputies, and
-did not accompany them to Lyons. It is said, on one hand, that he wrote
-it at the desire of Bonaparte himself; and on the other, that the task
-was entrusted to him by the triumvirate, who, under the title of
-committee of government, were placed at the head of the Cisalpine
-republic; and it is said that the oration was delivered before the
-committee itself<a name="NoteRef_56_56" id="NoteRef_56_56"></a><a href="#Note_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>, which, considering its nature, can hardly be
-believed. It commences with a grandiloquent eulogium of Napoleon; it
-then diverges into indignant and sarcastic representations of the
-mal-conduct of the heads of the republic. "Men," he describes them, "who
-are neither statesmen nor warriors, formerly slaves, now tyrants, and
-for ever slaves of themselves, and of circumstances, which they neither
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">{Pg 370}</a></span>
-will nor can command; conscious of their own vices, and therefore timid
-and discordant; cowardly with the bold, bold with the cowardly, they
-crush accusations by bribery, and complaints by menaces. Men who took
-the arms out of the hands of the militia soldiery, an army formed of
-citizens, to give them to bands of runaway felons and deserters." He
-then dilates on the miseries endured in Italy during the period of the
-success of the Austrians and Russians, and describes Bonaparte's return
-as the advent of a demigod; and he calls on him to complete his work by
-assuming the supreme command, instead of leaving it to the triumvirate,
-who betrayed the cause of liberty and oppressed their countrymen.
-Independent as Foscolo was, we are surprised when he goes on to say,
-that every patriotic Italian would elect Bonaparte for their legislator,
-captain, father, and perpetual prince. But this surprise diminishes when
-we read on, and find that he expects this supreme ruler to gift the
-subject country with liberty. He entreats him not to entrust the state
-to men, but to laws; not to the generosity of other nations, but to its
-own force. "Let such be your institutions," he exclaims, "such your
-example, such our strength, that no one shall dare rule us after you.
-Who, indeed, would be worthy to succeed to Bonaparte? As you cannot live
-for ever for us, let the seal of our liberty be set; you yourself
-leaving it inviolate: and, with the whole nation, I call freedom our not
-having (with the exception of Bonaparte) any magistrate who is not
-Italian, nor any general who is not our fellow-citizen. If, while you
-live, our liberty totters, what hope have we that it will endure after
-you are withdrawn from the earth? No! there is no liberty, no property,
-no life, no soul in any country, and under whatever form of government,
-when national independence is fettered!"
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It is impossible that Foscolo, despite his assertions, and despite,
-perhaps, his hopes, should not have been aware that the strongest chain
-that can be imposed on the freedom of a nation is its having a foreign
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">{Pg 371}</a></span>
-prince at the head of government. Still he vindicated the cause he
-espoused, by demanding national institutions and a national army. The
-style of the oration is forcible, but too rhetorical; and, though full
-of truths that intimidated the oppressors and did honour to the free
-spirit of the writer, calmer representations and closer reasoning would
-command more of our admiration. Not that such would have availed with
-the conqueror: Italy was, to him, only one other lever added to the vast
-engine of military force which was to raise him to the throne of the
-world.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Yet, though not gifted with liberty, the present epoch was a happy one
-for the north of Italy. After suffering from the persecutions of
-demagogues, and from the devastations of war, it reposed contentedly
-under the wise and liberal administration of Melzi. Foscolo continued to
-inhabit Milan: by day immersed in study, his evenings were spent in
-amusements. His sanguine disposition often led him to try the chances of
-a gambling table: when he won, he launched out into extravagant
-expenses; he bought horses and dress, and hired the most magnificent
-apartments. When Fortune turned her back, all this show of prosperity as
-suddenly disappeared; and he retired into a corner to study.<a name="NoteRef_57_57" id="NoteRef_57_57"></a><a href="#Note_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> In one
-of these intervals of seclusion, he wrote a translation of the Hymn of
-Callimachus on the Hair of Berenice, accompanied by a whole volume of
-comments. The sort of learning which he here displayed obtained no
-applause; but we are told that the erudition thus made show of had for
-its aim, not the instructing the ignorant, but the ridicule of pedants
-and book-worms. It is difficult, however, to cull wit from the dry bones
-of verbal criticism.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Under the presidency of Melzi, an Italian legion had been formed in
-which Foscolo held a commission. When Bonaparte formed the camp at
-Boulogne, for the avowed purpose of invading England, the division of
-the Italian army to which the poet belonged made part of the vast
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">{Pg 372}</a></span>
-assemblage of troops called together. He held the rank of captain, and
-was attached to the staff of general Tulliè. The Italian troops were
-stationed at St. Omer and Calais, at which latter place Foscolo entered
-on the study of the English language. The spot which he selected for the
-purpose of study was curiously chosen: he was often seen writing with
-eagerness by the light of the lamp of the billiard-table, while his
-fellow-officers were playing, drinking, and conversing around.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To exercise himself in English, he undertook the translation of Sterne's
-"Sentimental Journey;" and it is much praised for the purity of its
-style. But the most curious part of the publication is a disguised
-account of the translator. Foscolo's excessive vanity shines very
-apparent in this account of himself, in which he indulges in an
-egotistical description of his own singularities; and, according to his
-old fancy, conducts himself to the grave, and writes his own epitaph.
-The title-page of the translation declares the translator to be one
-Didimo Chierico; and on the character of this Didimo (being himself)
-Foscolo fondly dilates; mentions various works of his, the manuscripts
-of which he says that he possesses; and records his eccentricities and
-opinions in a manner which excites a smile, when we remember that he is
-his own memorialist of trifles, which it would be hardly worth
-mentioning when appertaining to the greatest men. "Didimo entertained,"
-he tells us, "strange systems, which, nevertheless, he did not defend by
-argument; and, as apology to those who brought forward irresistible
-reasons, he replied by the single word 'opinions.' He respected, also,
-the systems of others, and, from carelessness or some other motive,
-never tried to refute them; but always remained silent, without making
-sign of dissent, except that he uttered the word 'opinions' with
-religious seriousness. On these systems or notions he founded actions
-and words worthy of laughter. He called don Quixote happy, because he
-deluded himself with glory and love. He drove away cats, because they
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">{Pg 373}</a></span>
-appeared to him the most silent of all animals; at the same time he
-praised them, because, like dogs, they took advantage of society, and
-enjoyed their liberty like owls. He did not believe that you could trust
-any one who lived next door to a butcher, or near the place destined for
-public executions. He believed in prophetic inspiration, and fancied
-that he was acquainted with its source. He accused the nightcap,
-dressing-gown, and slippers of husbands, as the cause of a wife's first
-infidelity. He gave no better specimen of his knowledge: asserting that
-the sciences were a series of propositions which had need of
-demonstrations apparently self-evident, but substantially uncertain; and
-that geometry, in spite of algebra, would remain an imperfect science,
-until the incomprehensible system of the universe was known: and he
-maintained that the arts could render truth more useful to men than the
-sciences."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-"When travelling, he dined at the public tables: he easily became
-familiar, though he spoke dryly to the ceremonious, proudly to the rich,
-and avoided all sects and confraternities. He frequented mostly the
-society of women; because he thought them more richly endowed by nature
-with pity and modesty, two pacific qualities which, he said, alone
-temper the combative propensities of human beings. He was listened to
-readily; though I know not where he found matter of discourse, since he
-would talk a whole evening without uttering a word concerning politics,
-religion, or scandal. He never asked questions, that he might not lead
-others to answer falsely. He was glad to receive his acquaintances at
-home; but when walking he liked to be alone, or with strangers to whom
-he took a fancy; and if any of his acquaintance approached, he took a
-book from his pocket, and, in room of salutation, recited scraps from a
-modern translation of the Greek poets; on which he was left alone."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-And thus he goes on, for several pages, describing eccentricities,
-partly natural, partly assumed, which he wished should attract
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">{Pg 374}</a></span>
-attention, as is evident by his thus introducing them to the public, who
-would otherwise have been ignorant of their existence.
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote2">1805.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-On his return to Italy, he became intimate with general Caffarelli,
-minister of war of the kingdom of Italy. Warmed by the recent sight of
-the encampment of Boulogne, he proposed to the general to make a new
-edition of the military works of Montecucoli, with notes. The text was
-furnished him by the marchese Trivulzio, and the edition was brought out
-with great splendour; but Foscolo is accused of having used his
-imagination, rather than critical acumen, in the emendation of his
-author.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-The north of Italy was enjoying a great degree of prosperity at this
-time. Melzi gave encouragement to all undertakings that tended to
-elevate the Italian character; and literary men were held in that esteem
-which ensures their exerting themselves to bestow on their country the
-richest harvest of their talents. Foscolo, though he still held his
-captain's commission, was, in honour of his literary character, exempted
-from the toils of service; and, taking advantage of the liberty allowed
-him, he left Milan for a time, and took up his residence at Brescia. He
-resided in a small house, situated on an open hill, not far from the
-city. Here he was accustomed to study till sunset; and, whether alone or
-in company, he would recite the poetry of the ancients, or his own,
-which he was then occupied in composing. The Brescians are a happy, gay
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">{Pg 375}</a></span>
-people; they live less in the town than the inhabitants of the rest of
-Italy, and take peculiar pleasure in rural amusements; they are
-hospitable and fond of festivity; not very refined, they are yet
-open-hearted and cordial, and noted for bravery when in the field.
-Foscolo's neighbours admired and visited him; persons of every sect and
-opinion, even the priests, flocked to his house; and often seated under
-a wide-spreading fig tree which was in his garden, he held forth to a
-numerous audience. The Brescians are naturally enthusiastic: he had the
-art of inflaming the souls of the young, and they crowded round him as,
-with stentorian voice, he uttered his moral apophthegms. When night
-closed in, he left his rustic drawing room, and visited the theatres;
-and was often seen paying homage to the dark eyes of some Brescian
-beauty.<a name="NoteRef_58_58" id="NoteRef_58_58"></a><a href="#Note_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was here that he wrote the most perfect of his poems&mdash;his "Ode on
-Sepulchres." The elegance and pure taste of this composition have caused
-it to be compared to Gray's well-known "Elegy;" but it is more classical
-in its ideas and construction, and would rather remind the reader of
-Milton's "Lycidas." Every verse is harmonious music; and the melancholy
-that is cast over it is graceful and touching, not harrowing and sombre.
-A law had been passed at Milan instituting a public cemetery without the
-walls of the city, in which all the dead were to be promiscuously
-buried, without marks of distinction. The poet, addressing Pindemonte,
-begins by commenting upon the notion that funeral pomp and an honourable
-tomb are of no avail to the dead; and then he speaks of the sacred
-sentiment that leads us to live still with our lost friends, and makes
-the spot of their interment precious in our eyes. Alluding to the new
-law, he apostrophises the muse, asking her if she does not love to
-linger near the desecrated tomb of her Parini, whose venerated remains,
-cast among the bodies of criminals, are scarcely protected from the
-assaults of the houseless dog, while night birds hover, screaming, over
-it. He speaks of the pious sentiments with which the sad relics of
-mortality have ever been regarded since religion first instituted sacred
-and social laws; and describes, in heartfelt but poetic language, the
-various ways in which survivors love to pay homage to the beloved dead.
-From tender and pathetic pictures of domestic bereavement, he then rises
-to describe the ennobling sentiment inspired by a sight of the tombs of
-the great and good. He apostrophises Florence, and gracefully brings in
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">{Pg 376}</a></span>
-the well-known predilection of Alfieri for the aisles of Santa Croce;
-and then, taking a still higher flight, he describes Providence and
-destiny as presiding over the graves of the worthy, and vindicating
-their unforgotten names, even from the silent turf that covers them;
-and, carried away by his love for classic lore, with no forced
-digression, he concludes by speaking of the mounds that still mark the
-spot where the warriors of Greece died on the Trojan shore, and
-describes Homer, the poet blind and old, wandering around, and bestowing
-on them the immortal fame of which they would otherwise have been
-deprived.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-This anatomy of a poem can convey but a slight and incomplete idea of
-its merits. The harmony of the versification&mdash;the tender and soft
-melancholy diffused throughout&mdash;the grace of the transitions&mdash;and
-the continual rising in his subject to the end, are all lost. Nor could a
-translation do justice to these, since, as evanescent as they are
-delicate, they would be lost in another language. The whole poem is
-Foscolo's masterpiece.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He also published at this time his translation of the first book of the
-Iliad. Monti was bringing out his version, and there was much hardihood
-in Foscolo's rivalship. His knowledge of Greek, contrasted with the
-other's ignorance, no doubt instigated him. To remove any unpleasant
-feeling, he dedicated it to Monti; in which he speaks at once with
-modesty of his own attempt, and in high praise of Monti's genius. It is
-difficult for a stranger to judge between the merits of the translators;
-but even if Foscolo's is the best, it is a mere fragment. He never
-published more than the first and third books; while Monti went through
-the labour of the entire translation, and bestowed a complete work on
-his country.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-In 1808, Foscolo was installed professor of eloquence in the university
-of Pavia&mdash;a chair formerly filled by Monti and Cesarotti. The choice
-was universally popular; and his introductory oration, "On the Origin and
-Use of Letters," was listened to with enthusiasm. He had refused to
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">{Pg 377}</a></span>
-introduce any praise of Napoleon into it, and the whole was conceived in
-the spirit of personal and political independence. This fault was
-visited with singular severity; since, after a short time, the
-professorship of eloquence at Pavia was entirely suppressed, under the
-pretence of a reform in the plan of studies, but in reality as a mark of
-disapprobation. Petty jealousy and the vain desire of ruling even the
-thoughts of the subject world, induced Napoleon on all occasions to
-punish severely any demonstration of independence. Nor was the vengeance
-confined to Foscolo and Pavia alone. The literary professorships at
-Bologna and Padua were also abolished, as well as those for the Greek
-and oriental languages; for history, and, in short, all except those
-instituted to teach law, medicine, and the sciences. Several learned and
-excellent men were thus deprived of an honourable living. The nation was
-at once robbed of all easy access to a liberal education, and to the
-inappreciable knowledge of those languages which contain the most
-glorious monuments of man's genius: and thus Napoleon gave testimony to
-the Italians of the truth of Alfieri's axiom, that absolute monarchs
-hate the historian, the poet, and the orator, and give the preference to
-the sciences.<a name="NoteRef_59_59" id="NoteRef_59_59"></a><a href="#Note_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Foscolo retreated from the university to the seclusion of the Lake of
-Como; giving proof of his pure and ardent love of nature, so rare among
-Italians, by his retirement from cities to the sublime and luxuriant
-scenery of this lake. He took up his residence at a villa named the
-Pliniana, built on the site of the fountains whose periodical ebb and
-flow the younger Pliny records in his letters. The lake, paled in by
-mountains, bathes the walls of the villa; and the neighbouring banks,
-clothed with myrtle and arbutus, overhang the waters, and cast their
-deep shade on the clear depths: the precipitous mountain rises behind,
-diversified by chestnut woods; and here and there are seen huge
-cypresses, whose spires seem to pierce the skies, when regarded from the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">{Pg 378}</a></span>
-terraced garden of the villa. The flowing fountains keep up a perpetual
-murmur; and, perhaps, in all the varied earth there is no spot which
-affords such a combination of the picturesque, the beautiful, the rich,
-the balmy, and the sublime. The house itself, without being ruinous, is
-huge and desolate; but its vast cool halls are a pleasant refuge against
-the heats of mid-day. Here Foscolo studied through the morning, varying
-his life by spending his evenings with the family of count Giovio, a man
-of education and learning, whose young and gay family served to
-dissipate the fumes of melancholy in which the poet was rather fond of
-indulging.<a name="NoteRef_60_60" id="NoteRef_60_60"></a><a href="#Note_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He here commenced his "Ode to the Graces:" this was a favourite
-composition, yet left unfinished. He was never weary of altering or
-improving&mdash;of softening its language, or adding new melody to the
-versification. It is purely classical in its idea, yet varied by the
-most beautiful touches of natural beauty. He occupied himself also by
-finishing his tragedy of "Ajax." The same faults are discoverable in
-this drama as in his juvenile production of "Thyestes." It is founded on
-the dispute between Ulysses and Ajax for the arms of Achilles, and the
-self-destruction of the latter. The action ends almost before it begins;
-the scenes are frigid, the interest null; still it excited a good deal
-of expectation; and reading, as he did, speeches and scenes to various
-friends, its representation on the stage was looked forward to with
-eagerness at Milan. The theatre was crowded on the first night, and the
-audience sat patiently and listened for a long time to scene following
-scene, of sonorous words, high-sounding declamations, and vehement
-apostrophes, all leading to nothing, ending in nothing&mdash;exciting no
-sympathy, but wearying the ear. At length they grew tired; and though
-they listened to the conclusion, it was evident that they were delighted
-to be dismissed.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-It was a strange accident, that a drama which thus failed of eliciting
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">{Pg 379}</a></span>
-any interest in the audience, and the great fault of which was dulness,
-should have excited a persecution against its author. His enemies spread
-the report that the tragedy had a political aim; that Napoleon was
-symbolised in Agamemnon, the king of kings; and that general Moreau was
-pictured in Ajax, who deserved, but did not obtain, the arms of
-Achilles. There seems to have been no real foundation for this
-supposition, but Foscolo did not deny it: he preserved a mysterious
-silence; whether from disdain, or from a covert pleasure in the
-annoyance of government, is uncertain. The ministers of Napoleon were
-inquisitorial and revengeful; not to praise their emperor was sin
-sufficient to render any author obnoxious, and any expressions that
-could be distorted into blame were criminal. The cities of Italy, whose
-inhabitants are forbidden all political discussions, and who are shut
-out from the pursuits that naturally excite ambition, are singularly apt
-to diversify the monotony of their lives by gossiping. Such a
-supposition as the one above mentioned spread rapidly through Milan: men
-met together to wonder and dispute; they worked themselves up into an
-idea that something had been done, and that something would ensue; while
-the spies of the police excited and reported each unguarded expression.
-The city became disturbed by the notion of Foscolo's attempt to bring
-Napoleon on the stage as an object of censure, and in expectation of the
-punishment with which his boldness would be visited; while he, silent
-and mysterious, refused to offer any explanation. It was intimated
-accordingly to him, that he would do well to change the air; and,
-submitting to an exile from Milan, he again visited Tuscany.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He took the house at Camaldoli, near Florence, which had, in ages gone
-by, been inhabited by Galileo. He alludes to this in his "Ode to the
-Graces," in some verses which describe the nocturnal murmur of the
-distant Arno, which flowed clear yet hid beneath its willows, and
-visited the ear of the astronomer as he watched the star of eve. It was
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">{Pg 380}</a></span>
-here, he records, that dawn, and the moon, and the sun displayed to him,
-with various tints, the serene clouds that hung below the Alps, or
-illumined the plain which stretches to the Tyrrhene sea; a wide-spread
-scene of cities and woods, diversified by the labours of the happy
-husbandman, by temples; or the hundred hills with which, adorned by
-caverns, and olive groves, and marble palaces, the Apennines encircle
-the lovely city, where Flora and the Graces have garlands.<a name="NoteRef_61_61" id="NoteRef_61_61"></a><a href="#Note_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> In one
-point, the poetry of Foscolo may be compared to the more didactic parts
-of Milton. He never omits a romantic or classical allusion; and,
-bringing forward all that ennobles and animates his subject, adorns it
-with human interest. Whoever reads in the original the verses I have so
-lamely translated into prose, cannot help remembering various passages
-inspired by the memory of Tuscany, which show like pictures of Claude in
-the pages of the most graceful as well as the most sublime of our poets.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-We cannot refrain from observing, in this place, that we possess a
-proof, in the bent of Foscolo's genius, of how little the intellect is
-often in accord with the heart. Wild, vehement, gloomy almost to
-savageness, independent even to an incapacity of yielding to the common
-rules of society, he could not depict the wild furies of Ajax, nor,
-indeed, the more burning throes that often tore his own heart. His best
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">{Pg 381}</a></span>
-compositions, on the contrary, seem to emanate from an impassioned but
-brooding spirit, nursed in soft melancholy and elegant and fanciful
-reverie. As we have before mentioned, he was purely a didactic writer;
-but perhaps no modern poet ever displayed so much harmony, grace, and
-truth of description. We have not the fantastic imagery nor the fire of
-Monti; neither the storms of the deep, nor the thunders of the sky; but
-an inland landscape, where the balmy air broods over waving forest and
-murmuring stream, and the heart of man reposing seems to take refuge
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"In that sweet mood where pleasant thoughts</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Bring sad thoughts to the mind."</span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p><span class="sidenote1">1813.<br />
-Ætat.<br />
-35.</span></p>
-
-<p>
-When the result of his Russian invasion shook Napoleon's throne, Foscolo
-returned to Milan. Public events were undergoing a vast change.
-Napoleon, defeated by his own ambition, retired to what seemed to him
-the narrow circle of France, and appeared for a while to stand at bay,
-while a universal attack was made on him. His authority, every where
-shaken, tottered in Italy. The English, who had assisted so gloriously
-in the emancipation of Spain, sent emissaries to Italy, to invite the
-people to throw off the French yoke. It would have been of no avail to
-have invited them to exchange servitude under France for that under
-Austria, and the words liberty and national independence were pronounced
-as a spell to rouse them. Lord William Bentinck published a manifesto
-calling on them to assert their freedom; he conjured the soldiers to
-vindicate their country's rights, and to acquire for it that liberty
-which Spain, Portugal, and Holland reaped from the fall of Napoleon. His
-voice found an echo in every heart. "We are told that the name of
-independence was on the lips of all; nor at any crisis of any nation in
-the world were so much ardour and unanimity shown, as by the Italians at
-this moment."<a name="NoteRef_62_62" id="NoteRef_62_62"></a><a href="#Note_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> While thus the allies tried to win the Italians to
-their side, the treaty of Fontainebleau and the abdication of the French
-emperor placed the peninsula at their feet. The viceroy of Italy, prince
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">{Pg 382}</a></span>
-Eugêne, crossed the Alps; the south of Italy fell into the hands of its
-old rulers; while Milan, left to itself, assembled a senate to discuss a
-new form of government. The point disputed was, whether prince Eugêne
-or a prince of the house of Austria should preside over them; but they
-fancied that their independence was secure under the one or the other.
-The latter proposition carried the day; for when the senate, recording
-the virtues of the viceroy, was about to solicit the allies to set him
-over them, a vast multitude surrounded their house, composed of every
-class&mdash;nobles, commonalty, artificers, rich and poor&mdash;even women
-of rank joined in the tumult&mdash;crying out for the independence of their
-country, and "No viceroy! No France!" A placard went about, saying,
-"Spain and Germany have cast away the yoke of France from their
-necks&mdash;Italy must imitate them;" while magistrates and people called
-aloud, "We will have electoral colleges, and no Eugêne." The senate
-fled&mdash;the people, roused to violence, rushed to destroy the partisans
-of the French, and the unfortunate Prini was torn to pieces. Liberty (alas!
-blood-stained) seemed to win the day; but it was a mock victory. The
-electoral colleges were convened, and they created a regency; it was
-decreed that the allies should be solicited to grant the independence of
-the kingdom, and a free constitution with an Austrian but independent
-prince at its head. Legates were sent to the emperor Francis, at Paris,
-with these demands. He replied, that he also was Italian&mdash;that his
-soldiers had conquered Lombardy, and that the answer would be given at
-Milan. The Austrians entered Milan on the 28th of April. Bellegarde took
-possession of it in the name of Austria on the 23d of May. The kingdom
-of Italy was at an end; its independence was crushed and exchanged for
-an ignominious and cruel servitude.<a name="NoteRef_63_63" id="NoteRef_63_63"></a><a href="#Note_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At the commencement of these changes Foscolo remained unmoved. He
-pursued his studies in silence and seclusion, and seemed to forget the
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">{Pg 383}</a></span>
-political crisis among his literary occupations. But when Napoleon fell,
-he sided with the independents against the French party; though at the
-same time he gave proof of his courage and humanity by exerting himself
-vigorously, though vainly, to save the unfortunate Prini. At the same
-time he resumed his military duties; and when the regency was
-established, he was promoted to the rank of <i>capo squadrone</i>, or
-colonel. To the last he took an active part in asserting the liberty of
-his country. When the Austrian soldiers entered Milan, the city
-submitted peacefully, but not silently. Six thousand soldiers of the
-civic guard assembled, and, in presence of the occupying army, placed in
-the hands of the English general, Macfarlane, an address which they
-begged might be laid before the allies, claiming national independence
-and a constitution. Foscolo drew up this address. We are told that it
-was brief, energetic, and dignified<a name="NoteRef_64_64" id="NoteRef_64_64"></a><a href="#Note_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>; a precious monument of the
-author's patriotism.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-But Foscolo was not allowed to reap any good from his firm adherence to
-the cause of liberty. The Austrians looked on him with suspicious eyes,
-and he was not popular among his countrymen. He had quarrelled with
-Monti, and had many enemies. He saw no mode of maintaining himself: he
-foresaw that he should be persecuted, and perhaps entered into plots for
-the subversion of government. At this moment, some member of the
-Austrian government, knowing the benefit that would accrue to their
-cause if they could win Foscolo as a writer, asked him to furnish a plan
-for a public journal. He consented, refusing at the same time to write
-in it; but this slender act of civility was tortured into one of
-apostacy by his enemies, and too late he found that he had given room to
-calumny. Pecchio relates a conversation which he had with him, which, if
-he did not suspect Foscolo of treason to his country, was unkindly
-carried on by him. They met without the eastern gate of the city, and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">{Pg 384}</a></span>
-Foscolo walked on for some time without speaking. At length he suddenly
-addressed his companion, saying, "You, who are accustomed to speak the
-truth both to friends and enemies, tell me what is said of me in
-public." Pecchio replied, "If you continue your intercourse with Austrians,
-your enemies will assert that you are their spy." This answer was as a
-thunderbolt to Foscolo&mdash;his countenance darkened&mdash;he quickened
-his steps, and said no more. The next day, without taking leave of any
-one, without passport, and without money, he set out in disguise for
-Switzerland. Whether his proud heart rebelled against continuing any
-longer among his suspicious countrymen, or whether, as some said, he was
-implicated in a plot among the soldiers, which was just then discovered,
-or whether, hopeless and sick at heart, he yearned for new scenes and a
-new life; whatever his motive was, he became henceforth a voluntary
-exile, and, leaving friends and country, began an untried career; adding
-one more to the number of unfortunate wanderers whom political changes
-had driven from their homes abroad on the earth.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-At first Foscolo took refuge in Switzerland, and remained for two years
-in the city of Zurigo. He did little during that interval, except
-publish a sort of unintelligible Latin satire, called "Dydymi Clerici
-Prophetæ Minimi Hypercalypseos, Liber singularis;" which is written in
-imitation of the prophecies of the Bible, and satirises Paradisi and
-others who enjoyed offices in the fallen kingdom of Italy. Without a key
-it is impossible to understand it&mdash;alluding, as it does, to people
-little known, and to facts still more obscure; and when understood is
-not praised, even by his countrymen, who might be supposed to take some
-interest in a personal satire on men with whom they were acquainted.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Foscolo found tranquillity at Zurigo; and his disposition, not being
-inclined to intrigue, would have permitted him to remain there in peace;
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">{Pg 385}</a></span>
-but he was poor, and obliged to seek a country where he could turn his
-talents to some account. England, the refuge of exiles, was the place to
-which he repaired. There were liberal men there, who, ashamed of the
-part which the country had permitted lord Castlereagh to play, in
-sacrificing to despotism the very men whose desire of freedom he had
-sought to excite, readily and generously welcomed the victims of our
-foreign secretary's cruel policy. Foscolo, on his arrival, was visited
-by the most distinguished men of the country; the Whig party received
-him with open arms, and he made one of the circle assembled at Holland
-House. He was treated with all the cordiality considered due to a man of
-integrity and a patriot, banished by a foreign despot, and refusing to
-become the pensioner of the oppressors of his country; while, at the
-same time, he met with the mingled respect and curiosity which an author
-of acknowledged talents excites: and even lord Sidmouth, armed with the
-terrors of the alien act, assured him that he should remain unmolested
-during his sojourn.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-A little time somewhat destroyed the illusion which first adorned his
-name. The English are very ready to receive any one as a lion, but not
-fond of fostering intimacies with any whose habits and manners do not
-perfectly assimilate with their own. The vehement gestures, wild looks,
-and loud voice of the Italian, were all in contradiction to the
-etiquette of English society; and no foreigner is capable of perceiving
-any thing but dulness and ice in the mild, high-bred, and unpretending
-manners of the aristocracy of this country. The English enjoy society in
-their own way; and there is a charm to us in the perfect liberty each
-one enjoys&mdash;no one encroaching, or being encroached upon. But the
-sensitiveness which leads us to give freedom to others, renders us
-jealous of any assumption of it on their part. Foscolo had no real hold
-on the society of which he made a part, except through his talents, and
-the respect his independence and integrity commanded: but respect is a
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">{Pg 386}</a></span>
-cold feeling, and can be indulged while we keep the object of it at a
-distance. His talents ceased to amuse, joined as they were to pride, to
-vehemence, and to habits which would not alter, but could not please.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Foscolo ceased to be a lion; and he retired to the neighbourhood of St.
-John's Wood, near the Regent's Park; and, surrounding himself by his
-books, and visited by a few friends, he led a life at once retired and
-eccentric. When Pecchio visited his friend in this retreat, in 1822, he
-was struck by the apparent desolation of the spot (South Bank) in which
-his house was situated; and at the same time by the appearance of three
-lovely sisters, who were the household servants of the poet,&mdash;named by
-his visiters the three Graces; in allusion at once to their beauty and
-Foscolo's poem.<a name="NoteRef_65_65" id="NoteRef_65_65"></a><a href="#Note_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> He supported himself chiefly by writing in the
-Quarterly Review; and we owe to this mode of exercising his pen one of
-the most delightful of his productions, the "Essays on Petrarch." These
-are four in number: on the Love of Petrarch,&mdash;on his Poetry,&mdash;on
-his Character,&mdash;and a Parallel between him and Dante. On the whole, we
-are almost inclined to say that Foscolo scarcely does justice to the
-generous, amiable, and faithful lover of Laura. The pride and unbending
-disposition of Dante were more in accordance with his own character. But
-the discrimination, the taste, and enthusiasm of these Essays render
-them one of the most delightful books in the world. The volume in which
-they are collected is enriched, also, by several of lady Dacre's
-translations from Petrarch, which are unequalled for fidelity and grace;
-preserving the spirit and feeling of the original, and yet arraying them
-in flowing and melodious English verse.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">{Pg 387}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Foscolo published also a translation of the third book of the Iliad; and
-his tragedy of "Ricciarda." Though founded on a story of the middle
-ages, there is no more interest in this last drama than his preceding
-ones: the feelings and situations are forced and unnatural. Fraternal
-hatred is the mainspring of the plot: Guelfo detests his half-brother,
-Averardo; and, on the death of their father Tancred, goes to war with
-him, to deprive him of his portion of their common heritage. As a
-further mark of hate, he betroths his daughter Ricciarda to Guido, the
-son of Averardo, merely to discover whether she loves her cousin or not;
-and, finding that she does, separates them with violent denunciations,
-and resolves to marry her to another. The drama opens while the brothers
-are at war. On account of the unfortunate unities&mdash;which force the
-author to bring all the persons together in one place, however improbable
-it may be that they should there meet&mdash;the poet causes Guido
-to leave his father's camp, and to secrete himself in Guelfo's palace,
-for the sake of watching over Ricciarda's safety, whose life he imagines
-to be menaced by her father. The action chiefly turns on Averardo first
-sending a friend, and then coming himself in disguise, to induce Guido
-to return to him; in Guelfo's denunciations against his daughter; and in
-scenes between the lovers. At length Averardo assaults and enters his
-brother's palace; and Guelfo, finding himself defeated, first kills
-Ricciarda, to prevent her marrying Guido, and then stabs himself; while
-Guido swears that he will soon follow his mistress to the tomb. The only
-beauty of the tragedy consists in the character of Ricciarda, her
-struggles between filial piety and love, her obedience to her father,
-and her devotion to her lover. But the whole is conceived in one unvaried
-tone of hate and unhappy love&mdash;of meditated murder and suicide.
-You neither perceive the end that the author has in view, nor that there
-can be any end except by their all dying. Foscolo dedicated this tragedy
-to lord William Russell. His politics naturally brought him into contact
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">{Pg 388}</a></span>
-with what was then the opposition party; and this alliance was drawn
-closer when the exiles of Parga applied to him to draw up the petition
-to be presented to parliament. He assented gladly, and wrote four
-hundred pages without avail; former treaties preventing the English from
-interference in behalf of the Pargiotes.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Foscolo found difficulty in obtaining the means of life, and lady Dacre
-in particular interested herself in pointing out some method by which he
-might turn his talents to account. She proposed, and zealously promoted,
-the course of lectures on Italian literature which Foscolo delivered in
-1823. Mr. Stewart Rose was another of his real and anxious friends; and
-Foscolo's acknowledged talents, and the interest excited by his exile,
-facilitated their endeavours. His lectures were numerously attended, and
-brought him a thousand pounds;&mdash;a small sum, if on it he was to found
-a sufficient income to maintain him for the rest of his life; a large one
-to an Italian, accustomed to look on a few hundred crowns as riches. And
-thus it was that the success that attended his undertaking was, in the
-end, fruitful of annoyance and disaster. The poet's head was
-turned&mdash;he fancied his treasure inexhaustible, and he set about
-spending it with as much knowledge as a child would have had of its real
-quantity and value. He built a house, furnished it expensively, and adorned
-it with all those luxuries that cost largely and are of least intrinsic
-value. His entrance hall was adorned by statues, and he had a conservatory
-filled with the rarest flowers; while the three Graces still waited on him,
-and did not contribute to the economy of his household. As all the houses
-in the suburb of St. John's Wood, which he continued to inhabit, are
-distinguished by a name, he, to the no small puzzle of the common
-people, christened his Digamma Cottage; in commemoration of a literary
-victory which he believed achieved by his "Essay on the Digamma." "I
-went to see him," Pecchio writes, "on my return from Spain, in August,
-1823. I found him inhabiting a new house, surrounded by all the luxury
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">{Pg 389}</a></span>
-of a financier suddenly become rich. I was astonished, and could not
-account for this sort of theatrical change; it appeared to me a dream.
-I thought to myself, Ugo Foscolo has followed in the steps of doctor
-Faustus, and has entered into some compact with the fiend
-Mephistopheles. He certainly displays good taste; and if he be not rich,
-he deserves to be so; and if all I see is not a vision, he deserves that
-it should be real. But too truly it was a vision: little or nothing of
-what I saw was paid for; it was the palace of king Theodore, tapestried
-with promises to pay. His destiny was similar to that of him of whom
-Young says&mdash;"
-</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i2">"A man who builds, and wants wherewith to pay,</span><br />
-<span class="i2">Provides a home from which to run away."<a name="NoteRef_66_66" id="NoteRef_66_66"></a><a href="#Note_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></span>
-</div></div>
-
-<p>
-Poor Foscolo too soon paid the penalty of his inexplicable want of
-common sense; he became pressed by his creditors, his goods were seized,
-and he, threatened by arrests, was obliged to leave his villa, which so
-resembled a castle in the air, and to hide in a lodging in an obscure
-corner of London. He was now obliged to provide for his daily
-necessities by writing articles for various reviews and magazines. The
-merit and success of his "Essays on Petrarch" suggested to Mr.
-Pickering, a London bookseller, the idea of an edition of Dante,
-Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Tasso, with preliminary notices and critical notes
-by Foscolo. The offer was tolerably liberal, being 600<i>l</i>. for the
-whole work, if completed in two years. But even now Foscolo was ruined
-by another mistake. Had he provided Essays similar to the admired ones
-already written, adding a few critical and historical observations, it
-had been well; he would have produced, at no great cost to himself, a
-popular work that had repaid the bookseller for his speculation. But
-Foscolo had already given token of a predilection for verbal and minute
-criticism. His prefatory notice to Boccaccio consisted of a critical
-history of editions, totally uninteresting to the general reader, and of
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">{Pg 390}</a></span>
-no value except to book collectors. The commentary on Dante is somewhat
-less confined in its topics; and, with great subtlety and talent, he
-compares various readings, and gives reasons for his own selection. But
-even in this his observations are almost entirely grammatical and
-verbal, though interspersed by others of great acuteness on the meaning
-and intentions of Dante. Still his work, altogether, bore no similarity
-to his delightful Essays, which portray the character, spirit, and
-history of Petrarch and Dante in so new and attractive a manner.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Unfortunately, intense labour was required for a work so little alluring
-or profitable; and Foscolo spent months collating, consulting, and
-emending: producing, in the end, a work to be read with tedium and
-fatigue. While thus diligently occupied, and at the same time harassed
-by many cares, ill lodged, and full of chagrin and mortification, he
-fell ill. He grew thin, and a tendency to dropsy manifested itself; the
-consequence of an affection of the liver, from which he had long
-suffered. A few friends visited him; and, dividing his time between them
-and his literary labours, he never left the house. Yet his work did not
-advance. He and his bookseller were at cross purposes. Mr. Pickering
-desired a popular and saleable publication, which he supposed would cost
-not much more time than the author's celebrated articles in the reviews.
-Foscolo wished to immortalise himself by a work of labour and erudition,
-which should become a text book and authority to all who hereafter read
-or wrote upon the poets in question.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-Anxieties thus grew upon him. Economy, and a desire for tranquillity and
-better air, induced him to leave London; and he hired a small house at
-Turnham Green. Here the last months of his life were spent A few friends
-visited him: some of these were English; but they consisted mostly of
-the exiles driven from the south of Europe by the ill success of the
-attempted revolutions of 1820-21. The canon Riego was one among them,
-who attached himself warmly to Foscolo, admiring his independence and
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">{Pg 391}</a></span>
-consistency. Meanwhile his disease gained ground, and it became publicly
-known that small hopes were entertained for his recovery. This
-announcement excited universal sympathy; and his rich or noble English
-friends, who, from incompatibility of manners and character, had fallen
-from him, came forward to offer assistance. The friends around him
-declined receiving more than fifty pounds to meet the exigencies of the
-moment; and even this supply was concealed from Foscolo, whose pride
-would have been deeply and uselessly mortified by the sense of pecuniary
-obligation. Money, indeed, was not the only kindness proffered: lord
-Holland sent wine, the duke of Devonshire, game; but the kindness and
-services most deeply felt, were those of the canon Riego, who spared no
-trouble to assist and comfort his dying friend. Foscolo was sensible of
-his friendship, but feared that it might become officious; and he wrote
-to him, thanking him warmly, but entreating him to do no more. "I beg of
-you," he writes, "and it is my most earnest prayer, that you do not
-inform any one, man or woman, of my situation, for the purpose of
-obtaining assistance. I make this fervent request, because I heard of
-something of the kind from miss Florida. But your kindness on this point
-would only cruelly torture my heart, increase the sufferings of my mind,
-and the sickness of my body."
-</p>
-
-<p>
-He lingered two months after this letter. On the day of his death he was
-visited by his noble countryman, count Capo d'Istria, who, passing
-through London to assume the presidentship of Greece, paid the homage of
-a visit to the most renowned author of modern Greece. Foscolo was now in
-a state of torpor, and unconscious of the honour done him.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-To the last he was patient, submissive to his medical attendants, and
-courageous; commenting on the inevitable advances of death with
-fortitude and calmness. He died on the 10th of October, 1827. His
-funeral was private and modest; his remains were followed to the grave
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">{Pg 392}</a></span>
-by five friends, and they were buried in the neighbouring churchyard of
-Chiswick, where, a little to the left of the church, amidst a crowd of
-tombstones, is to be found one, inscribed simply:
-</p>
-
-<blockquote><p class="center">
-Ugo Foscolo,<br />
-Obiit XIV. Die Septembris,<br />
-A. D. 1827.<br />
-Ætatis 52.<a name="NoteRef_67_67" id="NoteRef_67_67"></a><a href="#Note_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>
-</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>
-The character of Foscolo, and his literary merits, may be gathered from
-the foregoing biography. Consistency was among his most prominent
-virtues, for his writings and actions were in strict accordance one with
-the other. He always rose superior to the blows of fortune, and
-preserved his independence in the midst of the disasters brought on him,
-either by the misfortunes of his country or his own imprudences. Vanity,
-that assumed the appearance of disdain, rendered him difficult of
-access, but compassion and warmth of heart were hidden by this outside.
-Fearful of being thought servile, he ran into the opposite extreme, and
-was little apt to praise even those to whom praise was due. Vehement in
-his opinions, yet he disliked dispute; and if ever led into it, in a few
-minutes sheltered himself again in silence. His heart was a stranger to
-the feeling of hatred, but neither was he very open to friendship; he
-was intimate but with few, and even with these he was reserved. He
-preferred the society of women, and in early life loved with sincerity
-and passion; and there was delicacy and refinement in all his feelings
-with regard to the fair sex. As he expresses himself, in Ortis, "I have
-been taught by some how to seduce and betray, and I might perhaps have
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">{Pg 393}</a></span>
-seduced and betrayed, but the pleasure I anticipated fell coldly and
-bitterly on my heart, which has never been tamed either by time or
-reason; and thus you have often heard me exclaim, that all depends on
-the heart, which neither heaven, men, nor we ourselves can ever change."
-The sincerity of his feelings had their reward&mdash;since his affections
-had on some occasions met a return, which his uncouth appearance and
-strange manners would never have commanded, and which was due only to his
-truth. He loved solitude and study, was abstemious in his habits, but not
-of strong health, and was often devoured by the deepest gloom. He spoke
-well, and detested all artifice and deceit. To these virtues we may add
-his constant attention to and affection for his mother. Strange, wild,
-and imprudent, his faults chiefly hurt himself; and even the impetuosity
-of his character seldom led him into any acts that injured or annoyed
-others.
-</p>
-
-<p>
-As an author, he may be said to be a bad tragedian, and not a good
-novelist; but he was an elegant writer, conversant with the depths and
-the refinements of the human heart. His subtle turn of mind led him too
-much to verbal and minute criticism&mdash;his love of the ancients
-sometimes injured the warmth and originality of his productions; but we may
-name two among them as nearly perfect in their several species;&mdash;the
-"Essays on Petrarch," in prose; and, in verse, his "Ode on Sepulchres,"
-which, for harmony, grace, sweetness, and pure taste, is perhaps unequalled
-by any other poem in the world.
-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">{Pg 394}</a></span>
-</p>
-
-<p><br /></p>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_54_54" id="Note_54_54"></a><a href="#NoteRef_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a>Dei Sepolcri di Ugo Foscolo.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_55_55" id="Note_55_55"></a><a href="#NoteRef_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a>See the biographical notice of Foscolo, prefixed to the
-"Ultime Lettere di Jacopo Ortis. Londra, 1829."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_56_56" id="Note_56_56"></a><a href="#NoteRef_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a>Pecchio, "Vita di Ugo Foscolo."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_57_57" id="Note_57_57"></a><a href="#NoteRef_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a>Pecchio.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_58_58" id="Note_58_58"></a><a href="#NoteRef_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a>Pecchio.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_59_59" id="Note_59_59"></a><a href="#NoteRef_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a>Hobhouse's Illustrations of the Fourth Canto of
-Childe Harold.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_60_60" id="Note_60_60"></a><a href="#NoteRef_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a>Pecchio.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_61_61" id="Note_61_61"></a><a href="#NoteRef_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a></p>
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<span class="i6">"Con elle (le Grazie)</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Qui dov' io canto Galileo sedea</span><br />
-<span class="i0">&mdash;&mdash;a spiar l' astro</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Della loro regina, e il desviava</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Col notturno rumor l' acqua remota</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Che sotto ai pioppi della riva d' Arno</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Furtiva e argentea gli volava al guardo,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Qui a lui l' Alba, la Luna e il Sol mostrava</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Gareggianti di tinte, or le serene</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Nubi sulle cerulee Alpe sedente</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Ora il piano che&mdash;&mdash;alle tirrene</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Nereidi, immensa di città e di selve</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Scena&mdash;e di templi e d' arator beati,</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Or cento colli, onde Appenin corona</span><br />
-<span class="i0">D' ulivi e d'antri, e di marmoree ville</span><br />
-<span class="i0">L' elegante città, dove con Flora</span><br />
-<span class="i0">Le Grazie han serti, e amabile idioma."</span>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_62_62" id="Note_62_62"></a><a href="#NoteRef_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a>Storia d' Italia, scritta da Carlo Botta.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_63_63" id="Note_63_63"></a><a href="#NoteRef_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a>Carlo Botta.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_64_64" id="Note_64_64"></a><a href="#NoteRef_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a>Pecchio.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_65_65" id="Note_65_65"></a><a href="#NoteRef_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a>It was on account of one of these Graces that Foscolo
-believed himself obliged to challenge one Graham, an American. When they
-met in the field, the poet received, but did not return, his adversary's
-fire, and the affair terminated without a reconciliation.. Graham was at
-that time a reporter to a newspaper, and had served Foscolo as
-translator of his works. He afterwards got into difficulties, committed
-a forgery, and was obliged to leave this country. Soon after, he fell in
-a duel in America.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_66_66" id="Note_66_66"></a><a href="#NoteRef_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a>Pecchio, Vita di Ugo Foscolo.</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Note_67_67" id="Note_67_67"></a><a href="#NoteRef_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a>There is an error in this inscription with regard to the
-day of Foscolo's death, and also probably of his age, since it is
-supposed that he was not more than forty-nine when he died. His
-countrymen also regret that instead of the above inscription, that was
-not adopted which he wrote for himself, under the feigned name of Didimo
-Chierico, which runs thus:&mdash;</p>
-
-<p class="center">Didymi Clerici<br />
-Vitia: virtus: ossa<br />
-Hic: post: annos . . .<br />
-Conquiescere cœpere.</p></div>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
-
-<h4>END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.</h4>
-
-<p><br /><br /><br /></p>
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