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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3183f99 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #64837 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/64837) diff --git a/old/64837-0.txt b/old/64837-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ff9d39a..0000000 --- a/old/64837-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9586 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Selections From Josephus, by Titus Flavius -Josephus - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Selections From Josephus - -Author: Titus Flavius Josephus - -Translator: J. Thackeray - -Release Date: March 16, 2021 [eBook #64837] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The Internet - Archive.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS *** - - - - - Selections From Josephus - - - - - _TRANSLATIONS OF EARLY DOCUMENTS_ - - GENERAL EDITORS: W. O. E. OESTERLEY, D.D. - G. H. BOX, D.D. - - SERIES II - - HELLENISTIC-JEWISH TEXTS - - - SELECTIONS FROM - JOSEPHUS - - - - - SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS - - - TRANSLATED BY - H. ST. J. THACKERAY, M.A. - - - LONDON: - SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING - CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE - NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - 1919 - - - - - IN PIAM MEMORIAM - - PATRIS CARISSIMI - - - - - CONTENTS - -INTRODUCTION 9 - -SELECTIONS 33 - - -I. AUTOBIOGRAPHY - - -(1) THE BOY AMONG THE DOCTORS. HIS EDUCATION (_V._) 33 - -(2) A SHIPWRECK ON THE VOYAGE TO ROME. EVE OF THE WAR (_V._) 34 - -(3) THE _JEWISH WAR_ AND ITS RECEPTION. CRITICISM OF A RIVAL HISTORIAN -(JUSTUS) (_V._) 35 - -(4) AFTER THE WAR. JOSEPHUS AS ROMAN CITIZEN (_V._) 37 - - -II. SPECIMENS OF AMPLIFICATION OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVE - - -(5) MOSES, THE INFANT PRODIGY, INTRODUCED TO PHARAOH (_A._ II) 40 - -(6) EXORCISM IN THE NAME OF SOLOMON (_A._ VIII) 41 - -(7) MICAIAH AND ZEDEKIAH PROPHESY BEFORE AHAB (_A._ VIII) 42 - - -III. THE COMING OF THE ROMANS - - -(8) LOSS OF JEWISH INDEPENDENCE. PALESTINIAN SETTLEMENT UNDER POMPEY -(_A._ XIV) 45 - -(9) DIVISION OF THE COUNTRY INTO FIVE DISTRICTS BY GABINIUS (_B._ I) 47 - -(10) SETTLEMENT UNDER JULIUS CÆSAR (_A._ XIV) 47 - - -IV. HEROD THE GREAT - - -(11) THE YOUTH HEROD FREES GALILEE FROM THE BRIGANDS (_A._ XIV) 48 - -(12) HEROD ON HIS TRIAL BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN (_A._ XIV) 48 - -(13) HEROD AND CASSIUS. MURDER OF ANTIPATER, HEROD’S FATHER (_A._ XIV) -51 - -(14) ANTONY MAKES HEROD AND PHASAEL TETRARCHS OF JUDÆA (_A._ XIV) 52 - -(15) HOW HEROD WON HIS KINGDOM (_A._ XIV) 53 - -(16) HOW HEROD MADE HIS PEACE WITH AUGUSTUS (AFTER THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM) -(_B._ I) 55 - -(17) HEROD AND MARIAMNE (_B._ I) 56 - -(18) EXTENSION OF HEROD’S REALM. HIS POPULARITY WITH AUGUSTUS AND -AGRIPPA (_A._ XV) 57 - -(19) THE HISTORIAN’S READING OF HEROD’S CHARACTER (_A._ XVI) 58 - -(20) REFLECTIONS ON THE TRAGIC FATE OF HEROD’S SONS (_A._ XVI) 60 - -(21) HEROD’S DYING PROVISION FOR A NATIONAL MOURNING (_A._ XVII) 63 - - -V. ARCHELAUS AND PILATE - - -(22) ARCHELAUS IN QUEST OF A KINGDOM (_A._ XVII) 66 - -(23) ARCHELAUS DEPOSED AND HIS TERRITORY ADDED TO THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF -SYRIA (_A._ XVII) 71 - -(24) THE REVOLT OF JUDAS “IN THE DAYS OF THE ENROLMENT” UNDER QUIRINIUS -(_A._ XVIII) 72 - -(25) PILATE OFFENDS JEWISH SUSCEPTIBILITIES IN THE MATTER OF (i) THE -EMPEROR’S BUSTS, (ii) THE CORBAN MONEY (_A._ XVIII) 74 - -(26) JESUS CHRIST (_A._ XVIII) 76 - -(27) TIBERIUS EXPELS ALL JEWS FROM ROME (_A._ XVIII) 76 - -(28) PILATE SENT TO ROME FOR TRIAL (_A._ XVIII) 77 - - -VI. THE LATER HERODS - - -(29) HEROD THE TETRARCH, HIS MARRIAGE WITH HERODIAS AND MURDER OF JOHN -THE BAPTIST (_A._ XVIII) 79 - -(30) HOW HEROD AGRIPPA BECAME KING, AND HEROD THE TETRARCH LOST HIS -TETRARCHY (_A._ XVIII) 81 - -(31) PETRONIUS AND THE STATUE OF GAIUS (_A._ XVIII) 84 - -(32) HEROD AGRIPPA’S KINGDOM ENLARGED BY CLAUDIUS (_A._ XIX) 88 - -(33) DEATH OF HEROD AGRIPPA (_A._ XIX) 88 - -(34) THE STORY OF KING IZATES AND HIS MOTHER HELENA (_A._ XX) 90 - -(35) THE FATE OF THE IMPOSTOR THEUDAS AND OF THE SONS OF JUDAS THE -GALILÆAN (_A._ XX) 93 - -(36) AGRIPPA II, FELIX, AND DRUSILLA (_A._ XX) 94 - -(37) THE DEATH OF JAMES, “THE LORD’S BROTHER” (_A._ XX) 95 - - -VII. SCENES FROM THE JEWISH WAR - - -(38) INTRODUCTION TO THE _JEWISH WAR_ (_B._ I) 98 - -(39) SEEDS OF THE WAR SOWN UNDER THE LAST OF THE PROCURATORS. RISE OF -THE SICARII (_B._ II) 102 - -(40) THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE OF THE WAR. ABROGATION OF SACRIFICES FOR THE -EMPEROR (_B._ II) 107 - -(41) INITIAL JEWISH SUCCESS. ROUT OF A ROMAN ARMY IN THE DEFILES OF -BETH-HORON (_B._ II) 110 - -(42) JERUSALEM BEFORE THE SIEGE (_B._ II) 118 - -(43) THE FALL OF JOTAPATA. JOSEPHUS TAKEN PRISONER (_B._ III) 119 - -(44) RECEPTION AT JERUSALEM OF THE NEWS OF THE FALL OF JOTAPATA (_B._ -III) 128 - -(45) MURDER OF THE HIGH PRIEST ANANUS; ALSO OF ZACHARIAS AFTER A MOCK -TRIAL (_B._ IV) 129 - -(46) HOW JOSEPHUS WAS LIBERATED (_B._ IV) 133 - -(47) A ROMAN REVERSE INSPIRES FALSE CONFIDENCE (_B._ V) 134 - -(48) CESSATION OF THE DAILY SACRIFICE. JOSEPHUS APPEALS TO THE JEWS -(_B._ VI) 135 - -(49) CONFLAGRATION OF THE TEMPLE (_B._ VI) 137 - -(50) PORTENTS AND ORACLES (_B._ VI) 141 - -(51) THE LAST SCENE. CAPTURE OF THE UPPER CITY. JERUSALEM IN FLAMES -(_B._ VI) 145 - -(52) THE SPOILS FROM THE TEMPLE IN THE TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION IN ROME -(_B._ VII) 147 - - -VIII. THE JEWISH SECTS - - -(53) THE THREE SECTS AND THEIR VIEWS ON FATE AND FREE-WILL (_A._ XIII) -148 - -(54) THE ESSENES, WITH A NOTE ON PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES (_B._ II) 148 - -(55) ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE THREE SECTS—AND A FOURTH (_A._ XVIII) 158 - -(56) WHY JOHN HYRCANUS WENT OVER FROM THE PHARISEES TO THE SADDUCEES -(_A._ XIII) 161 - -(57) “CONCILIATE THE PHARISEES”—ALEXANDER’S DYING ADVICE TO ALEXANDRA -(_A._ XIII) 164 - -(58) HOW THE PHARISEES ROSE TO POWER UNDER QUEEN ALEXANDRA (_B._ I) 166 - -(59) HEROD EXEMPTS PHARISEES AND ESSENES FROM THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE. -THE ESSENE PROPHET MENAHEM (_A._ XV) 167 - -(60) THE PHARISEES REFUSE TO TAKE THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE (ANOTHER -ACCOUNT) (_A._ XVII) 168 - - -IX. JEWISH THEOLOGY, SCRIPTURES AND CUSTOMS - - -(61) SOME ASPECTS OF JEWISH THEOLOGY. MOSES AS RELIGIOUS EDUCATOR (_Ap._ -II) 170 - -(62) A FUTURE LIFE—FOR THE LAW-ABIDING (_Ap._ II) 173 - -(63) THE JEWISH SCRIPTURES AND THEIR PRESERVATION (_Ap._ I) 174 - -(64) UNIVERSAL IMITATION OF OUR LAWS THE SINCEREST FLATTERY (_Ap._ II) -177 - -(65) THE OATH “CORBAN” (_Ap._ I) 179 - -APPENDIX OF ADDITIONAL NOTES 180 - -TABLE OF DATES 204 - -INDEX 207 - - - - - ABBREVIATIONS - - - The _Jewish Antiquities_ _Ant._ or _A._ - - The _Jewish War_ (_Bellum Judaicum_) _B.J._ or _B._ - - The Treatise _Against Apion_ _Ap._ - - The _Life_ _Vita_ or _V._ - - Schürer, _Jewish People in the Time of_ _Jesus Christ_ (_JPTC_) - - _circa_ (“about” of dates) _c._ - - References, _e.g._ _Ant._ XVII. 6.5 f. (171-181). The figures 6.5 f. - refer to the older division, found in all editions (Niese’s - included), of the books into sections (6 or vi) and subsections (5 - and following subsection). The bracketed figures (171-181) indicate - the smaller divisions first introduced by Niese. - - - - - SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS - INTRODUCTION - - - Life - - -Josephus, son of Matthias the priest, and on his mother’s side claiming -descent from the royal Hasmonæan house—or Flavius Josephus, to give him -the name which he adopted out of gratitude to his Imperial patrons—was -born in the first year of the Emperor Caligula, A.D. 37-38. St. Paul’s -conversion had probably taken place a few years earlier.[1] His life of -upwards of sixty years falls into two nearly equal parts, spent -respectively in Palestine and in Rome. The Palestinian portion, again, -is sharply divided into the pre-war period (to A.D. 65), of which we -know comparatively little, and the great four years’ war (A.D. 66-70), -of which we know a great deal. - -Of his precocious youth, when, if we may believe him, Rabbis flocked to -hear the wisdom of the boy of fourteen; how he himself two years later -“did eagerly frequent Doctor and Saint,” making trial successively of -the three sects of his nation, and ending his education by three years -passed as an ascetic with a hermit in the wilderness; how on his return -to Jerusalem at the age of nineteen he joined the popular and -influential party of the Pharisees; of the one outstanding incident of -his early manhood, his visit to Rome at the age of twenty-six—of all -these things we may read in his own words.[2] Although he finally threw -in his lot with the Pharisees, we may judge from the three years’ stay -with Ban(n)us, the specially full account which he gives of the -Essenes,[3] and other indications, that the tenets and communistic life -of that order left a lasting impression. If we may again attempt a -synchronism with events in the life of St. Paul, we may say that the -Rabbis were listening to the boy about the time of the first Council of -the Church at Jerusalem, he was receiving his schooling during the third -missionary journey, and his return to Jerusalem nearly coincided with -the arrest of the Apostle in that city. - -The journey to Rome (A.D. 63-4), like St. Paul’s a few years earlier, -began with a shipwreck. Its nominal purpose was to plead the cause of -certain priests who had been sent by Felix to Italy for trial. -Chronology[4] will hardly permit us to accept the suggestion of -Edersheim[5] to connect St. Paul’s liberation with the mission of -Josephus; but he cannot have failed, during his stay in the city on the -eve of the Neronian persecution, to become acquainted, if not with the -work of the Apostle, at least with the existence of the Christian -community. Through the influence of Poppæa, the mistress and afterwards -wife of Nero, who coquetted with Judaism (Josephus’s words imply that -she was a proselyte), he was successful in obtaining the release of the -priests and returned to Judæa laden with presents. Besides the expressed -object, was there any ulterior motive in this visit to the capital? -Edersheim suggests that, foreseeing the trend of events, Josephus was -already fired with the ambition of becoming the intermediary between -Rome and his nation. - -At any rate, his visit had impressed him with a sense of Rome’s -invincible power; and on his return to Judæa, where he found the Jews -drifting towards revolt and everything pointing to the immediate -outbreak of war, he at first tried to pacify the war-party, but in vain. -The turbulent state of the country at length induced Cestius Gallus, the -governor of Syria, to advance against Jerusalem. With the disastrous -rout of his army in the defiles of Beth-Horon towards the end of A.D. -66, following upon his unexpected withdrawal from the gates of the -metropolis,[6] it was realized that the irrevocable step had been taken, -and all preparations were made for the impending war. - -Josephus, then but twenty-nine years of age, was entrusted with the -command of Galilee. The reason for the selection of the young priest for -so important a post, for which, notwithstanding his frequent assertions -of his skill and strategy, he seems to have been ill-qualified, is -obscure. The history of the sequel fills the greater part of the _Life_, -but it is not very easy to follow the course of events and to read the -motives of the leaders at Jerusalem and the conflicting aims of the -various cities of Galilee, which Josephus found in a divided state. His -first steps were to fortify the principal places, to reform the army on -the Roman model by appointing subordinate officers, and to set up a -council of seventy of the principal Galilæans to try cases and to act as -hostages for the loyalty of the district. But his efforts to enforce -discipline and to secure the allegiance of the Galilæans were -unavailing. He had many opponents, in particular John of Gischala, who -afterwards played an important part in the siege of Jerusalem. The -spring of A.D. 67 was chiefly spent by Josephus in civil strife and in -avoiding plots against his life. He was suspected, perhaps justly, of -harbouring designs of betraying the country to Rome; he may have hoped -to stave off war by some form of compromise. At length John succeeded in -inducing the Jerusalem leaders to supersede Josephus, and an embassy was -sent to relieve him of his command. He, however, refused to accept the -order, and obtained letters from the capital reinstating him. Meanwhile, -Vespasian was advancing upon Galilee from Antioch. On the fall of Gadara -Josephus was at first inclined to surrender and wrote to Jerusalem for -instructions, but finally resolved to stand a siege in the fortified -town of Jotapata. - -Of the forty-seven days’ siege of Jotapata and the various machinations -and counter-machinations of the belligerents Josephus has given us a -graphic account in the third book of the _Jewish War_. The story of its -fall (July, A.D. 67) and of the sequel—the capture of the general, after -a narrow escape, through a ruse, from death at the hands of his -compatriots, and his prophecy of Vespasian’s rise to power—will be found -in the text.[7] - -“By the end of A.D. 67,” I quote from what I have written elsewhere, -“the whole of northern Palestine was in the hands of the Romans. Only -Jerusalem, where a bloody civil war was raging, remained to be taken. -But its capture was delayed by the events of A.D. 68, which drew the -attention of the generals to the west. News came first of the death of -Nero, which took place in June, and then, in rapid succession, of the -accession of Galba, Otho and Vitellius. In July, A.D. 69, Vespasian’s -legions took the law into their own hands, and proclaimed him emperor. -One of his first acts as emperor was to liberate Josephus, whose -prophecy had now come true.[8]... [Josephus] now accompanied the emperor -to Alexandria, and from there was sent back with Titus to take part in -the siege of Jerusalem.... [His] services as interpreter and intercessor -were more than once requisitioned by Titus;[9] on one occasion he was -hit by a stone, and barely escaped capture and death at the hands of his -countrymen. He was, he tells us, at this time between two fires; for, -while bitterly hated by the Jews, he was suspected by the Romans of -treachery whenever they met with a reverse.”[10] - -For his life in Rome, where he witnessed (with what feelings we are left -to imagine) the triumphal procession of the two emperors,[11] and for -the various privileges bestowed on him by Vespasian, Titus and Domitian, -we may refer to his own narrative.[12] Awarded the rights of Roman -citizenship, he was also among the first to be placed on the “civil -list” newly instituted by Vespasian.[13] He was still pursued by Jewish -hatred; among his opponents he names in particular Justus, a rival -historian of the war, and Jonathan, the leader of a revolt in Cyrene, -who accused him of complicity in his designs; but with his unfailing -tact he succeeded in retaining the favour of the Flavian emperors and -defeating his enemies. He appears to have survived into the second -century, since he outlived Agrippa II,[14] whose death is placed by -Photius in A.D. 100. Eusebius (_H. E._ III. 9) tells us that our author -was honoured by the erection of his statue in Rome, and that his works -were placed in the public library. He was married at least four -times;[15] one wife deserted him, another he divorced. - - - Works - - -During the leisure of his life in Rome Josephus composed the four works -which, owing largely, no doubt, to their popularity with early Christian -writers, have survived entire: the _Jewish War_ (7 books), the _Jewish -Antiquities_ (20 books), the _Life_ and the treatise _Against Apion_ (2 -books). There is no adequate ground for thinking that he published -anything further. - -(i) The _Jewish War_. This, the earliest of the works, was, in its -present Greek form, finished in the latter half of Vespasian’s reign, -between A.D. 75 and 79. It cannot be earlier than A.D. 75, because it -mentions the completion of the temple of Pax (_B. J._ VII. 158), which -was dedicated in that year; it had, moreover, been preceded by other -histories of the war. The Greek, as the author tells us,[16] is a -translation, made for the use of the learned Roman world at large, of a -first draft, written in his native Aramaic for the benefit of a smaller -circle of readers in upper (or inland) Syria. The Aramaic has not -survived. The Greek—for which assistance was obtained, “employing -certain _collaborateurs_ with a view to the Greek style” are his words, -_c. Ap._ I. 50—shows no sign of its Semitic parentage and probably -amounted to practically a new work. It is unlikely, _e. g._, that the -first draft contained the summary sketch of Jewish history from the time -of Antiochus Epiphanes, which occupies Books I and II of the Greek. The -work seems to have been issued in parts.[17] Copies were presented to -Vespasian and Titus and other Romans who had taken part in the war, and -_sold_ to Herod Agrippa II and other learned Jews (_c. Ap._ I. 51). -Titus himself affixed his _imprimatur_. A long correspondence on the -work passed between the author and his friend, Agrippa; two specimens of -the king’s letters, in rather slipshod Greek, are quoted.[18] - -Books I and II give a rapid sketch (expanded in the _Ant._) of Jewish -history from the capture of Jerusalem by Antiochus Epiphanes (168 B.C.) -down to the defeat of Cestius Gallus in A.D. 66 and the preparations for -the war. Book III narrates the coming of Vespasian and Titus, the siege -of Jotapata and the fighting in Galilee; Book IV the close of the -Galilæan campaign, the factions in Jerusalem, the advance of Vespasian -upon the city and his return to Rome on being elected emperor by his -army; Book V describes the city and Temple, the investment by Titus and -the capture of the first and second walls; Book VI the horrors of the -famine, the taking of the fortress of Antonia, followed by the burning -of the Temple and the capture and destruction of the city; Book VII the -return of Titus to Rome, the triumphal procession and the capture of the -last strongholds of the Jewish fanatics. - -(ii) The _Jewish Antiquities_. In this, his _magnum opus_, Josephus -undertook to write the history of his nation from the creation to the -outbreak of the Jewish War. He tells us of his misgivings in entering on -so large a task, the toil which it involved, and how it was only through -the encouragement of his patron Epaphroditus (to whom _Ant._, the _Life_ -and the _Apion_ treatise are all dedicated) that it was finally -completed in the thirteenth year of Domitian’s reign and the fifty-sixth -of his own life, A.D. 93-94 (_Ant._ I. 6 ff.; XX. 267). The work towards -the close shows some marks of weariness. The title (Ἰουδαïκὴ -Ἀρχαιολογία) and the division into twenty books were doubtless derived -from the great Roman history (Ῥωμαïκὴ Ἀρχαιολογία) of Dionysius of -Halicarnassus. - -In Books I-X the narrative closely follows the Biblical account down to -the Babylonian captivity; XI carries on the story to Alexander the -Great; XII to the death of Judas Maccabæus (161 B.C.); XIII contains the -history of the Hasmonæan house to the death of Queen Alexandra (67 -B.C.); XIV the intervention of Pompey and the Romans and the accession -of Herod the Great (37 B.C.), whose reign (37-4 B.C.) fills XV, XVI and -the first half of XVII; the rest of XVII comprises the reign of -Archelaus (4 B.C. to A.D. 6); XVIII, XIX and XX cover the remainder of -the period of the Gospels and the Acts, including notices of Quirinius, -Pilate, Tiberius, Herod the Tetrarch, and the two later Herods; the -greater part of XIX is occupied with a full, but irrelevant, account of -the assassination of the emperor Gaius and the accession of Claudius -(A.D. 41); XX summarizes the events to the outbreak of the war (A.D. -66). - -As regards the historian’s authorities for the first half of his work, -the main source was the Greek Bible (“the Septuagint”), occasional use -being made of the Hebrew. This was supplemented by (1) legends and -commentary, drawn, in part at least, from Rabbinic tradition (_Haggadah_ -and _Halachah_); (2) Hellenistic reproductions of the Biblical history -by Alexandrians such as Demetrius and Artapanus; (3) secular historians -and non-Biblical documents such as Berosus, the annals of Tyre, etc. The -number of authorities named under this last head is considerable, but it -is probable that many of them were known to Josephus only through the -great Universal History of Nicolas of Damascus, the friend of Herod the -Great and Augustus, to which he is largely indebted throughout the whole -of _Ant._ For the centuries following the Captivity his authorities are -unfortunately scanty and of little value. From the Captivity to -Antiochus Epiphanes his main sources are the LXX books of _1 Esdras_ and -_Esther_, some legends of Alexander the Great, the _Letter of Aristeas_, -_1 Maccabees_ and (occasionally) Polybius. From this point he relies -largely on two lost Universal Histories of Augustan writers, Strabo and -Nicolas of Damascus. The latter was undoubtedly his chief authority for -the very full account of the reign of Herod the Great, though he does -not accept all his statements without question, and appears to have had -access to some less eulogistic history of that monarch. Mention is once -made of the “Memoirs of King Herod” (XV, 174). With the accession of -Archelaus the history, unfortunately for the student of the N.T., again -becomes meagre, expanding into greater fullness when the reign of -Agrippa I is reached. With regard to him Josephus would obtain -information from his son, Agrippa II, and for the events leading up to -the war he could draw on his own recollections. The account of the -assassination of Gaius, which is of primary importance for the Roman -historian, was thought by Mommsen to be derived from the work of Cluvius -Rufus, a witness of the events which immediately preceded it. Besides -these authorities Josephus had access to priestly records (he notes the -succession of high priests throughout the narrative) and to important -decrees concerning privileges granted on various occasions to Jews -resident in Asia and elsewhere. - -(iii) The _Life_ was written as a sequel to the _Antiquities_, to which -it is appended in the MSS. A promise of such an appendix is made at the -end of _Ant._ (XX. 266); and the _Life_ closes with a dedication of the -whole history to Epaphroditus, the patron named in the exordium to the -larger work. But the _Life_ seems to have been an afterthought, added -only after an interval of some six or seven years, since it is implied -that, Agrippa II is already dead,[19] and his death is said to have -occurred in A.D. 100. The immediate occasion for its production was the -appearance of a rival history of the Jewish War by Justus of Tiberias, -in which the writer accused Josephus of being the real cause of the war -with Rome. “The appearance of Justus’s work, with its damaging -criticisms, was likely to endanger the secure position which Josephus -had won for himself at Rome, and the earlier historian of the war felt -bound to defend himself. The _Life_, then, by no means answers to its -name. It is not a complete autobiography, but simply an apologetic -statement as to the actions of Josephus as commander in Galilee, to -which have been added a few details as to the earlier and later events -of his life, by way of prologue and epilogue.”[20] The defence, in which -Josephus attempts to pose as friendly to the Romans, while he has to -admit the part which he took in organizing the Jewish forces to oppose -them, is extremely weak; and the work, which is characterized by -inordinate self-praise, is the least satisfactory of the historian’s -writings. - -(iv) The treatise _Against Apion_ (in two books) is, on the other hand, -the most pleasing of our author’s works, showing a well-designed plan, -great literary skill, and a more genuine patriotism, a warmer and more -impassioned zeal for his country’s religion, than we find elsewhere. The -title (not the author’s) is, like that of the _Life_, unsuitable, Apion -not being mentioned until Book II is reached. Older titles were: “On the -Antiquity of the Jews” (not sufficiently distinctive), and “Against the -Greeks.” It is designed as a reply to criticisms on the _Antiquities_ -and a refutation of current attacks upon, and groundless prejudices -against, the Jewish nation; it is, in short, an Apology for Judaism with -a demonstration of the antiquity of the race. It gives an interesting -insight into the anti-Semitism of the first century. Apion is merely one -representative of Israel’s enemies; a grammarian and interpreter of -Homer, he is best known as the leader of the embassy to Caligula in A.D. -38, which brought accusations against the Jewish residents in -Alexandria, and was opposed by a counter-embassy of Alexandrian Jews, -headed by Philo. Josephus challenges the extreme antiquity claimed for -the Greeks; accounts for the silence of Greek writers with regard to -Jewish history; cites evidence for the antiquity of his nation from -Egyptian, Phœnician, Babylonian and Greek sources; refutes the malignant -and absurd accusations of the anti-Semites; and concludes with an able -and eloquent defence of the lawgiver and his code,[21] contrasting his -conception of God with the immoral ideas current among the Greeks. The -numerous quotations from lost writings give the work a special value. -Its date must be later than A.D. 93 (the date of _Ant._), but whether -written before or after the _Life_ is uncertain. - -Two further works, as he tells us at the end of _Ant._, were projected -by Josephus, viz.: (1) A summary sketch of the war and the subsequent -history of his nation down to A.D. 93-4; (2) “A work in four books -concerning God and His being and concerning the Laws, why some actions -are permitted to us by them and others are forbidden.” It is unlikely -that either was ever completed. But the work on “Customs and Causes,” as -he elsewhere calls it, appears, from the mention of the four books and -from scattered allusions in the _Antiquities_ to its intended contents, -to have already taken shape in his mind, and was perhaps begun. The -failure to carry out this scheme is regrettable. - -From the repeated occurrence, usually with reference to the Seleucid -dynasty or Parthian affairs, of the phrase “as we have shown elsewhere,” -Josephus might appear to have written a monograph on Syrian history. But -the variations on the phrase, “as has been shown elsewhere” (_lit._ “in -others”) and (twice) “... _by others_,” make it probable that the use of -the first person, where it occurs, has been carelessly taken over from -one of his authorities. - -The fourth book of Maccabees (in vol. iii. of Dr. Swete’s LXX) appears -in the older editions of Josephus, but has no claim to have come from -his pen. - - - The Man and the Historian. Importance of his Work[22] - - -The personal character of Josephus and his credibility as a historian -have been often impugned, more especially by his own compatriots. -Edersheim’s article in the _Dictionary of Christian Biography_ (where -our author finds himself in strange company), while not lacking in -appreciation of his merits, displays some of this rancour, though not in -its more virulent form. He has been denounced as traitor and renegade, -as a flatterer of the Romans and one whose statements must always be -regarded with suspicion. - -His _character_ is somewhat of an enigma. We may grant that it is not -one to arouse any feeling of keen admiration. He was no ardent patriot, -like Judas Maccabæus, no missionary in a great cause to which he was -ready to devote his whole heart and soul and to sacrifice his life. His -three years’ sojourn in the wilderness was not, like the visit to Arabia -of an older contemporary, the prelude to a life-work of strenuous and -unremitting toil ending in imprisonment and martyrdom. His faults are -patent; and among them we should rank first an inordinate egotism and a -concern, above all other considerations, for his personal interests. His -life was constantly in danger; like St. Paul, he encountered perils in -the sea, perils from his own countrymen, perils from the Gentiles; but -his instinct for self-preservation, aided by ready tact and -resourcefulness, carried him safely through the most desperate -situations. In his account of the shipwreck[23] we read that “I and -certain others, about eighty in all [out of a crew of six hundred], -outstripped the others and were taken on board.” There is no thought of -the unfortunate swimmers who were left behind; nothing corresponding to -the Apostle’s words of encouragement in similar circumstances, and to -his biographer’s joy in recording that “all escaped safe to the land.” -In Galilee, before the siege of Jotapata, he narrates with evident -self-satisfaction the various stratagems by which he outwitted his -enemies who plotted against his life. During the siege he meditated -flight; “Josephus, dissembling his anxiety for his own safety, said that -it was for their sakes that he proposed to retire”—such is his own naïve -statement of his reply to the remonstrances of the besieged citizens -(_B.J._ III. 7. 15 f. (197)). Then there is the final scene in the cave; -we cannot but admire the dexterity with which he eluded death at the -hands of his fellow-prisoners and the vividness of his description; but -by what ruse (“should one say by fortune or by the providence of God?” -are his own words) he managed to be, with one companion, the last -survivor in the drawing of the lots, remains a mystery.[24] Later, as -Roman prisoner and Roman citizen, he always steered a safe course and -retained the favour of a succession of imperial patrons. He was, it -seems, a man of the world with a thoroughly secular disposition. - -What was his real _attitude to Judaism_? Though he devoted the latter -part of his life to writing the history of his nation and a very able -defence of their religion, we may doubt whether he was profoundly -affected by their beliefs. Traill finds something “unnational” in the -first act of his life, when he “looked around him upon the sects and -factions of his times ... with a philosophic, supercilious -independence.”[25] Though we need not, perhaps, go so far as this, nor -blame him for what appears to have been a genuine quest of truth, we may -allow that he was a cosmopolitan, alienated in many ways from his own -nation, and that there was a lack of depth and sincerity in his -adherence to Jewish dogmas. - -With this must be considered his _attitude to Christianity_. If we set -aside the one brief “testimony” to Jesus Christ, which must be rejected -as an interpolation,[26] we are left with the story of the death of -James, “the brother of Jesus who was called Christ,”[27] and the -reference to the murder of John the Baptist,[28] as the sole allusions -to the Founder of Christianity and the movement which prepared the way -for it. This glaring omission cannot be other than deliberate. Josephus -had every opportunity of acquainting himself with the events of the life -of Christ and of his followers; certainly he did not lack the curiosity -to investigate the facts, and he must surely have watched with interest -the fortunes and rapid spread of the rising sect which, even in St. -Paul’s lifetime, had gained a footing in “Cæsar’s household.”[29] The -Apostle’s words with reference to an intimate friend of Josephus might -have been said of the historian himself: “I am persuaded that none of -these things is hidden from him; for this hath not been done in a -corner.”[30] Yet there is this silence. He does not attack Christianity; -he simply ignores it. And, with our knowledge of the character of -Josephus, the reason is not far to seek. He studiously avoids a topic to -which, in the circumstances of the time, it would have been dangerous to -allude. “Not only was he informed on these subjects; he was far too well -informed of what the Christians had already and recently suffered ... -not to be on his guard against the imprudence of giving any testimony in -their favour which might implicate himself in their misfortunes.”[31] - -To the same motive must be attributed the historian’s reticence on the -subject of a Messiah. The words addressed to the serpent: “It shall -bruise thy head and thou shalt bruise his heel,”[32] occasion no -allusion to a future deliverer, nor yet the prophecies of Balaam; -Jacob’s blessing is omitted; the oracle which foretold the coming of a -world-ruler out of Judæa is interpreted of Vespasian.[33] On the other -hand, there are a few passages which suggest that Josephus did not -regard the fulfilment of prophecy as closed with the destruction of -Jerusalem, and that he may have entertained a belief in a Messianic era -involving the downfall of Rome, of which he dared not speak openly. On -Balaam he writes (_Ant._ IV. 6. 5 [125]): “From the accomplishment of -all these things in accordance with his prediction one may conjecture -what will happen in the future”; and again, in the interpretation of -Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (_Ant._ X. 10. 4 [210]): “Daniel also showed the -king the meaning of the stone, but I have not thought proper to relate -this, my duty being to describe past, not future, events,” while curious -enquirers are referred to the prophetical book. - -In his public life as statesman and general Josephus scarcely deserves -the hard names of traitor and renegade. Involved in early manhood in the -rush of events arising out of a popular movement which had long been -gathering force, with which he did not sympathize, which he could not -stem and vainly tried to direct, realizing from the first the -hopelessness of combating the Roman legions, and anxious to find some -means of compromise by which to save his country from ruin, he -nevertheless accepted the post with which he was entrusted, and threw -himself into the task of organizing, to the best of his ability, the -defences of Galilee, so long as resistance was possible; while he -devoted the energies of his later life, when his position might have -tempted him to disown his nation, to writing its history and defending -his countrymen against the slanders of a malignant world. - - * * * * * - -On the position of Josephus as _a historian_, widely different opinions -have been held, from that of Jerome who extolled him as a “Greek Livy,” -to the criticisms of some modern writers who have accused him of bias -and gross misrepresentation. - -The apologetic nature of the _Antiquities_ is self-evident. The author’s -purpose was to represent his maligned nation in the best light to Greek -readers, “to break down, if possible, the wall of partition that had -hitherto secluded the Hebrew race from the communion and cut them off -from the sympathies of mankind,” to “plead the cause of the injured Jew -at the bar of the world” (Traill). This object has occasioned the -suppression of some (though not all) of the less creditable incidents in -the Biblical narrative. With a view to attractiveness the narrative is -diversified by legendary additions culled from various sources, while -occasionally, it must be admitted, the author seems to have added minor -details of his own invention (see below on the imitation of Thucydides). -Granted some blemishes of this kind, there remains no very serious -charge against the writer of _Ant._ That work is, on the whole, a -skilful compilation, its value varying with that of the authorities -consulted, while the criticisms passed on some of them show that these -were not always used without discrimination.[34] He professes in several -passages to have a high ideal of a historian’s duty, and, speaking -generally, one may allow that he so far comes up to it as to deserve a -fairly high, if not a foremost, place among the historians of antiquity. - -As the historian of the _Jewish War_, Josephus comes before us with the -highest credentials. Holding command in Galilee in its opening stages -and behind the Roman lines throughout the siege of Jerusalem, he was -exceptionally well qualified for this task, and must have relied mainly -on his own recollections and the notes which he made at the time (_c._ -_Ap._ I. 49). Deserters kept him informed of events within the city -(_ib._). He seems also to have had access to the emperor’s memoirs -(_Life_ 358). He submitted the books as they were finished to Herod -Agrippa and the completed work to Vespasian and Titus, and from them and -others received testimonials to his accuracy (_c. Ap._ I. 50 ff., _Life_ -361 ff.).[35] We may therefore unhesitatingly accept the general -trustworthiness of his account. Exception should, perhaps, be made for a -tendency to exaggeration, _e. g._ in the matter of numbers, and for -some, though not a marked, bias for extolling the achievements and -clemency of the Roman generals. His statement that Titus desired to -spare the Temple[36] runs counter to that of another historian -(Sulpicius Severus), who asserts that the destruction received his -sanction; the Jewish historian was, at any rate, in a better position to -know the facts. - -Besides the authorities whom he names in the _Antiquities_, Josephus, -who devoted much attention to style, made a special study of the great -masters. The use which he has made of his chief model forms an -interesting study. Was it Dionysius of Halicarnassus (to whom, as we -saw, he owed the title and arrangement of his _Ant._) and his essays on -the style of Thucydides that first introduced him to the historian of -the Peloponnesian War? Or did he trace a likeness to himself in the -great Athenian? Widely different as were the characters of the two men, -there were points of similarity in their careers. Like Josephus, -Thucydides combined the duties of general and historian of the great -war; like him he failed as a military commander (IV. 104 ff.), and -through his consequent exile was enabled to associate with the enemy and -to view the war from the standpoint of both belligerents (V. 26).[37] -However that may be (and it is to the credit of our author that he does -not suggest the comparison), there is a marked imitation of the style of -Thucydides in portions of the _Antiquities_, especially in Books -XVII-XIX, which possess peculiarities of their own. The imitation is -seen in the recurrent use of some striking phrase, and occasionally in -the bold attempt to reproduce the difficult and involved style -characteristic of parts of Thucydides. One instance of a borrowed phrase -must suffice. In his account of the plague of Athens, Thucydides writes, -“When they were afraid to visit one another, the sufferers died in their -solitude ... or if they ventured they perished, especially _those who -aspired to heroism_.”[38] The phrase in italics has taken the fancy of -Josephus, who employs it repeatedly.[39] But imitation did not stop at -the diction. The narrative of incidents in the history of Israel has -been heightened, it seems, by touches from the account of the siege of -Platæa and the Sicilian expedition; this last exploit in particular has -aroused the emulation of our author.[40] - -Beside this indebtedness to former historians, Josephus doubtless -derived inspiration from the literary circle of living authors by whom -he was surrounded in Rome. The account of the assassination of Caligula -was, as stated, possibly derived from Cluvius Rufus; and it is -interesting to reflect that our author must have known a writer just -rising to fame, the historian of the Emperors, who has also left us a -brief account of the Jewish War, Cornelius Tacitus. - -The high literary standard attained by the historian, writing in a -language which he acquired with difficulty, and the power of vivid and -dramatic description, evident in many brilliant passages, are in the -circumstances very remarkable. - - * * * * * - -Every allowance being made for our author’s defects, the _importance_ of -his work is unquestionable. His writings bridge the gulf between sacred -and profane literature; they bring the Jewish nation out of its -isolation into the main current of world history. The task which he set -himself could only be accomplished by a Jew, and few Jews possessed the -requisite qualifications of a wide outlook and an intimate knowledge of -the world and of Greek literature. His detachment from his nation and -other characteristics which may appear as deficiencies in the man are -not without their advantages for the historian. - -For the O.T. period we may consult him as a store-house of Rabbinical -and Alexandrian lore, though his acquaintance with Palestinian tradition -is considered by experts[41] to have been as superficial as, judged by -his interpretation of proper names, was his knowledge of Hebrew. But it -is only when we come down to about the last century before our era and -to the N.T. period itself that his evidence acquires supreme importance. -Here he gives us the background of Jewish and world history in the time -of our Lord and the infant Church; without his labours such a work as -Schürer’s _Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ_ could not have -been written. Some figures which in the N.T. are little more than names -become clothed with life; side-lights are cast on others with which we -are more familiar. We may follow in detail the story, told with all the -moving pathos of Greek tragedy, of the rise of Herod the Great to the -height of his fame and of the nemesis which blasted his domestic -happiness. We have full and lifelike portraits of Roman governors and -generals, comparable with the slighter sketches in the Gospels and Acts; -on the one hand we may read of the causes of the unpopularity of -Pilate[42] and of his successors, the last of the procurators, whose -corrupt administration and shameless peculation precipitated the -war,[43] on the other of high-minded governors like Petronius,[44] -claiming kinship with similar noble characters in the N.T. - -Among other such illustrations of the N.T. which will be found in the -selected passages below the following may be noted. Herod’s dying -provision to secure himself a national mourning exhibits the cruelty of -the murderer of the innocents.[45] In illustration of St. Luke’s account -of the infancy (ii. 1 ff.) we may read the full story of an enrolment -under Quirinius;[46] also of the revolt of Judas to which it gave rise -and of the later insurrection of Theudas, both of which are mentioned in -Gamaliel’s speech in the Sanhedrin (Acts v. 36 f.).[47] In the full -account of the succession of Archelaus we may discover the historical -event which suggested our Lord’s parable of the nobleman travelling to a -far country (Luke xix. 12 ff.).[48] We have independent narratives, -partly inconsistent with those in the N.T., of the marriage of Herod the -Tetrarch with Herodias[49] and of the death of Herod Agrippa I.[50] In a -beautiful story we read of a royal lady who, like Paul and Barnabas, -brought relief to famine-stricken Jerusalem in the days of Claudius.[51] -The expulsion of the Jews from Rome by Tiberius forms a precedent for -the similar action of Claudius (Acts xviii. 2).[52] With the later -scenes in St. Paul’s life we may compare what is told us of Felix and -Festus,[53] and again of Agrippa II and the marriage of Felix and -Drusilla; while the account of the Cypriot magician and his influence -over Felix strangely resembles that of Elymas and Sergius Paulus (Acts -xiii. 6 ff.).[54] We may read, moreover, of the death of James “the -Lord’s brother”;[55] of the use of the word “Corban” (Mark vii. 11) as -an oath;[56] of the tenets of the Jewish sects (in more than one -passage),[57] and how the Pharisees acquired their power a century -before the time of Christ;[58] we have a detailed account of the Jewish -treatment in the first century of a case of demoniacal possession;[59] -and, last but not least, we find in the scenes from the Jewish War the -fulfilment of our Lord’s predictions of the fate of Jerusalem. - -Other alleged connexions between Josephus and the N.T. are open to -serious question. Few will be inclined to follow Wellhausen, who finds -in the murder of Zacharias son of Baris (or Bariscæus or Baruch)[60] the -incident referred to in our Lord’s words about “the blood of Zachariah -son of Barachiah, whom ye slew between the sanctuary and the altar” -(Matt. xxiii. 35). Many critics have maintained that there is a direct -literary connexion between the Jewish historian and St. Luke, whose -writings (not unnaturally, since he alone of the Evangelists composed a -“second treatise”) furnish the majority of the parallels. There is very -little probability in the suggestion[61] that Josephus, in his -description of himself in boyhood being consulted by the Rabbis, was -influenced by Luke ii. 46 f. There is more to be said for the theory -that St. Luke had made a cursory perusal of parts of the _Antiquities_ -and had been thereby led, in at least one instance, into serious error; -reasons for rejecting this view will be found elsewhere.[62] - - - Texts and Translations - - -The literature on Josephus is immense. It will suffice here to mention -two standard editions of the Greek text and two English translations. - -Older editions have been practically supplanted by the great critical -edition of B. Niese in seven volumes, including a full critical -apparatus and introductions on the MSS (Berlin 1887-1895). It cannot be -said that Niese has established a final text; he seems to err in placing -too great reliance on a single class of MSS, with the result that the -true reading is often to be found in the notes rather than in the text. -In his _editio minor_ without critical apparatus (1888-1895) some -corrections of the errors of the MSS have been introduced. On the basis -of the older work of Bekker (1855) and with assistance from Niese, a -handy edition has been issued in the Teubner series of classical authors -by S. A. Naber (6 vols., Leipzig, 1888-1896). Niese’s larger edition is -indispensable to the student, but that of Naber forms a useful auxiliary -and check upon it. Notwithstanding Niese’s work, much remains to be done -in establishing the text on a firm basis. In many difficult passages all -MSS seem to have gone astray and we are left to conjectural emendation; -there are also occasional small _lacunæ_. - -In English Josephus is best known through the translation of William -Whiston, first published nearly two centuries ago (1736). A revision of -Whiston was produced by the Rev. A. R. Shilleto in Bohn’s Standard -Library, with brief topographical notes by Sir C. W. Wilson (5 vols., -London, G. Bell, 1889-1890). The revised Whiston is the most serviceable -rendering of the complete works available. Whiston has many merits, but -he had not access to a good text, his rendering is often at fault and he -had little regard for style; while Shilleto’s revision, which appeared -inopportunely just before the two modern editions of the Greek text, -unfortunately leaves much to be desired. - -Of a very different character is the admirable translation of the -_Jewish War_ and the _Life_ made by the Rev. Dr. R. Traill and edited, -after his death, with notes by Isaac Taylor (London, 1862). Dr. Traill -fell a victim to his exertions in relieving his parishioners during the -Irish famine of 1846-7, and the version which he contemplated of the -remaining works never appeared. In his translation, which combines -faithfulness to the original with a fastidious regard for English style, -Traill went far towards accomplishing for Josephus what Jowett did for -Thucydides. - -My procedure in the following selections has been first to produce a -version of my own, and then carefully to revise it with the help of both -Shilleto’s, Whiston and Traill. In several instances I had the -satisfaction of finding that my rendering practically agreed with -Traill’s, but I have not scrupled elsewhere to avail myself of happy -turns of expression where, as often, he had the advantage of me. -Josephus, with his feeling for good style and the pains which he took to -acquire it, deserves and demands much care in translation. While in -parts of his work his Greek is simple and easy, passages, on the other -hand, where he gives his reflections on the character, or estimates the -motives, of his _dramatis personæ_,[63] in the involved manner of -Thucydides, are extraordinarily difficult both to understand and to -reproduce in readable English. - -I have selected the passages most relevant to Christian origins and New -Testament study, neglecting almost entirely the first twelve books of -the _Antiquities_. - -For further literature reference may be made to the articles in the -_Dictionary of Christian Biography_ (Edersheim), the _Jewish -Encyclopædia_ (S. Krauss), Hastings’ _Dictionary of the Apostolic -Church_ (von Dobschütz), Hastings’ _Bible Dictionary_, Extra Volume -(Thackeray), and to Schürer’s _Jewish People in the time of Christ_ -(E.T.), div. i. vol. i. pp. 77-110. - -I have to acknowledge my gratitude to my sister-in-law, Miss Harriette -G. Orr, for her kind assistance in the compilation of the Index. - -_July 1919._ - -Footnote 1: - - Dated variously as A.D. 30 (Harnack), 33 (Ramsay), 34 (Lightfoot), and - 35-6 (C. H. Turner, Hastings’ _D.B._, art. “Chronology”). - -Footnote 2: - - §§ (1) and (2). - -Footnote 3: - - § (54). - -Footnote 4: - - Close of the Acts A.D. 59 (Harnack), 61 (Turner), 62 (Ramsay), 63 - (Lightfoot). - -Footnote 5: - - _Dict. Christ. Biog._ - -Footnote 6: - - § (41). - -Footnote 7: - - § (43). - -Footnote 8: - - § (46). - -Footnote 9: - - See _e.g._ § (48). - -Footnote 10: - - Hastings’ _D.B._, Ext. 462 _b_. - -Footnote 11: - - § (52). - -Footnote 12: - - § (4). - -Footnote 13: - - “Primus e fisco Latinis Græcisque rhetoribus annua centena - constituit,” Suet. _Vesp._ 18. - -Footnote 14: - - § (3). - -Footnote 15: - - Three of his wives are mentioned in § (4). - -Footnote 16: - - § (38). - -Footnote 17: - - § (3), Agrippa writes, “Send me the remaining volumes.” - -Footnote 18: - - § (3). - -Footnote 19: - - § (3). - -Footnote 20: - - Hastings’ _D.B._, Ext. 466 _b_. - -Footnote 21: - - § (61). - -Footnote 22: - - I have in this section made considerable use of the essay, “On the - Personal Character and Credibility of Josephus,” prefixed to Dr. - Traill’s translation of the _Jewish War_—a very judicious estimate. - -Footnote 23: - - § (2). - -Footnote 24: - - § (43). - -Footnote 25: - - _Op. cit._ p. 6. - -Footnote 26: - - § (26) with Appendix, Note II. - -Footnote 27: - - § (37). - -Footnote 28: - - § (29). - -Footnote 29: - - Phil. iv. 22. - -Footnote 30: - - Acts xxvi. 26. - -Footnote 31: - - Traill, _op. cit._, p. 19. - -Footnote 32: - - Gen. iii. 15. - -Footnote 33: - - § (50). - -Footnote 34: - - See, _e. g._, the historian’s reading of Herod’s character, § (19). - -Footnote 35: - - § (3). - -Footnote 36: - - § (49). - -Footnote 37: - - Cf. § (38), first paragraph. - -Footnote 38: - - οἱ ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιούμενοι, II. 51 (Jowett’s translation). - -Footnote 39: - - _e. g._ in §§ (31) p. 86, and (55) p. 160, “professedly virtuous - persons”; cf. also § (21) p. 65. - -Footnote 40: - - See Drüner, _Untersuchungen über Josephus_ (Marburg, 1896), pp. 1-34. - -Footnote 41: - - _e.g._ Edersheim. - -Footnote 42: - - §§ (25), (28). - -Footnote 43: - - § (39). - -Footnote 44: - - § (31). - -Footnote 45: - - § (21). - -Footnote 46: - - § (24). - -Footnote 47: - - §§ (24), (35). - -Footnote 48: - - § (22). - -Footnote 49: - - § (29). - -Footnote 50: - - § (33). - -Footnote 51: - - § (34). - -Footnote 52: - - § (27). - -Footnote 53: - - § (39). - -Footnote 54: - - § (36). - -Footnote 55: - - § (37). - -Footnote 56: - - § (65). - -Footnote 57: - - §§ (53) ff. - -Footnote 58: - - § (58). - -Footnote 59: - - § (6). - -Footnote 60: - - § (45), with Appendix, Note V. - -Footnote 61: - - Quoted by Edersheim, _Dict. Christ. Biog._ III. 442 _a_, note. - -Footnote 62: - - See Appendix, Note IV. - -Footnote 63: - - _E.g._ §§ (19) and (20). - - - - - I. AUTOBIOGRAPHY - - - (1) The Boy among the Doctors. His Education - - -I was brought up with Matthias, my own brother by both parents, and made -great progress in my education, gaining a reputation for an excellent -memory and understanding. [Sidenote: A.D. 51-2] While still a mere boy, -about fourteen years old, I won universal applause for my love of -letters; insomuch that the chief priests and the leading men of the city -used constantly to meet in order to obtain from me more accurate -information on some particular in our legal institutions. [Sidenote: -A.D. 53-4] At about the age of sixteen I determined to gain personal -experience of the several sects into which our nation is divided. These, -as I[64] have frequently mentioned, are three in number—the first that -of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sadducees, and the third that -of the Essenes. I thought that, after a thorough investigation, I should -be in a position to select the best. So I submitted myself to hard -training and laborious exercises and passed through the three courses. -Not content, however, with the experience thus gained, on hearing of one -named Bannus, who dwelt in the wilderness, wearing only such raiment as -trees provided, feeding on such things as grew of themselves, and using -frequent ablutions of cold water, by day and night, for purity’s sake, I -became his ardent disciple. With him I lived for three years and, having -accomplished my purpose, returned to the city. [Sidenote: A.D. 56-7] -Being now in my nineteenth year I began to govern my life by the rules -of the Pharisees, a sect which is akin to that which the Greeks call the -Stoic school.—_Vita_ 2 (8-12). - -Footnote 64: - - Lit. “we.” For the various descriptions of the Jewish sects see §§ - (53)-(55). - - - (2) A Shipwreck on the Voyage to Rome. The Eve of the War - - - Josephus meets with the same fate as St. Paul within a few years of - the event so graphically described in Acts xxvii. - -[Sidenote: _c._ A.D. 64] - -Soon after I had completed my twenty-sixth year it fell to my lot to go -up to Rome for a reason which I will proceed to relate. At the time when -Felix was procurator of Judæa, certain priests of my acquaintance, very -excellent men, were on a slight and trifling charge sent by him in bonds -to Rome to render an account to Cæsar.[65] I was anxious to discover -some means of delivering these men, more especially as I learnt that, -even in affliction, they had not forgotten the pious practices of -religion, but supported themselves on figs and nuts. I reached Rome -after being in great jeopardy at sea. For our ship foundered in the -midst of the sea of Adria, and our crew of some six hundred souls had to -swim all that night. About daybreak, through God’s good providence, we -sighted a ship of Cyrene, and I and certain others, about eighty in all, -outstripped the others and were taken on board. Landing safely at -Dicæarchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, I became on friendly terms -with Aliturus, an actor who was a special favourite of Nero and of -Jewish origin. Through him I became known to Poppæa, Cæsar’s wife, and -took the earliest opportunity of soliciting her aid to secure the -liberation of the priests. In addition to this kind service, I received -large gifts from Poppæa, and so returned to my own country. - -There I found revolutionary movements already on foot, and that many -were building high hopes on the prospect of revolt from Rome. I -accordingly endeavoured to repress these promoters of sedition and to -bring them over to another frame of mind. I urged them to picture to -themselves the nation on which they were about to make war, and to -remember that they were inferior to the Romans, not only in military -skill, but in good fortune; and I warned them not thus recklessly and -with such utter madness to expose their country,[66] their families and -themselves to the direst perils. With such words I earnestly and -insistently sought to dissuade them from their purpose, foreseeing that -the end of the war would be most disastrous for us. But my efforts were -unavailing; the madness of desperation was far too strong for me.—_Vita_ -3-4 (13-19). - -Footnote 65: - - Nero. - -Footnote 66: - - Lit. “countries.” - - - (3) The “Jewish War” and its Reception. Criticism of a rival Historian - (Justus) - - -I cannot but wonder at your impudence in daring to assert that your -narrative is to be preferred to that of all who have written on this -subject, when you neither knew what happened in Galilee—for you were -then at Berytus[67] with the king[68]—nor acquainted yourself with[69] -all that the Romans endured or inflicted upon us at the siege of -Jotapata; nor was it in your power to ascertain the part which I myself -played in the siege, since all possible informants perished in that -conflict. Perhaps, however, you will say that you have accurately -narrated the events which took place at Jerusalem. How, pray, can that -be, seeing that neither were you a combatant nor had you perused the -Memoirs of Cæsar, as is abundantly proved by your contradictory account? -But, if you are so confident that your history excels all others, why -did you not publish it in the lifetime of the Emperors Vespasian and -Titus, who conducted the war, and while King Agrippa and all his family, -persons thoroughly conversant with Hellenic culture, were still among -us? You had it written twenty years ago, and might then have obtained -the evidence of eyewitnesses to your accuracy. But not until now, -[Sidenote: After A.D. 100] when those persons are no longer with us and -you think you cannot be confuted, have you ventured to publish it. - -_I_ had no such apprehensions concerning my work. No; I presented the -volumes to the Emperors themselves, when the events had hardly passed -out of sight, conscious as I was that I had preserved the true story. I -expected to receive testimony to my accuracy and was not disappointed. -To many others also I immediately presented my History, some of whom had -taken part in the war, such as King Agrippa and some of his relatives. -Indeed, so anxious was the Emperor Titus that my volumes should be the -sole authority from which the world should learn the facts, that he -affixed his own signature to them and gave orders for their publication; -while King Agrippa wrote[70] sixty-two letters testifying to the truth -of the record. Two of these I subjoin, from which you may, if you will, -learn the nature of his communications:— - - “King Agrippa to dearest Josephus greeting. I have perused the book - with the greatest pleasure. You seem to me to have written with much - greater care and accuracy than any who have dealt with the subject. - Send me the remaining volumes. Farewell.” - - “King Agrippa to dearest Josephus greeting. From what you have - written you appear to stand in no need of instruction, to enable us - all to learn (everything from you) from the beginning.[71] But when - you meet me, I will myself instruct you in many things of which you - are ignorant.”[72]—_Vita_ 65 (357-366). - -Footnote 67: - - Beirut. - -Footnote 68: - - Herod Agrippa II. - -Footnote 69: - - The word is that rendered in St. Luke’s preface (i. 3) “traced the - course of (all things).” - -Footnote 70: - - Or “has left in writing.” - -Footnote 71: - - The king’s alleged “culture” here fails him; the Greek is vulgar and - obscure. For ἡμᾶς ὅλους, “us all,” perhaps we should read ἡμᾶς ὅλως, - “us completely.” - -Footnote 72: - - Or “not generally known.” - - - (4) After the War. Josephus as Roman Citizen - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 67] - -After the siege of Jotapata I was in the hands of the Romans and was -kept under guard, while receiving every attention. Vespasian showed in -many ways the honour in which he held me, and it was by his command that -I married one of the women taken captive at Cæsarea, a virgin and a -native of that place. She did not, however, remain long with me, for she -left me on my obtaining my release and accompanying Vespasian to -Alexandria. There I married again. From Alexandria I was sent [Sidenote: -A.D. 70] with Titus to the siege of Jerusalem, where my life was -frequently in danger, both from the Jews, who were eager to get me into -their hands, to gratify their revenge, and from the Romans, who -attributed every reverse to some treachery on my part, and were -constantly and clamorously demanding of the Emperor that he should -punish me as their betrayer. Titus Cæsar, however, knowing well the -varying fortunes of war, repressed by his silence the soldiers’ -outbursts against me. - -Again, when at last Jerusalem was on the point of being carried by -assault, Titus Cæsar repeatedly urged me to take whatever I would from -the wreck of my country, stating that I had his permission. And I, now -that my native place had fallen, having nothing more precious to take -and preserve as a solace for my personal misfortunes, made request to -Titus for the freedom of some of my countrymen; I also received by his -gracious favour a gift of sacred books.[73] Not long after I made -petition for my brother and fifty friends, and my request was granted. -Again, by permission of Titus, I entered the Temple, where a great -multitude of captive women and children had been imprisoned, and -liberated all the friends and acquaintances whom I recognized, in number -about a hundred and ninety; I took no ransom for their release and -restored them to[74] their former fortune. Once more, when I was sent by -Titus Cæsar with Cerealius and a thousand horse to a village called -Tekoa, to prospect whether it was a suitable place for an entrenched -camp, and on my return saw many prisoners who had been crucified and -recognized three of my acquaintances among them, I was cut to the heart -and came and told Titus with tears what I had seen. He gave orders -immediately that they should be taken down and receive the most careful -treatment. Two of them died in the physicians’ hands; the third -survived. - -When Titus had quelled the disturbances in Judæa, conjecturing that the -lands which I held at Jerusalem would be unprofitable to me, because a -Roman garrison was to be quartered there, he gave me another parcel of -ground in the plain. On his departure for Rome, he took me with him on -board, treating me with every mark of respect. On our arrival in Rome, I -met with great consideration from Vespasian. He gave me a lodging in the -house which he had occupied before he came to the throne; he honoured me -with the privilege of Roman citizenship; and he assigned me a pension. -He continued to honour me up to the time of his departure from this -life, without any abatement in his kindness towards me.... Vespasian -also presented me with a considerable tract of land in Judæa. - -About this time I divorced my wife, being displeased at her behaviour. -She had borne me three children, of whom two died; one, whom I named -Hyrcanus, is still alive. Afterwards I married a woman of Jewish -extraction who had settled in Crete. She came of very distinguished -parents, indeed the most notable people in that country. In character -she surpassed many of her sex, as her subsequent life showed. By her I -had two sons, Justus the elder, and then Simonides, surnamed Agrippa. -Such is my domestic history. - -The treatment which I received from the Emperors continued unaltered. On -Vespasian’s decease [Sidenote: A.D. 79] Titus, who succeeded to the -empire, showed the same esteem for me as did his father, and never -credited the accusations to which I was constantly subjected. Domitian -succeeded [Sidenote: A.D. 81] Titus and added to my honours. He punished -my Jewish accusers, and for a similar offence gave orders for the -punishment of a slave who was a eunuch and my son’s tutor. He also -exempted my property in Judæa from taxation—a mark of the highest honour -to the privileged individual. Moreover, Domitia, Cæsar’s wife, never -ceased conferring favours upon me. - -Such are the events of my whole life; from them let others judge as they -will of my character.—_Vita_ 75-76 (414-430). - - For further autobiographical details see below, §§ (38), (43), (44), - (46), (48). - -Footnote 73: - - Or “the sacred books.” - -Footnote 74: - - Meaning uncertain; Traill, “paying that compliment to.” - - II. SPECIMENS OF AMPLIFICATION OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVE - - - (5) Moses, the Infant Prodigy, introduced to Pharaoh - - - For Moses’ beauty, cf. Acts vii. 20. The name of Pharaoh’s daughter, - Thermuthis, occurs also in the _Book of Jubilees_ (xlvii. 5, - Tharmuth); elsewhere she is called Bithiah (cf. 1 Chron. iv. 18). - For Rabbinical parallels, see art. “Moses” in the _Jewish - Encyclopædia_. - -When he was three years old, God added wondrously to his stature; and -there was no one so lost to an appreciation of beauty as, on seeing -Moses, not to be amazed at his comeliness. It often happened that -persons meeting him as he was carried along the road, attracted by the -child’s appearance, turned round and, leaving their pursuits, gave -themselves up to gazing at him. Such boyish charm, so remarkable and -perfect as his, held the onlookers spellbound. - -Such was Moses when Thermuthis, who was not blessed with offspring of -her own, adopted him as her son. Now on one occasion she brought him to -her father and showed him to him, and told him how, in case it was God’s -will that she should have no child of her own, she had made provision -for a successor, by bringing up a boy of divine beauty and noble spirit, -and by what a miracle she had received him from the bounteous river. -“And I thought,” she added, “to make him my child and the heir to your -kingdom.” - -With these words she laid the babe in her father’s arms; and he took him -and hugged him to his breast, and, to please his daughter, -affectionately placed his diadem upon his head. But Moses, in mere -childishness, tore it off and dashed it to the ground and trampled upon -it. - -The incident was thought ominous, portending ill to the kingdom. The -sacred scribe, who had foretold that the child’s birth would cause the -humiliation of the Egyptian Empire, witnessed the scene and rushed -forward to kill him, with an alarming cry. “This, O king,” so he cried, -“is that child of whom God told us that if we kill him we need fear -nothing. By his action[75] in trampling on (the symbol of) thy -sovereignty and treading the diadem under foot[76], he bears out my -prediction. Kill him, then, and at one stroke relieve the Egyptians of -their fear of him and deprive the Hebrews of the confident hopes which -he inspires.” - -But Thermuthis was too quick for him and snatched the child away. The -king, too, was reluctant to slay him, being inclined to mercy by God, -whose providence watched over Moses’ life. Great care was accordingly -devoted to his upbringing; the Hebrews resting high hopes upon him for -their future, while the Egyptians viewed his education with -suspicion.—_Ant._ II. 9. 6 f. (230-237). - -Footnote 75: - - Text emended. - -Footnote 76: - - Perhaps a gloss (omit Latin VS.). - - - (6) Exorcism in the name of Solomon - - -“By whom do your sons cast them out?” - -God also enabled Solomon, for man’s benefit and cure, to learn the art -of encountering devils. He both composed charms for the alleviation of -diseases and also left behind him certain methods of exorcism, by which -the poor prisoners[77] may expel the devils so that they never return. - -This treatment even to this day is of the greatest efficacy among the -Jews. I have myself witnessed one of my countrymen, a certain Eleazar, -in the presence of Vespasian and his sons and some tribunes and a crowd -of soldiers of other ranks, releasing[78] (from their bondage) persons -who were possessed by these[79] devils. The mode of treatment was as -follows. To the demoniac’s nose he applied his ring which held beneath -the seal a root obtained in accordance with Solomon’s prescription, and -then as the man smelt it he drew the devil out through his nostrils. The -patient at once fell down and Eleazar adjured the devil never to return -into him again, using Solomon’s name and reciting the incantations which -that monarch composed. Moreover, in his desire to convince the -bystanders and to prove that he really possessed this power, Eleazar -used to place a little in front of the demoniac a cup or basin[80] full -of water, with a command to the devil on his exit from the man to -overturn these vessels and so to let the spectators know that he had -left him. On this taking place, the skill and wisdom of Solomon were -clearly established.—_Ant._ VIII. 2. 5 (45-49). - -Footnote 77: - - Lit. “persons bound in”; cf. Luke xiii. 16. - -Footnote 78: - - The same word as in Luke xiii. 12 (“art loosed”). - -Footnote 79: - - Text doubtful. - -Footnote 80: - - Lit. “foot-bath.” - - - (7) Micaiah and Zedekiah prophesy before Ahab - - - Cf. 1 Kings xxii. With the alleged discrepancy between prophecies of - Elijah and Micaiah, cf. Jos. _Ant._ X. 7. 2 (106 f.) for seeming - inconsistency between Jeremiah and Ezekiel which led King Zedekiah - to disbelieve both. - -So Ahab summoned his own prophets, in number about four hundred, and -bade them enquire of God whether, if he led his forces against Ader,[81] -He would grant him victory and enable him to overthrow the city[82] -which was his objective in going to war. The prophets advised him to -undertake the expedition, assuring him that he would defeat the Syrian -(king) and get him into his power as on the former occasion. But -Jehoshaphat understood from their words that they were false prophets, -and asked Ahab whether there was some other prophet of God besides, that -they might obtain more accurate information about the issue. Ahab -replied that there was such a man, but that he hated him because he -prophesied evil and had foretold that he would be defeated and slain by -the Syrian (king). “I have him now in ward,” he said, “and his name is -Micaiah, the son of Omblaiah.”[83] However, as Jehoshaphat urged that he -should be produced, Ahab sent a eunuch to fetch Micaiah. - -The eunuch explained to him on the road how all the other prophets had -foretold that the king would be victorious; to which he replied that it -was impossible for him to give a false report of God’s word, but he -would speak whatever God should tell him concerning the king. So when he -came before Ahab, and had been adjured by him to tell him the truth, he -said that God had shown him the Israelites in flight, pursued by the -Syrians and scattered by them to the mountains like flocks that had lost -their shepherds. He added that it was revealed to him that they would -return to their homes in peace, but he, and he only, would fall in the -battle. - -When Micaiah had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehoshaphat, “See, I told you -but now of this fellow’s disposition towards me and how he predicted for -me nothing but the worst.” - -Micaiah replied that Ahab ought to listen to all that God foretold, and -that the false prophets were inciting him to make this war, hoping that -he would be victorious, whereas he was destined to fall in the battle. - -This caused the king to reflect; but Zedekiah, one of the false -prophets, approached and advised him to pay no heed to Micaiah. “There -is,” he said, “no truth in his words, as I can prove from a prophecy of -one who could read the future better than this fellow, I mean Elijah. -Elijah foretold that dogs would lick up your blood in the field of -Naboth, as they had licked the blood of Naboth who for your sake was -stoned to death by the people.[84] Clearly, then, this fellow is a liar, -when he contradicts a prophet greater than himself, by asserting that -you will die at a distance of three days’ journey from that spot. But -you shall all learn whether he speaks the truth and possesses the power -of the divine spirit. The instant I strike him, let him injure my hand, -as Jadaus withered king Jeroboam’s right hand when he wished to arrest -him.[85] You have heard, I presume, that that actually happened.” - -So he struck Micaiah, and, when no harm happened to him, Ahab took -courage and was ready to lead his army against the king of Syria. Fate, -I suppose, was winning the day and causing the false prophets to appear -more plausible than the true, that so she might find a handle to bring -about his end.—_Ant._ VIII. 15. 4 (401-439). - -Footnote 81: - - _i. e._ Ben-hadad, in the LXX “the son of (H)ader.” - -Footnote 82: - - Ramoth-gilead. - -Footnote 83: - - Imlah. - -Footnote 84: - - 1 Kings xxi. 19. - -Footnote 85: - - 1 Kings xiii. 4. The name Jadaus (or, as the Latin has, Jadon) is - unscriptural. - - - - - III. THE COMING OF THE ROMANS - - - (8) Loss of Jewish Independence. Palestinian Settlement under Pompey - - - The quarrels between the brothers Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus II - bring about the intervention of Rome in Palestinian affairs. Pompey - takes Jerusalem, and Syria becomes a Roman province. [Sidenote: 63 - B.C.] See Map 40 in the _Hist. Atlas of Holy Land_ of G. A. Smith - and J. G. Bartholomew. - -The sanctuary, which hitherto had been inaccessible and screened from -view, suffered gross outrage. Pompey, with several of his staff, -penetrated into the inner court and saw things which it was unlawful for -any save the high priests to behold. There stood the golden table, and -the holy candlestick,[86] and the cups for libations, and a mass of -spices;[87] besides these, in the treasury was the sacred money -amounting to two thousand talents. Yet Pompey out of piety touched none -of these, acting here again in a manner worthy of his noble nature. - -On the following day he gave orders to those in charge of the Temple to -cleanse the precincts and to offer to God the offerings prescribed by -the Law. The high priesthood he restored to Hyrcanus, in gratitude for -his other services and chiefly because he had restrained the Jews of the -country from taking up arms for Aristobulus. Those who had been -responsible for the war were beheaded; Faustus and all who had gallantly -scaled the wall received at his hands the appropriate rewards of valour. - -Jerusalem he made tributary to Rome, and the cities of Cœle-Syria which -had in times past been subdued by the inhabitants (of the metropolis) -were taken from them and placed under a governor[88] appointed by -himself; and the whole nation, whose power had until then been greatly -increasing, was strictly confined within its own bounds. He rebuilt -Gadara, which had recently been destroyed,[89] to gratify his freedman -Demetrius who was a Gadarene. The other cities—Hippos, Scythopolis, -Pella, Dium, Samaria, also Marisa, Azotus, Jamnia and Arethusa—he -restored to their inhabitants. These, as well as the cities which had -been razed, were all in the interior of the country. On the sea-board -Gaza, Joppa, Dora and Strato’s Tower—afterwards magnificently rebuilt by -Herod and embellished with harbours and temples under the new name of -Cæsarea—all these were liberated by Pompey and attached to the province -(of Syria). - -Jerusalem owed this calamity to the quarrels of Hyrcanus and -Aristobulus. We lost our liberty and became subject to the Romans; we -were forced to give back to the Syrians the territory which we had taken -from them by our arms. Moreover, within a short period the Romans -exacted from us over ten thousand talents. The kingship, formerly a -privilege bestowed on those who were high priests by right of birth, now -passed into plebeian hands;[90] of this we shall speak in due course. - -Pompey then handed over Cœle-Syria with the rest of Syria,[91] from the -river Euphrates to Egypt, to Scaurus, leaving him two Roman legions, and -departed for Cilicia _en route_ for Rome. He took with him Aristobulus -as a prisoner with his children.—_Ant._ XIV. 4. 4 f. (71-79). - -Footnote 86: - - Or “lampstand.” - -Footnote 87: - - Another reading has “silver vessels.” - -Footnote 88: - - Or “prætor.” - -Footnote 89: - - By the Jews (_B. J._ parallel passage). - -Footnote 90: - - The Herodian family (Idumæans). - -Footnote 91: - - Text (as read by Niese) doubtful. - - - (9) Division of the Country into Five Districts by Gabinius - - - Gabinius completes Pompey’s work in the settlement of the province - of Syria. - -[Sidenote: _c._ 57 B.C.] - -After this Gabinius reinstated Hyrcanus in Jerusalem and committed to -him the custody of the Temple. The civil administration he reconstituted -under the form of an aristocracy. He divided the whole nation into five -unions;[92] one of these he attached to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, -the third had Amathus as its centre of government, the fourth was -allotted to Jericho, the fifth to Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. The Jews -welcomed their release from the rule of an individual and were from that -time forward governed by an aristocracy.—_B. J._ I. 8. 5 (169 f.). - -Footnote 92: - - Or “sessions,” “conventions” (σύνοδοι). “He appointed five councils - (or ‘assemblies’, συνέδρια) and distributed the nation into as many - portions.”—_Ant._ (parallel passage). - - - (10) Settlement under Julius Cæsar - - -[Sidenote: 47 B.C.] - -In due course Cæsar concluded the war[93] and set sail for Syria. There -he confirmed the appointment of Hyrcanus to the high priesthood, while -he bestowed high honours on Antipater—the privilege of Roman citizenship -with exemption from taxation everywhere.... - -Cæsar then appointed Hyrcanus high priest and Antipater civil governor, -allowing him to select his own title. Antipater leaving the decision to -him, Cæsar made him viceroy[94] of Judæa. He further permitted Hyrcanus, -at his request, to rebuild the walls of the capital,[95] which had lain -in ruins since their demolition by Pompey. He sent instructions to the -consuls at Rome that a record of these decisions should be placed in the -Capitol.—_Ant._ XIV. 8. 3, 5 (137, 143 f.). - -Footnote 93: - - In Egypt, where Antipater had rendered him yeoman service. - -Footnote 94: - - Or “procurator” (ἐπίτροπος). - -Footnote 95: - - Lit. “fatherland.” - - - - - IV. HEROD THE GREAT - - - (11) The Youth Herod frees Galilee from the Brigands - - -[Sidenote: _c._ 47-6 B.C.] - -Antipater, when he saw that Hyrcanus was of an inert and sluggish -disposition, put his eldest son Phasael in command of Jerusalem and the -surrounding district, and committed Galilee to his second son, Herod, -then a mere stripling; he was but fifteen[96] years old. Still his youth -was no hindrance to him, and, being a lad of high spirit, he at once met -with an opportunity for the display of his quality. Finding that one -Ezekias, the captain of a band of brigands, with a large horde, was -overrunning the adjoining parts of Syria, he caught him and put him to -death with many of his confederates. This achievement of his won him the -warmest affection of the Syrians; he had purged their country of this -nest of robbers of which they were longing to be rid. They would sing -his praises for this feat throughout their villages and cities, -acclaiming him as one who had brought them peace and the secure -enjoyment of their possessions. This action, moreover, brought him to -the notice of Sextus Cæsar, a kinsman of the great Cæsar and now -governor of Syria.—_Ant._ XIV. 9. 2 (158-160). - -Footnote 96: - - So the MSS; probably we should read “twenty-five.” See Schürer, - _Jewish People_, I. 1. 383, n. 29. - - - (12) Herod on his Trial before the Sanhedrin - - -[Sidenote: _c._ 47-6 B.C.] - -But the principal Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons growing so -great through the good-will of the nation and the revenues which they -derived from Judæa and from the wealth of Hyrcanus, became ill-disposed -to him. For Antipater had made an alliance with the Roman Emperors and -had induced Hyrcanus to send them money; he then appropriated this money -and despatched it as a gift from himself and not from Hyrcanus. -Hyrcanus, when the matter came to his ears, was indifferent. Not so the -Jewish leaders. The sight of Herod—violent, audacious and hankering -after autocratic power[97]—filled them with alarm. So they approached -Hyrcanus and now openly accused Antipater. “How much longer,” they said, -“will you remain unmoved by what is happening? Do you not see that -Antipater and his sons have girded themselves with the ruler’s power, -leaving you but the barren name of king? Mark these things and do not -expect to escape peril by carelessness for yourself and your kingdom. -Antipater and his sons are no longer stewards of your realm—do not -deceive yourself with that thought—but openly and confessedly despots. -One son, Herod, by killing Ezekias,[98] with many of his followers, has -transgressed our law, which forbids the slaying of any man, even a -malefactor, unless he has first been condemned to this penalty by the -Sanhedrin. Yet Herod took it upon him to do this without your -authority.” - -This speech had its effect upon Hyrcanus. His indignation was further -roused by the mothers of Herod’s victims, who continued day by day in -the Temple to petition the king and the people to bring Herod to -judgement before the Sanhedrin for his actions. Thus instigated, -Hyrcanus summoned Herod to trial upon the charges laid against him. He -came. His father had advised him to meet his judges not as a private -individual but with a bodyguard to protect him, after securing his -position in Galilee in the manner that seemed most to his own advantage. -He set his affairs in order accordingly, and with an escort just -sufficient for his journey, so as neither to intimidate Hyrcanus by -appearing with a larger body, nor yet to be quite exposed and -unprotected, went to his trial. - -However, Sextus, the governor of Syria, sent written instructions to -Hyrcanus to acquit Herod, adding threats in the event of his -disregarding them. This letter of Sextus gave Hyrcanus a handle for -delivering Herod unscathed from the Sanhedrin, for he[99] loved him as -his own son. - -Herod, as he stood in the Sanhedrin with his body-guard round him, -overawed them all, and none of those who before his arrival had been -maligning him, now dared to accuse him. There was deep silence and -perplexity how to proceed. - -In this critical situation one Sameas, a man whose upright character -made him superior to fear, rose up and said: “Fellow-councillors and -King, I know of none, nor, I suppose, can you name any, of those who in -times past have been summoned before you, who appeared in such guise as -this. Every one, of whatever rank, entering this council-chamber on his -trial, comes with an air of humility and the appearance of one in fear -and craving your mercy, with his hair long and in black raiment. But -this most worthy Herod, a defendant on trial for murder, when summoned -to answer so grave a charge, stands here in purple array, with -well-trimmed hair adorning his head, and with armed men around him, -ready, if we condemn him in accordance with the law, to kill us and to -save himself in defiance of justice. Yet it is not Herod I would blame -for such conduct, if he puts his own interests above the laws, but you -and the King for giving him so great licence. Be assured, however, I -call God Almighty to witness, that this man, whom, to gratify Hyrcanus, -you now desire to acquit, will one day punish both you and your King.” - -And his words came true. For Herod, on inheriting his kingdom, slew all -those who were in the Sanhedrin, and Hyrcanus with them, Sameas alone -excepted. For he had a high regard for Sameas on account of his upright -character and because, when the city was afterwards [Sidenote: 37 B.C.] -besieged by Herod and Sossius, he advised the people to admit Herod, -telling them that for their sins they could not escape him.—_Ant._ XIV. -9. 3 f. (163-176). - -Footnote 97: - - Lit. “tyranny.” - -Footnote 98: - - See § (11). - -Footnote 99: - - Apparently Hyrcanus, though Sextus might be the subject. - - - (13) Herod and Cassius. Murder of Antipater, Herod’s Father - - -[Sidenote: 44 B.C.] - - After the death of Julius Cæsar, when civil war was impending, - Cassius came to Syria and exacted heavy taxes, in the collection of - which he was assisted by Antipater and his sons. Malichus had - plotted against Antipater; Antipater had pardoned him, and had also - saved his life when he was in danger from the Romans. - -[Sidenote: _c._ 43 B.C.] - -In saving Malichus, however, Antipater, as the event proved, had saved -his own murderer. For Cassius and Murcus[100] collected an army and -entrusted the entire charge of it to Herod, appointing him to the -command of Cœle-Syria with a fleet and a force of horse and foot. They -promised, moreover, to make him King of Judæa after the war, which had -already broken out, against Antony and the young Cæsar.[101] Malichus -was then more in terror than ever of Antipater, and endeavoured to put -him out of the way.[102] So he bribed the butler of Hyrcanus, at whose -house the two were being entertained, and had him poisoned. With his -armed men he was able to keep the city quiet. - -When Herod and Phasael heard of the plot against their father and were -indignant at it, Malichus, as on the former occasion, denied any part in -it, and professed that he had not been murdered. Such was the end of -Antipater, a man pre-eminent for his piety, justice and patriotism. Of -the two sons, Herod at once resolved to lead his army against Malichus -and avenge his father; Phasael, the elder, preferred to defeat him by -resort to craft, for fear they should seem guilty of provoking civil -war. So he accepted Malichus’ defence, feigning belief in his innocence -in the matter of Antipater’s death, and arranged a splendid funeral for -his father.—_Ant._ XIV. 11. 4 (280-284). - -Footnote 100: - - The governor of Syria. - -Footnote 101: - - Octavius, the future Emperor Augustus. - -Footnote 102: - - Cf. _B. J._ I. 226: “It was his son’s power and expectations which - brought about Antipater’s end. For Malichus was afraid of these,” etc. - - - (14) Antony makes Herod and Phasael Tetrarchs of Judæa - - - See the _Historical Atlas_ of Smith and Bartholomew, Map 41. - -[Sidenote: 42 B.C.] - -After the death of Cassius at Philippi, the victors departed, Cæsar -going to Italy, Antony to Asia. Embassies from the [Sidenote: _c._ 41 -B.C.] various states waited upon Antony in Bithynia, and among them came -the Jewish leaders, who accused Phasael and Herod of usurping the -government and leaving to Hyrcanus merely titular honours. Herod -thereupon appeared and by large bribes so wrought upon Antony that he -refused his adversaries a hearing. So for the time being these enemies -were dispersed. But on a later occasion a hundred Jewish officials -approached Antony, now a slave to his passion for Cleopatra, at Daphne -beside Antioch, and, putting forward the most eminent and eloquent of -their number, laid accusations against the brothers. The defence was -undertaken by Messala, Hyrcanus supporting him because of his marriage -connexion with Herod. After hearing both parties, Antony enquired of -Hyrcanus who was the best qualified ruler. Hyrcanus pronouncing in -favour of Herod and his brother, Antony was delighted, because he had -formerly been their father’s guest, and had been hospitably entertained -by Antipater when he accompanied Gabinius on his Judæan campaign. So he -[Sidenote: 57-55 B.C.] made the brothers tetrarchs and entrusted them -with the administration of the whole of Judæa.—_Ant._ XIV. 12. 4 f. -(242-244). - - - (15) How Herod won his Kingdom - - -[Sidenote: 40 B.C.] - - Herod, forced to flee from Palestine by a great invasion of - Parthians, who reinstate Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, as King of - Judæa, arrives a suppliant at Rome in mid-winter. - -Antony commiserated the reversal of Herod’s fate. The trite reflection -arose in his mind that even those in the highest rank are at the mercy -of fortune. He was moved partly by the memory of Antipater’s -hospitality,[103] partly by Herod’s promise, as on a former occasion -when he was made tetrarch, to give him money if he were made king. But -his main incentive to assist Herod in his suit was animosity towards -Antigonus, whom he regarded as a promoter of sedition and an enemy of -the Roman people. - -Cæsar[104] was even more ready to meet Herod’s claim and to further his -ends because of the part which Antipater had played in his father’s -campaigns in Egypt and his hospitality and undeviating loyalty; the -desire to gratify Antony, who was a warm admirer of Herod, was a further -motive. - -The senate was accordingly summoned, and Messala, followed by Atratinus, -introduced Herod and rehearsed his father’s services and reminded the -assembly of the good-will which Herod himself had always borne to the -Roman people. At the same time they denounced Antigonus and proved him -to be an enemy, not merely from his former antagonism to them, but -because he had now been guilty of indignity to the Roman people in -accepting his rulership at Parthian hands. At this the senate was -exasperated. Antony also came forward and advised them that it was -expedient for the war with Parthia that Herod should be king. This met -with unanimous approval and a decree was passed accordingly. - -The clearest evidence of Antony’s regard for Herod was afforded not -merely by his obtaining for him the kingdom for which he had not looked, -but by his procuring this unexpected honour so expeditiously that he was -enabled to leave Italy within the space of seven days. For Herod had not -come to the capital to ask the kingship for himself. He did not suppose -that the Romans, whose custom was to confer such a privilege on members -of the royal family, would grant it to him. He had come to ask for it -for his wife’s brother Alexander, the grandson on his father’s side of -Aristobulus, on his mother’s of Hyrcanus. How this youth was afterwards -put to death by Herod will be told in due course. - -When the senate was dissolved, Antony and Cæsar left the senate-house to -offer sacrifice and to deposit a copy of the decree in the Capitol. -Herod was between them, and the consuls and other magistrates led the -way. Antony celebrated the king’s accession-day by a festival. Thus did -Herod obtain his kingdom in the 184th Olympiad, under the consulship of -Gnæus Domitius Calvinus (for the second time) and Gaius Asinius -Pollio.—_Ant._ XIV. 14. 4 f. (381-389). - -Footnote 103: - - Cf. § (14). - -Footnote 104: - - Octavius. - - -(16) How Herod made his peace with Augustus (after the Battle of Actium) - - -Herod was soon filled with anxiety about the security of his position. -He was Antony’s friend, and Antony had been defeated by [Sidenote: 31 -B.C.] Cæsar[105] at Actium. His fears, however, proved worse than his -fate; for Cæsar considered his victory to be incomplete so long as Herod -remained Antony’s ally. [Sidenote: 30 B.C.] The king resolved to -confront the danger and set sail for Rhodes, where Cæsar was then -stationed. He presented himself before him without a diadem, a commoner -in dress and demeanour, but with the spirit of a king. His speech was -direct; he told the truth without reserve. - -“I was made king by Antony,” he said, “and I acknowledge, Cæsar, that I -have in all things devoted my services to him. Nor will I shrink from -saying that, had not the Arabians detained me,[106] you would assuredly -have found me in arms at his side.[107] I sent him, however, such -auxiliary troops as I could and many thousand measures of corn;[108] nor -even after his defeat at Actium did I desert my benefactor. When no -longer useful as an ally, I became his best counsellor; I told him the -one remedy for his disasters—the death of Cleopatra. Would he but kill -her, I promised him money, walls to protect him, an army, and myself as -his brother in arms in the war against you. But his ears, it seems, were -stopped by his infatuation for Cleopatra and by God who has graciously -given you the victory. I share Antony’s defeat and with his downfall lay -down my diadem. I am come to you resting my hope of safety upon my -integrity, anticipating that the subject of enquiry will be not whose -friend, but how loyal a friend, I have been.” - -To this Cæsar replied: “Nay, be assured of your safety, and reign -henceforth more securely than before. So staunch a champion of the -claims of friendship deserves to be ruler over many subjects. Endeavour -to remain as loyal to those who have been more fortunate, since I, too, -entertain the most brilliant hopes for your high spirit. Antony, -however, did well in obeying Cleopatra’s behests rather than yours; for -through his folly we have gained you. But you take the lead, it seems, -in acts of beneficence; for Quintus Didius[109] writes to me that you -have sent him a force to assist him against the gladiators. I therefore -now confirm your kingdom to you by decree; and hereafter I shall -endeavour to do you some further service, that you may not feel the loss -of Antony.” - -Having thus graciously addressed the king, he placed the diadem on his -head, and signalized the grant by a decree, containing many generous -expressions in eulogy of the monarch.—_B.J._ I. 20. 1 ff. (386-393). - -Footnote 105: - - Octavius. - -Footnote 106: - - Herod was engaged in fighting the Arabians at the time of the battle - of Actium. - -Footnote 107: - - Reading ἀχώριστον with Havercamp; MSS εὐχάριστον, “grateful” (? = - “willingly”). - -Footnote 108: - - Lit. “many ten thousands of corn.” - -Footnote 109: - - Conjectural emendation (Hudson), cf. Dio Cassius, 51. 7, and the - parallel passage, _Ant._ XV. 195. - - - (17) Herod and Mariamne - - -But Fortune, in revenge for his successes in the field, visited Herod -with troubles at home; his ill-fated career originated with a woman to -whom he was passionately attached.... - -On the eve of his departure abroad he committed his wife[110] to the -care of Joseph, his sister Salome’s husband, with private injunctions to -kill her, should Antony kill him. He could trust Joseph; the ties which -united them made him a true friend. Joseph, out of no malice but from a -desire to convince her of the love which the king bore her, since even -in death he could not endure to be separated from her, betrayed the -secret. When Herod, on his return, [Sidenote: _c._ 29 B.C.] in familiar -intercourse was protesting with many oaths his affection for her and -that he had never (so) loved any other woman, “A fine exhibition you -gave,” she replied, “of your love for me[111] by your orders to Joseph -to put me to death!” - -He was beside himself, the moment he heard the secret was out. Joseph, -he exclaimed, would never have disclosed his orders, had he not seduced -her; and, frenzied with passion, he leapt from the bed and paced the -palace to and fro in his distraction. His sister Salome, seizing this -opportunity to slander Mariamne, confirmed his suspicion of Joseph. Mad -with ungovernable jealousy, he ordered that both should instantly be put -to death. But remorse followed hard upon rage; his wrath subsided, his -love revived. So consuming, indeed, was the flame of his passionate -desire that he believed she was not dead and in his affliction would -address her as though she were alive; until time taught him the reality -of his loss, when his grief was as profound as the love he had for her -while she was alive.—_B.J._ I. 22 (431, 441-444). - -Footnote 110: - - Mariamne (Μαριάμμη). - -Footnote 111: - - Lit. “for us.” - - - (18) Extension of Herod’s Realm. His Popularity with Augustus and - Agrippa - - - For Palestine under Herod see the _Hist. Atlas_ of Smith and - Bartholomew, Map 42. - - -[Sidenote: 27 B.C.] - -When Herod was engaged on these enterprises[112] and had already -completed the rebuilding of the city of [Sidenote: 23 B.C.] -Sebaste,[113] he resolved to send his sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, -to Rome, to have audience of Cæsar.[114] On their arrival at the capital -they were given lodging in the house of Pollio, one who was very -assiduous in cultivating Herod’s friendship; permission was also given -them to lodge in the palace of the Emperor, who gave the lads the most -kindly reception. The Emperor, moreover, empowered Herod to bequeath his -kingdom to any of his children at his discretion; and added to his realm -the district of Trachonitis,[115] Batanæa and Auranitis, which he gave -him for the following reason.... - - Here follows a description of Herod’s subjugation of Zenodorus and - the robber bands in Trachonitis. - -So Cæsar bestowed upon Herod the territory of Zenodorus, an extensive -region lying between Trachonitis and Galilee (and embracing) Ulatha and -Paneas[116] and the neighbouring country. He attached it[117] to the -province of Syria, but instructed the provincial governors to do nothing -without obtaining Herod’s approval. - -In short, he reached such a height of prosperity that, whereas the -burden of government of the vast Roman Empire rested upon two men, first -Cæsar, and then (as Cæsar’s favourite) Agrippa, Cæsar preferred no one -to Herod after Agrippa, and Agrippa made Herod his chief friend after -Cæsar.—_Ant._ XV. 10. 1 and 3 (342 f.; 360 f.). - -Footnote 112: - - The building of Cæsarea and its harbour, etc. - -Footnote 113: - - Herod’s new name for Samaria. - -Footnote 114: - - Augustus. - -Footnote 115: - - Lit. “Trachon.” The three districts correspond approximately to Bashan - of the O.T. - -Footnote 116: - - Ulatha and Paneas N. and N.E. of the Waters of Merom. - -Footnote 117: - - Text (Niese) uncertain. Most MSS “him”; lit. “mixed him with (? = ‘put - him on a level with’) the governors of Syria.” - - - (19) The Historian’s Reading of Herod’s Character - - -It is usual to remark with astonishment on the inconsistency of Herod’s -character. When we have regard to his munificent actions and the -benefits which he conferred on the world at large, even one who is not -among his warm admirers[118] cannot deny that he was by nature supremely -beneficent. If, on the other hand, one looks at the penalties inflicted -and the wrongs done by him to his subjects and nearest relations, and -takes note of his harsh and unrelenting disposition, one will be forced -to the conclusion that he was of a brutal nature and an alien to all -humanity.[119] Hence the common opinion that his character was, as it -were, a compound of conflicting and antagonistic elements. - -I do not share this opinion; my view is that both these sides of his -character had one and the same cause. He was ambitious, indeed an abject -slave to that passion; and where there appeared any promise of -posthumous fame or present reputation, he might even attain magnanimity. -But, since his expenditure outran his means, necessity drove him to be -cruel to his subjects. His lavish bounty to his beneficiaries forced him -to procure his supplies by criminal methods[120] from his victims. He -was conscious that his subjects hated him for the wrongs which he did -them, but found it no easy matter to atone for his sins without loss to -his exchequer. Instead he fought his opponents, converting even their -disaffection into a source of revenue. As for his nearest and dearest, -if any one omitted to address him in obsequious language and to display -a subservient attitude, or was suspected of plotting against the realm, -he was incapable of self-control and punished relatives and friends -alike, one after another, as though they were open enemies; to such -crimes was he driven by his desire that honour should be paid to himself -alone. - -I find confirmation for my belief that this passion was the key to his -character in the manner in which he conferred his honours on Cæsar and -Agrippa and the rest of his friends. He looked for a return in kind of -the service which he paid to his superiors; his gifts were the most -excellent he could conceive, but the way in which he gave them revealed -his desire to receive the like. - -The Jewish nation, however, is by its law alienated from all such -things; its training has taught it to prefer righteousness to the -pursuit of glory. For this reason it was out of favour with Herod, -because it was incapable of flattering the king’s vanity by erecting -images or shrines or by any such practices. This, I think, explains at -once the crimes of which he was guilty against his relatives and -advisers and his benefactions to foreigners and those outside his -family.—_Ant._ XVI. 5. 4 (150-159). - -Footnote 118: - - Most MSS read: “even those who were less (_or_ least) honoured (by - him).” - -Footnote 119: - - Lit. “moderation.” - -Footnote 120: - - The Greek is difficult and the sense a little obscure. The phrase, - κακῶν ποριστὴν (lit. “provider of evils,” “purveyor of misfortunes to - his victims”), seems to be a reminiscence of Thuc. VIII. 48. - - - (20) Reflections on the Tragic Fate of Herod’s Sons - - - A quarrel extending over many years between Herod and his sons, - Alexander and Aristobulus, after a reconciliation had been effected - first by Augustus and then by others, ends in his putting them to - death on the charge of treason. - -[Sidenote: (?) 7 B.C.] - -Alexander and Aristobulus were then, by their father’s orders, removed -to Sebaste[121] and there strangled. Their bodies were conveyed by night -to Alexandrium,[122] where their mother’s father[123] and most of their -ancestors lay buried. - -Now some, perhaps, may not find it strange that a long cherished hatred -should grow so great as to surpass all bounds and overpower the natural -affections. Yet the apportionment of the guilt for so grave a crime may -well give pause for reflection. Should it be laid to the charge of the -youths that they drove their father to extremities[124] and by long and -persistent recalcitrance paved the way for their own ruin? Or was the -father himself the culprit—without feelings and so extravagant in his -lust for dominion and fame that he was prepared to sacrifice any -one[125] to ensure unquestioning obedience to his every whim? Or, again, -was it Fortune—Fortune whose power is mightier than any considerate -thought,[126] so that we believe that human actions are foreordained by -her by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Destiny, because we -think that nothing happens of which she is not the ultimate cause? - -It will suffice, I think,[127] merely to propound this last view as an -alternative to the other.[128] We do not thereby deprive ourselves[129] -of all free-will nor disclaim responsibility for acting in this way or -that in matters which long before our time have been elsewhere -philosophically treated in the Law. - -As between the two other alternatives, one might censure the lads, in -that, with youthful impetuosity and princely insolence, they tolerated -calumnies upon their father, and were no fair critics of the actions of -his life.[130] Malicious in their suspicions, and intemperate in speech, -they were on both grounds an easy prey to the flattering informers who -lay in wait for them. - -As for the father, his impious treatment of his sons seems to admit of -no extenuation. With no clear evidence of a plot, with no proof of any -preparations for an attempt on his life, he had the heart to slay his -own flesh and blood. Men of the noblest presence, the darlings of all -outside the family, proficient in their pursuits, whether hunting or -military exercises or discourse on everyday topics—they had all these -gifts, in particular Alexander, the elder of the two. Granted that he -had actually found them guilty, it would have been punishment enough to -confine them in prison or to banish them from the realm, without taking -their lives; he had the sure shield of the power of the Roman -Empire[131] to secure him from assault and violence. But to kill them -out of hand to gratify an overmastering passion was a clear case of -impiety beyond measure; this appalling crime was, moreover, the act of -an old man. The long struggle and procrastination cannot be urged in his -excuse. That a man taken by surprise should in a fit of excitement -commit some monstrous crime, though distressing, is an event of common -occurrence. But this deliberate and leisurely procedure—often to take -the deed in hand and as often to postpone it, and then at last to -undertake it and carry it through—that was the work of a murderous mind, -rooted in depravity. - -He displayed the same character in the sequel, when he did not stay his -hand even from those whom he held dearest of the remaining members of -his family.[132] In their case the justice of the sentence created less -sympathy for the victims, but the barbarity was the same as was shown in -his refusal of mercy to the others.—_Ant._ XVI. 11. 7 f. (394-404). - -Footnote 121: - - The rebuilt city of Samaria. - -Footnote 122: - - A fortress in Judæa. - -Footnote 123: - - An elder Alexander. - -Footnote 124: - - Text doubtful. - -Footnote 125: - - Reading, with Niese, παραλειπτέον, “thought that none should be left - (alive).” MSS παραληπτέον, which Whiston renders “would take no one - into partnership with him.” - -Footnote 126: - - Or perhaps “is superior to all wise calculation.” - -Footnote 127: - - Adopting the conjecture ὡς νομίζω for ὡς μείζω. The text and meaning - of this difficult passage are uncertain. - -Footnote 128: - - The doctrine of Free-will. - -Footnote 129: - - Or perhaps “... to the other, (under which) we do not deprive - ourselves.” - -Footnote 130: - - Or “of the actions which he took to protect his life.” - -Footnote 131: - - The _Romana potestas_. - -Footnote 132: - - With special reference to Antipater, Herod’s heir and afterwards his - victim. - - - (21) Herod’s Dying Provision for a National Mourning - - - With this passage we reach the N.T. period. The grim story of an - intended massacre, happily in this case averted, affords a parallel - to the Gospel story of the murder of the innocents. - - -[Sidenote: 4 B. C.] - -Now, although his sufferings seemed beyond human endurance, he did not -despair of recovery. He sent for physicians, and consented to try every -remedy which they prescribed. He crossed over the river Jordan, and -surrendered himself to treatment in the hot springs at Callirrhoe. These -waters, besides their general remedial properties, are fit to drink; -they debouch into the so-called Bituminous[133] Lake. Here, the -physicians deciding that a higher temperature was needed, he was placed -in a vat of oil. To this treatment he appeared to have succumbed, but -when his attendants fell to lamentation, he rallied, and now abandoning -all hope of recovery, gave orders that every soldier should be paid -fifty pieces of silver;[134] he made further large bequests to their -commanding officers and to his personal friends. Returning to Jericho, -he had an attack of black bile, which rendered him so savage with all -the world[135] that, although now nearing his end, he contrived the -scheme which I proceed to describe. - -By his orders, the principal men from every quarter of the entire Jewish -nation waited upon him. They came in large numbers, as the summons was -to the nation and was universally obeyed, death being the penalty for -disregard of the injunctions. For the king was mad with rage against all -alike, whether innocent or suspected of guilt. He then locked them all -up in the hippodrome, and sent for his sister Salome and her husband -Alexas. - -He told them that his bodily sufferings were now so great that death -could not be far off. Death could be borne, and came to all as a welcome -guest; but what grieved him most was the thought that he would lack the -lamentations and miss the mourning usually accorded to a king. He was -not blind to the feelings of the Jews, and knew what relief and intense -delight his death would bring them,[136] because, even in his lifetime, -they were always ready to rebel and to treat his projects with -contumely. “It is therefore your task,” he proceeded, “to resolve[137] -to afford me some alleviation of this particular pain. If you do not -refuse your consent to my wishes, I shall receive a great funeral, such -as no king ever had before me, and a heartfelt national lamentation for -my sport and delectation. When, therefore, you see that I have given up -the ghost, let the troops be drawn up round the hippodrome, still -unaware of my death—the news must not be published to the world till you -have done this—and the order given to shoot down the prisoners within -with their javelins. If you kill them all in this manner, you will -without fail do me a double favour. You will execute my dying -injunctions; you will also get me the honour of a memorable mourning.” - -Such was the charge which, with tears and supplication and appeals to -the loyalty due to a kinsman and their faith in God, he laid upon them, -and bade them preserve him from dishonour. And they promised not to fail -him. - -From these final injunctions even a friendly critic of the king’s -former actions, who attributed his treatment of his family to -self-preservation, might read the mind of the man and see how -destitute it was of every spark of humanity; since on the very verge -of his exit from life he could lay his plans for throwing the whole -nation into mourning and desolation for their nearest and dearest. For -his orders were to butcher one out of every household, men who had -done him no wrong and were not accused on any other ground; and these -orders were given at an hour when persons with any pretensions to -virtue commonly lay aside their rancour, even towards those whom they -justly regard as enemies.—_Ant._ XVII. 6. 5 f. (171-181). - -Footnote 133: - - Asphaltophoros (elsewhere Asphaltitis), _i.e._ the Dead Sea. - -Footnote 134: - - Gr. “drachmae.” The drachma was nearly the equivalent of the Lat. - _denarius_, in value a little less than the modern “franc.” - -Footnote 135: - - Or “in all his actions.” - -Footnote 136: - - In the parallel passage (_B.J._ I. 660), “I know that the Jews will - observe my death as a feast-day.” It has been thought that a festival - on the second of the month Shebat, of which the occasion is - unrecorded, may have commemorated Herod’s death. - -Footnote 137: - - Lit. “give your vote.” - - - - - V. ARCHELAUS AND PILATE - - - (22) Archelaus in Quest of a Kingdom - - - “A certain nobleman went into a far country, to receive for himself - a kingdom and to return.... But his citizens hated him, and sent an - ambassage after him, saying, We will not that this man reign over - us. And it came to pass, when he was come back again, having - received the kingdom.... Howbeit these mine enemies, which would not - that I should reign over them, bring hither, and slay them before - me” (Luke xix. 12 ff.). - - “There is little doubt that” this parable “was suggested by - contemporary history. The remarkable feature of the opposing embassy - makes the reference to Archelaus highly probable; and Jericho, which - he had enriched with buildings, would suggest his case as an - illustration” (Plummer). The fact that Archelaus came back with only - a provisional promise of kingship does not detract from the - probability. - - Herod’s death was the signal for a national outbreak against his - successor. A riot took place at Passover, [Sidenote: 4 B.C.] and - Archelaus left for Rome to have his title confirmed (Cf. the _Hist. - Atlas_ previously cited, Map 43). - -Archelaus then issued a proclamation that all should withdraw to their -homes. So they abandoned the feast and departed, for fear of worse -evils, although in their ignorant way they had shown boldness -enough.[138] - -Archelaus then went down to the sea-board with his mother; he took with -him also his friends Nicolaus,[139] Ptolemy and Ptolla.[140] He -committed the entire charge of his family and realm to his brother -Philip. There also sailed with him Salome, Herod’s sister, with her -children, and many of his relations; ostensibly to assist Archelaus to -obtain his kingdom, but in reality intending to oppose him, and in -particular to protest loudly against his proceedings in the -Temple.—_Ant._ XVII. 9. 3 (218-220). - - After the departure of Archelaus, Sabinus, the procurator of Judæa, - tries to get possession of Herod’s treasures in the Temple. - - - A Rival Claimant to the Kingdom - - -About this time Antipas, another of Herod’s sons, also set sail for -Rome, to make a rival claim to the throne, to which he was instigated to -aspire by Salome’s promises. He claimed that he had a much better right -than Archelaus to the succession, in virtue of his nomination as king in -Herod’s former will, which, in his opinion, had greater validity than -the later codicils. He took with him his mother and the brother of -Nicolaus, Ptolemy, one of Herod’s most honoured friends, and now a -staunch champion of Antipas. But the man who more than any other -prompted him to think of claiming the throne was Irenæus, a professional -speaker, who on account of his reputation for ability had been entrusted -with the administration of the realm. Thus supported, Antipas declined -to listen to those who advised him to make way for Archelaus as the -elder son and the one who had been declared king in their father’s later -will. - -When Antipas reached Rome, his relatives went over to him in a body; not -for love of Antipas, but from hatred of Archelaus. What they really -desired was to be free and placed under a Roman governor; but, if -anything prevented this, they thought Antipas would serve their ends -better than Archelaus, and therefore lent him their aid in his suit. -Another of Archelaus’s accusers was Sabinus in a letter addressed to -Cæsar.[141]—_Ant._ XVII. 9. 4 (224-227). - - Augustus holds a council and hears both sides; Antipater, son of - Salome, undertaking the prosecution, Nicolaus the defence, of - Archelaus. - -Here Nicolaus ended his harangue. Archelaus then fell on his knees -before Cæsar,[142] who graciously raised him up and declared that he was -very worthy of the kingdom; he showed, moreover, that he was strongly -inclined[143] to act only in accordance with the tenor of the will and -in the interests of Archelaus. Nothing, however, was decided which could -afford Archelaus any sure ground for confidence; and on the dismissal of -the assembly, the Emperor privately considered whether he should confirm -the kingdom to Archelaus or should divide it between the whole Herodian -family, as they all stood much in need of assistance. - -However, before any final settlement was reached on these matters, -Malthace, the mother of Archelaus, fell ill and died, and letters -arrived from Varus, the governor of Syria, announcing a revolt of the -Jews. For, after Archelaus had sailed, the whole nation was in an -uproar.—_Ant._ XVII. 9. 7-10. 1 (248-251). - - Passover had been the occasion of the former riot; this new - insurrection broke out at Pentecost. At this feast the Jews laid - siege to the Roman force in Jerusalem under Sabinus, who had - plundered the Temple treasury. During the fighting the porticoes of - the Temple were burnt down. Simultaneously various claimants to the - kingdom appeared in Judæa. The revolt was quelled by Varus, who - relieved Sabinus and crucified two thousand of the Jewish - ringleaders. - - - A Jewish Embassy to Rome asks for Autonomy - - -Meanwhile at Rome fresh troubles for Archelaus were arising out of the -following circumstances. An embassy of Jews came to Rome to petition for -autonomy, the nation having secured the sanction of Varus to the -mission. The ambassadors appointed by the resolution of the nation -numbered fifty; these were joined by upwards of eight thousand of the -Jews in Rome. Cæsar[144] summoned his friends and the leading Romans to -a meeting in the temple of Apollo, which he had founded at great -expense, and thither came the envoys with their crowd of local -compatriots, and Archelaus with his friends. As for King Herod’s -numerous relatives, their hatred of Archelaus would not allow them to -range themselves on his side, while they shrunk from voting with the -embassy against him, supposing that a show of alacrity in opposing one -of their own family would bring them into disgrace with Cæsar. - -A newcomer had now arrived from Syria, namely Philip. He came at the -instigation of Varus, primarily to advocate the cause of his brother, -who was a great friend of Varus; but there was the further motive that, -in the event of any revolutionary change in the government of the -kingdom—a change which Varus suspected would take the form of a -partition, because so many were bent on autonomy—Philip should not be -behind-hand in winning some portion for himself.—_Ant._ XVII. 11. 1 -(299-303). - - The deputation then present their indictment of Herod’s tyranny. - -The sum of their request was that they might be rid of the kingship and -other such forms of government and be added to Syria and made subject to -the authority of the (Roman) governors who were sent to that province; -if they were given milder rulers to preside over them, it would then be -apparent whether or no they were really seditious persons who made a -special study of revolutions.—_Ant._ XVII. 11. 2 (314). - - Nicolaus once more vindicates Herod and Archelaus. - - - The Emperor’s Decision - - -Cæsar, after hearing the case, dissolved the assembly. His decision was -given a few days later. He made Archelaus, not king, but ethnarch of -half the district which had been subject to Herod, and promised him the -reward of regal rank, if he displayed capacity for kingship. The other -half he divided into two portions[145] which he presented to two other -of Herod’s sons, namely Philip and Antipas, the latter of whom had been -the rival claimant with his brother Archelaus to the undivided monarchy. -Peræa and Galilee, producing an annual revenue of two hundred talents, -were made subject to Antipas. Batanæa with Trachonitis[146] and -Auranitis and a certain portion of the so-called estate[147] of -Zenodorus went to Philip and brought him in a hundred talents. Idumæa, -Judæa and Samaria became tributary to Archelaus. The last-named district -had a quarter of its taxes remitted by Imperial decree, the abatement -being a reward for its having taken no part in the national revolt. The -cities which were tributary to Archelaus were Strato’s Tower[148] and -Sebaste[149] with Joppa and Jerusalem; the Greek cities Gaza, Gadara and -Hippos were detached from his jurisdiction by the Emperor and added to -Syria. The annual revenue which accrued to Archelaus from the dominion -which he inherited was six hundred talents. - -Such were the portions of their father’s realm which came to Herod’s -sons. Salome, besides the legacy assigned to her in her brother’s -will—namely Jamnia, Azotus, Phasælis, and five hundred thousand -(drachmas)[150] of coined silver—was presented by Cæsar with the royal -palace at Ascalon. Her annual revenue from all sources was sixty -talents; her residence was within the domain of Archelaus. The other -relatives of the (deceased) king received the legacies named in the -will. To each of his two unmarried daughters, beside what their father -left them, Cæsar presented two hundred and fifty thousand -(drachmas)[151] of coined silver and gave them in marriage to the sons -of Pheroras. He further bestowed all that had been bequeathed to -himself, amounting to fifteen hundred talents, upon the king’s children, -reserving only a few vessels, which pleased him not so much for their -intrinsic value as because they served as memorials of the king.—_Ant._ -XVII. 11. 4 f. (317-323). - -Footnote 138: - - Or, perhaps, “Their lack of discipline, although they were bold enough - (counselled prudence).” - -Footnote 139: - - Nicolas of Damascus, minister and historian of Herod the Great. - -Footnote 140: - - _Var. lect._ “and many (others)” (πολλοὺς); in _B.J._ Poplas. - -Footnote 141: - - Augustus. - -Footnote 142: - - Augustus. - -Footnote 143: - - Reading ῥοπὴν (conj. Niese). With MS reading τροπὴν, “had been - strongly moved” by Nicolaus’s arguments. - -Footnote 144: - - Augustus. - -Footnote 145: - - “Two tetrarchies,” _B.J._ (parallel pass.). - -Footnote 146: - - Gr. “Trachon.” - -Footnote 147: - - Gr. “house.” - -Footnote 148: - - Cæsarea. - -Footnote 149: - - Samaria. - -Footnote 150: - - The unit is omitted in the Gr. - -Footnote 151: - - The unit is omitted in the Gr. - - -(23) Archelaus Deposed and his Territory added to the Roman Province of - Syria - - -Now in the tenth year of Archelaus’s rule, [Sidenote: A.D. 6] the -leading men of Judæa and Samaria, impatient of his cruel and tyrannical -conduct, laid an accusation against him before Cæsar;[152] they did so -with greater confidence, knowing that he had violated the Emperor’s -injunctions to be lenient in his dealings with his subjects. On hearing -the accusation Cæsar was indignant and sent for the agent of Archelaus’s -affairs in Rome, whose name also was Archelaus, and, disdaining to write -to Archelaus, said to him, “Take ship at once and bring him to us -without delay.” The agent accordingly embarked forthwith, reached Judæa, -found Archelaus feasting with his friends, communicated Cæsar’s will and -hurried him off. On his arrival, Cæsar, after hearing his defence in the -presence of certain of his accusers, sent him into banishment, -appointing Vienne, a city of Gaul, as his place of exile, and -confiscated his property.... - -The district which had been tributary to Archelaus was annexed[153] to -the province of Syria, and Quirinius, a man of consular rank, was sent -by Cæsar to take a valuation of the property in Syria and to sell the -personal estate[154] of Archelaus.—_Ant._ XVII. 13. 2, 5 (342-344, 355). - -Footnote 152: - - Augustus. - -Footnote 153: - - Or perhaps “the district of A. was annexed and made tributary.” - -Footnote 154: - - Gr. “house.” - - -(24) The Revolt of Judas “in the days of the enrolment” under Quirinius - - - “After this man rose up Judas of Galilee in the days of the - enrolment and drew away people after him” (Acts v. 37). Josephus - here narrates the story of the revolt in the year A.D. 6, to which - Gamaliel alludes in his speech in the Sanhedrin as reported in the - Acts. See Appendix, Note I, for the relation of this enrolment to - “the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria” - (Luke ii. 2); also Note IV (“Theudas and Judas”). - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 6-7] - -Now Quirinius, a Roman senator, and one who had held all the subordinate -offices, passing through each grade[155] until he reached the consulate, -and a man of high reputation on other grounds, came with a small retinue -to Syria, being sent by Cæsar[156] as judicial administrator of the -nation and assessor of the national property. With him was sent -Coponius, a man of equestrian rank, as governor of the Jews with supreme -powers. Quirinius also visited Judæa, now an appanage of the province of -Syria, to take a valuation of the Jews’ property and to sell the estate -of Archelaus. - -The Jews, although they were indignant when they first heard of the -proposed enrolments, under the influence of the high priest Joazar, son -of Boethus, condescended to desist from further opposition; they yielded -to his advice and, without more scruple, set about valuing their -estates. But one Judas, a Gaulanite, from a city called Gamala,[157] -with a confederate, Zadok a Pharisee, was for rushing into revolt. They -asserted that the valuation meant nothing less than the introduction of -downright slavery,[158] and exhorted the nation to rally in defence of -their liberty. “If,” they said, “our possessions are devoted to the -common weal, success may be ours; if, after all, we are robbed of this -asset, we shall win honour and a reputation for magnanimity. God, who -looks for man’s co-operation to achieve His purposes, will be much more -ready to assist us, if we do not shirk the toil entailed by the great -cause which we have at heart.” - -Their words found willing hearers, and the daring enterprise[159] made -great strides. Indeed, every form of disaster took its origin from these -men; the infection which they brought into the nation passes -description. - - Josephus proceeds to trace all the horrors of the Jewish War, - culminating in the burning of the Temple, to “the fourth sect” (or - “philosophy”) introduced by Judas and Zadok, _i. e._ the sect of the - Zealots. Then follows a digression on the Jewish sects, see § (55), - below. - - -Quirinius had now disposed of Archelaus’s estate and the census -registrations were ended. This census took place in the thirty-seventh -year after Cæsar’s[160] victory over Antony at Actium. [Sidenote: 31 -B.C.] Joazar the high priest became the victim of popular opposition, -and Quirinius deprived him of his honourable post, and appointed Ananus, -son of Sethi, in his place. - -Herod and Philip now took over their respective tetrarchies and entered -on office. Herod built walls for the city of Sepphoris—the chief -ornament of all Galilee—and called it Autocratoris;[161] another city, -Betharamphtha, he enclosed in the same way and called it Julias after -the name of the Emperor’s consort.[162] Philip restored Paneas at the -sources of the Jordan and renamed it Cæsarea;[163] he also promoted the -village of Bethsaida on the Lake of Gennesaret to the rank of a city, -increasing its population[164] and general opulence, and gave it the -name of the Emperor’s daughter Julia.—_Ant._ XVIII. 1. 1 and 2. 1 (1-6, -26-28). - -Footnote 155: - - The so-called _decursus honorum_. - -Footnote 156: - - Augustus. - -Footnote 157: - - On the east of the Sea of Galilee. In _B.J._ (parallel pass.) he is - called “a Galilæan” as in Acts v. 37. - -Footnote 158: - - Modelled on Thuc. I. 122, “defeat means nothing but downright slavery” - (Jowett; speech of the Corinthians urging Sparta to take up arms - against Athens). - -Footnote 159: - - So Niese (ἐπιβολὴ); MSS “plot” (ἐπιβουλὴ). - -Footnote 160: - - _i. e._ Augustus. - -Footnote 161: - - _i.e._ “Imperial” (city). - -Footnote 162: - - Julia. - -Footnote 163: - - Cæsarea Philippi (Matt. xvi. 13; Mark viii. 27). - -Footnote 164: - - Or, perhaps, “because of its large population.” - - - (25) Pilate offends Jewish susceptibilities in the matter of (i) the - Emperor’s busts, (ii) the Corban money - - -Now Pilate, the governor[165] of Judæa, having occasion to transfer -[Sidenote: _c._ A.D. 26] a (Roman) army from Cæsarea into winter -quarters in Jerusalem, conceived the idea of annulling Jewish -legislation by bringing within the city walls the Emperor’s busts which -were attached to the standards; whereas the very making of images is -forbidden us by the Law.[166] For this reason former governors used to -make their entry into the city with standards from which these ornaments -were absent. Pilate was the first to bring the images into Jerusalem and -erect them there. This was done without the knowledge of the citizens -because the army entered by night. As soon as they knew of it, they came -in crowds to Cæsarea, and for many days petitioned for the removal of -the images. Pilate stood firm, because to comply would be[167] -tantamount to high treason against Cæsar, and on the sixth day, the Jews -still persisting in their entreaties, he placed an armed force under -cover and came in person to the judgement-seat; this had been set up in -the race-course, where he had the soldiers concealed[168] in ambush. -When the Jews once more presented their petition, at a given signal he -had a cordon of soldiers round them and threatened to punish them with -instant death if they did not desist from their uproar and depart to -their homes. Thereupon they flung themselves on their faces and bared -their necks and said that they would gladly welcome death rather than -venture to transgress the wise ordinances[169] of their laws. Pilate -marvelled at their obstinacy in the observance of their laws, and -forthwith had the images taken back from Jerusalem to Cæsarea. - -On another occasion he expended the consecrated funds[170] on the -construction of (an aqueduct for) conveying water to Jerusalem, -bringing it from a distance of two hundred furlongs.[171] The Jews -were dissatisfied with his action in this matter, and many -thousands[172] of them assembled and raised an outcry against him, -requiring him to abandon his project; some, as is the way of a mob, -even proceeded to rail at and insult the man. Pilate thereupon dressed -a large body of soldiers in Jewish garb, under which they carried -clubs, and stationed them where they could surround the Jews, whom he -then ordered to retire. When these began to revile him, he gave the -soldiers the prearranged signal; and they laid about them with a -severity much greater than Pilate had ordered, punishing -indiscriminately those who had taken part in the riot and those who -had not. (The Jews resisted with no lack of spirit)[173]; and so, -caught, as they were, unarmed by assailants equipped for the purpose, -many of them fell and were left to die on the spot, while others -escaped with wounds. Thus ended the insurrection.—_Ant._ XVIII. 3. 1 -f. (55-62). - -Footnote 165: - - ἡγεμὼν: more exactly “procurator,” as in _B.J._ parallel pass. - (ἐπίτροπος). - -Footnote 166: - - Ex. xx. 4; Deut. iv. 16, etc. - -Footnote 167: - - Or “their request was.” - -Footnote 168: - - Conj. Niese; MSS “which concealed the soldiers.” - -Footnote 169: - - Gr. “wisdom.” - -Footnote 170: - - “the sacred treasure called corban” (or “corbon”), _B.J._ - -Footnote 171: - - Gr. στάδια. _B.J._ has “400 (_v.l._ 300) furlongs.” - -Footnote 172: - - Gr. “myriads.” - -Footnote 173: - - With the MS reading οἱ δ᾽; with Niese’s conjecture οὐδ᾽ we should - translate, in the previous sentence, “indiscriminately and - relentlessly,” and omit the bracketed words. - - - (26) Jesus Christ[174] - - -Now about this time lived Jesus, a wise man, if indeed he should be -called a man. For he was a doer of marvellous acts, a teacher of such -men as receive the truth with pleasure; and he won over to himself many -Jews and many also of the Greek nation. He was the Christ.[175] And -when, on the indictment of the principal men among us, Pilate had -sentenced him to the cross, yet did not those who had loved him at the -first cease (to do so); for he appeared to them alive again on the third -day, as the divine prophets had declared—these and ten thousand other -wonderful things—concerning him. And even now the race[176] of -Christians, so named from him, is not extinct.—_Ant._ XVIII. 3. 3 (63 -f.). - -Footnote 174: - - On the authenticity of this passage see Appendix, Note II. - -Footnote 175: - - Or “the Messiah.” - -Footnote 176: - - Or “tribe” (φῦλον). - - - (27) Tiberius expels all Jews from Rome - - - A precedent for the similar action of Claudius, which brought - Aquila and Priscilla to Corinth (Acts xviii. 2). Suetonius alludes - to this order of Tiberius: “He repressed foreign religious - ceremonies—Egyptian and Jewish rites—compelling their devotees to - burn their sacred vestments with all their paraphernalia. Under - pretext of their military oath, he distributed the younger Jews - over provinces with an insalubrious climate; others of the same - race, or followers of kindred religions, he removed from the city, - under penalty for disobedience of servitude for life” (Tiberius, § - 36). - -I revert to the story, which I promised to tell, of what befell the Jews -in Rome at this time. - -A Jew, who was a thorough rascal, had been driven from his country by an -accusation of transgressing certain laws and by fear of consequent -punishment. He was then living in Rome, where he professed to expound -the inner meaning[177] of the laws of Moses, and took into partnership -three men with characters exactly resembling his own. Fulvia, a lady of -rank and a proselyte to Judaism, became their disciple, and was induced -by them to send a present of purple (cloth) and gold to the Temple at -Jerusalem. Having obtained possession of these articles, they -appropriated them to their own use to defray their private -expenses;[178] which in fact was the original object of their request. -Fulvia lodged a complaint with her husband Saturninus; he reported the -matter to Tiberius, his friend; and Tiberius ordered the whole Jewish -(colony) to quit Rome. The consuls enlisted four thousand of them and -drafted them to the island of Sardinia, inflicting penalties on a very -large number who refused military service in deference to their -ancestral laws. Thus, through the wickedness of four men, were the Jews -expelled from the city.—_Ant._ XVIII. 3. 4 f. (80-84). - -Footnote 177: - - Gr. “wisdom.” - -Footnote 178: - - Text a little uncertain. - - - (28) Pilate Sent to Rome for Trial - - - An impostor promises to show the Samaritans the sacred vessels - buried by Moses under Mount Gerizim. Crowds assemble at a village, - Tirathana, at the foot of the mountain, to make the ascent. - -[Sidenote: A.D. 36] - -Pilate, however, forestalled their ascent by despatching a force of -cavalry and heavy-armed infantry, who attacked the multitude assembled -in readiness in the village, and in the ensuing engagement killed some, -routed others, and took a large number of prisoners. The chief prisoners -and the most influential of the fugitives were put to death by Pilate. - -When the tumult was quelled, the Samaritan council approached Vitellius, -the governor of Syria, of consular rank, with accusations against Pilate -for his butchery of the victims. They said that the object of the -expedition to Tirathana was not revolt from Rome, but to seek refuge -from Pilate’s insolence. Vitellius thereupon sent Marcellus, a friend of -his, to take over the administration of Judæa, and ordered Pilate to -depart for Rome, to render his account to the Emperor of the charges -brought against him by the Samaritans. Pilate, accordingly—after ten -years’ residence in Judæa—went in haste to Rome on the instructions of -Vitellius, which he must needs obey. [Sidenote: A.D. 37] But before he -reached Rome, Tiberius was no more.—_Ant._ XVIII. 4. 1 f. (87-89.) - - Josephus proceeds to tell how Vitellius went up to Jerusalem and - pacified the Jews by restoring to them the custody of the high - priest’s vestments, recently in Roman hands. Also how he deposed the - high priest “Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas.” Thus the three responsible - authorities for the trial of our Lord—the Emperor, Pilate and - Caiaphas—quit the scene simultaneously. After the next extract, we - pass from the period of the Gospel history to the period covered by - the Acts. - - - - - VI. THE LATER HERODS - - - (29) Herod the Tetrarch: his Marriage with Herodias and Murder of John - the Baptist[179] - - -Now about this time a quarrel arose between Aretas king of Petra[180] -and Herod on the following ground. Herod the Tetrarch married the -daughter of Aretas and had now lived with her a long time. On the eve of -a journey to Rome he lodged in the house of Herod, his half-brother on -the father’s side; the mother of this Herod was the daughter of Simon -the high priest. There he fell in love with Herodias his brother’s wife -(she was the daughter of their brother Aristobulus and sister of Agrippa -the Great[181]) and had the effrontery to propose marriage. She met his -advances and a compact was made that she should leave her home and come -to him on his return from Rome; it was part of the compact that he -should divorce the daughter of Aretas. The agreement settled, he set -sail for Rome. On his return, after discharging his commission in that -city, his wife, who had got wind of the compact with Herodias, bade her -husband, who was still unaware that she knew all, send her away to -Machærus—on the frontier between the dominions of Aretas and -Herod—without revealing her intentions. Herod, accordingly, let her go, -not suspecting that the poor woman had any inkling of the plot. She, -however, had long since sent word to Machærus, which at that time[182] -was subject to her father, and so found that the general in command[183] -there had everything in readiness for her (intended) journey. No sooner, -therefore, had she arrived (at Machærus) than she was off again into -Arabia, escorted by one general after another in turn, and so reached -her father post haste and told him of Herod’s intentions. - -Aretas seized this occasion for hostilities and also for raising the -question of frontiers in the region of Gamala;[184] the two belligerents -mustered their armies and opened war, sending their generals as their -representatives in the field. A battle took place in which the whole of -Herod’s army was cut to pieces as the result of the defection of a -contingent from Philip’s tetrarchy which enlisted with Herod’s forces -and then deserted. Herod reported the matter to Tiberius, who was -indignant at the aggression of Aretas and wrote instructions to -Vitellius to go to war with him and either to take him alive and bring -him a prisoner to Rome or to kill him and send him his head. Such were -the injunctions of Tiberius to the governor of Syria. - - * * * * * - -Some of the Jews, however, regarded the destruction of Herod’s army as -the work of God, who thus exacted very just retribution for John, -surnamed the Baptist, Herod’s victim. John was a good man who bade the -Jews first cultivate virtue by justice[185] towards each other and piety -towards God, and so to come to baptism; for immersion,[186] he said, -would only appear acceptable to God if practised, not as an expiation -for specific offences, but for the purification of the body, when the -soul had been already thoroughly cleansed by righteousness. Now when all -men[187] listened to his words with the greatest delight and flocked to -him, Herod feared that the powerful influence which he exercised over -men’s minds—for they seemed ready for any action which he advised—might -lead to some form of revolt. He therefore decided to put him to death -before any revolution arose through him. To forestall events appeared -far better policy than a belated repentance when plunged in the turmoil -of an insurrection. And so, through Herod’s suspicions, John was sent as -a prisoner to Machærus, the fortress already mentioned, and there put to -death. The Jews supposed that the destruction of Herod’s army was the -penalty expressly inflicted upon him by God to avenge John.... - - The following extract supplies the name of “the daughter of - Herodias” who appears in Mark vi. 22 ff. - -Now Herodias their sister married Herod, the son of Herod the Great by -Mariamne the daughter of Simon the high priest. They had a daughter -Salome, after whose birth Herodias, in defiance of our country’s laws, -married Herod, the Tetrarch of Galilee and half-brother of her husband, -during the lifetime of her husband, whom she divorced. Her daughter -Salome married Philip, the Tetrarch of Trachonitis and son of -Herod.—_Ant._ XVIII. 5. 1 f., 4 (109-119, 136 f.). - -Footnote 179: - - See Appendix, Note III. - -Footnote 180: - - Or “(Arabia) Petræa.” - -Footnote 181: - - Herod Agrippa I. - -Footnote 182: - - Slight emendation (τότε) of the MS reading τῷ τε (“and to him who was - subject...”). - -Footnote 183: - - Or “governor.” - -Footnote 184: - - Possibly a lacuna in the text. - -Footnote 185: - - Or “righteousness.” - -Footnote 186: - - Gr. βάπτισις; in the previous clause βαπτισμός. - -Footnote 187: - - Text uncertain; MSS “the rest.” - - - (30) How Herod Agrippa became King and Herod the Tetrarch lost his - Tetrarchy - - - The story of Herod Agrippa’s rise to power is dramatic. Brought up - at Rome with Drusus, the son of Tiberius, he squandered his money in - extravagant living. Returning a penniless prodigal to Palestine and - on the verge of suicide, he was patronized by Herod the Tetrarch and - his wife Herodias. Becoming involved in fresh difficulties, he - borrowed money for his passage and returned to Rome. There he paid - court to the future Emperor Gaius (Caligula), was arrested by - Tiberius for treason, and spent the last six months of Tiberius’s - reign in prison. - -Tiberius survived his appointment of Gaius as his successor only a few -days, [Sidenote: A.D. 37] and then died after a reign of twenty-two -years, five months and three days. Gaius was the fourth of the Emperors. -The Romans, on learning of the death of Tiberius, rejoiced at the good -news, but could not bring themselves to believe it; not because they did -not desire it, for they would have given large sums of money for -confirmation of the report, but from fear that, if the news proved false -and they exhibited their joy prematurely, they would be slanderously -accused and lose their lives. For no other Roman ever treated the -patrician class so cruelly as did Tiberius. Quick to take offence and -relentless in action against any who, even without reason, had incurred -his hatred, he was savage with all whom he sentenced, and imposed the -death penalty for the slightest offences. And so, while the rumour of -his death found ready listeners, they were restrained from indulging -their satisfaction to the full by dread of the ills which they foresaw -if their hopes proved false. - -Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freedman, on hearing of Tiberius’s death, ran in -haste to tell Agrippa the good news. He found him just going out to the -bath, and beckoning to him, said in the Hebrew tongue, “The lion is -dead.” At once grasping his meaning and overcome with joy at the -tidings, he replied, “All my blessings be upon you for all your services -and for this welcome news! Only may your words prove true!” The -centurion, who kept guard over Agrippa, when he saw in what haste -Marsyas came and how delighted Agrippa was with his message, suspected -some startling intelligence[188] and asked them what was the subject of -their conversation. For a while they prevaricated, but, as he insisted, -Agrippa, who was now on friendly terms with him, told him outright. The -centurion joined with them in welcoming the news, because it was to -Agrippa’s advantage, and invited him to dinner. But as they were -feasting and drinking merrily, there came one who said that Tiberius was -alive and would return in a few days to the city. At this announcement -the centurion was sorely perplexed, because he had been guilty of a -capital offence both in sharing his table with a prisoner and in -rejoicing at the news of the Emperor’s death. He pushed Agrippa from his -seat and said: “Do you think to cheat me with this lying story of the -Emperor’s death and that you are not going to answer for it with your -own head?” With these words he ordered that Agrippa, whose chains he had -loosed, should be bound again, and kept him under stricter guard than -before. In this wretched condition Agrippa passed that night. - -But on the morrow the rumour increased, and it was confidently affirmed -throughout the city that Tiberius was dead; men now had the courage to -speak of it openly, some even offered sacrifices. Letters also came from -Gaius, one to the Senate announcing Tiberius’s death and his own -accession, and another to Piso, the city warden, to the same effect, and -accompanied by orders for the removal of Agrippa from the camp to the -house in which he was lodging before his imprisonment. Henceforth -Agrippa lived in security; he was still under watch and ward, but -enjoyed considerable freedom.[189] - -But when Gaius reached Rome with the corpse of Tiberius, after giving it -a costly funeral in accordance with the laws of his country, he was -anxious to set Agrippa at liberty that very day. Antonia,[190] however, -restrained him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but with an eye -to propriety on the part of Gaius; she feared he would produce the -impression of welcoming the decease of Tiberius if he were instantly to -release one of his prisoners. Not many days elapsed, however, before -Gaius sent to his house to fetch him, had his hair cut and his raiment -changed, and then set the diadem on his head and appointed him king over -Philip’s[191] tetrarchy; he also conferred upon him the tetrarchy of -Lysanias. In exchange for his iron chain he gave him a golden one of the -same weight.... - - Herod the Tetrarch is instigated by his wife Herodias to emulate - Agrippa and go in quest of similar fortune to Rome. The result was - disastrous. He was found guilty of conspiracy and sent into exile, - Herodias sharing his fate. It will suffice to quote the end of the - story. - -... Herod admitted that he had the arms in his armoury; he could not do -otherwise as the facts were there to confute him. Gaius, accordingly, -accepting this as proof of the accusation of conspiracy, deprived him of -his tetrarchy, which he added to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also presented -the latter with Herod’s wealth. He further punished Herod by banishing -him for life, appointing Lugdunum,[192] a city of Gaul, as his place of -abode.—_Ant._ XVIII. 6. 10-7. 2 (224-252). - -Footnote 188: - - Or, possibly, “suspected the use of a strange language,” viz. Hebrew. - -Footnote 189: - - Cf. Acts. xxiv. 23, where the same word ἄνεσις (R.V. “indulgence”) - occurs; Moulton-Milligan (_Vocab. of Gr. Test._) suggest “a kind of - _libera custodia_.” - -Footnote 190: - - The grandmother of Gaius and wife of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius. - -Footnote 191: - - Philip had recently died. - -Footnote 192: - - Lyons. - - - (31) Petronius and the Statue of Gaius - - - The crisis produced by the mad order of the Emperor Gaius (Caligula) - to have his statue erected in the Temple at Jerusalem nearly - precipitated a Jewish war. Some have seen an allusion to this - incident in St. Paul’s description of “the man of sin” (2 Thess. ii. - 4, “so that he sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth - as God”): “but though the sacrilegious conduct of Caligula ... may - have influenced the writer’s language in _v._ 4, the real roots of - the conception lie elsewhere” (Milligan, _Thess._, p. 164). - - The favourable portrait given of the Roman governor, who was placed - in a very difficult position, may be compared with similar portraits - in St. Luke’s writings. - -[Sidenote: _c._ A.D. 40-41] - -Gaius, indignant at being thus slighted by the Jews and by them alone, -sent Petronius to Syria as his lieutenant to take over the governorship -of Vitellius, with instructions to advance into Judæa with a large force -and to erect his statue in the temple of God. The order was in any case -to be executed; if they admitted the statue without demur, well and -good; if they showed themselves recalcitrant, he was to overcome their -resistance by resort to arms.... - - At Ptolemais Petronius was met by crowds of petitioners who - stubbornly refused to submit. Similar scenes were repeated at - Tiberias for forty critical days in the agricultural year, during - which all sowing operations were neglected. The multitude were - supported by Aristobulus, brother of Herod Agrippa, and other - leading men. Petronius, moved by this unanimous national protest, - decided to lay the case before the Emperor. - -Such was the request which Aristobulus and his followers made to -Petronius. Petronius, on his side, was influenced partly by the -importunity of Aristobulus and the leaders, who, considering the great -issues at stake, left no stone unturned to press their suit, partly by -the spectacle of the stubborn and solid front presented by the Jewish -opposition. He shrank from the thought of putting to death, as the -instrument of Gaius’s madness, such myriads of men, solely on the ground -of their reverence of God, and of spending the rest of his life in -remorse.[193] It was far better, he thought, to write to Gaius (and -inform him of) their desperate determination.[194] The Emperor might be -enraged with him for not having executed his orders at once; again, he -might conceivably convince him. If Gaius still adhered to his original -mad resolution, he (Petronius) would then make war on the Jews without -further delay. But if, after all, his anger was partly directed against -himself, to die for so vast a multitude of one’s fellow-creatures was -honourable in the eyes of those who aspired to heroism.[195] He decided -accordingly to give way to the appeal.... - - Petronius informs the petitioners of his intention to write to - Gaius. - -After this speech Petronius dismissed the assembled Jews, bidding those -in authority to see that agricultural operations were resumed and to -conciliate the people with hopes of a successful issue. But now, while -he was doing his best to cheer the multitude, God made known to -Petronius His presence[196] and assistance in furthering the whole -scheme. For no sooner had he ended his address to the Jews than God -forthwith sent a great rain. This was contrary to general expectation, -as the morning of that day had been fine and the sky showed no sign of a -shower; moreover, the whole year had been subject to such drought as to -make men despair of any rainfall even when they saw the heavens -overcast. So, when now at length there came a great downpour, contrary -to experience and to all expectation, the Jews had hopes of Petronius’s -success in his petition on their behalf, while Petronius was astounded -when he saw God’s evident care for the Jews, and how He had given so -signal a manifestation of Himself as to leave even those who had -intended to defy Him openly no possibility of contradiction.... - - Meanwhile, in Rome, Gaius’ friend, Herod Agrippa, had prevailed on - the Emperor to desist from his purpose. Gaius thereupon - counter-ordered his previous instructions, but on receipt of - Petronius’s appeal wrote him an angry letter, advising him, in view - of his disregard of orders, “to judge for himself what course he - should take,” _i. e._ to commit suicide. - -Such was the letter which Gaius wrote to Petronius; but it did not reach -him in the Emperor’s lifetime, the messengers entrusted with it having -so slow a passage that before it arrived [Sidenote: January A.D. 41] -Petronius received other letters which told him that Gaius was dead. -God, as the event proved, was not to forget the risks which Petronius -had run on behalf of the Jews and His own honour, but was to pay him his -reward by removing Gaius, in indignation at his daring action in -claiming divine worship for himself. Petronius, moreover, was -supported[197] by the good-will of Rome and of all the magistrates, in -particular the most eminent senators, because Gaius had treated them -with unmitigated severity. - -The Emperor died not long after writing to Petronius the letter which -was intended to be his death-warrant. The cause of his death and the -manner of the plot I shall relate in the course of my work. Petronius -received first the letter announcing the death of Gaius, and shortly -afterwards the other with the order to put himself to death. He was -delighted at the happy coincidence of Gaius’s end and marvelled at the -providence of God, who instantly and without delay gave him his reward -for his regard for the Temple and for his assistance to the Jews in -their hour of danger. Thus easily, in a way which none would have -conjectured, did Petronius escape the peril of death.—_Ant._ XVIII. 8. -2, etc. (261, 276-8, 284-6, 305-9). - -Footnote 193: - - Lit. “with bad hope.” - -Footnote 194: - - The text is uncertain in this and the next sentence. Probably some - words have fallen out. - -Footnote 195: - - The phrase, “those with pretensions to virtue,” is borrowed from Thuc. - II. 51. I adopt Jowett’s rendering. - -Footnote 196: - - So the Epitome and Latin VS. (παρουσίαν); the Gr. MSS have “frankness” - (παρρησίαν). - -Footnote 197: - - Text doubtful. - - - (32) Herod Agrippa’s Kingdom enlarged by Claudius - - -Cf. Map 44 in the _Historical Atlas_ above cited. - -[Sidenote: A.D. 41] - -Claudius lost no time in discharging all suspected units of the forces. -He then issued a decree, in which he confirmed to Agrippa the kingdom -which he had received from Gaius and highly commended the king. -Moreover, he added to his realm all the territory over which his -grandfather Herod had reigned, namely Judæa and Samaria.[198] Beside -these districts, which he restored to him as his hereditary due, he -added from his own domain Abila, which had once belonged to -Lysanias,[199] and all the mountain region of Lebanon. He ratified these -gifts by a solemn treaty with Agrippa in the middle of the forum in the -city of Rome.—_Ant._ XIX. 5. 1 (274 f.). - -Footnote 198: - - _B.J._ (parallel passage) adds “Trachonitis and Auranitis.” - -Footnote 199: - - Killed _c._ 34 B.C.; Lysanias of Abilene (Luke iii. 1.) was probably a - descendant. - - - (33) Death of Herod Agrippa - - - This should be compared with the account in Acts xii. 19-23. St. - Luke differs from Josephus in representing the scene as a court of - judgement, instead of a theatre. - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 44] - -Agrippa had completed the third year of his reign over (all)[200] Judæa -when he came to the city of Cæsarea, formerly called Strato’s Tower. -There he exhibited spectacles in Cæsar’s honour, at a festival which he -had instituted[201] to commemorate the preservation of the Emperor’s -life, and a great multitude of the provincial magistrates and men of -rank was assembled for the occasion. - -On the second day of the performance he entered the theatre at daybreak, -arrayed in a wonderfully woven robe made entirely of silver; whereupon -the silver, caught by the first rays of the sun, was lit up and -glittered in a marvellous manner, with dazzling flashes that struck -terror and awe into the onlookers. His flatterers straightway, from one -quarter and another, raised cries, which even to him seemed ill-omened, -calling him a god and adding, “O be gracious! If hitherto we have feared -thee as a man, from henceforth we own thee as of more than mortal -nature.” The king neither rebuked them nor rejected their impious -adulation; but not long after he looked up and saw the owl sitting on a -rope above his head, and at once recognized the former bringer of good -tidings as now the messenger of ill.[202] Pangs pierced his heart; a -spasm of pain with violent onset shot straight to[203] his stomach. -Leaping up[204] he addressed his friends: “I, your god, even now receive -orders to quit this life; destiny at the instant confutes those lying -voices which this moment filled my ears; I, whom you called immortal, am -already being led off to die. But I must accept such fate as it has -pleased God to send me; for my[205] life has been no ignoble one, but -passed in blissful splendour.” - -As he spoke these words intense pain prostrated him. He was quickly -carried into the palace, and a report ran through the assembly that his -death was certainly imminent. At once the multitude, including women and -children, according to their national custom sat in[206] sackcloth and -besought God for the king’s life, and the whole scene was one of wailing -and lamentation. The king himself, who lay in a chamber above, as he -looked down and saw them falling on their faces, could not restrain his -tears. For five days he was racked continuously by abdominal pains, and -so departed this life in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the -seventh of his reign. He reigned [Sidenote: A.D. 37-40] four years under -Gaius Cæsar, during three of them over Philip’s tetrarchy, while in the -fourth [Sidenote: A.D. 40-1] he took over that of Herod[207] as well; -and three more years [Sidenote: A.D. 41-44] under the Emperor Claudius -Cæsar, having Judæa, Samaria and Cæsarea added to his former -realm.—_Ant._ XIX. 8. 2 (343-351). - -Footnote 200: - - Lat. VS. omits. - -Footnote 201: - - With a slight emendation of the text of the MSS (ἐπιστησάμενος for - ἐπιστάμενος). - -Footnote 202: - - The reference is to an incident in the earlier life of Agrippa, when a - prisoner at Rome under Tiberius. A fellow-prisoner, a German, seeing - an owl sitting on a tree against which Agrippa was leaning, had - foretold his rise to power, adding a warning: “Remember when you see - this bird again, you will have but five days to live” (_Ant._ XVIII. - 6. 7). Eusebius, in citing the present passage (_H.E._ II. 10), omits - the words “the owl” and “on a rope,” writing “saw _an angel_ sitting - above his head,” no doubt under the influence of Acts xii. 23 (ἄγγελος - Κυρίου). - -Footnote 203: - - Reading προσίθυσεν. - -Footnote 204: - - Many MSS have “looking up” (ἀναθεωρῶν for ἀναθορὼν). - -Footnote 205: - - Lit. “our.” - -Footnote 206: - - Lit. “on.” - -Footnote 207: - - Antipas. - - - (34) The Story of King Izates and his mother Helena - - - The pleasing story of the conversion to Judaism of Helena, Queen of - Adiabene (in the upper Tigris region), and her son Izates in two - particulars illustrates the narrative of the _Acts_. The famine at - Jerusalem which was the occasion of the charitable services of the - Queen was that “which came to pass in the days of Claudius” (A.D. - 41-54), and led the Antiochene Christians to send similar relief by - the hands of Barnabas and Saul (Acts xi. 28-30). Again, it is - interesting to read of the conflicting opinions of Jewish Rabbis as - to the necessity for circumcision in a proselyte to Judaism. The - same question, with relation to converts to Christianity, was soon - to come to the front in the councils of the infant church (Acts - xv.). - - -Izates, on hearing that his mother found such great delight in the -Jewish observances, was eager on his part to become a convert to that -religion; and, supposing that he could not be a thorough Jew unless he -were circumcised, he was prepared to take the necessary action. His -mother, however, on learning his intention, tried to prevent him, and -told him that he would bring himself into peril. He was a king and would -create great ill-will among his subjects, when they learnt of his -devotion to customs that were strange and alien to them; they would -never tolerate a Jew as their king. Thus she spoke, trying by every -means to dissuade him from his purpose; and he referred for counsel on -her words to Ananias.[208] Ananias took the mother’s side and threatened -to leave Izates if he did not obey her.[209] He said he feared that, if -the matter became public, he would run the risk of being punished -himself as the responsible party who had instructed the king in unseemly -practices. He added that, if he was fully determined to follow[210] the -Jews’ ancestral customs, he might worship God[211] even without being -circumcised; worship was more essential than circumcision; and God -Himself would forgive him because the omission of the act was due to -necessity and fear of his subjects. So for the time the king was -persuaded. But he had not altogether relinquished his desire, when there -came, later on, another Jew from Galilee, named Eleazar, with a -reputation for the strictest observance of the customs of his fathers, -and prevailed on him to do the deed. For, on entering to salute the -king, Eleazar found him reading the Law of Moses, and said: “In your -ignorance, O king, you are sinning grievously against the laws and -thereby against God. It behoves you not merely to read them but even -more to do what they command. How long will you remain uncircumcised? If -you have not yet read the law concerning this matter, read it now, that -you may know what impiety is yours.” - -On hearing this speech the king delayed no longer; he withdrew to -another room, summoned his physician, carried out the injunctions, and -sent for his mother and his instructor Ananias and announced that he had -done the deed. And they were at once filled with dismay and fear beyond -measure, lest the king should be convicted of the deed and risk the loss -of his kingdom (since his subjects would not endure a devotee of foreign -customs as their ruler), and they themselves should be in jeopardy as -responsible for his action. However, as the sequel showed, God was to -prevent their fears from being realized. Great perils, indeed, befell -Izates and his children, but God delivered them, providing a way out of -their extremities to salvation, thereby showing that those who look to -Him and believe in Him only do not lose the fruit of their piety. But we -shall tell this story hereafter. - - * * * * * - -Now Helena the Queen-mother, seeing the kingdom at peace and her son -blessed and envied of all men, even by those of other nations, because -the providence of God was upon him, had a desire to visit the city of -Jerusalem, to do reverence to the Temple of God that was renowned among -all men and to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving. So she entreated her -son’s permission; and he very willingly consented to his mother’s -request, and made large preparations for her sending off and gave her -abundance of money; and she went down to the city of Jerusalem, her son -accompanying her a good way. - -Now [Sidenote: _c._ A.D. 44-48] her arrival was very timely to them of -Jerusalem; for, as their city at that time was oppressed by a famine and -many of the inhabitants were perishing for lack of means to buy -food,[212] Queen Helena sent some of her retinue to Alexandria to -purchase corn at a great price, and others to Cyprus to bring a cargo of -dried figs. Then, when they had returned with all speed bringing their -purchases, she distributed food to the destitute. By this beneficent act -she has left to our whole nation the highest remembrance of herself. Her -son Izates, likewise, on hearing of the famine, sent large sums of money -to the chief of the inhabitants of Jerusalem.—_Ant._ XX. 2. 4 f. -(38-53). - -Footnote 208: - - His Jewish mentor. - -Footnote 209: - - Text doubtful. - -Footnote 210: - - Perhaps “was determined to follow ... in their entirety.” - -Footnote 211: - - Lit. “the divinity.” - -Footnote 212: - - Lit. “lack of expenses.” - - - (35) The Fate of the Impostor Theudas, and of the Sons of Judas the - Galilæan - - - For the relation of this passage to Acts v. 36 f., where Theudas and - Judas occur in juxtaposition, see Appendix, Note IV. - -[Sidenote: A.D. 44-(?)] - -Now when Fadus was procurator of Judæa, a certain impostor named Theudas -persuaded the mass of the rabble to take their belongings with them and -follow him to the river Jordan; for he said that he was a prophet and -would by a word of command divide the river and afford them an easy -passage;[213] and by these words he deceived many. Fadus, however, did -not allow them to reap the benefit of their folly. He despatched against -them a troop of horse which fell upon them unexpectedly and slew many -and took many of them prisoners. They caught Theudas himself alive, cut -off his head and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what befell the Jews -under the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus. - -Tiberius Alexander came as successor to Fadus. He was the son of that -Alexander who was Alabarch[214] in Alexandria, and was by birth and -wealth the foremost man of his time in that city. The father excelled -the son, moreover, in his pious worship of God; for the latter did not -hold fast to his hereditary religion. It was under his governorship that -the great famine befell Judæa, when Queen Helena purchased corn from -Egypt at a great price and distributed it to the starving population, as -I have already narrated.[215] - -It was now, too, that there were brought up (for trial)[216] the sons of -that Judas of Galilee who induced the people to revolt from the Romans -when Quirinius was engaged in the assessment of Judæa, as we have -narrated in a previous book.[217] Alexander gave orders that (the sons -of Judas named) James and Simon should be crucified.—_Ant._ XX. 5. 1 f. -(97-102). - -Footnote 213: - - Like an Elijah _redivivus_. - -Footnote 214: - - “The office of _alabarch_, probably chief collector of customs on the - Arabian side of the Nile, was repeatedly held by wealthy Jews” - (Schürer, _J.P.T.C._ II. 2. 280). Alexander was the brother of Philo - the philosopher. - -Footnote 215: - - See § (34). - -Footnote 216: - - Another reading, “were put to death.” - -Footnote 217: - - See § (24). - - - (36) Agrippa II, Felix and Drusilla - - - All three characters appear in the _Acts_. Agrippa II (the son of - Agrippa I) with his sister Bernice and Festus, the Roman governor, - listened to St. Paul’s defence at Cæsarea (Acts xxv. xxvi.). Felix, - the predecessor of Festus, with Drusilla his wife had a private - interview with the Apostle; the circumstances of their marriage - described below throw light on the governor’s terror “as” Paul - “reasoned of righteousness and temperance and the judgement to come” - (Acts xxiv. 24 f.). - - The influence exercised by the Cypriot sorcerer, Atomos, over the - Roman governor, finds a curious parallel in the relations of Elymas - and Sergius Paulus (Acts xiii. 6 ff.). The Jewish magician there too - resides in Cyprus, and in the “Western” text bears a name strangely - similar to that of the friend of Felix (Ετ[ο]ιμας, Etoemas, _ib._ - xiii. 8, cod. D). - - -The Emperor then [Sidenote: A.D. 52] sent Claudius Felix, the brother of -Pallas,[218] to take over the administration of Judæa. Moreover, when he -had now completed the twelfth year of his reign, [Sidenote: A.D. 53] he -bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and (the region of) -Batanæa, adding also Trachonitis, together with the former tetrarchy of -Lysanias, namely Abella.[219] At the same time he deprived him of the -kingdom of Chalcis,[220] which he had held for four years. - -After receiving this award from Cæsar,[221] Agrippa gave his sister -Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa,[222] on his consenting to -be circumcised. Epiphanes, son of King Antiochus, had declined the -marriage from reluctance to adopt Jewish practices, although he had -previously promised her father that he would do so.... - -The marriage of Drusilla and Azizus was, however, not long afterwards -broken off on the following ground. Drusilla was the most beautiful of -women, and Felix, while procurator of Judæa, saw and fell in love with -her. He accordingly sent to her one of his friends named Atomos,[223] a -Jew born in Cyprus, who pretended to be a magician, and tried to -persuade her to desert her husband and marry him, promising to make her -happy[224] if she did not reject him. And she, because she was unhappy -in her life[225] and desired to escape from her sister Berenice’s envy -of her beauty, ...[226] was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her -race and to marry Felix. By him she bore a son whom she called -Agrippa.—_Ant._ XX. 7. 1 f. (137-143). - -Footnote 218: - - A freedman and favourite of the Emperor Claudius and a man of great - influence. - -Footnote 219: - - Cf. § (32) and Luke iii. 1, “Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene.” - -Footnote 220: - - A petty kingdom in the Lebanon district. - -Footnote 221: - - _i.e._ Claudius. - -Footnote 222: - - In northern Syria (mod. Homs). - -Footnote 223: - - Some MSS read “Simon.” - -Footnote 224: - - We can hardly miss the Roman’s jest on his name: “make a _Felix_ of - her.” - -Footnote 225: - - Lit. “faring ill”; Whiston’s rendering, “acted wickedly,” is scarcely - possible. - -Footnote 226: - - A line of corrupt and unintelligible text follows in Niese’s MSS. The - older editions read “for she was constantly being ill-treated by her - because of her beauty.” - - - (37) The Death of James, “the Lord’s Brother” - - - A description of the death by stoning, after a perfunctory trial by - the Sanhedrin, of James “the brother of Jesus who was called - Christ,” the head of the early Church in Jerusalem (Acts xv.; Gal. - i. 19). - - An alternative melodramatic account of the martyrdom of James—in - which he is represented as hurled down from the “pinnacle” of the - Temple, stoned, and finally despatched by a fuller’s club—is given - by Hegesippus (quoted by Euseb. _H. E._ II. 23). - - The account of Josephus seems much the more trustworthy of the two, - and there appears to be no reason for questioning its authenticity. - As Lightfoot writes, “This notice ... is probable in itself (which - the account of Hegesippus is not), and is such as Josephus might be - expected to write if he alluded to the matter at all.... On the - other hand, if the passage had been a Christian interpolation, the - notice of James would have been more laudatory” (_Galatians_, ed. - 10, p. 366, n. 2). - - On the other hand, a passage quoted by Eusebius (_loc. cit._) as - from Josephus, ascribing the miseries of the siege of Jerusalem to - divine vengeance for the murder of James the Just, does not occur in - his extant works and is probably spurious. - -On hearing of the death of Festus, [Sidenote: A.D. 62] Cæsar[227] sent -Albinus to Judæa as governor. King (Agrippa) at the same time deprived -Joseph of the high priesthood and appointed the son of Ananus, also -named Ananus, as his successor. The elder Ananus, they say, was -exceptionally fortunate; he had five sons, all of whom became God’s high -priests, their father having previously enjoyed the same privilege for a -very long period; an experience without parallel in the history of our -high priests. - -The younger Ananus, who now, as I[228] said, took over the office, was a -rash man and extraordinarily audacious; he belonged to the sect of the -Sadducees, who, as I have already explained, are more ruthless than all -other Jews when they sit in judgement. Such was the character of this -Ananus, who, thinking that a favourable opportunity now presented -itself—Festus being dead and Albinus still on the road—summoned the -judicial court of the Sanhedrin, brought before it the brother of Jesus -who was called Christ—James was his name—with some others, and after -accusing them of transgressing the law, delivered them over to be stoned -to death. This action aroused the indignation of all citizens with the -highest reputation for moderation and strict observance of the laws; and -they sent a secret message to King (Agrippa), petitioning him to -restrain Ananus, who had been wrong in what he had done already, from -similar proceedings in future. Some of them, moreover, went to meet -Albinus on his road from Alexandria and explained that it was illegal -for Ananus to convene a meeting of the Sanhedrin without his consent. -Albinus was persuaded by their arguments and wrote an angry letter to -Ananus threatening to punish him. King Agrippa, on his side, for this -action deposed Ananus from the high priesthood, when he had held office -but three months, and appointed Jesus, son of Damnæus, in his -place.—_Ant._ XX. 9. 1 (197-203). - -Footnote 227: - - Nero. - -Footnote 228: - - Lit. “we.” - - - - - VII. SCENES FROM THE JEWISH WAR - - - (38) Introduction to “The Jewish War” - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 66-70] - -The war of the Jews against the Romans—the greatest not only of the wars -of our own time, but well-nigh of all that ever broke out between cities -or nations, so far as accounts have reached us—has not lacked its -historians. Of these, some, having taken no part in the action, have -collected from hearsay futile and contradictory stories which they have -then edited in a rhetorical style; while others, who witnessed the -events, have, either from flattery of the Romans or from dislike of the -Jews, misrepresented the facts, their writings exhibiting alternately -invective and encomium, but nowhere historical accuracy. In these -circumstances, I—Josephus, son of Matthias,[229] a native of Jerusalem, -of the priestly order, who at the opening of the war myself fought -against the Romans and in the sequel was perforce an onlooker—propose to -provide the subjects of the Roman Empire with a narrative of the facts, -by translating into Greek the account which some while since I composed -in my vernacular tongue[230] and sent to the natives of upper -Syria.[231] - -I spoke of this upheaval as one of the greatest magnitude. The Romans -had their own internal disorders. The Jewish revolutionary party, whose -numbers and fortunes were at their zenith, seized the occasion of the -turbulent times for insurrection. As a result of these vast disturbances -the whole of the Eastern Empire was in the balance; the insurgents were -fired with hopes of its acquisition, their opponents feared its loss. -For the Jews hoped that all their fellow-countrymen beyond the Euphrates -would join with them in revolt; while the Romans, on their side, were -occupied with their neighbours the Gauls, and the Celts were in motion. -Nero’s death, [Sidenote: June A.D. 68] moreover, brought universal -confusion; many were induced by this opportunity to aspire to the -sovereignty, and a change which might make their fortune was after the -heart of the soldiery. - -I thought it monstrous, therefore, to allow the truth in affairs of such -moment to go astray, and that, while Parthians and Babylonians and the -most remote tribes of Arabia with our countrymen beyond the Euphrates -and the inhabitants of Adiabene[232] had, through my assiduity, been -accurately informed as to the origin of the war, the various phases of -calamity through which it passed and its conclusion, the Greeks and such -Romans as were not engaged in the contest should remain in ignorance of -these matters, with flattering or fictitious narratives as their only -guide. - -Though the writers in question presume to give their works the title of -histories, yet throughout these, apart from the utter lack of sound -information, they seem, in my opinion, to miss their own mark. They -desire to represent the Romans as a great nation, and yet they -continually depreciate and disparage the actions of the Jews. But I fail -to see how the conquerors of a puny people deserve to be accounted -great. Again, these writers respect neither the long duration of the -war, nor the vast numbers of the Roman army that it engaged, nor the -prestige of the generals, who, after such herculean labours under the -walls of Jerusalem, are, I suppose, of no repute in these writers’ eyes, -if their achievement is to be underestimated. - -I have no intention of rivalling those who extol the Roman power by -exaggerating the deeds of my compatriots. I shall narrate accurately the -actions of both combatants; while making allowance for the temperament -(of the speaker) in the speeches arising out of the action[233] and -giving my personal sympathies scope to bewail my country’s misfortunes. -For, that it owed its ruin to civil strife, and that it was the Jewish -tyrants who drew down upon the Temple the unwilling hands of the Romans -and the conflagration, is attested by Titus Cæsar himself who sacked the -city; throughout the war he commiserated the populace who were at the -mercy of the revolutionary cliques, and often of his own accord deferred -the capture of the city and by protracting the siege gave the culprits -time for repentance. Should, however, any critic censure me for my -strictures upon the tyrants or their bands of marauders or for my -lamentations over my country’s misfortunes, I ask his indulgence for a -compassion which falls outside an historian’s province. For of all the -cities under Roman rule it was the lot of ours to attain to the highest -felicity and to fall to the lowest depths of calamity. Indeed, in my -opinion, the misfortunes of all nations since the world began are slight -in comparison with those of the Jews; and, since the blame lay with no -foreign nation, it was impossible to restrain one’s condolence. Should, -however, any critic be too austere for pity, let him assign the actions -to the history, the lamentations to the historian. - -I, on my side, might justly censure those erudite Greek writers, who, -living in times of such stirring actions as by comparison reduce to -insignificance the wars of antiquity, yet sit in judgement on these -current events and revile those who make them their special -study—authors whose principles they lack, even if they have the -advantage of them in literary skill. They take as their themes the -Assyrian and Median empires, as if the narratives of the ancient -historians were inadequate, although these modern writers are their -inferiors no less in literary power than in judgement. The ancient -historians set themselves severally to write the history of their own -times, a task in which their connexion with the events added lucidity to -their record; while mendacity brought an author into disgrace with -readers who knew the facts. - -The truth is that the work of committing to writing events which have -not[234] previously been recorded and of commending to posterity the -history of one’s own time is one which merits praise and acknowledgment. -The industrious writer is not one who merely remodels the scheme and -arrangement of another’s work, but one who, besides having fresh -materials, gives the body of his history a framework of his own. - -For myself, at the cost of much money and severe labour, I, a foreigner, -present to Greeks and Romans this memorial of great achievements. As for -the native (Greek) writers, where personal profit or a lawsuit is -concerned, their mouths are at once agape and their tongues loosed; but -in the matter of history, where veracity and laborious collection of the -facts are essential, they are mute, leaving to inferior and ill-informed -writers the task of describing the exploits of rulers. Let me[235] at -least hold historical truth in honour, since by the Greeks it is -disregarded....—_B.J._ I. 1-5 (1-16). - -Footnote 229: - - Many MSS add “by birth a Hebrew.” - -Footnote 230: - - Aramaic. The Greek, which bears no marks of translation, must, in all - probability, have been practically a new work. - -Footnote 231: - - Lit. “the upper barbarians.” - -Footnote 232: - - In the upper Tigris region. - -Footnote 233: - - Such, or “giving the rein to personal feeling in the speeches - (λόγοι),” I take to be the meaning. Traill, “introducing into the - detail reflections on the events”; Whiston, “only I shall suit my - language to my feelings as to the affairs I describe.” - -Footnote 234: - - The negative is omitted by most MSS. - -Footnote 235: - - Lit. “us.” - - - (39) Seeds of the War sown under the last of the Procurators. Rise of - the Sicarii - - - Felix - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 52-60] - -After this Claudius sent out Felix, the brother of Pallas,[236] as -procurator of Judæa, Samaria, Galilee and Peræa. Agrippa he transferred -from Chalcis to a larger kingdom, assigning to him Philip’s former -province, namely Batanæa, Trachonitis and Gaulanitis; to this he added -the kingdom of Lysanias and the province[237] which had belonged to -Varus. After holding the imperial office for thirteen years, eight -months and twenty days, Claudius died, [Sidenote: A.D. 54] leaving Nero -as his successor in the government.... - -Nero annexed to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities with their districts,[238] -namely, Abila, Julias in Peræa, and in Galilee Tarichæa and Tiberias. He -appointed Felix to be procurator of the rest of Judæa. Felix took -prisoner Eleazar, the arch-brigand who for twenty years had ravaged the -country, with many of his associates, and sent them for trial to Rome. -Of the brigands whom he crucified, and of the common people who were -detected of complicity with them and punished by him, the number was -incalculable. - - - Rise of the Sicarii - - -But, while the country was thus cleared of these pests, a new species of -banditti was springing up in Jerusalem, the so-called _Sicarii_,[239] -who committed murders in broad daylight in the heart of the city. The -festivals were their special seasons, when they would mingle with the -crowd, carrying short daggers concealed under their clothing, with which -they stabbed any with whom they were at enmity. Then, when they fell, -the murderers joined in the cries of indignation and, through this -plausible behaviour, were never discovered. The first to be assassinated -by them was Jonathan the high priest; after his death there were -numerous daily murders. The panic created was more alarming than the -calamity itself; every one, as on the battlefield, hourly expecting -death. Men kept watch at a distance on their enemies and would not trust -even their friends when they approached. Yet, with their suspicions -aroused and on their guard, they were slain; so swift were the -conspirators and so crafty in eluding detection. - - - Troubled State of the Country - - -Besides these there arose another body of villains, with purer hands but -more impious intentions, who no less than the assassins ruined the peace -of the city. Deceivers and impostors, under the pretence of divine -inspiration fostering revolutionary changes, they persuaded the -multitude to act like madmen, and led them out into the desert under the -belief that God would there give them tokens of deliverance. Against -them Felix, regarding this as but the preliminary to insurrection, sent -a body of horse and foot[240] and put a large number to the sword.[241] - -A still worse blow was dealt at the Jews by the Egyptian false prophet. -A charlatan, who had gained for himself the reputation of a prophet, -this man collected about thirty thousand of his dupes, entered the -country and led his force round from the desert to the mount called -Olivet. From there he proposed to force an entrance into Jerusalem and, -after overpowering the Roman garrison and the people, to act as despot -with the aid of his bodyguard of lancers who were to pour in with him. -His attack was anticipated by Felix, who went to meet him with the Roman -forces,[242] the whole population joining him in the defence; with the -result that in the ensuing engagement, while the Egyptian escaped with a -few of his followers, most of his force were killed or taken prisoners. -The remainder were dispersed, and got away one by one to their homes. - -No sooner were these disorders reduced than, as in a diseased frame, the -fever broke out again in another quarter. The impostors and brigands, -banding together, induced many to revolt, encouraging them to assert -their independence, and threatening to kill any who submitted to Roman -rule and to use violence to tear from their allegiance any who still -chose voluntary servitude. Distributing themselves in companies -throughout the country, they looted the houses of the wealthy, murdered -their owners, and set the villages on fire; and so spread the infection -of their madness throughout all Judæa. - -While this war was daily being fanned into flame, [Sidenote: _c._ A.D. -59] another disturbance occurred at Cæsarea,[243] where the Jewish -portion of the population rose against the Syrians. They claimed that -the city was theirs on the ground that its founder, King Herod, was a -Jew. Their opponents admitted the Jewish origin of its (second) founder, -but maintained that the city itself belonged to the Greeks, since Herod -would never have erected the statues and temples which he placed there -had he intended it for Jews.... The quarrel still continuing, Felix -selected the notables from either party and sent them as a deputation to -Nero to argue the merits of the case. - - - Festus - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 60-62] - -Festus, who succeeded Felix as procurator, proceeded to attack the -principal plague of the country; he captured large numbers of the -brigands and put not a few to death. - - - Albinus - - -The administration of Albinus, who followed Festus, [Sidenote: A.D. -62-64] was of another order; there was no form of villainy which he -omitted to practise. Not only did he, in his official capacity, steal -and plunder private property and burden the whole nation with imposts, -but he accepted ransoms from their relatives on behalf of persons who -had been imprisoned for robbery by the local councils or by former -procurators; and none was left in gaol as a malefactor save those who -failed to pay the price. - -At this period a fresh stimulus was given to the revolutionary party in -Jerusalem, the influential men among their number securing from Albinus, -by means of bribes, immunity for their seditious practices; while the -section of the populace which could never remain quiet joined hands with -the governor’s accomplices. Individual scoundrels had around them each -his own band of followers, among whom they figured conspicuously like -brigand-chiefs or tyrants, employing their bodyguard to plunder -peaceable citizens. The outcome was that the victims of robbery kept -their grievances, of which they had every reason to complain, to -themselves, while those who escaped cringed to one who deserved -punishment, through fear of suffering the same fate. In short, none -could now speak his mind, with tyrants on every side; and from this date -were sown in the city the seeds of its impending fall. - - - Gessius Florus - - -Such was the character of Albinus, but his successor, Gessius Florus, -[Sidenote: A. D. 64-66] made him appear by comparison a paragon of -virtue. The crimes of Albinus were, for the most part, perpetrated in -secret and with dissimulation; Gessius, on the contrary, ostentatiously -paraded his lawless treatment of the nation, and, as though he had been -sent as hangman of condemned criminals, committed every kind of robbery -and outrage. In cases which called for compassion he was cruel beyond -measure; in dealing with shameful conduct,[244] he was utterly devoid of -shame. No man ever poured greater contempt[245] on truth or contrived -more subtle methods of villainy. To make gain out of individuals seemed -beneath him: he stripped whole cities, ruined entire populations, and -almost went the length of proclaiming throughout the country that all -were at liberty to rob on condition that he received his share of the -spoils. Certainly his avarice brought desolation upon all -districts,[246] and caused many to desert their ancestral homes and seek -refuge in foreign provinces. - -So long as Cestius Gallus was in Syria discharging his provincial -administrative duties, none dared to send a deputation to him to -complain of Florus; but when he visited Jerusalem on the eve of the -feast of unleavened bread, the people crowded around him to no less a -number than three millions, imploring him to have compassion on the -calamities of the nation, and loudly denouncing Florus as the ruin of -the country. Florus, who was present at Cestius’s side, scoffed at their -outcry. Cestius, however, when he had quieted the excitement of the -crowd, pledged himself to secure for them greater moderation on the part -of Florus in future, and so returned to Antioch. - -Florus escorted him as far as Cæsarea, playing upon his credulity, and -already contemplating the prospect of war with the nation—his only hope -of covering up his own enormities. For, if the peace were kept, he -expected to have the Jews accusing him before Cæsar; whereas, could he -bring about their revolt, he would by means of the larger calamity -divert attention from the less. In order, therefore, to produce an -outbreak of the nation, he daily added to their sufferings.—_B.J._ II. -12. 8-14. 3 (247-283). - -Footnote 236: - - Cf. with this whole paragraph § (36). - -Footnote 237: - - MSS “tetrarchy.” - -Footnote 238: - - Lit. “with the toparchies.” - -Footnote 239: - - “Assassins,” from Lat. _sica_, “a dagger.” - -Footnote 240: - - Lit. “heavy-armed infantry” (hoplites). - -Footnote 241: - - Cf. the similar fate of Theudas, § (35). - -Footnote 242: - - Lit. “heavy-armed infantry” (hoplites). - -Footnote 243: - - St. Paul was probably a prisoner there at this time. - -Footnote 244: - - Or “in disgraceful things.” - -Footnote 245: - - Lit. “unbelief.” Traill, “In smothering (Whiston, ‘disguising’) the - truth none was more successful.” - -Footnote 246: - - Lit. “all the toparchies”; some MSS read “all the cities.” - - - (40) The Immediate Cause of the War—Abrogation of Sacrifices for the - Emperor - - -[Sidenote: Summer A.D. 66] - -Meanwhile, some of the prime instigators of hostilities banded together -and made an assault on a fortress called Masada;[247] and having gained -possession of it by stratagem, they slew the Roman guards and put a -garrison of their own in their place. - -Another incident occurred at the same time in the Temple. Eleazar, son -of Ananias the high priest, a very daring youth, being then in -command,[248] persuaded those who officiated in the Temple services to -accept no gift or sacrifice from a foreigner. This action laid the -foundation of the war with the Romans; for they thereby abrogated the -sacrifice on behalf of that nation and the Emperor.[249] And, though the -chief priests and the men of note earnestly besought them not to abandon -the customary offering for their rulers, they were obdurate. Their -numbers gave them great confidence, supported as they were by the -stalwarts of the revolutionary party; but the determining influence was -their high opinion of their captain Eleazar. - -Thereupon the men of weight assembled with the chief priests and the -notable Pharisees and, in the belief that they were now involved in -irreparable calamities, deliberated on the state of public affairs. -Deciding to try the effect of persuasion on the revolutionaries, they -called the people together before the brazen gate which opened into the -inner Temple and faced eastward. And, first, they expressed severe -indignation at the audacity of this revolt and at the men who were -bringing upon their country so serious a war. They then proceeded to -expose the absurdity of the alleged pretext. Their forefathers, they -said, had adorned the sanctuary mainly from the contributions of -foreigners and had always accepted the gifts of external nations; not -only had they never taken the sacrilegious step of forbidding any one to -offer sacrifice, but they had set up around the Temple the dedicatory -offerings which were still to be seen and had remained there for so long -a time. But those who were now provoking the arms of the Romans and -courting war with such antagonists were introducing some novel and -strange religion,[250] and, in addition to the danger incurred, would -lay the city open to the charge of impiety, if Jews alone were to allow -no alien the right of sacrifice or worship. Should such a law be -introduced in the case of any private individual, they would be -indignant as at an act of deliberate inhumanity; yet they made light of -putting the Romans and Cæsar outside the pale. It was to be feared, -however, that, once they rejected the sacrifices for the Romans, they -might not be allowed to offer sacrifice even for themselves, and that -their city would be placed outside the pale of the empire, unless, with -a speedy return to discretion, they restored the sacrifices and made -amends for the insult before the report reached the ears of those whom -they had insulted. - -In the course of this speech they brought forward the priestly experts -on the national customs, who explained how all their ancestors had -accepted the sacrifices of aliens. - -But not one of the revolutionary party would listen to their words,[251] -which met with no better response even from the officiating ministers, -who thus helped to sow the seeds of war. Thereupon, the leading men, -perceiving that it was now beyond their power to suppress the -insurrection and that they would be the first to suffer from the Roman -peril, took steps to exonerate themselves from blame. They accordingly -despatched two deputations, one to Florus, headed by Simon son of -Ananias, and another to Agrippa, of which the most eminent members were -the king’s relatives, Saul, Antipas and Costobar. They besought them -both to come up to the city with an armed force and to nip the rebellion -in the bud before repression became impossible. To Florus the news was a -wonderful godsend,[252] and, determined as he was to fan the flame of -war, he gave the emissaries no reply. Agrippa, on the other hand, was -solicitous alike for the rebels and for the nation against which their -hostilities were directed; he was anxious that the Romans should not -lose the Jews nor the Jews their Temple and mother city; and was, -moreover, aware that the disturbance would not conduce to his own -interests. He accordingly despatched to the aid of the people three -thousand horse from Auranitis, Batanæa and Trachonitis, under Darius as -cavalry commander and Philip, son of Jacimus, as general. - -Encouraged by these reinforcements, the leading men with the chief -priests and all such of the populace as were in favour of peace occupied -the upper city. The lower city and the Temple were in the hands of the -insurgents.—_B.J._ II. 17. 2-5 (408-422). - -Footnote 247: - - On the west coast of the Dead Sea. - -Footnote 248: - - _i. e._ “captain of the Temple”; cf. Acts iv. 1, etc. - -Footnote 249: - - Other MSS, omitting “and” (καὶ, which would easily drop out before - Καίσαρος), read “the sacrifice of Cæsar on behalf of that nation.” - -Footnote 250: - - Or, possibly, “were making an innovation in the worship of - foreigners.” - -Footnote 251: - - The text of this clause is doubtful. I read προσῇσαν, “chimed in” - (with Naber; MSS προσίεσαν or προσήεσαν) and λειτουργοὶ (other MSS - ληστρικοὶ, “the brigands”). - -Footnote 252: - - Or (reading τὸ before δεινὸν) “the dire news was a godsend.” - - - (41) Initial Jewish success. Rout of a Roman Army in the Defiles of - Beth-Horon - - - The humiliating Roman defeat in this first stage of the war here - described recalls a rather similar incident at the Caudine Forks in - the early wars with the Samnites. - - - Cestius Advances from Antioch - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 66] - -The Jews being now everywhere up in arms, Cestius[253] decided to remain -inactive no longer. He accordingly left Antioch and advanced upon -Ptolemais. His force consisted of the twelfth legion in full strength, -two thousand picked men from each of the other legions, six cohorts of -infantry and four squadrons of cavalry, besides the allied forces -furnished by the kings; of these Antiochus supplied two thousand horse -and three thousand foot, all archers, Agrippa an equal number of foot -and rather less than two thousand horse, Sohemus following with four -thousand, of which a third part were cavalry and the rest archers. In -addition, numerous auxiliaries were collected from the towns; they -lacked the training of the regulars, but made good any deficiency in -technical skill by their zeal and their detestation of the Jews. Agrippa -himself accompanied Cestius on the route as guide and adviser.... - - Galilee surrenders to Cestius, almost without a blow; Joppa, - attacked by land and sea, is captured and burnt; and the Roman arms - are everywhere successful. - -From Antipatris Cestius advanced to Lydda and found the city deserted, -for the population had gone up _en masse_ to Jerusalem for the Feast of -Tabernacles [Sidenote: October A.D. 66]. Fifty persons who showed -themselves he put to the sword, and after burning down the town resumed -his march; and, ascending through Beth-Horon, pitched his camp at a -place called Gibeon,[254] fifty furlongs[255] distant from Jerusalem. - - - A Jewish Successful Charge outside Jerusalem - - -The Jews, seeing the war at length approaching their mother city, -abandoned the feast and rushed to arms; and, relying largely on their -numbers, sprang in disorder and with loud cries into the fray. It was -the Sabbath which they regarded with peculiar reverence,[256] but they -paid no thought to that seventh day of rest. But the same passion which -shook them out of their piety brought them victory in the battle. With -such fury, at any rate, did they fall upon the Romans that they broke -and passed through their ranks, killing as they went; and had not the -cavalry, with a body of infantry which was not so hard pressed as the -rest, disengaged and wheeled round to the relief of the broken -line,[257] Cestius and his whole army would have been in jeopardy. The -Roman killed were five hundred and fifteen (four hundred infantry and -the rest cavalry); the Jews lost but two and twenty.... When their -frontal attack was thus held up, the Jews retired to the city. But -Simon, son of Gioras, fell upon the rear of the Romans as they withdrew -to Beth-Horon, and cut up a large part of their rear-guard, carrying off -many of the baggage mules, which he brought with him into the city. -Cestius continuing to hold his ground for three days, the Jews seized -the heights and kept guard on the passes, clearly not intending to -remain inactive, should the Romans begin to move. - - - Fruitless Attempt to Parley with the Jews - - -At this juncture, Agrippa, perceiving that, with the enemy in such -countless numbers in possession of the surrounding mountains, even a -Roman army was in a perilous position, decided to try the effect of -parley with the Jews. He hoped either to prevail on all to abandon -hostilities, or at least to detach from their opponents those who did -not share the views of the war party. So he sent the two of his men who -were best known to them, Borcæus[258] and Phœbus, with an offer of a -treaty on the part of Cestius and of free pardon from the Romans for -their misdoings, on condition that they would lay down their arms and go -over to them. The insurgents, fearing that the prospect of an amnesty -would induce the whole multitude to go over to Agrippa, made a murderous -assault upon his emissaries. Phœbus they slew before he had uttered a -syllable; Borcæus was wounded but succeeded in escaping. Such of the -people as indignantly protested at their action they assailed with -stones and clubs and drove into the town. - - - Cestius Occupies the Suburb Bezetha - - -Cestius, seeing that these internal dissensions offered a favourable -opportunity for attack, brought up his whole force, routed the enemy, -and pursued them to Jerusalem. Encamping on the (hill) called Scopus, -distant seven furlongs[259] from the city, for three days he made no -attempt upon it, expecting that the inhabitants might possibly show -signs of surrender; in the meantime he sent out many of his soldiers to -the surrounding villages for foraging purposes. On the fourth day, -[Sidenote: October A.D. 66] the thirtieth of the month Hyperberetæus, he -deployed his forces and led them within[260] the city. - -The people were under the thumb of the revolutionary party, and the -latter, overawed by the orderly discipline of the Romans, abandoned some -of the suburbs and retired into the inner city and the Temple. Cestius, -on gaining entry, set fire to the district known as Bezetha[261] and the -New City and the so-called Timber Market; he then proceeded to the upper -city and encamped opposite the royal palace. Had he, at that particular -moment, chosen to force his way within the walls, he would have captured -the city forthwith, and the war would have been over. But Tyrannius -Priscus, the camp-commander, with most of the cavalry officers, being -bribed by Florus, diverted him from the attempt. Hence it came about -that the war was so long protracted and the Jews drained the cup of -irretrievable disaster. - - - Attack on Jerusalem - - -Meanwhile many of the notable citizens, at the instance of Ananus, son -of Jonathan, sent an invitation to Cestius, promising to open the gates -to him. These overtures, however, partly in scorn and resentment, partly -because he did not wholly credit them, he hesitated to accept, until the -insurgents, discovering the treason, dragged down Ananus and his -confederates from the wall and drove them, with showers of stones, into -their houses. Then, taking up their stations in detachments, they hurled -their missiles from the towers upon the enemy who were assailing the -wall. So for five days the Romans pressed their attack on all sides -without success, till on the sixth Cestius led a large force of picked -men with the archers to an assault on the north side of the Temple. The -Jews from the portico warded it off, and time after time repulsed those -who had reached the wall, but at length, overpowered by the hail of -missiles, gave way. The front rank of the Romans then planted their -shields against the wall, those behind them planted other shields upon -the first, and the rest did in like manner, forming a screen which they -call “the tortoise,”[262] from which the missiles, as they fell, glanced -off harmlessly, while the soldiers with immunity undermined the wall and -prepared to set fire to the gate of the Temple. - -A terrible panic now seized the insurgents, many of whom were already -slinking out of the city in the belief that it was on the verge of -capture. The populace thereupon took heart again, and the more the -miscreants gave ground, the nearer did the others approach the gates, -ready to open them and welcome Cestius as a benefactor. Had he but -persisted for a while with the siege, he would have forthwith taken the -city. But I suppose that on account of those wicked men God, already -regarding even the sanctuary with aversion, ordained that that day -should not see the end of the war. - - - Unexpected Withdrawal of Cestius, Pursued by the Jews - - -At any rate, Cestius, perceiving neither the desperate condition of the -besieged nor the temper of the populace, suddenly recalled his troops, -and, without having sustained any reverse, abandoned his hopes[263] and, -contrary to all calculation, retired from the city. On this unexpected -retreat, the brigands, plucking up courage, sallied out upon his rear -and killed a considerable number both of horse and foot. - -That night Cestius passed at his camp on (Mount) Scopus. The following -day, continuing his retreat he provoked the enemy to further pursuit; -hanging upon his heels they cut up his rear, and getting round him on -either side of his route poured their missiles on his flanks. The rear -ranks did not dare to round upon their assailants behind them, supposing -that they were pursued by an innumerable host; nor did they attempt to -beat off those who were pressing their flanks, being heavily armed -themselves and afraid of opening out their ranks, while the Jews, as -they saw, were light armed and could readily dash in among them. The -result was that they suffered heavily, without any retaliation upon the -enemy. So all along the route the blows rained upon them and they kept -dropping out of the ranks and falling, until at length, after numerous -casualties, including Priscus, the general of the sixth legion, and -Longinus a tribune,[264] and Æmilius Jucundus, a squadron commander, and -with the loss of most of their baggage, with difficulty they reached -their former camp at Gibeon.[265] Here Cestius halted for two days, -uncertain what course to pursue; but, on the third, seeing the enemy’s -strength greatly increased and all the surrounding country swarming with -Jews, he decided that the delay had been detrimental to him and, if -further prolonged, would but increase the number of his foes. - - - Scene in the Pass of Beth-Horon - - -To accelerate the retreat, he issued orders to abandon all -_impedimenta_. So the mules, asses and all the beasts of burthen were -killed, excepting those that carried missiles and engines of war; these -they clung to, both for their own use and especially from fear that they -might fall into Jewish hands and be employed against themselves. He then -led his army on towards Beth-Horon. In the open their movements were -less harassed by the Jews, but, once the Romans became involved in the -defiles on the descent, one contingent of the enemy went ahead of them -and blocked their exit, another drove the rearmost down into the ravine, -while the main body lined up in extended order above the gorge and -covered the phalanx with their missiles. Here, powerless as were the -infantry to protect themselves, the cavalry were in even greater -jeopardy. To advance in order down the road under the hail of darts was -impossible, while the charge up the steep slopes was impracticable for -horse. On either side were precipices and ravines, down which they -slipped and were hurled headlong. None had room for flight, none had any -plan of defence. In their utter helplessness they gave vent to groans -and the wailings of despair, which were answered by the war-whoop and -shouts of the Jews, exultant and mad with rage. Cestius and his whole -army would have been well-nigh annihilated[266] had not night -intervened, under cover of which the Romans escaped to Beth-Horon.[267] -The Jews meanwhile occupied all the surrounding district and kept guard -against their egress. - - - Flight of Cestius - - -Cestius, now despairing of open retreat, took measures for flight; and, -selecting about four hundred of his bravest men, stationed them upon the -roofs, with orders to shout out the watchwords[268] of the -camp-sentinels, that the Jews might think that the whole army was still -on the spot. He himself with the remainder then stealthily advanced -another thirty furlongs. At daybreak the Jews, discovering that the -enemy’s night quarters were deserted, charged the four hundred who had -deluded them, quickly shot them down with their spears, and started in -pursuit of Cestius. - -He had gained much upon them during the night, and, when day came, -quickened the pace still more; the men in consternation and terror -abandoning the siege engines, catapults and most of the other machines, -which the Jews then captured and afterwards employed against those who -had relinquished them. The Jews continued the pursuit as far as -Antipatris, and then, failing to overtake the Romans, turned and carried -off the machines, plundered the corpses, collected the booty which had -been left behind, and, with songs of triumph, retraced their steps to -the capital. Their own losses had been quite inconsiderable; of the -Romans and their allies they had slain five thousand three hundred -infantry and of cavalry four hundred and four score.[269] This action -took place on the eighth of the month Dius in the twelfth year of Nero’s -reign [Sidenote: November A.D. 66]. - - - Cestius Reports to Nero - - -After this catastrophe of Cestius many distinguished Jews left the city -as swimmers desert a sinking ship. For example, the brothers Costobar -and Saul with Philip, son of Jacimus, King Agrippa’s camp-commander, -escaped from the city and joined Cestius.... Cestius, at their request, -despatched Saul and his party to Nero in Achaia, to inform him of their -own difficulties and also to lay the blame for the war on Florus. For he -hoped by exciting resentment against Florus to lessen the danger to -himself.... - - - Jewish Preparations for War - - -The Jews who had pursued Cestius, on their return to Jerusalem, partly -by force, partly by persuasion, brought over to their side such -pro-Romans as still remained; and, assembling in the Temple, appointed -several generals to conduct the war. Joseph, son of Gorion, and Ananus -the high priest were elected to the supreme control of affairs in the -city, with a special charge to repair the city walls. As for Eleazar, -son of Simon, notwithstanding that he had in his hands the Roman spoils -with the money taken from Cestius, as well as much of the public -treasure, they did not entrust him with office, because they saw him to -be aiming at despotic power, and that his subordinate Zealots acted the -part of his bodyguard. Gradually, however, financial needs and the -intrigues of Eleazar so far prevailed upon the people that they ended by -submitting in all matters to his authority.—_B.J._ II. 18. 9-20. 3 -(499-565). - -Footnote 253: - - Governor of Syria. - -Footnote 254: - - Gr. “Gabao.” - -Footnote 255: - - Gr. “stades.” - -Footnote 256: - - Falling within the week of the Feast of Tabernacles. - -Footnote 257: - - Some MSS insert a negative, “the part of the line which had not yet - given way.” - -Footnote 258: - - Or “Borcius.” - -Footnote 259: - - Gr. “stades.” - -Footnote 260: - - Perhaps “up to.” - -Footnote 261: - - At the N.E. corner of the city. Other MSS “Bethesda” Niese, “Betheza,” - as elsewhere in Josephus. - -Footnote 262: - - _Testudo._ - -Footnote 263: - - Or “shattered (lit. ‘condemned’) their hopes (of success).” - -Footnote 264: - - Gr. “chiliarch.” - -Footnote 265: - - Gr. “Gabao.” - -Footnote 266: - - Or “taken prisoners.” - -Footnote 267: - - Beth-Horon the Lower at the foot of the pass. - -Footnote 268: - - Another reading, “upon the fortresses, with orders to go up and erect - the standards.” - -Footnote 269: - - Another reading, “380.” - - - (42) Jerusalem before the Siege - - -The disturbances in Galilee were thus quelled; [Sidenote: Spring A.D. -67] and, desisting from civil strife, the Jews directed their attention -to preparations against the Romans. In Jerusalem Ananus the high priest -and those of the leading men who were not pro-Romans busied themselves -with the repair of the walls and the accumulation of engines of war. In -every quarter of the city missiles and suits of armour were being -forged; masses of young men were undergoing a desultory training; and -the whole scene was one of confusion. On the other side, the dejection -of the moderate party was profound; and many foresaw and openly lamented -the impending disasters. There were also omens, which to the friends of -peace boded ill, while those who had kindled the war readily invented -favourable interpretations for them;[270] and the city before the coming -of the Romans wore the appearance of a place doomed to destruction. -Ananus, indeed, was anxious gradually to desist from warlike -preparations and to bend the revolutionaries and the infatuated Zealots, -as they were called, to a more salutary policy; but their violence was -too much for him. The sequel of our narrative will show the fate which -befell him.[271]—_B.J._ II. 22. 1 (647-651). - -Footnote 270: - - Cf. § (50). - -Footnote 271: - - See § (45). - - - (43) The Fall of Jotapata. Josephus taken Prisoner. - - - Capture of the Town through Information of a Jewish Deserter - - -[Sidenote: A.D. 67] - -The defenders of Jotapata were still holding out and beyond all -expectation enduring their miseries, when on the forty-seventh day (of -the siege) the earthworks of the Romans overtopped the wall. That same -day a deserter reported to Vespasian the reduced numbers and strength of -the defence, and that, worn out with perpetual watching and continuous -fighting, they would be unable longer to resist a vigorous assault[272] -and might be taken by stratagem, if the attempt were made. He stated -that about the last watch (of the night)—an hour when they expected some -respite from their sufferings and when tired frames succumb most readily -to morning slumber—the sentinels used to drop asleep; that was the hour -when he advised the Romans to attack. - -Vespasian, knowing the Jews’ loyalty to each other and their contempt of -chastisement, viewed the deserter with suspicion. On a former occasion a -man of Jotapata who had been taken prisoner held out under every variety -of torture, and, without uttering a word about the besieged to his -enemies who were trying him by fire, was crucified, smiling at death. -Probability, however, lent credit to the traitor; and so, thinking that -the man might be speaking the truth and that even a trap, if it were -one, was not likely to lead to any serious reverse, Vespasian ordered -him into custody and made ready his army for the capture of the city. - -At the hour named they advanced in silence to the walls. The first to -mount them was Titus, with one of the tribunes,[273] Domitius Sabinus, -at the head of a few men of the fifteenth legion.[274] Having cut down -the sentries they entered the city in silence, and were followed by -Sextus Calvarius, a tribune, and Placidus with the troops under their -command. The citadel had been taken and the enemy were moving to and fro -in the heart of the town, before the vanquished inhabitants, though it -was now broad daylight, were aware of the capture. Most of them, worn -out with fatigue, had fallen fast asleep, while a thick mist, which -happened at the time to envelop the city, obscured the vision of those -who started up. Not until the whole army had poured in, were they fully -roused only to realize their misery; the discovery that they were being -slain was the first assurance of their capture. - -Remembering what they had borne during the siege, the Romans showed no -compassion or pity for any one, but thrust the people down the steep -descent from the citadel in a general massacre. And here the difficulty -of the ground deprived those still able to fight of the means of -defence. Crushed in the narrow alleys and slipping down the declivity, -they were overwhelmed by the wave of war that streamed from the citadel. -The situation drove many even of Josephus’s picked men to suicide. -Perceiving that they could not kill a single Roman, they at least -forestalled death at Roman hands, and, huddled together at the outskirts -of the city, put an end to themselves.... - -On that day the Romans slew all who showed themselves; on the ensuing -days they searched the hiding-places and went in pursuit of such as had -fled to the mines and caverns, sparing none, whatever their age, save -infants and women. The prisoners thus collected were twelve hundred; the -number of those killed at the time of the capture and in the previous -conflicts was computed at forty thousand. Vespasian ordered the city to -be razed, and burnt all its forts to the ground. Thus was Jotapata taken -in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the new moon of Panemus. -[Sidenote: July A.D. 67] - - - Josephus’s Hiding-place Discovered - - -A search for Josephus was then instituted by the Romans, instigated both -by their own resentment and by the earnest wish of their general, since -his capture would constitute a turning-point in the war. So the bodies -of the slain and the men in hiding[275] were closely examined. Now -Josephus, when the city was on the point of being taken, had, with the -aid of some divine providence, stolen out of the enemy’s midst and leapt -into a deep pit, giving access on one side to a broad cavern, invisible -to those above. There he found forty persons of distinction in hiding, -with a supply of provisions sufficient to last for a considerable time. -During the day he lay hid, the enemy occupying every quarter of the -city, but at night he would come up and look for some loophole for -escape and reconnoitre the sentries; but, finding every spot guarded on -his account and no means of eluding detection, he descended again into -the cave. So for two days he continued in hiding. On the third, his -secret was betrayed by a woman of the party, who was captured, whereupon -Vespasian at once in eager haste despatched two tribunes,[276] Paulinus -and Gallicanus, with orders to offer Josephus security[277] and to -exhort him to come up. - - - Josephus Parleys with the Roman Officers - - -So they came and urged him, giving pledges that his life would not be -endangered. Their persuasion, however, was unavailing. His suspicions -were based not on the natural clemency of those who invited him, but on -the penalties which so active an opponent was likely to incur; and the -presentiment that he was being summoned to punishment persisted, until -Vespasian sent a third tribune, Nicanor, known to, and formerly an -intimate associate of, Josephus. He, on his arrival, dwelt on the innate -generosity of the Romans to those whom they had once subdued,[278] -assuring him that his valour made him an object rather of admiration, -than of hatred, to the commanding officers, and that the general was -anxious to bring him up from his retreat, not for punishment—that he -could inflict though he refused to come forth—but from a desire to save -a brave man. He added that Vespasian, had he intended to entrap him, -would never have sent a friend as his emissary, using the noblest of -relationships as a cloak for the basest—friendship as a mask for -perfidy; nor would he himself have consented to come in order to deceive -a friend. - -While Josephus was still hesitating even at Nicanor’s persuasions, the -soldiers in their rage made a rush to set the cave on fire, but were -restrained by the officer,[279] who was anxious to take the Jewish -leader alive. And as Nicanor urgently pressed his proposals, Josephus -heard the threats of the hostile crowd; and there came back into his -mind those nightly dreams, in which God had foretold to him the -impending fate of the Jews and the destinies of the Roman sovereigns. As -an interpreter of dreams he had the capacity of extracting a coherent -meaning from the ambiguous utterances of the Deity;[280] a priest -himself and of priestly descent, he was, moreover, not ignorant of the -prophecies in the sacred books. At that hour he was inspired to read -their meaning, and, recalling the dreadful images of his recent dreams, -he offered up a secret prayer to God. “Since it pleases Thee” (so it -ran), “who didst create the Jewish nation, that it should now sink into -the dust, and fortune has wholly passed to the Romans, and since Thou -hast made choice of my spirit to announce the things that are to come, I -willingly surrender to the Romans and consent to live; but I appeal to -Thee to witness that I go as no traitor, but as Thy minister.” - - - Josephus’s Life Threatened by his Men - - -With these words he was about to surrender to Nicanor. But when the Jews -who had sought refuge along with him understood that Josephus was -yielding to entreaty, they came round him in a body, crying out, “Ah! -well might the laws of our fathers groan aloud and God Himself, who -implanted in Jewish breasts souls that make light of death, hide His -face for shame! Is life so dear to you, Josephus, that you will endure -to see the light in slavery? How soon have you forgotten yourself! How -many have you persuaded to die for liberty! False, then, was that -reputation for bravery, false that renown for sagacity, if you look for -security from those against whom you have fought so bitterly or deign to -accept the gift of your life at their hands, even were it sure. Nay, if -the fortune of the Romans has cast over you some strange forgetfulness -of yourself, the care of our country’s honour devolves on _us_. We will -lend you a right hand and sword. If you die of your own free will, you -shall die as general of the Jews; if involuntarily, as a traitor.” With -these words they pointed their swords at him and threatened to kill him -if he surrendered to the Romans. - -Josephus, fearing an assault, and holding that it would be a betrayal of -God’s commands, should he die before delivering his message, began to -reason with them philosophically upon the emergency.[281]... - - There follows a rhetorical speech, which one can hardly believe that - Josephus’s companions would have tolerated, on the iniquity of - suicide. One sentence will suffice. - -“Know you not that they who depart this life in the order of nature and -repay the loan which they received from God, when the Giver is pleased -to recover it, enjoy eternal renown; that their houses and families are -secure; that their souls remain unspotted and attentive to prayer, being -allotted the most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution -of the ages, they again find a new habitation in saintly bodies;[282] -while the souls of those who have laid mad hands upon themselves are -received into the darkest region[283] of the underworld,[284] and God, -who is their father, visits upon the children their fathers outrageous -actions?”[285]... - -With many such words did Josephus attempt to deter them from -self-slaughter. But desperation stopped their ears, for they had long -since devoted themselves to death; and, infuriated with him, they rushed -upon him from every side, sword in hand, upbraiding him as a coward, and -one and all manifestly prepared at once to strike. But he, addressing -one by name, fixing his general’s eye of command upon another, clasping -the hand of a third, and shaming a fourth by entreaty, distracted as he -was by conflicting passions at this critical moment, yet succeeded in -staving off the blades of all, always turning, like a wild beast -surrounded (by the hunters), upon his last assailant. Even in his -extremities, they still held their general in reverence; their hands -were paralyzed, their daggers glanced aside, and many, in the act of -thrusting at him, of their own impulse dropped their swords. - - - The Drawing of the Lots - - -But, in his straits, his resource did not forsake him. Trusting to the -guardianship of God, he put his life to the hazard, and said: “Since you -are determined to die, come, let us commit our mutual slaughter to the -lot; let him who draws the first lot fall by the hand of him who comes -next; so shall fate take her course through the whole number. But let -not each be laid low by his own hand;[286] it would be unjust that, when -the rest were gone, any should repent and escape.” This proposal -appeared to them a fair one;[287] his advice was taken, and he drew lots -with the rest. The winner of the first lot bared his throat to the next, -in the assurance that his general was forthwith to share his fate; for -death with Josephus they thought sweeter than life. He, however, (should -one say by fortune or by the providence of God?) was left with one -other; and, anxious neither to be condemned by the lot nor, should he be -left to the last, to stain his hand with the blood of a fellow -countryman, he persuaded him also, on a pledge given, to remain alive. - - - Josephus before the Romans - - -Having thus survived both the war with the Romans and that with his own -friends, Josephus was brought by Nicanor into Vespasian’s presence. The -Romans all flocked to see him, and from the multitude crowding around -the general arose a hubbub of discordant voices: some exulting at his -capture, some threatening, some forcing their way to obtain a nearer -view. Those further off clamoured for the punishment of the enemy, while -those close beside him were touched by the recollection of his exploits -and filled with astonishment at the change in his condition. Of the -officers there was not one who, whatever his past resentment, did not -then relent at the sight of him. - -Titus in particular was moved exceedingly[288] by the fortitude of -Josephus under misfortunes and by pity for his youth. As he recalled the -combatant of yesterday and saw him now a prisoner in his enemy’s hands, -he was led to reflect on the power of fortune, the quick turn of the -scale in war and the instability of human affairs. He, therefore, -brought over many at the time to share his commiseration of Josephus, -and by his intercession with his father was mainly instrumental in -saving his life. Vespasian, however, ordered him to be guarded with -every precaution, intending shortly to send him to Nero. - - - Josephus tells Vespasian’s Fortune - - -On hearing this, Josephus said that he desired private speech with him. -Vespasian having ordered all to withdraw except his son Titus and two of -his friends, the prisoner thus addressed him: “You suppose, Vespasian, -that in the person of Josephus you have taken a mere captive; but I come -to you as a messenger of greater destinies. Had I not been sent on this -errand by God, I knew the law of the Jews and how it becomes a general -to die. To Nero do you send me? Why then? Will those who succeed Nero -before your accession continue?[289] You, Vespasian, are Cæsar and -Emperor—you and this your son. Bind me now yet more securely and keep me -for (trial by) yourself. For you, Cæsar, are master not of me only, but -of land and sea and the whole human race. And I—I deserve to be reserved -for punishment in even stricter custody,[290] if I dare to trifle with -the words of God.” - -To this speech Vespasian, at the moment, seemed to attach little credit, -supposing it to be an ingenious device of Josephus to save his life. -Gradually, however, he was led to believe it, since God was already -turning his thoughts to the imperial office[291] and by other tokens -foreshadowing the throne. He found, moreover, that Josephus had proved a -veracious prophet in other matters. For, one of the two friends in -attendance at the private interview having expressed his surprise that -he had not predicted the fall of Jotapata to its inhabitants nor his own -captivity, if his present words were not a nonsensical invention to -avert the indignation which he had aroused, Josephus replied that he had -foretold to the people of Jotapata that their city would be captured -after forty-seven days and that he himself would be taken alive by the -Romans. - -Vespasian, having privately questioned the prisoners on these statements -and found them true, then began to credit those concerning himself. He -did not, however, exempt Josephus from custody or bonds, though he -presented him with raiment and other precious possessions, and continued -to treat him with kindness and attention, Titus contributing much to -these complimentary honours.—_B.J._ III. 7. 33-8. 9 (316-408). - -Footnote 272: - - Or possibly “could no longer endure the strain, even under - compulsion.” - -Footnote 273: - - Gr. “chiliarch(s).” - -Footnote 274: - - MSS “of the fifth and tenth legion” (_sic_). - -Footnote 275: - - Another reading, “the secret recesses of the city.” - -Footnote 276: - - Gr. “chiliarch(s).” - -Footnote 277: - - Lit. “right hands.” - -Footnote 278: - - Cf. “Romane, memento.... Parcere subjectis.”—Virg. _Æn._ VI, 851 ff. - -Footnote 279: - - Gr. “polemarch.” - -Footnote 280: - - Did he claim kinship with his namesake Joseph? - -Footnote 281: - - Or, perhaps, “began, in his straits, to reason ... philosophically.” - -Footnote 282: - - The doctrine of _metempsychosis_. - -Footnote 283: - - Or “a darker region.” - -Footnote 284: - - Gr. “Hades.” - -Footnote 285: - - Text (“those who did violence to their fathers”) corrupt. I read τὰς - τῶν πατέρων ὕβρεις. - -Footnote 286: - - Traill, “be thrown on his own resolution” (lit. “lie on his own right - hand”). - -Footnote 287: - - Or “to be made in good faith.” - -Footnote 288: - - Another reading, “through his own virtuous disposition” (ἐξ ἀρετῆς for - ἐξαιρέτως). - -Footnote 289: - - Text and meaning doubtful. The reference is apparently to the short - reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius; but, as Niese suggests, we expect - a sentence to precede, predicting the impending death of Nero. - -Footnote 290: - - In the underworld apparently. - -Footnote 291: - - Another reading, “had already raised him to power.” - - - (44) Reception at Jerusalem of the News of the Fall of Jotapata - - -When news of the fate of Jotapata reached Jerusalem, the magnitude of -the calamity and the absence of any eyewitness of the events reported at -first induced general incredulity. For not one had escaped to tell the -tale; Rumour, own sister to Black Tidings,[292] came as her own herald -of the city’s capture. Little by little, however, the truth found its -way through the adjacent districts, and the fact was now regarded by all -as established beyond doubt. But the facts were embroidered by fiction; -thus Josephus was reported to have fallen when the city was taken. This -intelligence filled Jerusalem with the deepest sorrow. In every -household and family there was mourning of the relatives for their own -lost ones; but the lamentation for the commander was national. Some -mourned for their former guests, others for relatives, others for -friends, but all alike for Josephus. Thus for thirty days the -lamentations in the city were incessant, and many flute-players were -hired, who used to take the lead in their dirges.[293] - -But when the true story of what had happened at Jotapata was in time -disclosed, and the reported death of Josephus was found to be a -fabrication, and it became known that he was alive and in Roman hands -and being treated by the commanding officers with a respect beyond the -common lot of a prisoner, the demonstrations of anger at his escaping -alive were as loud as the former expressions of affection when he was -believed to be dead. Some abused him as a coward, others as a traitor; -and the city was filled with indignation and imprecations upon his -devoted head. - -They were exasperated, moreover, by their reverses, and their failures -added fuel to the flames. A defeat, which with the wise induces -precaution and care to provide against similar misfortunes, but goaded -them on to further disasters; and the end of one calamity was always the -beginning of the next. At any rate, the desire for vengeance on -Josephus, now in the enemy’s ranks, impelled them to fiercer assaults -upon the Romans. Such was the uproar that now prevailed in -Jerusalem.—_B.J._ III. 9. 5 f. (432-442). - -Footnote 292: - - Cf. Virg. _Æn._ IV, 173 ff. - -Footnote 293: - - Cf. Matt. ix. 23. - - - (45) Murder of the High Priest Ananus; also of Zacharias after a mock - trial - - - The Idumæans had been summoned by the Zealots to aid them against - the party of Ananus, and had with difficulty gained entrance to - Jerusalem during a thunderstorm at night. After massacring their - Jewish enemies these “children of Edom in the day of Jerusalem” - subsequently repented of their adventure and withdrew from the city. - For Zacharias see Appendix, Note V. - -[Sidenote: Winter A.D. 67-68] - -The fury of the Idumæans being still unsatiated, they turned (from the -Temple) to the city, looting every house and killing all who fell in -their way. But, thinking their energies wasted on the common people, -they went in search of the chief priests. The main body rushed to attack -them, and they were soon caught and slain. Then, standing over their -dead bodies, they scoffed at Ananus for his patronage of the people and -at Jesus for the address which he had delivered from the wall. They -actually went so far in their impiety as to cast out the corpses without -burial, although the Jews are so careful about funeral rites that even -malefactors who have been sentenced to crucifixion are taken down and -buried before sunset.[294] - -I do not think I shall be wrong in saying that the capture of the city -began with the death of Ananus; and that the overthrow of the walls and -the downfall of the Jewish state dated from the day on which the Jews -beheld their high priest, the captain of their salvation, butchered in -the heart of Jerusalem. - -A man in all ways venerable and in integrity unsurpassed, Ananus, with -all the distinction of his birth, his rank and the honours to which he -had attained, yet delighted to treat the very humblest as his equals. -Unrivalled in his love of liberty and an admirer of democracy, he on all -occasions put the public welfare above his private interests. To -maintain peace was his supreme object. He knew that the Roman power was -irresistible; but, when driven to provide for a state of war, -endeavoured to secure that, if the Jews would not break off hostilities, -the struggle should at least be skilfully conducted. In a word, had -Ananus lived, they would undoubtedly either have come to terms—for he -was an effective speaker, whose words carried weight with the people, -and was already gaining control over those who thwarted him—or else, had -hostilities continued, they would, under such a general, have greatly -retarded the victory of the Romans. - -With him was linked Jesus, who, though not comparable with Ananus, -excelled the rest of his contemporaries. - -It was, I suppose, because God had, for its pollutions, condemned the -city to destruction and desired to purge the sanctuary by fire, that He -thus cut off those who clung to it with such tender affection. So they -who but lately were clad in the sacred vestments, had led the ceremonies -of world-wide significance[295] and were reverenced by visitors to the -city from every quarter of the earth, were now seen cast out naked, to -be devoured by dogs and beasts of prey. Virtue herself, I think, groaned -over these men’s fate, lamenting that she should have been so completely -defeated by Vice. Such, then, was the end of Ananus and Jesus. - -Having disposed of them, the Zealots with the mass of the Idumæans fell -upon and butchered the people as though they had been a herd of unclean -animals.... - - - The Mock Trial and Murder of Zacharias - - -Having now come to loathe indiscriminate massacre, the Zealots -instituted mock trials and courts of justice. They had determined to put -to death Zacharias, son of Baris,[296] one of the most eminent of the -citizens. His pronounced hatred of wrongdoing and love of liberty -exasperated them, and, as he was also rich, they had the double prospect -of plundering his property and of getting rid of a powerful and -dangerous opponent. So they issued a peremptory summons to seventy of -the leading citizens to appear in the Temple, assigning to them, as in a -play, the _rôle_, without the authority, of judges; and accused -Zacharias of betraying the state to the Romans and of holding -treasonable communications with Vespasian. They adduced no evidence or -proof in support of these charges; but declared that they were fully -convinced of his guilt themselves and claimed this as sufficient -guarantee that the accusation was true. - -Perceiving that no hope of escape was left him, as he had been -treacherously summoned not to a court of justice but to prison, -Zacharias did not allow despair of life to rob him of liberty of speech. -He rose and ridiculed the probability of the accusation, and in few -words quashed the charges laid against him. Then, rounding upon his -accusers, he went over all their enormities in order, and bitterly -lamented the confusion of public affairs. The Zealots were in an uproar -and could scarce refrain from drawing their swords, although anxious to -play out their part in the farce of a trial to the close, and desirous, -moreover, to test whether the judges would put considerations of justice -above their own peril. - -The seventy, preferring to die with the defendant rather than be held -answerable for his destruction, brought in a unanimous verdict in his -favour. The Zealots raised an outcry at his acquittal, and were all -indignant with the judges for not understanding that the authority -entrusted to them was a mere pretence. Two of the most daring of them -then set upon Zacharias and slew him in the midst of the Temple; and -addressing him as he lay with jeering words, “There you have our verdict -as well and a surer release,”[297] forthwith cast him out of the Temple -into the ravine below. Then they insolently struck the judges with the -backs of their swords and drove them from the precincts; their sole -reason for sparing their lives was that they might disperse through the -city and proclaim to all the servitude to which they were -reduced.—_B.J._ IV. 5. 2-4 (314-326; 334-344). - -Footnote 294: - - Cf. Deut. xxi. 22 f.; John xix. 31. - -Footnote 295: - - Lit. “cosmical,” meaning either “open to the whole world” or perhaps - “emblematic of the mundane system” (Traill); cf. Jos. _Ant._ III. 6. 4 - (123); 7. 7 (the Tabernacle a symbol of the universe), with Westcott’s - note on Heb. ix 1. - -Footnote 296: - - According to other MSS “Bariscæus” or “Baruch.” - -Footnote 297: - - The Gr. word (ἀπόλυσις) means both “acquittal” and “death.” - - - (46) How Josephus was Liberated - - -[Sidenote: Probably Summer A.D. 69] - - -Now that fortune was everywhere furthering his wishes and that -circumstances had in large measure conspired in his favour, the thought -arose in Vespasian’s mind that divine providence had played a part in -his rise to sovereignty and that some just destiny had laid the empire -of the world upon his shoulders. Among many other omens, which had -everywhere foreshadowed his imperial office, he recalled the expressions -of Josephus, who had ventured to address him as emperor while Nero was -still alive. He was shocked to think that the man was still a prisoner -in his hands, and summoning Mucianus with his other generals and -personal friends, he first reminded them of his doughty deeds and how -much trouble he had given them at Jotapata; and then referred to his -predictions, which at the time he himself had suspected of being the -fabrications of fear, but which time and the course of events had proved -to be divine. “It is disgraceful,” he said, “that one who foretold my -elevation to power and was a minister of the voice of God should still -rank as a captive and endure a prisoner’s fate”; and calling for -Josephus, he ordered him to be liberated. - -The officers from this requital of a foreigner were led to augur -brilliant honours for themselves. But Titus, who was beside his father, -said, “Justice demands, father, that, with his bonds, the disgrace -should also be removed from Josephus. If, instead of loosing, we sever -his chains, he will be as though he had never been in bonds at all.” -This is the usual custom when a man has been unjustly chained. Vespasian -approving, an attendant came forward and severed the chain with an axe. -Thus Josephus won his freedom[298] as the reward of his divination, and -his power of insight into the future was no longer discredited.—_B.J._ -IV. 10. 7 (622-629). - -Footnote 298: - - Lit. “civic rights.” - - - (47) A Roman Reverse Inspires false Confidence - - -[Sidenote: May A.D. 70] - - -Thus, after gaining possession of the second wall, were the Romans -ejected. The spirits of the war party in the city, elated at their -success, rose to a high pitch; they thought that the Romans would never -again venture into the city, or that, if they did, they themselves would -prove invincible. For God was blinding their minds because of their -transgressions; and they perceived neither how the forces still left to -the Romans far out-numbered those which had been expelled nor the -stealthy approach of famine. It was still possible to feed upon the -public miseries and to drink of the city’s life-blood; but honest men -had long since felt the pinch of want, and many were already failing for -lack of necessaries. The factions, on the other hand, considered the -destruction of the people to be a relief to themselves; they maintained -that only those should be preserved who were enemies to peace and -determined to devote their lives to resisting the Romans; the crowds of -their opponents they regarded as a mere encumbrance[299] and their -gradual extinction a cause for satisfaction. Such were their feelings -towards those within the walls. As for their external foes, having -blocked and walled up the breach with their own bodies, they attempted -to beat off the Romans who were once more attempting to break through. - -For three days they maintained a stubborn defence and held their ground; -but on the fourth, unable to withstand a gallant assault of Titus, they -were compelled to fall back as before. Titus, once more master of the -wall, immediately razed the whole of the northern portion; and, placing -garrisons in the towers on the south side, made preparations to attack -the third wall.—_B.J._ V. 8. 2 (342-347). - -Footnote 299: - - Another reading, “as mere barbarians.” - - - (48) Cessation of the Daily Sacrifice. Josephus appeals to the Jews - - -Titus now ordered the troops at his disposal to raze the foundations of -Antonia[300] and to prepare an easy ascent (to the Temple) for his whole -army. On the seventeenth of Panemus, [Sidenote: July A.D. 70] having -heard that on that day the so-called continual sacrifice[301] had ceased -to be offered to God from lack of men and that the people were in -consequence terribly despondent, he put Josephus forward with -instructions to repeat to John[302] the same message as before; namely -“that if he was the slave of a depraved love of fighting, it was open to -him to come out with as many men as he chose and carry on the war, -without involving the city and the sanctuary in his own ruin; but that -he should no longer pollute the Holy Place nor sin against God; and that -he would be permitted to perform the interrupted sacrifices through the -ministry of any Jews he might select.” - -Josephus, in order that his words might be listened to[303] not by John -only but by the multitude, delivered Cæsar’s message in Hebrew,[304] -with earnest appeals to them “to spare their country, to disperse the -flames that were already licking[305] the sanctuary and to restore to -God the customary expiations.”[306] This address was received by the -people with dejection and silence; the tyrant,[307] on the contrary, -after many invectives and imprecations upon Josephus, ended by saying -that “he could never fear capture, since the city was God’s.” - -At this Josephus cried aloud:— - -“Pure indeed have you kept it for God! The Holy Place too remains -undefiled! No impiety are you guilty of against your looked-for Ally and -He receives His customary sacrifices! Most impious wretch, should any -one deprive you of your daily food, you would consider him an enemy; and -do you hope to have God for your ally in the war, whom you have bereft -of His everlasting ceremonial? And do you impute these sins to the -Romans, who, to this day, are concerned for our laws and are trying to -force you to restore to God those sacrifices which _you_ have -interrupted? Who would not bewail and lament for the city at this -amazing transposition, when aliens and enemies rectify your impiety, -while you, a Jew, nurtured in our laws, treat them with greater cruelty -even than your foes? - -“Yet, be sure, John, it is no disgrace to repent of misdeeds, even at -the last; and, if you desire to save your country, you have a noble -example set before you in Jeconiah, king of the Jews. He, when in the -old days the Babylonian led out his army on his account, of his own free -will left the city before it was taken, and with his family endured -voluntary captivity, rather than deliver up these holy places to the -enemy and suffer the house of God to be set on fire.[308] For this he is -commemorated in sacred story by all Jews, and memory, flowing ever fresh -from age to age, transmits his undying fame to after generations. A -noble example, John, even were it dangerous to follow; but I can warrant -you even pardon from the Romans. Remember, too, that I who exhort you am -your compatriot, that I who make this promise am a Jew; and it is right -that you should consider who is your counsellor and of what country he -comes. For I pray that I may never live to be so abject a captive as to -abjure my race or to forget the traditions of my forefathers. - -“Once again you are indignant and shout your abuse at me; and indeed I -deserve even harsher treatment for offering advice in fate’s despite and -for struggling to save those whom God has condemned. Who is ignorant of -the records of the ancient prophets and of that oracle which threatens -this poor city and is now on the eve of fulfilment? They foretold that -it would be taken when one should begin to slaughter his own countrymen. -And is not the city and the whole Temple too filled with the corpses of -your fellow-citizens? God it is then, God Himself, who with the Romans -is bringing the fire to purge His Temple and desolation upon a city so -laden with pollutions.”—_B.J._ VI. 2. 1 (93-110). - -Footnote 300: - - The tower or “castle” adjoining the Temple from the stairs of which - St. Paul delivered the speech recorded in Acts xxii. - -Footnote 301: - - The daily, morning and evening, sacrifice (ἐνδελεχισμός: Heb. - _Tamid_); cf. Numb. xxviii. 6. - -Footnote 302: - - John of Gischala. - -Footnote 303: - - Many MSS insert “standing” (“standing where he might be heard,” etc.). - -Footnote 304: - - _i.e._ Aramaic. Cf. Acts xxi. 40; xxii. 2. - -Footnote 305: - - Lit. “tasting.” - -Footnote 306: - - The Gr. word strictly means “offerings to the dead.” - -Footnote 307: - - John of Gischala. - -Footnote 308: - - Amplification of 2 K. xxiv. 12; cf. _Ant._ x. 7. 1 (100). - - - (49) Conflagration of the Temple - - - “There shall not be left here one stone upon another which shall not - be thrown down.” - - Titus, to protect his forces, had ordered the gates of the outer - court to be set on fire, and from the gates the fire extended to the - porticoes. But, after a council of war, it was decided that the main - fabric—the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies—must be saved; Titus - urging that “if it were burnt, the Romans would be the losers; if - preserved, it would be an ornament of his Empire.” His attempts to - check the spread of the conflagration proved, however, unavailing. - -[Sidenote: August A.D. 70] - -Throughout that day fatigue and consternation checked the Jews from -attacking; but, on the following day, about the second hour, with -recruited strength and renewed courage, they sallied out through the -eastern gate and charged the guards of the outer court of the Temple. - -The Romans stubbornly met their charge and, forming a screen in front -with their shields, closed up their ranks like a wall. It was evident, -however, that they would not long be able to hold together, overpowered -as they were by the number and _élan_ of their assailants. Cæsar, who -from the (tower of) Antonia was watching the scene, anticipating the -breaking of the line, came to their rescue with his picked cavalry. The -Jews could not withstand their onset; the foremost fell and the main -body retreated. Yet whenever the Romans retired the Jews returned to the -attack, only to fall back once more when the Romans wheeled round; -until, about the fifth hour of the day, the Jews were overpowered and -shut up in the inner court of the Temple. - -Titus then withdrew to Antonia, with the determination on the following -day, about dawn, to attack with his whole force and invest the Temple. -But God, it seems, had long since sentenced that building to the flames; -and now in the revolution of the years had come round the fated day, the -tenth of the month Lous, [Sidenote: August] on which it had once before -been burnt by the king of Babylon. Those flames, however, owed their -origin and cause to God’s own people.[309] For, on the withdrawal of -Titus, the insurgents, after a brief respite, again attacked the Romans, -and an engagement ensued between the (Jewish) guards of the sanctuary -and the (Romans) who were endeavouring to extinguish the fire in the -inner court. The latter routed the Jews and pursued them right up -to[310] the sanctuary. - -At this moment, one of the soldiers, without waiting for orders and with -no horror of so dread a deed, but moved by some supernatural impulse, -snatched a brand from the burning timber[311] and, hoisted up by one of -his comrades, flung the fiery missile through a golden window,[312] -which gave access on the north side to the chambers surrounding the -sanctuary. As the flame shot up, a cry, such as the calamity demanded, -arose from the Jews, who rushed to the rescue, lost to all thought of -self-preservation, all husbanding of strength, now that the object of -all their past vigilance was gone. - - * * * * * - -Titus was resting in his tent after the engagement, when a messenger -rushed in with the tidings. Starting up just as he was, he ran to the -Temple to arrest the conflagration, followed by all his generals, while -in their train came the excited legionaries, with the clamour and -confused noise arising from the movement in irregular order of so large -an army. Cæsar, both by word of mouth and by a wave of his hand, -signalled to the combatants to extinguish the fire; but they neither -heard his shouts, drowned in the louder din which filled their ears, -nor, distracted as they were by the fever of battle or rage, did they -heed his beckoning hand. The impetuosity of the legionaries, when they -joined the fray, neither exhortation nor threat could restrain; passion -was for all the one officer in command. Crushed together about the -entrances, many were trampled down by their companions; while many, -stumbling on the still hot and smouldering ruins of the porticoes, -suffered the same fate as the vanquished.[313] As they came nearer the -sanctuary they pretended not even to hear Cæsar’s orders and shouted to -those in front of them to throw in the firebrands. - -The (Jewish) insurgents were now powerless to rescue (the Temple). On -all sides was carnage and flight. Most of the slain were civilians, a -weak and unarmed mob, each butchered where he was caught. Around the -altar a pile of corpses was accumulating; down the sanctuary steps -flowed a stream of blood; and down the same decline slid the bodies of -the victims killed above. - - * * * * * - -Cæsar, finding himself unable to restrain the impetuosity of his -frenzied soldiers and that the fire was gaining the mastery, passed with -his generals within the building and beheld the holy place of the -sanctuary and all that it contained—things far exceeding the reports -current among foreigners and not inferior to their proud reputation -among our own nation. As the flames had nowhere yet penetrated to the -interior, but were consuming the outbuildings of the sanctuary, Titus, -rightly supposing that the structure might still be preserved, rushed -out and endeavoured by personal appeals to induce the soldiers to quench -the fire; at the same time directing Liberalius, a centurion of his -bodyguard of lancers, to restrain, by resort to clubs, any who disobeyed -orders. But their respect for Cæsar and their fear of the officer who -was endeavouring to check them were overpowered by their rage, their -hatred of the Jews and the lust of battle, an even mightier master. Most -of them were further stimulated by the hope of plunder, believing that -the interior was full of money and actually seeing that all the -surroundings were made of gold. - -Moreover, when Cæsar rushed out to restrain the soldiers, even one of -those who had entered with him baulked his purpose by thrusting a -firebrand, in the darkness,[314] into the sockets of the gate. At once a -flame shot up from the interior, whereupon Cæsar and his generals -withdrew, and there was none left to prevent those on the outside from -kindling a blaze. Thus, then, against Cæsar’s wishes, was the sanctuary -set on fire. - - * * * * * - -Deeply as one must mourn for the most marvellous edifice which we have -ever seen or heard of, whether we consider its structure, its magnitude, -the richness of every detail or the reputation of its Holy Places,[315] -yet may we draw very great consolation from the thought that there is no -escape from Fate, for works of art and places any more than for living -beings. And one may well marvel at the exactness of the cycle of -Destiny; for, as I said, she waited until the very month and the very -day on which in bygone times the Temple had been burnt by the -Babylonians.—_B.J._ VI. 4. 4-8 (244-268). - -Footnote 309: - - Or “to the people whose own the Temple was.” - -Footnote 310: - - Or “into.” - -Footnote 311: - - Text uncertain. - -Footnote 312: - - Or “a small golden door.” - -Footnote 313: - - Possibly there is an allusion to the burning of the porticoes in the - riots at the time of the accession of Archelaus, when many Jews - perished in the flames (_Ant._ XVII. 10. 2). - -Footnote 314: - - Text doubtful. - -Footnote 315: - - _i. e._ the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies. - - - (50) Portents and Oracles[316] - - -Thus it happened that the wretched people were deluded at that time by -charlatans and pretended messengers of God;[317] while they paid no heed -to or discredited the manifest portents that foretold the coming -desolation, but, as if thunderstruck and bereft of eyes and mind, -disregarded God’s plain proclamations (of disaster). So it was when a -star, resembling a sword, stood over the city, and a comet which -continued for a year. So again when, before the revolt and the outbreak -of war, at the time when the people were assembling for the Feast of -Unleavened Bread, on the eighth of the month Xanthicus,[318] at the -ninth hour of the night, so brilliant a light shone round the altar and -the sanctuary that it seemed to be broad daylight; and this continued -for half an hour. By the inexperienced this was regarded as a good omen, -but by the sacred scribes it was at once interpreted in accordance with -after events. - -At that same feast a cow that had been led by some one[319] to the -sacrifice gave birth to a lamb in the midst of the Temple. Moreover, the -eastern gate of the inner court, which it took twenty men to close with -difficulty at even—it was of brass and very massive, and was secured by -bars shod with iron, and had bolts which were sunk to a great depth into -a threshold consisting of a solid block of stone—this gate was observed -at the sixth hour of the night to have opened of its own accord. The -watchmen of the Temple ran and reported the matter to the captain,[320] -and he came up and with difficulty succeeded in shutting it. This again -to the uninitiated seemed the best of omens, as they supposed that God -had opened to them the gate of blessings; but the learned understood -that the security of the Temple was dissolving of its own accord and -that the opening of the gate indicated a present to the enemy, -interpreting the portent in their own minds[321] as a symbol of -desolation. - -Again, not many days after the festival, on the twenty-first of the -month Artemisium,[322] there appeared a phenomenon so miraculous as to -surpass belief. Indeed, what I am about to relate might well, I suppose, -be regarded as fictitious, were it not for the narratives of -eyewitnesses and for the subsequent calamities which deserved to be so -signalized. In all parts of the country before sunset chariots were -observed in the air and armed battalions rushing through the clouds and -closing in round the cities. Also, at the feast which is called -Pentecost, the priests on entering the inner court of the Temple by -night, as their custom was, for the discharge of their ministrations, -reported that they first became aware of a movement and a resounding -noise and afterwards heard a voice as of a crowd, “We are departing -hence.”[323] - -But a further portent was even more alarming. Four years before the war, -when the city was enjoying profound peace and prosperity, there came to -the feast at which it is the custom of all Jews to erect tabernacles to -God,[324] one Jesus, son of Ananias, a rude peasant, who suddenly began -to cry out in the Temple, “A voice from the east, a voice from the west, -a voice from the four winds; a voice against Jerusalem and the -sanctuary, a voice against bridegrooms and brides, a voice against all -the people.” Day and night he went about all the alleys with this cry on -his lips. Some of the leading citizens, incensed at the fellow’s -ill-omened words, laid hands on him and severely chastised him. But he, -without uttering a word on his own behalf or for the private ear of -those who smote him, continued his cries as before. Thereupon, the -rulers, supposing, as was indeed the case, that the man was under some -supernatural impulse, brought him before the Roman governor, where, -although flayed to the bone with scourges, he neither begged for mercy -nor shed a tear, but, merely introducing the most mournful of variations -into his ejaculation, responded to each stroke with “Woe to Jerusalem!” -When Albinus, the governor, asked him who and whence he was and why he -uttered these words, he made no reply whatever to his questions, but -never ceased reiterating his dirge over the city, until Albinus -pronounced him a maniac and let him go. - -During all that period up to the outbreak of war he neither approached -nor was seen talking to any of the citizens, but, as if it were a prayer -on which he had pondered, daily repeated his lament, “Woe to Jerusalem!” -He neither cursed any of those who beat him day after day nor blessed -those who offered him food; to all that melancholy and ominous refrain -was his one reply. At the festivals his cries were loudest. So for seven -years and five months he continued his wail, his voice never flagging -nor his strength exhausted, until during the siege, after witnessing the -verification of his presage, he ceased. For, while going his round on -the wall, shouting in piercing tones “Woe once more to the city and to -the people and to the Temple,” as he added a last word, “And woe to -myself also,” a stone shot from the military engine[325] struck and -killed him instantaneously. So with those ominous words still on his -lips he passed away. - - * * * * * - -If we reflect on these things, we shall find that God shows care for -men, and by all kinds of premonitory signs indicates to His people the -means of salvation, and that they owe their destruction to folly and -calamities of their own choosing. For example, the Jews, after the -demolition of the (tower of) Antonia, reduced the Temple to a square, -although they had it recorded in their oracles that the city and the -sanctuary would be taken when the Temple should become four-square. But -what more than all else incited them to the war was an ambiguous oracle, -likewise found in their sacred writings, to the effect that about that -time some one from their country should become ruler of the world. This -they understood to mean some one of their own race, and many of their -wise men went astray in their interpretation of it. The oracle, however, -in reality signified the sovereignty of Vespasian, who was proclaimed -Emperor on Jewish soil. - -For all that, it is impossible for men to avoid Fate, even though they -foresee it. For some of these portents, then, the Jews found agreeable -meanings, others they treated with contempt, until the ruin of their -country and their own destruction convicted them of their folly.—_B.J._ -VI. 5. 3 f. (288-315). - -Footnote 316: - - Cf. Appendix, Note VI. - -Footnote 317: - - The “tyrants” had encouraged optimistic false prophets in order to - prevent desertion to the Romans. - -Footnote 318: - - March-April. - -Footnote 319: - - Eusebius (_H.E._ III. 8) reads “by the High Priest.” - -Footnote 320: - - Cf. Acts iv. 1; v. 24. - -Footnote 321: - - Or “among themselves.” - -Footnote 322: - - April-May. - -Footnote 323: - - So all the Gr. MSS (cf. Tac. _Hist._ v. 13, _maior humanâ vox excedere - deos_). The Lat. version, with two other authorities, reads, “Let us - depart hence.” - -Footnote 324: - - The Feast of Tabernacles (_Sukkoth_). - -Footnote 325: - - πετροβόλος, the Lat. _ballista_, a kind of large catapult. - - - (51) The Last Scene. Capture of the Upper City. Jerusalem in Flames - - - “Tum vero omne mihi visum considere in ignes....” - -[Sidenote: September A.D. 70] - -The Romans, now masters of the walls, planted their standards on the -towers, and with clapping of hands and jubilation raised the song of -triumph in honour of their victory. They had found the end of the war a -much lighter task than the beginning; indeed, they could hardly believe -that they had surmounted the last wall without bloodshed, and were -truly[326] at a loss on finding no enemy in sight. - -Pouring into the alleys, sword in hand, they massacred indiscriminately -all whom they met and burnt over their heads the houses of those who had -taken refuge within. Often in the course of their raids, on entering the -houses for loot, they would find whole families of dead bodies and the -rooms filled with the victims of the famine, and then, shuddering at the -sight, would retire empty-handed. Yet, while they pitied those who had -thus perished, they had no similar feelings for the living, but, running -every one through that fell in their way, they choked the alleys with -corpses and deluged the whole city with blood, insomuch that the flames -of many of the burning buildings were extinguished by the gory stream. -Towards evening they ceased slaughtering, but when night fell the fire -gained the mastery, and the dawn of the eighth day of the month Gorpiæus -[Sidenote: September] broke upon Jerusalem in flames; a city which had -suffered such calamities in the siege, that, had she from her first -foundation enjoyed an equal share of blessings, she would have been -thought wholly enviable; and undeserving, moreover, of these great -misfortunes on all other grounds, save that she produced so evil a -generation as that which caused her overthrow. - - * * * * * - -Of all the strong defences of the city those which chiefly aroused the -admiration of Titus, on his entry, were the towers, which the tyrants, -in their infatuation, had abandoned. Indeed, when he beheld their solid -lofty mass, the magnitude of each block of stone and the accuracy of the -joinings, and saw how great was their breadth, how vast their height, -“We have indeed,” he exclaimed, “had God on our side in the battle. God -it was who ejected the Jews from these strongholds; for what power have -human hands or engines against these towers?” He made many similar -observations to his friends on that occasion, and also liberated all who -had been imprisoned by the tyrants and left in the forts. And when, at a -later period, he demolished the rest of the city and razed the walls, he -left these towers as a memorial of his attendant fortune, to whose -co-operation he owed his conquest of defences which defied -assault.—_B.J._ VI. 8. 5-9. 1 (403-413). - -Footnote 326: - - Some MSS read “unusually” (ἀήθως for ἀληθῶς). - - - (52) The Spoils from the Temple in the Triumphal Procession in Rome - - - The Jewish spoils—the table of shew-bread, incense-cups and - trumpets—as borne in the procession still figure on the Arch of - Titus in Rome; a representation _e.g._ in Driver’s _Exodus_ (_Camb. - Bible_), p. 273. - -The rest of the spoils borne (in procession) were not systematically -assorted; but conspicuous above all stood out those captured from the -Temple at Jerusalem. These consisted of a golden table,[327] many -talents in weight, and a lampstand,[328] likewise made of gold, -constructed on a different pattern from those which we use in ordinary -life. Affixed to a pedestal was a central shaft, from which there -extended slender branches, arranged trident-fashion, a wrought lamp -being attached to the extremity of each branch. There were seven of -these lamps, indicating the honour paid to that number among the Jews. -After these, and last of all the spoils, was carried a copy of the -Jewish Law.—_B.J._ VII. 5. 5 (148-150). - -Footnote 327: - - The table of shew-bread. - -Footnote 328: - - Or “candlestick.” - - - - - VIII. THE JEWISH SECTS - - - (53) The Three Sects and their Views on Fate and Free-Will - - - This account occurs in the history of the Maccabæan period. The - saying of R. Aqiba (_Pirqe Aboth_, III. 24) may be quoted in - illustration of this passage: “Everything is foreseen; and free-will - is given,” where Predestination and Free-will are set side by side, - as if not irreconcilable. - -At this time [Sidenote: _c._ 145 B.C.] there were three sects of Jews, -holding different opinions about human actions; the first was called the -sect of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sadducees, and the third -that of the Essenes. - -The Pharisees assert that some, but not all, events are the work of -Fate, and some are under our own control, to be or not to be. The -followers of the Essenes affirm that Fate is all-powerful, and that -nothing befalls men except in accordance with her decree. The Sadducees -abolish Fate, maintaining that there is no such thing, that the events -of human life are not dependent upon her, and that all things fall -within our own control; so that it is we who are responsible for our -blessings and bring our misfortunes on ourselves by our own -thoughtlessness.—_Ant._ XIII. 5. 9 (171-173). - - - (54) The Essenes, with a note on Pharisees and Sadducees - - -Jewish philosophy takes three forms. The followers of the first school -are called Pharisees, of the second Sadducees, of the third Essenes. - - -The Essenes: their Asceticism, Simplicity of Life and Community of Goods - - -A studied gravity[329] is the distinguishing characteristic of the -Essenes. Of Jewish birth, they show a greater attachment to each other -than do the other sects. They shun pleasures as a vice and regard -temperance and the control of the passions as a special virtue. Marriage -they disdain, but they adopt other men’s children, while yet pliable and -docile, and regard them as their kin and mould them in accordance with -their own principles. They do not wholly condemn wedlock and the -continuance thereby of the human race, but guard against women’s -wantonness, being persuaded that none of the sex keeps her plighted -troth to one man. - -Riches they despise, and their community of goods is a wonderful -arrangement; you will not find one among them distinguished by greater -opulence than another. They have a law that new members on admission to -the sect shall confiscate their property to the order, with the result -that you will nowhere see either abject poverty or inordinate wealth; -the individual’s possessions join the common stock and all the -brotherhood enjoy a single patrimony. - -Oil they consider defiling, and any one who accidentally comes in -contact with it scours his person; for they make a point of keeping a -dry skin and of always being dressed in white. - -They elect overseers of the common property,[330] and all their -officials for various purposes are chosen[331] by the whole body. - -They occupy no one city; each city has its own settlement. On the -arrival of any of the sect from elsewhere, all the resources of the -community are put at their disposal, just as if they were their own; and -they enter the houses of men whom they have never seen before as though -they were their most intimate friends. Consequently, they carry nothing -whatever with them on their journeys, except arms as a protection -against brigands. In every city of the order there is one expressly -appointed to attend to strangers, who provides them with raiment and -other necessaries. - -In their dress and general appearance they resemble boys who are -schooled under a rigorous system.[332] They do not change their garments -or shoes until they are torn to shreds or worn threadbare with age. - -There is no buying or selling among themselves, but each gives what he -has to any in need and receives from him in exchange something useful to -himself; they are also freely permitted to accept whatever they choose -without making any return. - - - Their Prayers to the Sun. The Refectory - - -In religious matters[333] their piety is unique. Before the sun is up -they utter no word on mundane matters, but offer to him certain prayers, -which have been handed down from their forefathers, as though entreating -him to rise. They are then dismissed by the overseers to the various -crafts in which they are severally proficient and are strenuously -occupied until the fifth hour, when they again assemble in one place -and, girding themselves with linen cloths, so equipped bathe their -bodies in cold water. After this purification, they collect in a private -apartment which none of the uninitiated is permitted to enter, and so, -pure and by themselves, repair to the Refectory, as to some sacred -shrine. When they have taken their seats in silence, the baker serves -out the loaves to them in order, and the cook sets before each a single -vessel of one kind of food. Before meat the priest says a grace, and -none may partake until after the prayer. When breakfast[334] is ended, -he pronounces a further grace; thus at the beginning and at the close -they do homage to God as the bountiful giver of life.[335] Then laying -aside their raiment, as holy (vestments), they again betake themselves -to their labours until the evening. On their return they sup in like -manner, and any guests who may have arrived sit down with them. No -clamour or disturbance ever pollutes their dwelling; conversation takes -place in turn, each man making way for his neighbour. To persons outside -the silence of those within appears like some awful mystery; it is in -fact due to their continuous sobriety and to the limitation of their -allotted portions of meat and drink to the demands of nature. - -In all other matters they do nothing without orders from the overseers; -two things only are left to individual discretion, the rendering of -assistance and compassion. Members may of their own motion help the -deserving, when in need,[336] and proffer food to the destitute; but -presents to relatives are prohibited, without leave from the managers. - -Just in their control[337] of resentment, they restrain their wrath; -they are champions of[338] fidelity and very ministers of peace. Any -word of theirs has more force than an oath; swearing they avoid, -regarding it as worse than perjury, for they say that the thing -which[339] is not believed without (an appeal to) God stands condemned -already. - - - Their Studies - - -They display an extraordinary interest in the writings of the ancients, -singling out in particular those which make for the welfare of soul and -body; through these they make investigations into medicinal roots[340] -and the properties of stones,[341] useful in the treatment of -diseases.[342] - - - Admission to the Order. The Novice’s Probation and Oath - - -A candidate anxious to join their sect is not immediately admitted. For -one year, during which he remains outside the fraternity, they prescribe -for him their own rule of life, presenting him with a small hatchet, the -forementioned loin-cloth and white raiment. Having given proof of his -continence during this probationary period, he is brought into closer -touch with the rule and is allowed to share the purer kind of holy -water, but is not yet received into the life of the community. For, -after this exhibition of endurance, his character is tested for two -years more, and only then, if found worthy, is he enrolled in the -society. - -But, before he may touch the common food, he is made to swear tremendous -oaths[343]:—first that he will practise piety towards God,[344] next -that he will observe justice towards men; that he will wrong none -whether of his own mind or under another’s orders; that he will for ever -hate the unjust and fight the battle of the just; that he will for ever -keep faith with all men, especially with the powers that be, since no -ruler attains his office save by the will of God;[345] that, should he -himself bear rule, he will never abuse his authority nor, either in -dress or by other outward marks of superiority, outshine his subjects; -to be ever a lover of truth and to make it his aim to convict liars; to -keep his hands from stealing and his soul pure from impious gain; to -conceal nothing from the members of the sect and to report none of their -secrets to others, even though threatened with death. He swears, -moreover, not to communicate any of their doctrines to any one otherwise -than as he himself received them; to abstain from robbery; and in like -manner carefully to preserve the books of their sect and the names of -the angels. Such are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes. - - - Expulsion from the Order - - -Those who are convicted of[346] serious crimes they expel from the -order; and the ejected individual often comes to a most miserable end. -For, being bound by their oaths and usages, he is not at liberty to -partake of other men’s food, and so falls to eating grass and wastes -away and dies of starvation. This has led them in compassion to receive -many back in the last stage of exhaustion, deeming that torments which -have brought them to the verge of death are a sufficient penalty for -their misdoings. - - - Their Law-courts, Reverence for Moses, Sabbatarianism, etc. - - -They are just and scrupulously careful in their trial of cases, never -passing sentence in a court of less than a hundred members; the decision -thus reached is irrevocable. After God they hold most in awe the name of -their lawgiver, any blasphemer of whom is punished with death. - -It is a point of honour with them to obey their elders, and a majority; -for instance, if ten sit together, one will not speak if the nine desire -silence. - -They are careful not to spit into the midst of the company or to the -right, and are stricter than all Jews in abstaining from work on the -seventh day; for not only do they prepare their food on the day before, -to avoid kindling a fire on that one, but they do not venture to remove -any vessel or even to go to stool. - -On other days they dig a trench a foot deep with the _skalis_[347]—such -is the purpose of the hatchet which they present to new members on -admission[348]—and wrapping their mantle about them, that they may not -offend the rays of the deity,[349] sit above it. They then replace the -excavated soil in the trench. For this purpose they select the more -retired spots. And though this secretion of bodily impurity is a natural -function, they make it a rule to wash themselves after it, as if -defiled. - - - The Four Grades of Essenes—their Endurance of Persecution - - -They are divided, according to the duration of their discipline, into -four grades;[350] and so far are the junior members inferior to the -seniors, that the latter, if but touched by the former, bathe -themselves, as though they had been polluted by contact with an alien. - -They live to a great age—most of them to upwards of a century—in -consequence, I imagine, of the simplicity of, and their moderation in, -their diet.[351] They make light of danger, and conquer pain by their -resolute will; death, if it come with honour, they consider better than -immortality. The war with the Romans tried their souls through and -through by every variety of test. Racked and twisted, burnt and broken, -and made to pass through every instrument of torture, to induce them to -blaspheme their lawgiver or to eat some forbidden thing, they refused to -yield to either demand, nor ever once did they cringe to their -tormentors or shed a tear. Smiling in their agonies, and with gentle -derision of the ministers of their tortures, they cheerfully resigned -their souls, confident that they would receive them back again. - - - Their Belief in the Immortality of the Soul - - -For it is a fixed belief of theirs that bodies are corruptible, and the -matter of which they are made has no permanence, but that souls continue -for ever immortal. Emanating from the finest ether, these souls become -entangled, as it were, in the prison-house of the body, to which they -are dragged down by some magical[352] spell; but when once they are -released from the bonds of the flesh, then, as though liberated from a -long servitude, they rejoice and are borne aloft. For the good souls—and -here they are of the same mind as the sons of Greece—they maintain that -there is reserved a habitation beyond the ocean, in a place which is not -oppressed by rain or snow or heat, but is refreshed by the ever-gentle -breath of the west wind coming in from ocean; while to the base they -allot a murky and tempestuous dungeon, big with never-ending -punishments. - -The Greeks, I imagine, had the same conception when they set apart the -Islands of the Blessed for their brave men, whom they call heroes and -demigods, and the Region of the Impious for the souls of the wicked down -in Hades, where, as their mythologists tell, certain persons are -undergoing punishment, such as Sisyphus, Tantalus, Ixion, and -Tityus.[353] Their aim was first to establish the premiss that souls are -immortal, and secondly to promote virtue and to deter from vice; for the -good are made better in their lifetime by the hope of being rewarded -even after death, and the impetuous passions of the wicked are -restrained by fear and the expectation that, even though they escape -detection while alive, they will undergo never-ending punishment after -their decease. - -Through these theological views of theirs concerning the soul the -Essenes irresistibly attract all who have once tasted their philosophy. - - - Essene Prophets - - -There are some among them who profess to foretell the future, being -versed from their early years in holy books, various[354] forms of -purification and apophthegms of prophets; and seldom, if ever, do they -err in their predictions.[355] - - - Essene Schismatics who Allow Marriage - - -There is yet another order of Essenes, who, while at one with the rest -in their mode of life, customs and regulations, differ from them in -their views on marriage. They think that those who decline to marry cut -off the chief function of life—that of transmitting it—and furthermore -that, were all to adopt the same view, the whole race would very quickly -die out. They give their wives, however, a three years’ probation, and -only marry them after they have thrice undergone purification, in proof -of fecundity. They have no intercourse with them during pregnancy, thus -showing that their motive in marrying is not self-indulgence but the -procreation of children. In the bath the women wear a dress, the men a -loin-cloth. Such are the usages of this order. - - - The Pharisees and Sadducees - - -Of the two first-named schools, the Pharisees have the reputation of -being the most accurate expositors of the laws, and owe to this[356] -their position as the leading sect. They attribute everything to Fate -and God; yet they admit that to act rightly or otherwise rests for the -most part with men, though in each action Fate is an auxiliary.[357] -Every soul, they maintain, is imperishable, but the soul of the good -alone passes into another body, while the souls of the wicked suffer -eternal punishment. - -The Sadducees, the second of the orders, do away with Fate altogether, -and remove God beyond, not merely the commission, but the very sight, of -evil. They maintain that good and evil lie open to men’s choice and that -it rests with every man’s will whether he embraces the one or the other. -As for the permanence of the soul, penalties in the underworld[358] and -rewards, they will have none of them. - -The Pharisees are affectionate to each other, and cultivate harmonious -relations with the community. The Sadducees, even to one another, are -rather boorish in their behaviour, and in their intercourse with their -fellows are as harsh as with aliens. - -Such is what I have to say on the Jewish philosophical schools.—_B.J._ -II. 8. 2-14 (119-166). - -Footnote 329: - - Or “solemnity” or “sanctity.” - -Footnote 330: - - Or “of the affairs of the community.” - -Footnote 331: - - Text doubtful. - -Footnote 332: - - Lit. “with fear.” - -Footnote 333: - - Lit. “towards the deity.” - -Footnote 334: - - Most MSS “his breakfast.” - -Footnote 335: - - Other MSS “sustenance.” - -Footnote 336: - - Or “when they ask an alms.” - -Footnote 337: - - Or “display”; lit. “just stewards” or “dispensers.” - -Footnote 338: - - Or “leaders in.” - -Footnote 339: - - MSS “the person who.” - -Footnote 340: - - Or “roots that act as charms.” - -Footnote 341: - - _i. e._ probably, charms or amulets. - -Footnote 342: - - On this paragraph see Lightfoot, _Colossians_, 8 p. 89 f. note. - Lightfoot, connecting the passage with _Ant._ VIII. 2. 5, § (6) above, - regards the “writings” as Solomonian books and the Essenes as - primarily dealers in charms, rather than physicians. - -Footnote 343: - - The inconsistency of this with the attitude of the sect towards - swearing as recorded in a previous paragraph is remarkable. - -Footnote 344: - - Lit. “the Divinity.” - -Footnote 345: - - Cf. Rom. xiii. 1. - -Footnote 346: - - Or “detected in.” - -Footnote 347: - - Usual meaning “a hoe”; Lightfoot tr. “spade.” - -Footnote 348: - - See p. 152 above. - -Footnote 349: - - _i. e._ the sun-god, to whom they pray (see above and cf. Lightfoot, - _Col._, p. 85 note 2). - -Footnote 350: - - As Lightfoot (_Col._ 363, note) points out, the passage must be read - in connexion with the account of the admission to the order (above). A - comparison shows that the two year period there mentioned comprises - “the period spent in the second and third grades, each extending over - a year. After passing through these three stages in three successive - years, he enters upon the fourth and highest grade, thus becoming a - perfect member.” - -Footnote 351: - - Or, perhaps, “the simplicity of their mode of life and their regular - habits.” - -Footnote 352: - - φυσικός here apparently used of the occult laws of nature (v. - Liddell-Scott Lex.). - -Footnote 353: - - Lit. “the Sisyphuses,” etc. - -Footnote 354: - - Or “superior,” “special.” - -Footnote 355: - - For these Essene fortune-tellers, see Lightfoot, _Col._ 89, note 1 - (“We may conjecture that with the Essenes this acquisition was - connected with magic or astrology. At all events it is not treated as - a direct inspiration”), and the instance of Menahem, § (59), below. - -Footnote 356: - - Meaning a little uncertain. - -Footnote 357: - - _i. e._ “co-operates.” - -Footnote 358: - - Gr. “Hades.” - - - (55) Another Account of the Three Sects—and a Fourth - - - This account, which follows the story of Quirinius and the revolt of - Judas, § (24), seems to be taken from the special source on which - Josephus draws largely in the last books of the _Antiquities_. The - style is difficult, and the text in places uncertain. - - -Among the hereditary institutions of the Jews, dating from quite ancient -times, were the three schools of philosophy: the school of the Essenes, -that of the Sadducees, and, thirdly, that of the Pharisees so called. -Although I[359] have spoken about them in the second book of the _Jewish -War_,[360] I will briefly touch on them here. - - - The Pharisees - - -The Pharisees practise simplicity of life, and give way to no -self-indulgence. They take as their guiding motive certain traditional -principles which their school[361] has tested and approved, and consider -it a matter of the first importance to observe the doctrines which it -has deliberately dictated. They show respect and deference to those who -have gone before them, nor have they the effrontery to dispute any -proposition which they have introduced.[362] While maintaining that all -events are the work of Fate, they do not deprive man of free-will in his -actions, since (as they hold) it has pleased God that the decision -should rest[363] both with Fate’s council-chamber and with the human -will whether a man takes the side of virtue or of vice. They believe -that souls have immortal power, and that beneath the earth punishments -and awards await those who, during life, have made a practice of vice or -virtue: to the former is assigned everlasting imprisonment, the latter -are granted facilities to live again.[364] By these doctrines they have -gained a very great influence over the masses, and all religious -ceremonies in the matter of prayers[365] and the offering of sacrifices -are performed according to their directions. Such high testimony do the -cities bear to their character, regarding them, both in their manner of -life and in their utterances, as patterns of perfection. - - - The Sadducees - - -The Sadducees hold that the soul perishes with the body. They make no -pretence of observing any rules whatever except the laws; indeed, they -count it meritorious to dispute with the doctors of their school. Their -tenets have but few adherents; but these are persons of the highest -reputation. They have hardly any effect on practical life; for whenever -any of their number accept office, they, reluctantly indeed, but of -necessity, become converts to the Pharisaic creed, because otherwise -they would not be tolerated by the masses. - - - The Essenes - - -The characteristic of the Essene creed is that all things are left in -God’s hands. They hold that souls are immortal, and that the -rewards[366] of righteousness are a prize worth a battle. Although they -send dedicatory offerings to the Temple, their rites of purification -when sacrificing are peculiar; they are consequently excluded from the -precincts of the national shrine[367] and offer their sacrifices apart. -In other ways they are most estimable men, whose whole energy is devoted -to agriculture. In this particular they deserve more admiration than all -professedly virtuous persons, because a habit which has never prevailed, -even for a while, in any nation, whether Greek or barbarian, has been -with them a long-established and uninterrupted custom. Their goods are -in common, and the rich man enjoys no more of his possessions than he -who owns nothing at all; this rule is followed by a body of men -numbering over four thousand. Marriage and slavery they abjure, the -latter as tending to promote injustice, the former as giving occasion -for discord; they live by themselves and minister to each other’s needs. -They elect good men to act as receivers of their revenues and of the -produce of the soil, and priests as bakers and cooks. Their manner of -life bears the closest resemblance in all points to that of the Dacian -tribe known as the Polistæ.[368] - - - The Zealots - - -A fourth school was founded by Judas the Galilæan.[369] While they agree -in all other respects with the Pharisees, its disciples have an -ineradicable[370] passion for liberty, and take God for their only -leader and lord. In their determination to call no man lord, they make -light of enduring death in all manner of forms, and of penalties -inflicted on their kinsmen and friends. Since, however, most of my -readers have witnessed their unflinching endurance under such tortures, -I need not dwell further upon it. My fear is not that anything which I -might say of them will be thought incredible, but, on the contrary, that -the narrative may fail to do justice to the fortitude with which they -meet the agony of pain. It was the madness of this party which was the -beginning of the afflictions of our nation, when [Sidenote: A.D. 64-66.] -Gessius Florus, the governor, by wanton abuse of his authority, drove -them in desperation into revolt from Rome.[371] - -Such are the various schools of Jewish philosophy.—_Ant._ XVIII. 1. 2-6 -(11-25). - -Footnote 359: - - Gr. “we.” - -Footnote 360: - - § (54). - -Footnote 361: - - ὁ λόγος. Whiston, “follow the guidance of _reason_”; but ὁ λ. must, it - seems, have the same meaning as in the corresponding opening sentences - in the paragraphs on Sadducees and Essenes, (?) “doctrine” or - “tenets.” - -Footnote 362: - - Text doubtful. - -Footnote 363: - - Another reading (κρᾶσιν for κρίσιν), “that there should be a blend - between....” - -Footnote 364: - - Cf. § (43), p. 124. - -Footnote 365: - - Or “vows.” - -Footnote 366: - - Lit. “revenue.” - -Footnote 367: - - Lit. “the common precincts.” Whiston, “the common court of the - Temple.” - -Footnote 368: - - πολισταῖς (_i.e._ “Founders” or “Colonisers”), Scaliger’s emendation - of the MS reading πλείστοις; cf. the allusion in Strabo 296 to a - Thracian tribe who live without wives and are called Founders - (κτίσται). - -Footnote 369: - - Cf. § (24). - -Footnote 370: - - Perhaps, with a slight transposition of letters, “invincible” - (Bekker). - -Footnote 371: - - Cf. § (39). - - - (56) Why John Hyrcanus went over from the Pharisees to the Sadducees - - -[Sidenote: 135-105 B.C.] - - - John Hyrcanus I was the son and successor, in the offices of high - priest and prince, of Simon the Maccabee. - -These successes of Hyrcanus, however, aroused the envy of the Jews. His -bitterest enemies were the Pharisees, one of the Jewish sects, as we -have already stated, whose influence with the populace is such that a -word from them against king or high priest meets with instant belief. - -Hyrcanus had been their disciple and was greatly beloved by them. Having -on one occasion invited them to a banquet and hospitably entertained -them, and seeing them in high good humour, he began to say to them that -they knew how anxious he was to live righteously, and how in all his -actions he strove to please God and them (for the Pharisees are a school -of philosophers); but he besought them, if ever they saw him erring and -deviating from the right way, to bring him back into it and correct him. -His guests declaring that there was no virtue which he lacked, he was -pleased with their commendation. - -But one of them, named Eleazar, an ill-natured man who delighted in -faction, remarked, “As you have asked us to tell you the truth and -desire to be righteous, renounce the high priesthood and be content to -be ruler of the people.” And when Hyrcanus enquired of him the reason -why he should lay down the office of high priest, he replied, “Because -we are informed by the elders that your mother was a captive in the -reign of Antiochus Epiphanes.”[372] The story was false, and Hyrcanus -was exasperated with the man, and all the Pharisees were greatly -indignant. - -A certain Jonathan,[373] however, an intimate friend of Hyrcanus and a -follower of the sect of the Sadducees (whose doctrines are the reverse -of those of the Pharisees), asserted that Eleazar’s slanderous words had -the unanimous approval of the whole body of Pharisees, and that this -would be manifest if he asked them what punishment he deserved for what -he had said. Hyrcanus, accordingly, asked the Pharisees what penalty -they thought appropriate, expecting to prove[374] by the measure of the -sentence which they pronounced that the libel had not received their -approval. They replied, “Stripes and imprisonment.” The taunt did not -seem to merit capital punishment; the more so as the Pharisees are -naturally lenient in the matter of penalties. Hyrcanus was greatly -incensed at this answer, supposing that the man’s abusive language had -met with their approbation. His exasperation was increased in particular -by Jonathan, who so worked upon him as to induce him to desert the -Pharisees and join the Sadducean party; he also persuaded him to abolish -the practices which the Pharisees had ordained for the people, and to -punish any who observed them. To this cause he and his sons owed their -unpopularity with the multitude. - -Of this more hereafter. Here I would merely explain that the Pharisees -had delivered to the people certain customary practices, handed down by -their forefathers and not recorded in the laws of Moses, and for that -reason rejected by the Sadducees, who maintain that only what is written -(in Scripture) should be held binding, and that customs based on -ancestral traditions should not be observed. On these matters the two -parties had great debates and differences. The Sadducees are influential -only with the wealthy and have no following among the populace; the -Pharisees have the masses on their side. But of these two sects and of -the Essenes I have given a precise account in the second book of my -_Jewish (War)_.[375]—_Ant._ XIII. 10. 5 f. (288-298). - -Footnote 372: - - Cf. § (63), p. 175. - -Footnote 373: - - Another reading “John.” - -Footnote 374: - - Or, according to another reading, “to be convinced.” - -Footnote 375: - - See § (54). - - - (57) "Conciliate the Pharisees"—Alexander’s dying advice to Alexandra - - - Alexander Jannæus (of the Hasmonæan dynasty; reigned 104-78 B.C.), - on his last campaign, lies dying during the siege of Ragaba, near - Gerasa on the east of Jordan. - -[Sidenote: 78 B.C.] - -The Queen, seeing him to be near his end and now past hope of recovery, -wept and lamented for her impending desolation and poured out her grief -for herself and her children. “To whom are you thus leaving me,” so she -spoke to him, “and our children who need others to help them, knowing as -you do the ill-will which the nation bears you?” - -Alexander advised her, if she wished to secure both the throne and their -children, to comply with his suggestions. She was to conceal his death -from the soldiers until she had taken the town.[376] She was then to -enter Jerusalem in triumph after her victory and to concede a measure of -authority to the Pharisees; for they would commend her for the honour -paid them and dispose the nation in her favour. The Pharisees, he told -her, had great influence with the Jews (and could use it) to the injury -of any who hated them, or to the advantage of those who were on friendly -terms with them; above all they had the confidence of the common people -in any harsh criticism which they might pronounce on others, even though -prompted by mere malice; the offence which he himself had given to the -nation arose from his insulting the Pharisees. “Do you accordingly,” he -said, “when you reach Jerusalem, send for such of them as are -factious,[377] display my dead body, and with absolute sincerity allow -them to use me as they will, whether they prefer to do despite to my -corpse by refusing it burial in revenge for all they have suffered from -me, or to gratify their anger by any other form of outrage to it. -Promise them, moreover, that you will take no action in the exercise of -your royal authority without consulting them. If you thus address them, -_I_ shall obtain a more splendid funeral from them than I should have -had from you—for with the power to misuse my dead body they will lack -the will—and _you_ will be secure in your rule.” With this advice to his -wife, he died, having reigned seven and twenty years and lived one and -fifty.[378] - -Alexandra took the fortress and, in accordance with her husband’s -suggestions, had a colloquy with the Pharisees, leaving the disposal of -the corpse and of the affairs of the kingdom entirely in their hands, -and so pacified their anger against Alexander and won their good-will -and friendship for herself. The Pharisees then went and harangued the -multitude, rehearsing Alexander’s achievements, and telling them that -they had lost a righteous king; and by their encomiums elicited from the -people such lamentation and dejection on his behalf that they gave him a -more splendid funeral than to any of the kings that had been before him. - -Alexander left two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but he bequeathed the -kingdom to Alexandra. Of the sons, Hyrcanus was a weak administrator and -preferred a quiet life; the younger, Aristobulus, was a man of action -and courage. Their mother was beloved of the multitude because she -appeared to take her husband’s errors to heart. - -Hyrcanus she appointed high priest, because he was the elder, but still -more on account of his temperamental inaction. She allowed the Pharisees -complete freedom, and ordered the people to obey their behests. She also -reinstated the customs which the Pharisees had introduced in accordance -with ancestral tradition and her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had -abrogated.[379] She was thus nominally Queen, but the real power was in -the hands of the Pharisees.—_Ant._ XIII. 15. 5-16. 2 (399-409) - -Footnote 376: - - Ragaba. - -Footnote 377: - - Conj. Niese; MSS “send for their soldiers.” - -Footnote 378: - - Another reading, “fifty years save one.” - -Footnote 379: - - Cf. § (56). - - - (58) How the Pharisees rose to Power under Queen Alexandra - - - A supplement to the final paragraph in the preceding section. - -[Sidenote: 78-69 B.C.] - -Beside Alexandra, and growing as she grew,[380] arose the Pharisees, a -body of Jews with the reputation of excelling the rest of their nation -in the observances of religion, and as exact exponents of the laws. To -them, being herself devoutly religious, she listened with too great -deference; while they, gradually taking advantage of an ingenuous woman, -became at length the real administrators of the state, at liberty to -banish and to recall, to loose and to bind, whom they would. In short, -the enjoyments of royal authority were theirs; its expenses and burthens -fell to Alexandra. She proved, however, to be a wonderful administrator -of large affairs of state, and, by continual additions to her levies, -doubled her (home) army, besides collecting a considerable body of -foreign troops; so that she not only strengthened her own nation, but -became a formidable foe to foreign potentates. Thus she ruled the -nation, and the Pharisees ruled her.—_B.J._ I. 5. 2 (110-112). - -Footnote 380: - - Reading αὐτῆς; lit. “grew up beside into her power” (like suckers - round a tree). With the reading αὐτῇ, “Beside A. there rose to - power....” - - - (59) Herod the Great exempts Pharisees and Essenes from the Oath of - Allegiance. The Essene Prophet Menahem - -[Sidenote: _c._ 37 B.C.] - -Most of Herod’s subjects, either from obsequiousness or fear, yielded to -his demands;[381] those who showed a bolder front and took offence at -the compulsory order, he found one means or other of putting out of the -way. He endeavoured to persuade Pollio the Pharisee and Sameas and most -of their disciples to take the oath with the rest; but they refused, and -the respect in which Pollio was held secured them from sharing the -penalty of the other objectors. - -Exemption from this order was further extended to the Essæans,[382] as -we call one of our sects, who resemble in their manner of life the -Grecian school of Pythagoras. Elsewhere I shall give a more detailed -account of them;[383] here the reason may be told why Herod held them in -such honour and esteem as possessed of supernatural powers. The -narrative, while illustrating the high opinion which this class enjoyed, -will not be out of place in an historical work. - -There was a certain Essene named Menahem,[384] who was reputed not only -to lead a blameless life but to have been gifted by God with a knowledge -of future events. This man, seeing Herod as a lad on his way to school, -addressed him as king of the Jews. Herod, supposing that he spoke in -ignorance or in jest, reminded him that he was only a commoner. But -Menahem, with a quiet smile, clapped him on the backside and said, “For -all that, be sure you will be king and will have a prosperous -reign;[385] for God finds you worthy of it. And remember the blows you -received from Menahem, and let them be a symbol to you of the changes of -fortune. It were best to reflect on such things, even though you were to -be a lover of righteousness, of piety to God and equity to your -subjects. But I, knowing all, know that such will not be your character. -You will surpass all men in good fortune and will win undying renown, -but will be forgetful of piety and justice. God, however, will not be -unmindful of these sins and at the close of your life the wrath which -they merit will be remembered against you.” - -Herod at the time paid little heed to this prediction of eminence to -which his hopes did not aspire; but when he had by gradual stages risen -to the throne and prosperity, and was at the height of his power, he -sent for Menahem and asked him how long he would reign. Menahem would -not reveal all. He held his peace, but on being further asked merely -whether he would reign as much as ten years, “Yes,” he replied, “twenty; -nay, thirty,” but fixed no term for the allotted period. With this -answer Herod was content, gave Menahem his hand and dismissed him, and -from that time forward continued to hold all the Essenes in -honour.—_Ant._ XV. 10. 4 f. (369-378). - -Footnote 381: - - By taking the oath of allegiance to him. - -Footnote 382: - - Jos. uses this form and “Essenes” interchangeably. - -Footnote 383: - - Cf. § (54). - -Footnote 384: - - Gr. “Manæmus” (throughout). - -Footnote 385: - - Text doubtful. Perhaps “will begin happily.” - - - (60) The Pharisees refuse to take the Oath of Allegiance (another - account). - - -[Sidenote: _c._ 37 B.C.] - -Now there was one section of the Jews that prided themselves on their -strict observance of inherited traditions and professed (to know) the -laws[386] in which the Deity takes delight.[387] They had obtained -complete control over the women-folk.[388] They were called Pharisees, -and showed foresight in resisting an all-powerful monarch[389] and -temerity in proceeding to open hostility and opposition. - -For instance, when the whole Jewish nation took the oath of allegiance -to Cæsar and to the king’s government, these men, to the number of -upwards of six thousand, refused to swear. The king imposed a money -penalty, whereupon the wife of Pheroras[390] paid the fine on their -behalf. In requital for this service of hers the Pharisees, who through -divine inspiration were endowed with the gift of foreknowledge, foretold -that God had decreed the downfall from power of Herod and his family, -and the transfer of the kingdom to her and Pheroras and their children. -These words, coming to the knowledge of Salome,[391] were reported to -the king, who was further informed that the Pharisees were corrupting -some of his courtiers. The king thereupon put the principal offenders -among the Pharisees to death together with the eunuch Bagoas and one -Carus, the most famous beauty of his time and a royal favourite. He also -killed all the members of his household who were implicated in[392] the -Pharisees’[393] prediction. Bagoas had been led by them to believe that -he would be called the father and benefactor of the king whose rise they -foretold; that monarch, they said, would be omnipotent and would enable -Bagoas to marry and beget children of his own.—_Ant._ XVII. 2. 4 -(41-45). - -Footnote 386: - - Lit. “laid claim to the laws.” But the text is doubtful. Others read, - “... observance of the laws of their fathers, and pretended that the - Deity took delight in them (the Pharisees).” - -Footnote 387: - - Cf. Rom. ii. 18 (“knowest the will”). - -Footnote 388: - - That is, apparently, the women of Herod’s family. The word denotes the - harem of a prince. - -Footnote 389: - - Text and meaning doubtful. - -Footnote 390: - - Herod’s brother. - -Footnote 391: - - Herod’s sister. - -Footnote 392: - - Or “had associated themselves with.” - -Footnote 393: - - Gr. “Pharisee’s.” - - - - - IX. JEWISH THEOLOGY, SCRIPTURES AND CUSTOMS - - - (61) Some Aspects of Jewish Theology. Moses as Religious Educator - - - Our Polity a Theocracy - - -There is endless variety in the details of the customs and laws which -prevail in the world at large. [To give but a summary enumeration:][394] -some peoples have entrusted the supreme power of government to -monarchies, others to oligarchies, yet others to the masses. Our -lawgiver, however, was attracted by none of these forms of polity, but -gave to his constitution the form of what—if a forced expression be -permitted—may be termed a “theocracy,” ascribing the sovereignty and -majesty to God. To Him he persuaded all to look, as the Author of all -blessings, both those which are common to all mankind, and those which -they had won for themselves by prayer in their utmost adversities. He -convinced them that no single action, no secret thought, could be hid -from Him. He represented Him as One, uncreated[395] and immutable to all -eternity;[396] in beauty surpassing all mortal comeliness, made known to -us by His power, although the nature of His real being[397] passes -knowledge. - - - A Religion for the Many, not (like Greek philosophy) for the Few - - -That the wisest of the Greeks learnt to adopt these conceptions of God -from principles with which Moses supplied them, I am not now concerned -to urge; but they have borne abundant witness to the excellence of these -doctrines, and to their consonance with the nature and majesty of God. -In fact, Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Plato, the Stoics who succeeded him, -and indeed nearly all the philosophers appear to have held similar views -concerning the nature of God. These, however, addressed their philosophy -to the few, and did not venture to divulge the true doctrine[398] to the -masses who were prepossessed by (other) opinions; whereas our lawgiver, -by making practice square with precept, not only convinced his own -contemporaries, but so firmly implanted this belief concerning God in -their descendants to all future generations that it cannot be moved. The -cause (of his success) was that he far surpassed (other legislators) in -promoting the good of all men to all time by his scheme of legislation; -for he did not make religion a department of virtue, but the various -virtues—I mean, justice, temperance, fortitude, and mutual harmony in -all things between the members of the community[399]—departments of -religion. Religion governs all our actions and studies and speech; none -of these things did our lawgiver leave unexamined[400] or indeterminate. - - - The Two Methods of Education Combined by Moses - - -All schemes of education and moral training fall into two categories; -instruction is imparted in the one case by precept, in the other by -practical exercising of the character. All other legislators, following -their divergent opinions, selected the particular method which each -preferred and neglected the other. Thus the Lacedæmonians and Cretans -employed practical, not verbal, training; whereas the Athenians and -nearly all the rest of the Greeks made laws enjoining what actions might -or might not be performed, but neglected to familiarize the people with -them by putting them into practice. - -Our legislator, on the other hand, took great care to combine both -systems. He did not leave practical training in morals without a written -code;[401] nor did he permit the letter of the law to remain -inoperative. Starting from the very beginning with the food of which we -partake from infancy and the private life[402] of the home, he left -nothing, however insignificant, to the discretion and caprice of the -individual. What meats a man should abstain from, and what he may enjoy; -with what persons he should associate; what period should be devoted -respectively to strenuous labour and to rest;[403]—for all this our -leader made the law the standard and rule, that we might live under it -as under a father and master[404] and be guilty of no sin through -wilfulness or ignorance. - - - All Jews Know their Law, which is Read Every Week - - -For ignorance he left no pretext. He proved[405] the Law to be the most -excellent and necessary form of instruction, ordaining, not that it -should be heard once for all or twice or on several occasions, but that -every week men should desert their other occupations and assemble to -listen to the Law and to obtain a thorough and accurate knowledge of it; -a practice which all other legislators seem to have neglected.[406] - -Indeed, most men, so far from living in accordance with their own laws, -hardly know what they are. Only when they have done wrong do they learn -from others that they have transgressed the law. Even those of them who -hold the highest and most important offices admit their ignorance; for -they employ professional legal experts as assessors and leave them in -charge of the administration of affairs. But, should any one of our -nation be questioned about the laws, he would repeat them all more -readily than his own name. The result, then, of our thorough grounding -in the laws from the time when we first had any sensations whatever, is -that we have them as it were engraven on our souls. A transgressor is a -rarity and to elude punishment by entreaty an impossibility.—_c. Ap._ -II. 16-18 (164-178). - -Footnote 394: - - These words occur only in Eusebius’s citation (_Præp. Ev._ VIII. 8), - not in the MSS of Josephus. - -Footnote 395: - - Or, according to another reading, “unbegotten.” - -Footnote 396: - - Lit. “to time everlasting.” - -Footnote 397: - - Or “essence.” - -Footnote 398: - - Lit. “the truth of the doctrine.” - -Footnote 399: - - The four cardinal virtues of the Platonic School, except that Harmony - (συμφωνία) here replaces the usual Wisdom (φρόνησις). - -Footnote 400: - - The Greek word is that used in Socrates’ famous saying, “The life - which is unexamined is not worth living” (Plato, _Apology_ 38A). - -Footnote 401: - - Lit. “dumb.” - -Footnote 402: - - Or “diet.” - -Footnote 403: - - Lit. “and concerning strenuous application to labours and contrariwise - rest.” - -Footnote 404: - - Cf. Gal. iii. 24, “the law hath been our tutor.” - -Footnote 405: - - Or “appointed.” - -Footnote 406: - - For the Rabbinical tradition that Moses introduced the custom of the - public reading of the Law on Festivals and Sabbaths, see an art. by - Dr. Büchler in the _Jewish Quart. Review_, V. 420 (1893). - - - (62) A Future Life—for the Law-abiding - - -With us the death penalty is imposed for most offences, for instance, if -a man commit adultery.... Even fraud in such matters as weights or -measures, or injustice and deceit in trade, or purloining another man’s -property or laying hands on what one did not deposit—all such crimes -have punishments attached to them which are not on the same scale as -with other nations, but more severe. For example, the mere intention of -doing wrong to one’s parents or of impiety against God is followed by -instant death. - -For those, on the other hand, who live in accordance with our laws the -prize is not silver or gold, no crown of wild olive[407] or of -parsley[408] with any such public proclamation (as attends those -awards). No; each individual, relying on the witness of his own -conscience and the lawgiver’s prophecy, which is confirmed by the sure -testimony of God, is firmly persuaded that to those who observe the laws -and, if they must needs die for them, willingly meet death,[409] God has -granted a renewed existence and in the revolution (of the ages)[410] the -gift of a better life. I should have hesitated to write thus, had not -the facts made all men aware that many of our countrymen have on many -occasions ere now preferred to brave all manner of suffering rather than -to utter a single word against the Law.[411]—_c. Ap._ II. 30 (215-219). - -Footnote 407: - - As in the Olympic games. - -Footnote 408: - - As in the Isthmian and Nemean games. - -Footnote 409: - - Text doubtful. - -Footnote 410: - - ἐκ περιτροπῆς should, perhaps, be read in the light of the kindred - passage, _B.J._ III. 374 (§ (43), p. 124 above), ἐκ περιτροπῆς αἰώνων. - Or translate simply “in exchange,” “in turn.” - -Footnote 411: - - Cf. § (54), p. 155 above. - - - (63) The Jewish Scriptures and their Preservation - - - The Writers and Custodians of the Records - - -That our forefathers took no less, not to say even greater, care than -the nations I have mentioned[412] in the keeping of their records—a task -which they assigned to their chief priests and prophets—and that down to -our own times these records have been, and if I may venture to say so, -will continue to be, preserved with scrupulous accuracy, I will -endeavour briefly to demonstrate. - - - Selection of the Custodians. Scrutiny of Priestly Marriages and - Genealogies - - -Not only did our ancestors in the first instance set over this business -men of the highest character, devoted to the service of God, but they -took precautions to ensure that the priests’ lineage should be kept -unadulterated and pure. A member of the priestly order must marry a -woman of his own race, without regard to her wealth or other -distinctions; but he must investigate her pedigree, obtaining the -genealogy from the archives[413] and producing a number of witnesses. -And this practice of ours is not confined to the home country of Judæa, -but wherever there is a Jewish colony,[414] there too a strict account -is kept by the priests of their marriages; I allude to the Jews in Egypt -and Babylon and other parts of the world in which any of the priestly -order are living in dispersion. A statement is drawn up by them and sent -to Jerusalem, showing the names of the bride and her father and more -remote ancestors together with the names of the witnesses. In the not -infrequent event of war, for instance when our country was invaded by -Antiochus Epiphanes [Sidenote: 170-168 B.C.], by Pompey the Great -[Sidenote: 63 B.C.], by Quintilius Varus [Sidenote: 4 B.C.], and above -all in our own times [Sidenote: A.D. 66-70.], the surviving priests -compile fresh records from the older documents;[415] they also pass -scrutiny upon the remaining women and disallow marriage with any who -have been taken captive, suspecting them of having had frequent -intercourse with foreigners. But the most convincing proof of our -accuracy in this matter is that our records contain the names of our -high priests with the succession from father to son for the last two -thousand years. And whoever violates any of the above rules is forbidden -to minister at the altars or to take any other part in divine worship. - - - The Twenty-two Books of Scripture - - -The task of writing (our national history) is thus one which cannot be -capriciously undertaken by all alike; and there is no discrepancy in the -records. No; the prophets alone (had this privilege), obtaining their -knowledge of the most remote and ancient history through the inspiration -which they owed to God, and committing to writing a faithful account of -the events of their own time just as they occurred. From this it -naturally, or rather necessarily, follows that we[416] do not possess -vast numbers[417] of inconsistent books, conflicting with each other. -Our books, those to which we justly pin our faith,[418] are but two and -twenty, and contain the record of all time.[419] - -Of these, five are the books of Moses, comprising the laws and the -traditional history from the birth of man down to the death of the -lawgiver. This period falls only a little short of three thousand years. -From the death of Moses to the (death)[420] of Artaxerxes,[421] who -succeeded Xerxes as King of Persia, the prophets subsequent to Moses -wrote the history of the events of their own times in thirteen books. -The remaining four books contain hymns to God and precepts for (the -conduct of) human life. - -From Artaxerxes to our own time the complete history has been written, -but has not been deemed worthy of equal credit with the earlier records, -because of the failure of the exact succession of the prophets. - - - Jewish Veneration of their Scriptures - - -We have given practical proof of the spirit in which we treat[422] our -own Scriptures. For, although such long ages have now passed, no one has -ventured either to add, or to remove, or to alter a syllable; and it is -an instinct with every Jew, from the day of his birth, to regard them as -the decrees[423] of God, to abide by them, and, if need be, cheerfully -to die for them. Time and again ere now the sight has been witnessed of -prisoners enduring tortures and death in every form in the theatres, -rather than utter a single word against the laws and the allied -documents.—_c. Ap._ I. 6-8 (29-43). - -Footnote 412: - - _i. e._ Egyptians, Babylonians, Chaldæans and Phœnicians, as opposed - to the Greeks, who neglected to keep records of antiquity - -Footnote 413: - - Reading ἀρχείων. MSS “from the ancients” (ἀρχαίων). - -Footnote 414: - - Or “college of priests.” - -Footnote 415: - - Or, perhaps, “from the archives” (ἀρχείων). - -Footnote 416: - - Unlike the Greeks. - -Footnote 417: - - Lit. “tens of thousands.” - -Footnote 418: - - Eusebius reads, “which are justly believed to be divine.” - -Footnote 419: - - See on this and the following paragraph Appendix, Note VII. - -Footnote 420: - - The earlier editions insert ἀρχῆς (“till the reign of ...”), not found - in Niese’s MS. Perhaps we should read simply “until Artaxerxes” - (μέχρις for μέχρι τῆς). - -Footnote 421: - - In Jos. Artaxerxes = Ahasuerus of the Book of Esther (_Ant._ XI. 6. 1 - (184)); Xerxes = Artaxerxes of Ezra-Nehemiah. - -Footnote 422: - - Gr. (as quoted by Eusebius) “approach.” The MSS of Jos. read “we have - trusted.” - -Footnote 423: - - Or “doctrines.” - - - (64) Universal Imitation of our Laws the sincerest flattery - - -Now, since Time is reckoned in all cases the surest test of worth,[424] -I would call Time to witness to the excellence of our lawgiver and of -the doctrine which he has delivered to us concerning God. An infinity of -time has passed (since Moses) by comparison with the ages in which other -lawgivers lived; yet it will be found that throughout the whole of that -period not merely have our laws stood the test of our own use, but they -have to an ever-increasing extent instilled an emulation of them into -the world at large.[425] - -Our earliest imitators were the Greek philosophers, who, though -ostensibly observing the laws of their own countries, yet in their -conduct[426] and philosophy were Moses’ disciples, holding similar views -about God, and inculcating simplicity of life and participation[427] -between man and man. But-that is not all. The masses have long since -shown a keen desire to adopt our religious observances, and there is not -one city, Greek [or barbarian, nor a single nation,][428] to which our -custom of abstaining from work on the seventh day has not spread, and -where the fasts and the lighting of lamps and many of our prohibitions -in the matter of food are not observed. Moreover, they attempt to -imitate our harmonious relations with each other, the charitable -distribution of our possessions, our devoted labour in the crafts, our -endurance under persecution on behalf of our laws. The greatest miracle -of all is that our Law holds out no seductive bait of sensual pleasure, -but has exercised this influence through its own inherent merits; and, -as God has permeated the universe, so the Law has found its way among -all mankind. Let each man reflect for himself on his own country and his -own household, and he will not discredit what I say. It follows, then, -that either we must convict the whole world of deliberate depravity in -their eager desire to adopt the bad laws of a foreign country in -preference to the good laws of their own, or else our accusers must give -up their grudge against us. In honouring our own legislator and putting -our trust in his prophetical utterances concerning God, we do not make -any arrogant claim justifying such odium. Indeed, were we not ourselves -aware of the excellence of our laws, assuredly[429] we should have been -impelled to pride ourselves upon them by the multitude of their -admirers.—_c. Ap._ II. 38 f. (279-286). - -Footnote 424: - - Or “the surest of all tests” (lit. “assayers”). - -Footnote 425: - - The text of this sentence is uncertain. I adopt Niese’s conjecture. - -Footnote 426: - - Perhaps we should read “their writings” (Niese). - -Footnote 427: - - Or “friendly communion.” - -Footnote 428: - - Niese reads “nor a single barbarian race.” - -Footnote 429: - - Reading πάντως (with Niese). - - - (65) The Oath “Corban” - - - Cf. Mark vii. 11. - - -In ancient times various cities were acquainted with the existence of -our nation, and to some of these many of our customs have now found -their way and here and there been thought worthy of imitation. This is -apparent from a passage in the work of Theophrastus on _Laws_, where he -says that the laws of the Tyrians prohibit the use of foreign oaths, in -enumerating which he includes among others the oath called “Corban.” Now -this oath will be found in no other nation except the Jews, and, -translated from the Hebrew, one may interpret it as meaning “God’s -gift.”[430]—_c. Ap._ I. 22 (166 f.). - -Footnote 430: - - Elsewhere (_Ant._ IV. 4. 4 [73]) Jos., like Mark, renders simply, and - correctly, “a gift.” - - - - - APPENDIX OF ADDITIONAL NOTES - - - I. Note on § (24). QUIRINIUS - - -P. Sulpicius Quirinius, a native of Lanuvium, was consul in 12 B.C.; -some years later was sent on an expedition against the Homonadenses, a -mountain tribe in Cilicia, and was awarded a triumph for his successes; -accompanied Gaius Cæsar, grandson of Augustus, to the East in A.D. 2 as -his tutor; and in A.D. 6 was appointed Governor of Syria as legatus of -the Emperor, and in that capacity took over Judæa on the deposition of -Archelaus, and made the valuation of the newly-annexed district here -described by Josephus. Towards the end of his life he caused some -scandal at Rome by the divorce of his wife Lepida, whom he accused of -attempting to poison him. He remained in favour with Tiberius, who, on -his death about A.D. 21, secured him a public funeral. A mutilated -inscription found near Tivoli (Tibur) seems to prove that he was _twice_ -governor of Syria. (Tacitus _Ann._ III. 48 and 22; Suet. _Tib._ 49 ; -art. in _Encycl. Bibl._). - -This is not the place to discuss the formidable difficulties arising -from St. Luke’s reference (ii. 1 ff.) to “the decree from Cæsar -Augustus” and “the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of -Syria.” These are set out in full in Schürer’s _Jewish People in the -time of Jesus Christ_, i. 2, pp. 105-143; on the other side should be -read Sir W. M. Ramsay’s _Was Christ born at Bethlehem?_ (1898). It has -been held that St. Luke is guilty of an anachronism in making the birth -of Christ contemporary with the well-known enrolment under Quirinius -(Acts v. 37), which took place ten years after the death of Herod, and -that other features in his account, which lacks external support, render -the whole narrative incredible. Those who argue that the Evangelist is -guilty of such gross error must at least admit that he had not read the -last books of the _Antiquities_ of Josephus (see Note IV below). But it -is difficult to believe that a historian generally so careful has erred -in this way. Since Schürer’s indictment was written, Ramsay has adduced -important new evidence from the papyri, proving that in Egypt from the -time of Augustus a periodic census or “enrolment by household” took -place every fourteen years; he has further given reason for thinking -that this system applied to other provinces and dependencies of the -Roman Empire, and that Judæa under Herod was not exempt, although a -concession was made to local prejudice in the manner of the enrolment; -he concludes that the “first” enrolment under Quirinius and the birth of -Christ fell in the year 6 B.C. He has not quite removed all -difficulties. In particular, it seems impossible to find room within the -lifetime of Herod for the first governorship of Quirinius, unless the -ἡγεμονία mentioned by St. Luke refers to his appointment as a _special_ -lieutenant of Augustus to conduct the war against the Homonadenses, -while Quintilius Varus administered the ordinary affairs of Syria. But -why in that case does St. Luke connect the census with the military -commander Quirinius, rather than with Varus? - - - II. Note on § (26). THE ALLEGED WITNESS TO JESUS CHRIST - - - Recent literature:— - - (_a_) For the authenticity of the whole section. - - F. C. Burkitt; in _Theologisch Tijdschrift_, Leiden, 1913, pp. 135 - ff. - - A. Harnack in _Internat. Monatsschrift für Wissenschaft und - Technik_, 1913, pp. 1037 ff. (I have, unfortunately, been unable to - see this, and only know it through Norden’s rejoinder, which seems - conclusive.) - - (_b_) For partial interpolation. - - Th. Reinach in _Revue des Études Juives_, tom. xxxv, 1897, pp. 1 ff. - - P. Corrsen in _Zeitschrift für die N.T. Wissenschaft_, 1914, pp. 114 - ff., _Die Zeugnisse des Tacitus u. Pseudo-Josephus über Christus_ - (thinks the interpolation has probably replaced a genuine statement - of Josephus about Christ). - - (_c_) Against the authenticity of the whole section. - - E. Norden in _Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum_, vol. - xxxi, 1913, pp. 637 ff., _Josephus u. Tacitus über Jesus Christus - und eine messianische Prophetie_. - - E. Schürer, _Hist. of Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ_, - 1898, I. 2, pp. 143 ff. (where the older literature is quoted). - - (_d_) For the passages in the Slavonic version of the _B.J._ - - A. Berendts in _Texte und Untersuchungen_, N. F., Bd. XIV, 1906. - -In this much debated passage Josephus appears to speak of Jesus Christ -as one of more than mortal nature, as a wonder-worker and a teacher of -men who receive “the truth” with pleasure, and as gaining many adherents -among Jews and Greeks. Then comes the explicit statement, “This was the -Christ.” The writer proceeds to mention His crucifixion by Pilate “on -the indictment of our principal men,” His resurrection and appearance to -His followers on the third day, and the survival at the time of writing -of “the tribe” of Christians who took their name from Him. - -The passage largely accounts for the high esteem in which Josephus was -held by Patristic writers. Since the revival of learning the question of -its authenticity has been the subject of keen controversy. Until -recently few scholars of weight have ventured to maintain that the -paragraph _as it stands_ can have been penned by the Jewish historian; -the point on which opinions have diverged has been whether the whole is -an interpolation or whether a genuine brief statement of Josephus about -Christ has been expanded and emended by a Christian hand. In recent -years the question has been reopened in two ways, by the conversion of -two authorities of the first rank to the rejected view and by the -discovery of new materials. Professor Burkitt in this country and -(following him with a little hesitation) Harnack in Germany have -pronounced in favour of the genuineness of the passage. The existence -has also been brought to light of other passages in the Slavonic version -of the _Jewish War_ relating to John the Baptist, Christ and the early -Christians. The Slavonic matter may be treated independently; it has no -attestation in the Greek MSS, and, whatever its origin, lacks the -authority with which the present passage comes before us. Harnack has -been answered in a masterly article by one of his own countrymen -(Norden), and, notwithstanding the weight attaching to the names of its -recent supporters, the arguments against the authenticity of the passage -(at least in its present form) appear overwhelming. The really decisive -factors in the problem must be sought rather in the relevance of the -passage to its context and in the style than in any subjective -considerations as to what Josephus could or could not have written. - - - External evidence - - -The passage, it is true, stands in all our MSS, but this tells us -little, since the oldest of them (Niese’s P) is not earlier than the -ninth or tenth century. Eusebius quotes it (_H.E._ i. 11, cf. _Dem. Ev._ -iii. 3. 105 f.), thus attesting its existence in the fourth century. On -the other hand, it is practically certain that Origen in the preceding -century did not find it in his text. He knows the allusions to John the -Baptist in the same book of the _Antiquities_ (§ 29) and to James the -Lord’s brother in the twentieth book (§ 37), but of any mention of -Christ he has no word. Nor are we confined to this _argumentum e -silentio_; his language makes it impossible to suppose that he found the -statement “This was the Christ.” “The wonder is,” he writes, “that, -though he (Josephus) _did not admit our Jesus to be Christ_, he none the -less gave his witness to so much righteousness in James” (_Comm. in -Matt._ x. 17); and again (writing on John the Baptist) “although he -(Josephus) _disbelieved in Jesus as Christ_” (_c. Cels._ i. 47). The -passage about James as cited by Origen differs, indeed, from the normal -text; according to Origen, Josephus regarded the destruction of the -Temple as a punishment for the murder. Prof. Burkitt thinks that Origen -may have “mixed up in his commonplace book the account of Ananus’ murder -of James and the remarks of Josephus on Ananus’ own murder” (§ 45); but -it is difficult to believe, as the Professor appears to suggest, that -his familiarity with the _Antiquities_ was so slight that he could have -missed the statement in XVIII. 63 f. and written as he did if it stood -in his text. The real importance of Origen’s evidence is that it seems -to supply the date when our passage was interpolated by a Christian -reader, viz. towards the end of the third century, between the age of -Origen and that of Eusebius. - - - Internal evidence - - -(1) _Context._—The latest advocates of the authenticity of the statement -have judged it on its merits, apart from its context, from which it -cannot be isolated. As Norden has convincingly shown, it breaks the -thread of the narrative, the framework of which at this point consists -of a series of “tumults” or “disturbances” (θόρυβοι). This framework -seems to have been taken over from an older authority, and so -mechanically that disturbances which occurred at different dates are -treated as contemporaneous. We have:— - -First θόρυβος (XVIII. 55-59).—Pilate introduces the Emperor’s busts into -Jerusalem and threatens the Jewish petitioners with death “if they did -not desist from turbulence” (θορυβεῖν 58). - -Second θόρυβος (60-62).—Pilate appropriates the Corban money for -building purposes. His soldiers overpower the insurgents (τοὺς -θορυβοῦντας 62), “and so the sedition (στάσις) was quelled.” (See § 25 -of the translation for these two θόρυβοι). - -[Here (63-64) comes the passage about Christ.] - -Third θόρυβος (65-84).—Two scandalous events at Rome leading -respectively to the crucifixion of the priests of Isis and to the -banishment of the Jews (for the second of these see § 27). These -paragraphs open with the words “Now about the same time another calamity -disturbed (ἐθορύβει) the Jews.” - -Fourth θόρυβος (85-87) in Samaria, introduced by the words “The -Samaritan race also was not exempt from disturbance” (θόρυβος), while -the next paragraph begins “When the disturbance (θορύβου) was put down.” - -It will be seen that this scheme is interrupted by the Christian -περικοπή. The opening of 65 connects the third “disturbance” directly -with the second (62). The mention of Pilate naturally led the -interpolator to insert his statement at this point; but the structure of -the original narrative leaves no room for it. - -(2) _Style._—Notwithstanding its brevity (it comprises only three -sentences in Niese’s text) the paragraph is long enough to betray in its -language the hand of the forger. The style is not quite so “neutral” as -Harnack suggests. - -Here, again, regard must be had to the immediate surroundings. The style -of Josephus is variable, now easy and flowing, now extraordinarily -difficult. The testimony to Christ is imbedded in a portion of the -_Antiquities_ (XVII. 1-XIX. 275) which contains some of the hardest -Greek in our author. The language throughout this group of nearly three -books is distinguished by some well-marked characteristics, _e.g._ a -large use of periphrastic expressions. The simple verb is replaced by -the combination of the _nomen actoris_ in -τῆς with καθίστασθαι, -γίγνεσθαι, εἶναι or the like (thus κριτὴς εἶ αι = κρίνειν XIX. 217); μὴ -ἀπηλλαγμένος with inf. (_ibid._ “not incapable,” “competent”) is a -similar mannerism of constant occurrence in these books and is based on -Thuc. I. 138. Χρῆσθαι is used with extraordinary frequency in -periphrases. Other peculiarities are the use of the neuter participle -with article as an abstract noun (Thucydidean), of οὐδὲν (μηδὲν) εἰς -ἀναβολὰς for “quickly” (after Thuc. VII. 15), and of ὁπόσος (100 -examples in these books) for ῞ὅσος in other parts of Josephus. The -departure from the author’s normal practice extends to the spelling; the -double σ (of Thucydides) in words like πράσσειν in these books replaces -as a rule the so-called “Attic” ττ employed elsewhere in the -_Antiquities_. Imitation of Thucydides, found sporadically in other -parts, here reaches its climax. This practice largely accounts for the -cumbrous phrases and involved periods prevalent in these books. The -style is artificial and imitative and does not lend itself readily to -imitation by another, The sources of this portion of the work are -mainly, if not entirely, Roman, notably the narrative of the accession -and (at quite disproportionate length) the death (XIX. I. 275) of -Caligula; and I can only account for the phenomena by supposing that the -author here handed over entirely to one of his literary _collaborateurs_ -or συνεργοί (cp. _Ap._ I. 50), who had hitherto rendered only occasional -aid, the task of translating his Latin authorities. On the accession of -Claudius, when the centre of interest shifts from Rome to Palestine, the -normal style is resumed (at XIX. 276). - -Now, the mannerisms of _Ant._ XVII-XIX. 275 recur with wearisome -iteration; it is rare to find a sentence which does not contain one or -more of them. Thus in the paragraphs immediately preceding the passage -about Christ we find three examples of periphrasis with χρῆσθαι (58, 60, -62); in the paragraph which follows two examples of οὐκ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι -(65, 68). But the passage itself contains none of the really distinctive -features; one phrase alone (ἡδονῇ δέχεσθαι) gives us pause. The -following details may be noticed. - - “A doer of wonderful works.” In compiling a Greek index to _Ant._ - XVI.-XX. I have not noticed another instance of παράδοξος. - - “Men who receive the truth with pleasure.” “The truth” (τἀληθῆ). The - crasis is in the style of Jos., but the phrase is again unexampled, - at least in this portion. On the other hand, “to receive with - pleasure” (ἡδονῇ δέχεσθαι) recurs in XVIII. 6, 59, 70, 236, 333; - XIX. 127, 185 and similar phrases (ἡδονῇ φέρειν, χαρᾷ φέρειν or - δέχεσθαι) elsewhere in this portion of the work. I account for this, - with Norden, by supposing that “the interpolator knew his author.” - He knew him just well enough to employ the crasis in τἀληθῇ and a - phrase which he found twice in the immediate context (59, 70). - - “The Greeks” (τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ). The neut. may be paralleled by _B.J._ - II. 268, but is not uncommon outside Josephus. - - “Our principal men.” Norden notes that, whereas “the first” or - “principal men” (οἱ πρῶτοι) is frequent in _Ant._ XX. (2, 6, 53, - 119, 123, 135, etc.), it never has the personal note (“our”) - attached to it. - - “Those who first loved (him).” Ἀγαπᾶν in Jos., never, according to - Norden, has the Christian meaning of “love,” but only its classical - sense of “be content”; an instance occurs in the previous paragraph - (60, cp. 242). - - “On the third day.” The phrase (τρίτην ἡμέραν ἔχων) is again - unexampled in Jos.; the N.T. yields the nearest parallel (Lk. xxiv. - 21, τρίτην ταύτην ἡμέραν ἄγει). - - “Alive again” (πάλιν ζῶν). Jos. writes elsewhere of a future life - ἀναβιοῦν (_Ant._ XVIII. 14) and γενέσθαι τε πάλιν καὶ βίον ἀμείνω - λαβεῖν (_Ap._ II. 218); he does not use ζῆν or ζωή in this - connexion. - - “And to this very day” (εἰς ἔτι τε νῦν). The phrase is foreign to - Jos., who commonly writes ἔτι καὶ νῦν, occasionally καὶ μεχρὶ τοῦ - νῦν and the like, never εἰς ἔτι (Norden). - - Jos. is scrupulous in avoiding a harsh hiatus—the juxtaposition of - unelided vowels at the end of one word and the beginning of the - next. The interpolator writes τἀληθῆ correctly, but, as Norden - notes, he has in these few lines introduced three glaring examples - of hiatus: Ἑλληνικοῦ ἐπηγάγετο, σταυρῷ ἐπιτετιμηκότος, Πιλάτου οὐκ. - -(3) _Contents._—Our decision must rest primarily upon the arguments -already adduced from context and style. But the whole tone of the -passage suggests a Christian hand. It is the eulogy of a devotee -masquerading under the mantle of the Jewish historian, rather than what -we should expect, the bare chronicle, if not the bitter invective, of -the priestly historian himself. “If one should call him a man”; “this -was the Christ.” Could Josephus have so written? Even Jerome found this -last phrase incomprehensible on such lips and altered it in his -translation to “_credebatur_ esse Christus” (_De vir. ill._ 13). Prof. -Burkitt ventures to uphold the authenticity even of these words. The -passage, he argues, was penned at a time when Christianity had not yet -become a formidable foe to Judaism, and was intended as an answer to -Jewish expostulations on the subject of the coming of Messiah. This is -how he paraphrases it: “Yes, the Christ was to come and indeed did come. -That very estimable person who met with his death some time ago was the -Christ. As in the case of so many other personages in our divinely -chosen nation, there were some wonders and prodigies told about him. -Even now there are some who revere him. They are good harmless folk like -their master. But they are quite unimportant and no danger to the State; -when you hear of ‘Christ’ it is no future Hannibal or Spartacus, but a -good man who is dead and gone” (_loc. cit._ p. 140 f.). The reader must -be left to estimate the value of this interpretation of the historian’s -character and language in the light of the other evidence. - -The theory of _partial_ interpolation, held by those who reject the -obviously Christian phrases but believe that Josephus made some -statement about Christ, is unsatisfactory. In so far as it is supported -by any solid arguments, it is based partly on the few phrases for which -parallels can be found in his writings, partly on the assumption that -the other mention of “Jesus who was called Christ” (_Ant._ XX. 200) -implies a fuller statement elsewhere. But the elimination of all that is -suggestive of Christian origin leaves practically nothing behind. We may -well follow Norden in declining to discuss what he calls the -“transcendental” question whether the interpolation may have ousted a -genuine statement of the historian about Christ, now lost beyond -recovery; merely adding that the argument that the paragraph interrupts -the sequence of the narrative is an argument for its spuriousness as a -whole. - - * * * * * - -In connexion with the passage in _Ant._, the very curious additional -matter in the Slavonic version of the _Jewish War_ (edited with a German -translation by Berendts, _v. supra_) must be briefly mentioned. - -Of the eight passages the first three relate to the Baptist. (1) A -description of “the savage” (_Wilder_) and his baptism, of his being -brought before Archelaus and how Simon the Essene disputed with him; (2) -his interpretation of a dream of Herod Philip; (3) his rebuke of Herod -(Antipas) for marrying Herodias his brother Philip’s wife _after_ the -latter’s death (“for thou dost not raise up seed to thy brother, but -gratifyest thy fleshly lusts and committest adultery, since he has left -four children”), and his abstinence, even from unleavened bread at the -Passover season. Then follows (4) a description of Christ, beginning in -the same way as our passage, “At that time there arose a man, if it is -right to call him a man,” but with much greater detail: his miracles -wrought by a mere word (this is twice repeated); the current belief that -he was “the first lawgiver risen from the dead”; his resort to the Mount -of Olives; his 150 disciples (_Knechten_); and how Pilate, whose dying -wife he had healed, released him upon the first hearing, but was -subsequently induced by a bribe of thirty talents from the Jews (a -curious distortion of the Gospel story!) to deliver him to them for -crucifixion. No. (5) tells of the persecution and dispersion of the -early Christians, who were drawn from the lower classes, shoemakers and -labourers; (6) of an additional inscription round the outer wall of the -Holy Place (cp. _B.J._ V. 5. 2 [193 f.]), “Jesus did not reign as King; -he was crucified by the Jews because he announced the destruction of the -city and the desolation of the Temple”; (7) of the rending of the veil -of the Temple and current views upon Christ’s resurrection, “Some report -that he rose from the dead, others that he was stolen by his friends. I -know not which are right ...”; (8) of the oracle concerning the -world-ruler who was to come from Judæa (see § 50 in the translations), -“Some understood that it referred to Herod, others to the crucified -wonder-worker Jesus, others to Vespasian.” - -The actual MSS containing these extraordinary passages are not earlier -than the fifteenth century; the translation can be dated back to the -thirteenth century at latest. The earlier history of the additions is -lost in obscurity; they have left no trace in the extant Greek MSS. -Berendts boldly maintains their authenticity, believing them to be -fragments of the original Aramaic edition of the _Jewish War_ written -for Syrian readers (§ 38), which were eliminated when the later Greek -version, addressed to a wider and more critical circle, was produced. -This daring theory has met with little support; but the origin of the -passages remains a mystery, no final solution of which is possible -pending the publication of a complete text from the Russian MSS. The -remarkable facts about them are their _Jewish_ appearance, their -independence (in part) of the Gospel narrative and the impression which -they make of being derived from oral tradition. Parallels to a few of -the statements (the bribery of Pilate, the healing “by a word”) occur in -the Christian apocryphal _Epistle of Tiberius to Pilate_ (ed. M. R. -James in _Texts and Studies_, vol. V. p. 78, 1899); compare also the -apocryphal _Acts of Pilate_ (Tischendorf, _Evangelia Apocrypha_, -Leipzig, 1853, p. 292), where Joseph of Arimathæa, addressing the body -of Christ, uses the words “if it be right to call thee a man,” recalling -the phrase common to the fourth Slavonic passage and the “testimony” in -the _Antiquities_. - - - III. Note on § (29). THE FIRST HUSBAND OF HERODIAS - - -Josephus calls the injured husband simply Herod. The first two Gospels -give him the name Philip (“Herodias his brother Philip’s wife,” Matt. -xiv. 3, Mark vi. 17). The name stands in all the MSS in Mark; in Matthew -it is omitted by the “Western text” (cod. D and Latin versions); in Luke -(iii. 19) it is absent from all the best MSS and in those which insert -it is undoubtedly an interpolation from the other Gospels. It is clear -from Josephus that the first husband of Herodias was not Philip the -Tetrarch, but his half-brother who paid the penalty for his mother’s -complicity in a plot by having his name removed from Herod’s will, and -lived as a private individual, apparently in Jerusalem (cf. _B.J._ I. -30. 7 [600]). Either then Herod the Great had two sons named Philip (1) -by Mariamne II (daughter of Simon the High Priest), the husband of -Herodias, and (2) by Cleopatra, Philip the Tetrarch, who married Salome -the daughter of Herodias; or, more probably, the name Philip in the -first two Gospels is a primitive error, due to confusion between the -husband and the son-in-law of Herodias. That two sons should have borne -the name Philip is improbable; no argument can be drawn from the -appropriation of the dynastic or family name Herod by more than one -member of the family. The omission of the name Philip by St. Luke, who -shows special acquaintance with the Herodian court, is very significant. -The confusion with Philip the Tetrarch appears elsewhere, notably in the -eccentric account of the Baptist’s denunciation of the second marriage -of Herodias in the Slavonic version of the _Jewish War_ (Note II above). - - - IV. Note on § (35). THEUDAS AND JUDAS - - -This passage has been often quoted as convincing proof that St. Luke had -read the _Antiquities_ of Josephus, or at least the twentieth book. On -this view the date of the _Acts_ must be brought down to the close of -the first century. The Evangelist is at the same time accused of the -grossest carelessness. - -Gamaliel in his speech in the Sanhedrin adduces two instances of -insurrectionary movements which came to nought in the chronological -order: (1) Theudas, (2) Judas of Galilee (Acts v. 36 f.). - -The date when Gamaliel is represented as speaking must have been some -time in the early “thirties.” The revolt of Theudas, according to -Josephus, occurred in the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus (about 44-46 -A.D.), at least ten years later. The revolt of Judas in “the days of the -enrolment” was in 6 A.D. Thus the events appear to have been transposed -in the speech and one of them to have been still in the womb of the -future! - -The error, if it is one, is commonly explained as due to a cursory -reading and inaccurate recollection on the part of the Evangelist of the -passage in the _Antiquities_ which alludes to the fate first of Theudas -and then of the _sons_ of Judas under the procuratorship of Tiberius -Alexander (about 46-48 A.D.), the latter notice leading to a brief -mention of their father. This view has been supported by Burkitt -(_Gospel History and its transmission_, pp. 106 ff.), Krenkel (_Josephus -and Lucas_), Schmiedel (art. in _Encycl. Bibl._) and many German -commentators. It has been rejected, among others, by Schürer, Blass, -Harnack (_Date of the Acts and the Synoptic Gospels_, p. 115), Stanton -(_Gospels as Historical Documents_, pt. II, p. 272), and most recently -by Prof. C. C. Torrey (_Composition and date of Acts_, Cambridge, -Harvard University Press, 1916). Cf. also an art. on “St. Luke and -Josephus,” by the Rev. J. W. Hunkin, in the _Church Quarterly Review_ -for April 1919, pp. 89-108. - -It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that there has been error on the -part of some one responsible for putting the speech into the mouth of -Gamaliel. The attempts which have been made to remove the apparent -anachronism are unconvincing. Either an earlier unknown Theudas is -postulated (but one would expect the person named by Gamaliel along with -the notorious Judas to have been of sufficient importance to be -mentioned by Josephus); or the mistake as to the date of Theudas is -shifted to Josephus; or the name Theudas is regarded as a Christian -interpolation in the _Antiquities_ (Blass). - -But that the passage in _Acts_ is to be explained by a casual perusal of -Josephus by St. Luke is highly improbable for the following reasons:— - -(1) St. Luke gives the number of the followers of Theudas as “about four -hundred”; Josephus writes “most of the common people.” Clearly St. Luke -had access to some source other than Josephus. - -(2) The carelessness attributed to St. Luke in the supposed use of -Josephus is not what we should expect from the professions of the writer -of the prologue to the third Gospel and from the handling of his sources -in the earlier work. - -(3) If there has been error, it is older than St. Luke and goes back to -his authority. Torrey in the above-mentioned work seems to have proved -conclusively that Acts i-xv is based on an Aramaic source, to which St. -Luke was “singularly faithful.” “He disliked to alter, even slightly, -the document in his hands, even where he believed its statements to be -mistaken, and where he found himself obliged to contradict them” (p. -40). On the alleged use of Josephus in Acts v., after referring to the -horror which must have been aroused in Judæa by the crucifixion of the -_sons_ of the insurgent Judas, he adds: “Any history dealing with this -period would have been pretty certain to mention Theudas and Judas at -this point, and in this order, although the revolt under Judas really -happened much earlier. From some history of the kind, in which the facts -were not clearly stated, the author of Luke’s Aramaic source obtained -his wrong impression of the order of events” (p. 71). - - - V. Note on § (45). THE BLOOD OF ZACHARIAS - - -This incident is of interest to the N.T. student because of the -suggestion, made long ago and recently revived by Wellhausen, to -identify the Zacharias of Josephus with the “Zachariah son of Barachiah” -of Matt. xxiii. 35. “Son of Barachiah” is a well-known _crux_ in that -passage, but, _pace_ Wellhausen, there is little or no doubt that our -Lord there referred to the murder of Zechariah son of Jehoiada described -in 2 Chron. xxiv. 19 ff. - -The theory of Wellhausen and others evades the difficulty of an apparent -confusion in Matthew between the pre-exilic prophet and the prophet of -the Restoration, but introduces far greater difficulties. The text of -Josephus just fails to supply the desired evidence. The name of the -father of the Zacharias of Josephus _resembles_, but, it will be -observed, only resembles, the Βαραχίας of the N.T. There is a variety of -readings, but Βαρίσκαιος (LMmg) has the appearance of being what -Josephus wrote or at least the nearest approximation in the MSS to the -original name. Βάρεις of most MSS is a corruption of this. The reading -“Baruch” (the nearest approach to “Barachias”) is doubtless a -correction; it occurs only in cod. C which in other instances replaces -an unfamiliar by a Biblical name (Niese, vol. VI, p. xxxix), and as an -alternative to “Bariscæus” in cod. M. - -Again, it may be urged in support of this theory that the two murders -mentioned in Matthew are cited as the first and last of a series, and -that as that of Abel was the first recorded in Biblical history, so that -of Zachariah ben Bariscæus was the last outstanding murder of a Jew by -his own countrymen before the Fall of Jerusalem, which is the -culminating event in the mind of the Speaker in Matt. xxiii. The -contemporaneous murder of Ananus is regarded by Josephus as the -beginning of the end. - -The obvious difficulty of this identification is that in the mouth of -our Lord the words must be prophetical, whereas the past tense is used -in both reports of the words (“whom ye _slew_,” Matt., “who _perished_,” -Luke xi. 51). - -The passage in Matthew and the parallel passage in Luke are both derived -from an older source, an early collection of the Sayings of Jesus -(commonly called “Q”); and behind that again apparently lies a still -older source, an apocryphal Wisdom book from which Christ is quoting -(“Therefore also said the Wisdom of God,” Luke xi. 49). Luke does not -insert the words “son of Barachiah,” and it is therefore doubtful -whether they stood in Q; Harnack (_Sayings of Jesus_, p. 104) concludes -that they did not. But that they belong to the original text of the -first Gospel and are not a later interpolation there seems no reason to -doubt. If the error originated with the Evangelist himself, we may -compare the rather similar confusion (“Jeremiah” for “Zechariah”) in -Matt. xxvii. 9; if, as seems more probable, he has taken it over from -Jewish tradition, it is natural to find such influence in this -particular Gospel. - -The three persons bearing the name of Zacharias who come primarily[431] -into the question are:— - -(1) Z. ben Jehoiada, murdered in the first Temple (2 Chron. xxiv.). - -(2) Z. ben Berechiah ben Iddo, the prophet of the Restoration (Zech. i. -1). - -(3) Z. ben Bariscæus, murdered in Herod’s Temple (Josephus). - -There is every reason for identifying the Zacharias referred to by our -Lord with the first of these, whether we look at the original text of -Chronicles or at the Jewish Haggadah which grew up round it. - -(i) With the words of Christ, or of the personified Wisdom in the work -from which He quotes, “I send unto you prophets” (Luke “I will send unto -them prophets”) compare 2 Chron. xxiv. 19, “Yet he sent prophets to them -to bring them again unto the LORD.” - -(ii) With St. Luke’s twice repeated “may (shall) be required of this -generation” (xi. 50 f.) cp. the dying words of Zechariah, “The LORD look -upon it and require it,” as also Abel’s blood “crying from the ground” -(Gen. iv. 10). - -(iii) Turning to Jewish tradition, we find that legend has been active -in connexion with the murder in the Temple of a pre-exilic Zachariah who -can be no other than the son of Jehoiada. And it is noteworthy that the -two points dwelt on are just those which appear in the N.T. passage, -viz. (_a_) the exact spot in the Temple where the murder occurred (cp. -the precise localisation “between the sanctuary and the altar”) and -(_b_) the crying out of the blood from the ground for vengeance, like -that of Abel, and the terrible expiation required to still it. “R. -Johanan said,” we read,[432] “‘Eighty thousand of the flower of the -priesthood were slain on account of the blood of Zachariah.’ R. Judan -asked R. Aha ‘Where did they kill Zachariah? In the Court of the Women -or in the Court of Israel?’ He answered, ‘Neither in the Court of the -Women nor in the Court of Israel, but in the Court of the Priests.’” The -legend goes on to tell how the murder was rendered more heinous by being -committed on a sabbath and that the Day of Atonement, and how -Nebuzaradan when he entered the Temple saw the prophet’s blood welling -up from the floor, and of the holocaust of priests which hardly availed -to quench the stream. - -(iv) Furthermore, there is evidence to show that the Rabbis, like the -author of the first Gospel, confused or, disregarding chronology, -identified the pre-exilic victim with Zechariah the prophet of the -Restoration. The Targum on Lam. ii. 20 (“Shall the priest and the -prophet be slain in the sanctuary of the Lord?”) runs, “Is it also fit -that they should slay a priest and prophet in the Temple of the Lord, as -ye slew Zacharias _the son of Iddo_ ... in the house of the Sanctuary, -on the day of Expiation?” (Lightfoot _l. c._). The Midrash (tr. Wünsche) -interprets the same passage of Lam. of Zechariah son of Jehoiada. - -(v) What is the intended series or line of which Zechariah is the last -representative? Abel is naturally the first, but, chronologically, Z. -ben Jehoiada was not the last prophet whose murder is recorded in the -O.T.; Uriah (Jer. xxvi. 20 ff.) was later. The usual explanation that -his murder stands last in the arrangement of the Hebrew Bible with -Chronicles at the end is unsatisfactory; the books of the O.T. still -circulated separately in the first century of our era. Moore’s answer is -“It is not because the death of Z. was the last crime of the kind in -Jewish history that it is named in the Gospel, but because it was in -popular legend the typical example of the sacrilegious murder of a -righteous man, a prophet of God, and of the appalling expiation God -exacted for it.” But the identification of the victim with the prophet -of the Restoration suggests another answer. Zechariah ben Berechiah -_did_ in fact stand chronologically at the end of the prophets; as -Josephus writes (§ 63), the succession failed after Artaxerxes (_i. e._ -Ahasuerus). The context in Matthew relates to the _ancient_ prophets; -the later generation that built the prophets’ tombs is set over against -that of the forefathers who murdered them. That the final instance of -such murder should be drawn from recent (to say nothing of future) -history would be inappropriate. The son of Bariscæus was no prophet or -priest and “as a layman would have no business in the part of the court -between the temple and the altar” (Moore). - -For the opposite view see Wellhausen _Einleitung in die drei ersten -Evangelien_, ed. 2 (1911), pp. 118 ff. His main points are that -Chronicles was a learned, not a popular, book and not likely to have -been known to or quoted by Christ (but Christ is apparently quoting at -second hand from one of those apocryphal books which were essentially -popular), and that the rabbinical legend is in its origin unconnected -with the story in Chronicles and really an echo (_Nachklang_) of the -episode in Josephus, the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans having -here, as elsewhere, been confused with the earlier destruction by the -Babylonians. - -Footnote 431: - - Tradition also connects Z. ben Jeberechiah (Isa. viii. 2) and - Zacharias, father of John the Baptist, with the N.T. passage. - -Footnote 432: - - Translated from _T.J., Taanith_ iv. 5, by G. F. Moore in the _Journal - of the American Oriental Society_, vol. xxvi. (1906), pp. 317 ff.; cf. - Lightfoot _Horæ Hebraiacæ_ on Matt. _l. c._ - - - VI. Note on § (50). PORTENTS AND ORACLES - - -With this passage should be compared the following allusions in Roman -writers:— - -Tacitus _Hist._ V. 13. “Portents had occurred; but that nation, at once -a prey to superstition and an enemy of religious rites, regards it wrong -to avert such omens by sacrifices or votive offerings. There were -visions of armies joining battle in the heavens with armour glowing -red,[433] and the Temple in an instant was all lit up with fire from the -clouds. The doors of the sanctuary opened of a sudden and there was -heard a voice of superhuman strength saying that the gods were -departing, and at the same moment a mighty commotion of departing -beings. Yet few saw a fearful meaning in these things. Many were firmly -persuaded that their ancient priestly lore contained a prediction that -at that very time the East was to wax strong and persons proceeding from -Judæa were to become masters of the world. This enigmatic utterance had -foretold of Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, with the usual -ambition of humanity, read it as predicting this high destiny for -themselves, and even disaster failed to bring home to them its true -meaning.” - -Suet. _Vesp._ 4. “An ancient and rooted belief had spread throughout the -whole of the East that persons proceeding from Judæa were destined at -that time to become masters of the world. The prophecy, as after events -proved, had reference to the Roman Emperor, but the Jews appropriated it -to themselves and plunged into revolt.” - -For interesting discussions on Josephus and Tacitus and the (Messianic) -prophecy the reader is referred to the articles by Norden and Corrsen -mentioned at the head of Note II. - -Footnote 433: - - After Virg. _Æn._ VIII. 528 f. - - - VII. Note on § (63). THE TWENTY-TWO BOOKS OF SCRIPTURE - - -This passage is important in connexion with the history of the O.T. -canon. The language of Josephus implies that the canon had long since -been closed, the test of canonicity being antiquity. Nothing written -later than Artaxerxes (_i. e._ Ahasuerus) has full credentials. The -mention of Artaxerxes must refer to the book of Esther, which Josephus -thus regards as the latest addition to the collection. The statement -differs in some respects from what is believed to be the oldest -Palestinian tradition, but there is no reason to doubt that the unnamed -22 books are other than those comprised in the modern Hebrew Bible. - -(1) The _number 22_ as the total of the books of Scripture is here met -with for the first time, but reappears as the dominant reckoning in -early Eastern Church writers (Melito, Origen, etc.), who connect it with -the 22 letters of the Hebrew alphabet. As these writers were in touch -with Palestinian tradition and Melito expressly states that he derived -his information from the East (ap. Eus. _H.E._ IV. 26), it seems that -this reckoning had the support of at least one section of the synagogue. -The normal tradition, however, made the total 24, a number which first -appears in a work almost contemporary with the _Contra Apionem_, 2 -Esdras (or the Apocalypse of Ezra) xiv. 45 (Oriental text). The smaller -number was reached by treating Ruth and Lamentations as supplements -respectively to Judges and Jeremiah. The arrangement in 24 books -possibly arose in Babylonia.[434] - -It is uncertain which of these two reckonings is the older, but in -favour of the priority of the number 24 it may be said that (i) the -equation with the number of Hebrew letters is artificial and therefore -likely to be late, although as Josephus does not allude to this it may -be an after refinement; (ii) it is easier to understand the subsequent -attachment of Ruth and Lamentations to prophetical books with which -their contents or supposed authorship connected them than how, having -once gained admission among the Prophets, they could afterwards be -relegated to the lower category of “Writings,” in which they now stand. - -A third and later arrangement names 27 books, a number arrived at by -dividing the double books, while the parallelism with the Hebrew -alphabet is retained by reckoning separately the “final” forms of those -letters which possessed them. Jerome in his preface to the Books of -Samuel and Kings shows acquaintance with all three systems. - -(2) Josephus presents a _tripartite arrangement_ (5 + 13 + 4 books), but -not the normal one (5 + 8 + 11: Law, Prophets, Writings). His third -group is reduced to 4 by the transference to the “Prophets” of a number -of books commonly included in the “Writings.” The normal arrangement, -which reflects the stages in the formation of the canon and places, _e. -g._, Daniel in the third group because of the late date at which it -gained admission, is clearly the more ancient. Josephus as a Greek -historian writing for Greek readers neglects this and follows the -example of the translators of the Greek Bible in grouping all the -historical and prophetical books together. A close parallel to his third -class (“hymns to God and practical precepts for men”) may be found in -the description of the sacred books of the Therapeutæ in Egypt in the -_De Vita Contemplativa_ ascribed to Philo, “Laws and oracles delivered -by prophets and _hymns and the other (works) by which knowledge and -piety are promoted and perfected_” (ed. Conybeare p. 61). - -(3) The _constituent books_ doubtless here, as with the Christian -writers who name 22 as the total and enumerate the books (cp. Origen in -Eus. _H.E._ VI. 25), coincide with the normal Hebrew canon. Dr. Ryle -(_Canon of O.T._ p. 165 f.) concludes that the 13 books of the Prophets -are probably (1) Joshua, (2) Judges + Ruth, (3) Sam., (4) Kings, (5) -Chron., (6) Ezra + Nehemiah, (7) Esther, (8) Job, (9) Isaiah, (10) -Jeremiah + Lamentations (11) Ezekiel, (12) Minor Prophets, (13) Daniel; -while the group of four will comprise (1) Psalms with (2) Song of Songs, -constituting the “hymns,” and (3) Proverbs with (4) Ecclesiastes, the -“practical precepts.” The view of Grätz that Josephus omitted -Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs, as not having yet been admitted to -the canon, has not met with acceptance. - -(4) The canon here laid down has not governed the historian’s practice. -He does not scruple to draw upon apocryphal books like 1 Maccabees, nor -does he hint that the authorities used in the latter part of the -_Antiquities_, for the period subsequent to “Artaxerxes,” are less -trustworthy than the rest; he implies, on the contrary, that the whole -work is in accordance with “the holy books” (cp. _Ant._ I. 17; XX. 261). - -The reader may consult in particular the works on the _Canon of the -O.T._ by Ryle (pp. 160-66) and Buhl and the article “Bible Canon” in the -_Jewish Encylopædia_. - -Footnote 434: - - Fürst (_Kanon des A.T._), p. 4. - - - - - TABLE OF DATES - - -The figures in brackets refer to the numbered translations. - - B.C. JUDÆA AND SYRIA. ROME. - - - 135 JOHN HYRCANUS I (56) - - 104 ARISTOBULUS I - - 103 ALEXANDER JANNÆUS (57) - - 76 QUEEN ALEXANDRA (57) (58) - - 67 ARISTOBULUS II - - 63 Pompey takes Jerusalem and - Syria becomes a Roman province - (8) - - 63-40 HYRCANUS II a Roman vassal - - _c._ 57 Gabinius divides Palestine - into five districts (9) - - 48 Battle of Pharsalia. - Defeat of Pompey by - J. Cæsar - - 47 Palestinian settlement under - J. Cæsar (10) - - _c._ 46 Antipater and Herod in power. - - Trial of Herod (12) - - 44 Death of J. Cæsar - - _c._ 43 Cassius in Syria. Herod made - governor of Cœle-Syria (13) - - 42 Battle of Philippi. - Defeat of Brutus and - Cassius by Antony - and Octavian - - 41 Antony appoints Herod and - Phasæl tetrarchs of Judæa (14) - - 40 Invasion of Palestine by the - Parthians. Flight of Herod to - Rome (15) - - 40-37 ANTIGONUS - - 37 Jerusalem captured by Herod - and Sosius. - - 37-4 HEROD THE GREAT - - 31 Battle of Actium. - Defeat of Antony by - AUGUSTUS - - 30 Herod’s kingdom confirmed by - Augustus (16) - - 29 Execution of Mariamne (17) - - 23 Trachonitis etc. added to - Herod’s kingdom (18) - - _c._ 7 Execution of Alexander and - Aristobulus (20) - - 4 Death of Herod. His kingdom - divided between ARCHELAUS - (B.C. 4-A.D. 6), PHILIP (B.C. - 4-A.D. 34) (22) and Antipas - (B.C. 4-A.D. 39) - - A.D. - - 6 Judaæa annexed to the province - of Syria under procurators - (23) - - 6/7 Census of Quirinius and revolt - of Judas (24) - - 14 TIBERIUS - - 26-36 Pontius Pilate procurator (25) - (28) - - 37 HEROD AGRIPPA I. (30) CALIGULA (31) - - 41 CLAUDIUS (32) - - 44 Death of Herod Agrippa I. (33) - - Famine in Judæa (34) - - _c._ 46 Crucifixion of sons of Judas - (35) - - 50-100 HEROD AGRIPPA II. (3) (36) - - 54 NERO - - Procurators— - - 52-60 Felix (36) - - 60-62 Festus (39) - - 62-64 Albinus (39) - - 64-66 Gessius Florus (39) - - 66 Outbreak of war with Rome - - Cessation of daily offering - for the Emperor (40) - - 66 Oct. Defeat of Cestius Gallus near - Beth-Horon (41) - - Josephus in command of Galilee - - 67 Advance of Vespasian from - spring Antioch - - July Capture of Jotapata (43) - - 67-68 Civil war in Jerusalem (45) - winter - - 68 June Campaign interrupted through death of Nero - - 68-69 GALBA, OTHO, - VITELLIUS - - 69 July VESPASIAN proclaimed - Emperor - - 70 April Titus lays siege to Jerusalem - - July Cessation of Temple sacrifices - (48) - - Aug. Capture and burning of Temple - (49) - - Sept. Capture of the whole city (51) - - 79 TITUS - - 81-96 DOMITIAN - - - - - INDEX - - - Abel, 195, 197 - - Abella, Abila, 88, 94, 102 - - Actium, battle of, 55, 73 - - _Acts_, 90, 107 _n._, 192 ff. - - Ader = Ben-hadad, 42 - - Adiabene, 90, 99 - - Agrippa, M., 57 f., 60 - - —— son of Felix and Drusilla, 95 - - —— Herod Agrippa. _See_ Herod - - Ahab, 42 ff. - - Albinus, 96 f., 105, 144 - - Alexander the Alabarch, 93 - - —— brother-in-law of Herod, 54 - - —— Jannæus, 164 - - —— son of Herod, 58, 60 - - - ——, Tiberius, 93, 193 - - Alexandra, 164 ff. - - Alexandria, 92, 97 - - Alexandrium, 60 - - Alexas, 63 - - Aliturus, 34 - - Alphabet, the Hebrew, and the books of Scripture, 201 - - Amathus, 47 - - Ananias, 91 - - —— high priest, 107 - - Ananus I, high priest, 73, 96 - - —— II, high priest, 96 f. - - —— III, high priest, 118 f., 130 f., 184, 195 - - —— son of Jonathan, 113 - - Anaxagoras, 171 - - Antigonus, 53 f. - - Antioch, 107, 110 - - Antiochus, 110 - - —— Epiphanes, 162 - - Antipas, 109 - - Antipater, father of Herod, 47 ff, 51 ff. - - —— son of Herod, 62 - - —— nephew of Herod, 68 - - Antipatris, 111, 117 - - Anti-Semitism, 18 f. - - Antonia, 84 - - —— Tower of, 135, 138, 145 - - Antony, 51 f., 55 f. - - _Apion, Against_, 18 f. - - Aqiba R., 148 - - Aqueduct, 75 - - Arabia, 80, 99 - - Arabians, 55 - - Aramaic original of _B. J._, 14, 98 - - —— speech in, 136 - - Archelaus, 16, 29, 66 ff., 140 n., 189 - - Arethusa, 46 - - _Aristeas, Letter of_, 17 - - Aristobulus II, 45 f., 165 - - —— son of Herod, 58, 60 - - —— brother of Herod Agrippa I, 85 - - Artaxerxes = Ahasuerus, 176, 198, 200 - - Artemisium, month of, 143 - - Ascalon, 71 - - Asphaltitis, Asphaltophorus (= Dead Sea), 63 - - Athenian laws, 172 - - Athens, plague of, 26 - - Atomos, 95 - - Atratinus, 53 - - Augustus (Octavius, Cæsar), 51, 53 f., 55 f., 57 f., 60, 68 ff. - - Auranitis, 58, 70, 88 _n._, 110 - - Autocratoris (= Sepphoris), 74 - - Azizus, 94 f. - - Azotus, 46, 70 - - - Babylonians, 99; - Babylonian and Roman destruction of Jerusalem confused, 199 - - Bagoas, 169 - - Bannus, 10, 33 - - Baptism, John’s, 80 f. - - Barachiah, Berechiah, 195 ff. - - Baris, Bariscæus, Baruch, 131, 195 ff. - - - Batanæa, 58, 70, 94, 102, 110 - - Berendts, A., 189f. - - Berenice, 95 - - Berytus, 35 - - Betharamphtha, 74 - - Beth-Horon, 111, 116 - - Bethsaida, 74 - - Bezetha, 113 - - Blass, F., 193 - - Books (the) Sacred, 123, 145 - - Borcæus, 112 - - Brigands, 102, 104 f., 150 - - Burial, Jewish care for, 130 - - Burkitt, F. C., 183, 188, 193 - - - Cæsar, Julius, 47 - - ——, Sextus, 48, 50 - - Cæsarea (Strato’s Tower), 46, 57 _n._, 74 f., 88, 90, 104 - - —— Philippi, 74 - - - Caligula (= Gaius), 16 f., 19, 27, 82-7, 90, 186 - - Callirrhoe, 63 - - Calvarius, Sextus, 120 - - Calvinus, 54 - - Candlestick, seven-branched, 45, 147 - - Captain of Temple. _See_ Temple - - Carus, 169 - - Cassius, 51 f. - - Catapult, 117, 144 _n._ - - Caudine Forks, 110 - - Census, periodic in Egypt, 181 - - Cerealius, 38 - - Cestius Gallus, 11, 15, 106 f., 110 ff. - - Chalcis, 94, 102 - - Christians and Christianity, 10, 22 f., 76, 182 ff. - - _Chronicles_, 195, 198 (as last book in the Heb. Bible) - - Circumcision, 90 f., 95 - - “Civil List” of Vespasian, 13 - - Claudius, Emperor, 76, 88, 90, 102 - - Claudius Felix. _See_ Felix - - Cleopatra, 52, 55f. - - —— wife of Herod the Great, 192 - - Cluvius Rufus, 17, 27 - - Cœle-Syria, 46, 51 - - _Collaborateurs_ of Josephus, 14, 186 - - Coponius, 72. - - Corban, an oath, 29, 179; - sacred treasure, 75 _n._ - - Corrsen, P., 182, 200 - - Costobar, 109, 117 - - Crasis, 187 - - Crete, 39 - - Crucifixion, 38, 68, 102, 130, 185 - - _Custodia, libera_, 83 _n._ - - _Customs and Causes_, projected work, 19 - - Cyprus, 92, 95 - - - Dacians, 160 - - Daphne, 52 - - Darius, 110 - - Demetrius of Gadara, 46 - - Demoniacal possession, 41f. - - Destiny, 61. Cp. Fate - - Dicæarchia (= Puteoli), 34 - - Didius, Quintus, 56 - - Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 15, 26 - - Dium, 46 - - Dius, month of, 117 - - Domitia, 39 - - Domitian, 39 - - Domitius Sabinus, 120 - - Dora, 46 - - Drusilla, 29, 94f. - - Drusus, 81 - - - Education, the two systems of, 172 - - Egyptian false prophet, 103f. - - Eleazar, 42, 91 - - —— the brigand, 102 - - —— Captain of the Temple, 107 - - —— a Pharisee, 162 - - —— son of Simon, 118 - - Elijah, 44 - - Elymas, 29, 94 - - Epaphroditus, 15, 17 - - _Esdras II_, 201 - - Essenes, 33, 148-60 - - _Esther_, 200 - - Eusebius, 89 _n._, 96, 183 - - Exorcism, 41 f. - - Ezekias, 48 f. - - Ezekiel, 42 - - - Fadus, Cuspius, 93, 192 - - Famine at Jerusalem, 92 f. - - Fasts, Jewish, observed by aliens, 178 - - Fate, 141, 145, 148, 157, 159. - Cp. Destiny - - Faustus, 45 - - Feast of Unleavened Bread, 106, 142 - - - —— of Passover, 66, 189 - - - —— of Pentecost, 68, 143 - - —— of Tabernacles, 111, 143 - - —— commemorating Herod’s death, 64 _n._ - - - Felix, Claudius, 10, 29, 34, 94 f., 102 ff. - - Festus, 29, 105 - - Florus, Gessius, 106 f., 109, 161 - - Flute players as mourners, 129 - - Fortune, 61, 126 - - Free-will, 61, 148, 159 - - Fulvia, 77 - - Future Life, 124, 159, 174. - Cp. Immortality - - - Gabinius, 47, 53 - - Gadara, 46, 47, 70 - - Gaius. _See_ Caligula - - Galilee, 11, 48 f., 70, 102 - - Gallicanus, 122 - - Gamala, 73, 80 - - Gamaliel, 28, 192 f. - - Games: Isthmian, Nemean, Olympic, 174 _n._ - - Gaulanitis, 102 - - Gaza, 46, 70 - - Gennesaret, Lake of, 74 - - Gerizim, Mount, 77 - - Gibeon, 111, 115 - - Gorpiæus, month of, 146 - - Gospels, primitive error in, 192 - - Grätz, 202 - - Greek philosophy, 171 - - - Hades, 125, 156, 158 - - Haggadah, Jewish, 196 ff. - - Harnack, A., 183, 193, 196 - - Hegesippus, 95 - - Helena, 90ff. - - - Herod the Great, 16f., 28, 48-65, 66-71, 104, 167-9, 190 - - —— Antipas (the Tetrarch), 29, 67, 70, 73 f., 79 ff., 189 - - —— Philip. _See_ Philip - - —— husband of Herodias, 79, 191 f. - - —— Agrippa I, 17, 29, 79, 87, 88-90 - - —— Agrippa II, 13-15, 17, 25, 29, 36 f., 94, 96 f., 102, 109 f., 112 - - Herodias, 29, 79, 81 f., 189, 191 f. - - Hiatus, avoidance of, 188 - - Hippos, 46, 70 - - Historians, ancient, contrasted with contemporary, 101 - - Hyperberetæus, month of, 113 - - Hyrcanus I, 161 ff., 166 - - —— II, 45-54 - - —— son of Josephus, 39 - - - Idumæa, 70; - Idumæans, 129ff. - - Images, making of, 74 - - Immortality of Soul, 155-9 - - Innocents, murder of the, 28, 63 - - Inspiration, 176 - - Interpolation, Christian in Josephus, 182 ff. - - Irenæus, 67 - - Islands of the Blessed, 156 - - Ixion, 156 - - Izates, 90 ff. - - - Jadaus (Jadon), 44 - - James, the brother of Jesus, 22, 29, 95 f. - - Jamnia, 46, 70 - - Jeconiah, king, 136 - - Jehoiada, 195 ff. - - Jehoshaphat, 43 - - Jeremiah, 42 - - Jericho, 47, 63, 66 - - Jeroboam, 44 - - Jerome, 24, 188, 201 - - Jesus Christ, 22, 76, 182 ff. - - —— son of Ananias, 143 f. - - —— son of Damnæus, high priest, 97, 130 f. - - _Jewish Antiquities_, 15 ff., 24 f.; - Books XVII-XIX, peculiarities of style in, 26, 186; - Roman sources of, 186 - - _Jewish War_, 14 f., 25, 35 ff., 98 ff.; - Aramaic original of, 14, 98, 190 f.; - Slavonic version of, 183, 189 ff., 192 - - Jews in Rome, 69, 76 f.; - in Egypt and Babylon, 175 - - ——, persecution of, 177 f. - - Joazar, high priest, 72 - - John the Baptist, 22, 80 f., 189 - - —— of Gischala, 11, 135 ff. - - Jonathan, high priest, 103 - - —— a Sadducee, 162 f. - - Joppa, 46, 111 - - Joseph, the patriarch, 123 f. - - —— of Arimathæa, 191 - - —— brother-in-law of Herod, 56 f. - - —— son of Gorion, 118 - - —— high priest, 96 - - Josephus, life of, 9 ff.; - works, 14 ff.; - authorities, 16 f, 25 f.; - character, 20 ff.; - attitude to Judaism, 22; - to Christianity, 22 f., 188 f.; - as historian, 24 ff.; - importance of, 27 f.; - as illustrating N.T., 28 ff.; - autobiography of, 33 ff.; - style, 186 ff. - - Jotapata, 12, 21, 35, 37, 119 ff., 128 f., 133 - - _Jubilees, Book of_, 40 - - Judæa, 70 ff., 78, 88, 90, 96, 102 - - Judas the Gaulanite or Galilæan, 72f., 161., 192 ff.; - sons of, 94, 193 f. - - Julias, 102. - - Justus, historian, 13, 18, 35 - - —— son of Josephus, 390 - - - Lacedæmonians, 172 - - Law, the Jewish, 61, 74 f., 77, 91, 147, 163, 174, 176 ff. - - ———— weekly reading of, 172 f. - - Lebanon, 88 - - Liberalius, 140 - - _Life_, the, of Josephus, 17 f. - - Lightfoot, Bishop, 152 _n._, 154 _n._ 156 _n._ - - ———— John, 197 _n._ - - Lots, drawing of, 125 f. - - Lous, month of, 138 - - Lugdunum (Lyons), 84 - - Luke, St., 30, 66, 85, 88, 180 f., 187, 191 f., 192 ff., 196 f. - - Lydda, 111 - - Lysanias, 84, 88, 94, 102 - - - _Maccabees, Fourth Book of_, 20 - - Machærus, 79 ff. - - Malichus, 51 f. - - Malthace, 68 - - “Man of Sin,” 85 - - Marcellus, 78 - - Mariamne, 56 f. - - —— II, 192 - - Marisa, 46 - - Marsyas, 82 - - Masada, 107 - - Matthias, brother of Josephus, 33 - - —— father of Josephus, 98 - - Melito, 201 - - Menahem, the Essene, 167 f. - - Messala, 52 f. - - Messiah, reticence of Josephus on, 23 - - Micaiah, 42 ff. - - Midrash on _Lamentations_, 198 - - Military Service, refusal of, 77 - - Miracles wrought by a word, 190 f. - - Months, Artemisium, 143; - Dius, 117; - Gorpiæus, 146; - Lous, 138; - Panemus, 121, 135; - Xanthicus, 142 - - Moore, G. F., 197 ff. - - Moses, 40 f., 77, 153, 170 ff. - Cp. Law - - Mucianus, 133 - - Murcus, 51 - - - Naber, S. A., 31 - - Nebuzaradan, 197 - - Nero, 34, 99, 102, 104, 127 - - New City, 113 - - Nicanor, 122 f., 126 - - Nicola(u)s of Damascus, 16 f., 66 _n._, 67 f. - - Niese, B., 30 f. - - Norden, E., 182-9, 200 - - - Olivet, Mount, 103, 190 - - Omblaiah (Imlah), 43 - - Omens, 119, 133, 141 ff. - - Oracles, 137, 145, 190, 199 - - Origen, 183 f., 201 - - Owl, bird of ill omen, 89 - - - Pallas, 94, 102 - - Paneas, 58, 74 - - Panemus, month of, 121, 135 - - Parable of Nobleman, 29, 66 - - Parthians, 19, 53 f., 99 - - Passover. _See_ Feast - - Patrician class, 82 - - Paul, St., 9 f., 20-2, 29, 34, 85, 90, 135 _n._; - Pauline Epistles quoted, 153 _n._, 168 _n._, 172 _n._ - - Paulinus, 122 - - Pax, Temple of, 14 - - Pella, 46 - - Pentecost. _See_ Feast - - Peræa, 70, 102 - - Periphrasis, 186 f. - - Petronius, 28, 84 ff. - - Pharaoh, 40 f. - - Pharisees, 33 f., 108, 148, 157-9, 161-9 - - Phasael, 48, 52 - - Phasælis, 70 - - Pheroras, 71, 169 - - - Philip the Tetrarch, 66, 69 f., 73 f., 80 f., 90, 189, 191 f. - - —— son of Jacimus, 110, 117 - - Philippi, 52 - - Philo, 190; - _De Vita Contemplativa_, 202 - - Phœbus, 112 - - Pilate, 28, 74-8, 185, 190 (bribery of), 191 (_Epistle of Tiberius to - P._ and _Acts of P._) - - Piso, 83 - - Placidus, 120 - - Plato, 171 - - Pollio, Gaius Asinius, 54 - - —— a Pharisee, 167 - - Pompey, 44-7, 175 - - Poppæa, 10, 34 - - Portents, 141 ff., 199 - - Procurators, last of the, 102 ff. - - Prophecy, 127 f. (of Josephus); - 156 (of Essenes); - 167 f. (of Menahem) - - Pro-Romans, 118 - - Ptolemais, 85, 110 - - Ptolemy, 66 f. - - Ptolla, 66 - - Pythagoras, 171 - - - Quirinius, 72 f., 94, 180 f. - - - Ragaba, 164 - - Rainfall, providential, 86 - - Ramsay, Sir W. M., 180 - - Rhodes, 55 - - Roman citizenship, 38, 47 - - Ryle, Dr., 202 f. - - - Sabbath, 111, 154, 178 - - Sabinus, 67 f. - - Sacrifices for Emperor abrogated, 107 ff.; - daily, abandoned, 135 - - Sadducees, 33, 96, 148, 157-9, 161-63 - - Salome, sister of Herod, 57, 63 f., 66, 70, 169 - - —— daughter of Herodias, 81, 192 - - - Samaria, city of (Sebaste), 46, 58, 60, 70 - - —— district of, 70 f., 88, 90, 102 - - Samaritans, 77 f. - - Sameas, 50 f., 167 - - Sanhedrin, 48 ff., 95 ff. - - Sardinia, 77 - - Saturninus, 77 - - Saul, relative of Herod Agrippa II, 109, 117 - - _Sayings of Jesus_, 196 - - Scaurus, 46 - - Schmiedel, P. W., 193 - - Schürer, E., 180, 193 - - Scopus, Mount, 112, 115 - - Scriptures, the Jewish, 174 ff.; - the number of books, 176, 200 ff. - Cp. Books, the Sacred - - Scythopolis, 46 - - Sebaste. _See_ Samaria - - Sects, Jewish, 148 ff. - - Selucid Dynasty, 19 - - Sepphoris, 47, 74 - - Sergius Paulus, 29, 94 - - Shewbread, table of, 45, 147 - - _Sicarii_, 102 f. - - Simon, son of Ananias, 109 - - —— son of Gioras, 111 - - —— the Essene, 189 - - —— the high priest, 79, 81 - - Simonides Agrippa, son of Josephus, 39 - - Socrates, 171 _n._ - - Sohemus, 110 - - Solomon, 41 f.; - Solomonian books, 152 _n._ - - Sossius, 51 - - Speeches in _B.J._, 100 - - Stanton, V. H., 193 - - Stoics, 34, 171 - - Strabo, 17 - - Strato’s Tower (= Cæsarea), 46, 70, 88 - - Suetonius, 76, 200 - - Suicide, 121, 124 f. - - Sulpicius Severus, 25 - - - Tabernacle, symbol of universe, 131 _n._ - - Tacitus, 27, 143 _n._, 199 f. - - Tantalus, 156 - - Tarichæa, 102 - - Targum on _Lamentations_, 198 - - Taxation, exemption from, 39, 47 - - Tekoa, 38 - - - Temple 38, 45, 47, 49, 68, 77, 85, 92, 95, 110, 113 f., 118, 132 f., - 135-45, 196 ff.; - Babylonian destruction of, 138, 141; - captain of, 107 f., 142; - gate of, 142; - gifts from foreigners to, 107 f.; - Holy Place(s) of, 45, 140 f.; - inscription in, 190; - veil of, 190 - - _Testudo_, 114 _n._ - - Theocracy, 170 - - Theology, Jewish, 170 ff. - - Theophrastus, 179 - - Therapeutæ, sacred books of the, 202 - - Thermuthis, 40 f. - - Theudas, 93, 103 _n._, 192 ff. - - Thucydides, imitation of, 24, 26 f., 32, 73 _n._, 86 _n._, 186 - - Tiberias, 85, 102 - - Tiberius, 29, 76 f., 80, 82 - - —— Alexander. _See_ Alexander - - Timber Market, 113 - - Tirathana, 77 f. - - Titus, 13 ff., 25, 36 ff., 100, 120, 126 ff., 133, 135, 138 ff., 146 - - —— Arch of, 147 - - Tityus, 156 - - Torrey, C. C., 193 f. - - Towers of Jerusalem, 146 f. - - Trachonitis, 58, 70, 88 _n._, 94, 102, 110 - - Traill, Dr. R., 20 _n._, 23, 24, 31 - - Tyrannius Priscus, 113 - - Tyrians, Laws of the, 179 - - - Ulatha, 58 - - Uriah, 198 - - - Varus, Quintilius, Governor of Syria, 68 f., 175, 181 - - —— tetrarchy of, 102 - - Vespasian, 12-15, 25, 36-9, 42, 119-28, 133 f., 145, 190 - - Vestments, high priest’s, 78 _n._, 131 - - Vienne, 71 - - Virgil, 122 _n._, 128 _n._, 199 _n._ - - Virtues, four cardinal, 171 _n._ - - Vitellius, Governor of Syria, 78, 80, 85 - - - Wellhausen, J., 194 ff. - - Whiston, W., 31 - - Wisdom book, apocryphal, 196 - - - Xanthicus, month of, 142 - - Xerxes, 176 - - - Zacharias, son of Baris(cæus), 29 f., 131 f., 194 ff. - - Zacharias or Zechariah (various), 194 ff. - - Zadok, 73 - - Zealots, sect of, 73, 118 f., 131 f., 161 - - Zedekiah, king, 42 - - —— false prophet, 44 - - Zenodorus, 58, 70 - - - - - Printed in Great Britain by - Richard Clay & Sons, Limited. - BRUNSWICK ST., STAMFORD ST., S.E. 1 - AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. - - - - - ● Transcriber’s Notes: - ○ The author’s archaic punctuation, spellings, and capitalization - have been retained. - ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only - when a predominant form was found in this book. - ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). - ○ Footnotes have been moved to follow the sections in which they are - referenced. - ○ Text marked as a Sidenote was in the far left or right margin of - the text in the book. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Selections From Josephus</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Titus Flavius Josephus</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Translator: J. Thackeray</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: March 16, 2021 [eBook #64837]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive.)</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS ***</div> - -<div class='figcenter id001'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_on'>on</span> -<img src='images/cover.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c000' /> -</div> -<div> - <h1 class='c001'>Selections From Josephus</h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span><i>TRANSLATIONS OF EARLY DOCUMENTS</i></div> - <div class='c000'><span class='sc'>General Editors</span>: W. O. E. OESTERLEY, D.D.</div> - <div>G. H. BOX, D.D.</div> - <div class='c000'>SERIES II</div> - <div class='c000'>HELLENISTIC-JEWISH TEXTS</div> - <div class='c003'>SELECTIONS FROM</div> - <div>JOSEPHUS</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span><span class='xxlarge'><b>SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS</b></span></div> - <div class='c003'><span class='large'><b>TRANSLATED BY</b></span></div> - <div><span class='xlarge'><b>H. <span class='sc'>St.</span> J. THACKERAY, M.A.</b></span></div> - <div class='c003'>LONDON:</div> - <div>SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING</div> - <div>CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE</div> - <div>NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY</div> - <div>1919</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>IN PIAM MEMORIAM</div> - <div class='c000'>PATRIS CARISSIMI</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span> - <h2 class='c004'>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'><a href='#chap-intro'><span class='sc'>Introduction</span> 9</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect01'><span class='sc'>Selections</span> 33</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part01'>I. AUTOBIOGRAPHY</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect01'>(1) <span class='sc'>The Boy among the Doctors. His Education</span> (<i>V.</i>) 33</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect02'>(2) <span class='sc'>A Shipwreck on the Voyage to Rome. Eve of the War</span> (<i>V.</i>) 34</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect03'>(3) <span class='sc'>The <i>Jewish War</i> and its Reception. Criticism of a Rival Historian</span> (<span class='sc'>Justus</span>) (<i>V.</i>) 35</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect04'>(4) <span class='sc'>After the War. Josephus as Roman Citizen</span> (<i>V.</i>) 37</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part02'>II. SPECIMENS OF AMPLIFICATION OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVE</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect05'>(5) <span class='sc'>Moses, the Infant Prodigy, introduced to Pharaoh</span> (<i>A.</i> II) 40</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect06'>(6) <span class='sc'>Exorcism in the Name of Solomon</span> (<i>A.</i> VIII) 41</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect07'>(7) <span class='sc'>Micaiah and Zedekiah Prophesy before Ahab</span> (<i>A.</i> VIII) 42</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part03'>III. THE COMING OF THE ROMANS</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect08'>(8) <span class='sc'>Loss of Jewish Independence. Palestinian Settlement under Pompey</span> (<i>A.</i> XIV) 45</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect09'>(9) <span class='sc'>Division of the Country into Five Districts by Gabinius</span> (<i>B.</i> I) 47</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect10'>(10) <span class='sc'>Settlement under Julius Cæsar</span> (<i>A.</i> XIV) 47</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part04'>IV. HEROD THE GREAT</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect11'>(11) <span class='sc'>The Youth Herod frees Galilee from the Brigands</span> (<i>A.</i> XIV) 48</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect12'>(12) <span class='sc'>Herod on his Trial before the Sanhedrin</span> (<i>A.</i> XIV) 48</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect13'>(13) <span class='sc'>Herod and Cassius. Murder of Antipater, Herod’s Father</span> (<i>A.</i> XIV) 51</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span><a href='#sect14'>(14) <span class='sc'>Antony makes Herod and Phasael Tetrarchs of Judæa</span> (<i>A.</i> XIV) 52</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect15'>(15) <span class='sc'>How Herod won his Kingdom</span> (<i>A.</i> XIV) 53</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect16'>(16) <span class='sc'>How Herod made his Peace with Augustus</span> (<span class='sc'>after the Battle of Actium</span>) (<i>B.</i> I) 55</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect17'>(17) <span class='sc'>Herod and Mariamne</span> (<i>B.</i> I) 56</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect18'>(18) <span class='sc'>Extension of Herod’s Realm. His Popularity with Augustus and Agrippa</span> (<i>A.</i> XV) 57</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect19'>(19) <span class='sc'>The Historian’s Reading of Herod’s Character</span> (<i>A.</i> XVI) 58</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect20'>(20) <span class='sc'>Reflections on the Tragic Fate of Herod’s Sons</span> (<i>A.</i> XVI) 60</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect21'>(21) <span class='sc'>Herod’s Dying Provision for a National Mourning</span> (<i>A.</i> XVII) 63</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part05'>V. ARCHELAUS AND PILATE</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect22'>(22) <span class='sc'>Archelaus in Quest of a Kingdom</span> (<i>A.</i> XVII) 66</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect23'>(23) <span class='sc'>Archelaus Deposed and his Territory added to the Roman Province of Syria</span> (<i>A.</i> XVII) 71</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect24'>(24) <span class='sc'>The Revolt of Judas “in the days of the enrolment” under Quirinius</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 72</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect25'>(25) <span class='sc'>Pilate offends Jewish susceptibilities in the matter of</span> (i) <span class='sc'>the Emperor’s busts</span>, (ii) <span class='sc'>the Corban money</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 74</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect26'>(26) <span class='sc'>Jesus Christ</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 76</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect27'>(27) <span class='sc'>Tiberius expels all Jews from Rome</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 76</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect28'>(28) <span class='sc'>Pilate sent to Rome for Trial</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 77</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part06'>VI. THE LATER HERODS</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect29'>(29) <span class='sc'>Herod the Tetrarch, his Marriage with Herodias and Murder of John the Baptist</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 79</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect30'>(30) <span class='sc'>How Herod Agrippa became King, and Herod the Tetrarch lost his Tetrarchy</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 81</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect31'>(31) <span class='sc'>Petronius and the Statue of Gaius</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 84</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect32'>(32) <span class='sc'>Herod Agrippa’s Kingdom enlarged by Claudius</span> (<i>A.</i> XIX) 88</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect33'>(33) <span class='sc'>Death of Herod Agrippa</span> (<i>A.</i> XIX) 88</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect34'>(34) <span class='sc'>The Story of King Izates and his mother Helena</span> (<i>A.</i> XX) 90</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span><a href='#sect35'>(35) <span class='sc'>The Fate of the Impostor Theudas and of the Sons of Judas the Galilæan</span> (<i>A.</i> XX) 93</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect36'>(36) <span class='sc'>Agrippa II, Felix, and Drusilla</span> (<i>A.</i> XX) 94</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect37'>(37) <span class='sc'>The Death of James, “the Lord’s Brother”</span> (<i>A.</i> XX) 95</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part07'>VII. SCENES FROM THE JEWISH WAR</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect38'>(38) <span class='sc'>Introduction to the <i>Jewish War</i></span> (<i>B.</i> I) 98</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect39'>(39) <span class='sc'>Seeds of the War sown under the last of the Procurators. Rise of the Sicarii</span> (<i>B.</i> II) 102</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect40'>(40) <span class='sc'>The Immediate Cause of the War. Abrogation of Sacrifices for the Emperor</span> (<i>B.</i> II) 107</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect41'>(41) <span class='sc'>Initial Jewish Success. Rout of a Roman Army in the Defiles of Beth-Horon</span> (<i>B.</i> II) 110</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect42'>(42) <span class='sc'>Jerusalem before the Siege</span> (<i>B.</i> II) 118</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect43'>(43) <span class='sc'>The Fall of Jotapata. Josephus taken Prisoner</span> (<i>B.</i> III) 119</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect44'>(44) <span class='sc'>Reception at Jerusalem of the News of the Fall of Jotapata</span> (<i>B.</i> III) 128</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect45'>(45) <span class='sc'>Murder of the High Priest Ananus; also of Zacharias after a mock trial</span> (<i>B.</i> IV) 129</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect46'>(46) <span class='sc'>How Josephus was Liberated</span> (<i>B.</i> IV) 133</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect47'>(47) <span class='sc'>A Roman Reverse inspires false Confidence</span> (<i>B.</i> V) 134</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect48'>(48) <span class='sc'>Cessation of the Daily Sacrifice. Josephus appeals to the Jews</span> (<i>B.</i> VI) 135</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect49'>(49) <span class='sc'>Conflagration of the Temple</span> (<i>B.</i> VI) 137</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect50'>(50) <span class='sc'>Portents and Oracles</span> (<i>B.</i> VI) 141</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect51'>(51) <span class='sc'>The Last Scene. Capture of the Upper City. Jerusalem in Flames</span> (<i>B.</i> VI) 145</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect52'>(52) <span class='sc'>The Spoils from the Temple in the Triumphal Procession in Rome</span> (<i>B.</i> VII) 147</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part08'>VIII. THE JEWISH SECTS</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect53'>(53) <span class='sc'>The Three Sects and their Views on Fate and Free-Will</span> (<i>A.</i> XIII) 148</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect54'>(54) <span class='sc'>The Essenes, with a note on Pharisees and Sadducees</span> (<i>B.</i> II) 148</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect55'>(55) <span class='sc'>Another Account of the Three Sects—and a Fourth</span> (<i>A.</i> XVIII) 158</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span><a href='#sect56'>(56) <span class='sc'>Why John Hyrcanus went over from the Pharisees to the Sadducees</span> (<i>A.</i> XIII) 161</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect57'>(57) <span class='sc'>“Conciliate the Pharisees”—Alexander’s dying advice to Alexandra</span> (<i>A.</i> XIII) 164</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect58'>(58) <span class='sc'>How the Pharisees rose to power under Queen Alexandra</span> (<i>B.</i> I) 166</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect59'>(59) <span class='sc'>Herod exempts Pharisees and Essenes from the Oath of Allegiance. The Essene Prophet Menahem</span> (<i>A.</i> XV) 167</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect60'>(60) <span class='sc'>The Pharisees refuse to take the Oath of Allegiance (another account)</span> (<i>A.</i> XVII) 168</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#part09'>IX. JEWISH THEOLOGY, SCRIPTURES AND CUSTOMS</a></p> -<p class='c005'><a href='#sect61'>(61) <span class='sc'>Some Aspects of Jewish Theology. Moses as Religious Educator</span> (<i>Ap.</i> II) 170</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect62'>(62) <span class='sc'>A Future Life—for the Law-abiding</span> (<i>Ap.</i> II) 173</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect63'>(63) <span class='sc'>The Jewish Scriptures and their Preservation</span> (<i>Ap.</i> I) 174</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect64'>(64) <span class='sc'>Universal Imitation of our Laws the sincerest flattery</span> (<i>Ap.</i> II) 177</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#sect65'>(65) <span class='sc'>The Oath “Corban”</span> (<i>Ap.</i> I) 179</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#notes-appendix'><span class='sc'>Appendix of Additional Notes</span> 180</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#dates-table'><span class='sc'>Table of Dates</span> 204</a></p> - -<p class='c006'><a href='#index'><span class='sc'>Index</span> 207</a></p> -<h3 class='c001'>ABBREVIATIONS</h3> -<p class='c007'>The <i>Jewish Antiquities</i> <i>Ant.</i> or <i>A.</i></p> - -<p class='c008'>The <i>Jewish War</i> (<i>Bellum Judaicum</i>) <i>B.J.</i> or <i>B.</i></p> - -<p class='c008'>The Treatise <i>Against Apion</i> <i>Ap.</i></p> - -<p class='c008'>The <i>Life</i> <i>Vita</i> or <i>V.</i></p> - -<p class='c008'>Schürer, <i>Jewish People in the Time of</i> -<i>Jesus Christ</i> (<i>JPTC</i>)</p> - -<p class='c008'><i>circa</i> (“about” of dates) <i>c.</i></p> - -<p class='c008'>References, <i>e.g.</i> <i>Ant.</i> XVII. 6.5 f. (171-181). The figures 6.5 f. -refer to the older division, found in all editions (Niese’s -included), of the books into sections (6 or vi) and subsections -(5 and following subsection). The bracketed -figures (171-181) indicate the smaller divisions first -introduced by Niese.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span> - <h2 id='chap-intro' class='c004'>SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS <br /> INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> -<h3 class='c009'>Life</h3> -<p class='c005'>Josephus, son of Matthias the priest, and on his -mother’s side claiming descent from the royal Hasmonæan -house—or Flavius Josephus, to give him the name -which he adopted out of gratitude to his Imperial patrons—was -born in the first year of the Emperor Caligula, -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 37-38. St. Paul’s conversion had probably taken -place a few years earlier.<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c010'><sup>[1]</sup></a> His life of upwards of sixty -years falls into two nearly equal parts, spent respectively -in Palestine and in Rome. The Palestinian portion, -again, is sharply divided into the pre-war period (to -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 65), of which we know comparatively little, and -the great four years’ war (<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66-70), of which we know -a great deal.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Of his precocious youth, when, if we may believe him, -Rabbis flocked to hear the wisdom of the boy of fourteen; -how he himself two years later “did eagerly -frequent Doctor and Saint,” making trial successively -of the three sects of his nation, and ending his education -by three years passed as an ascetic with a hermit in -the wilderness; how on his return to Jerusalem at the -age of nineteen he joined the popular and influential -party of the Pharisees; of the one outstanding incident -<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>of his early manhood, his visit to Rome at the age of -twenty-six—of all these things we may read in his own -words.<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c010'><sup>[2]</sup></a> Although he finally threw in his lot with the -Pharisees, we may judge from the three years’ stay with -Ban(n)us, the specially full account which he gives of -the Essenes,<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c010'><sup>[3]</sup></a> and other indications, that the tenets and -communistic life of that order left a lasting impression. -If we may again attempt a synchronism with events in -the life of St. Paul, we may say that the Rabbis were -listening to the boy about the time of the first Council of -the Church at Jerusalem, he was receiving his schooling -during the third missionary journey, and his return to -Jerusalem nearly coincided with the arrest of the Apostle -in that city.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The journey to Rome (<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 63-4), like St. Paul’s a few -years earlier, began with a shipwreck. Its nominal purpose -was to plead the cause of certain priests who had -been sent by Felix to Italy for trial. Chronology<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c010'><sup>[4]</sup></a> will -hardly permit us to accept the suggestion of Edersheim<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c010'><sup>[5]</sup></a> -to connect St. Paul’s liberation with the mission of -Josephus; but he cannot have failed, during his stay in -the city on the eve of the Neronian persecution, to become -acquainted, if not with the work of the Apostle, at -least with the existence of the Christian community. -Through the influence of Poppæa, the mistress and -afterwards wife of Nero, who coquetted with Judaism -(Josephus’s words imply that she was a proselyte), he -was successful in obtaining the release of the priests -and returned to Judæa laden with presents. Besides the -expressed object, was there any ulterior motive in this -visit to the capital? Edersheim suggests that, foreseeing -the trend of events, Josephus was already fired with the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>ambition of becoming the intermediary between Rome -and his nation.</p> - -<p class='c006'>At any rate, his visit had impressed him with a -sense of Rome’s invincible power; and on his return -to Judæa, where he found the Jews drifting towards revolt -and everything pointing to the immediate outbreak -of war, he at first tried to pacify the war-party, but in -vain. The turbulent state of the country at length induced -Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, to advance -against Jerusalem. With the disastrous rout of his army -in the defiles of Beth-Horon towards the end of <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66, -following upon his unexpected withdrawal from the gates -of the metropolis,<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c010'><sup>[6]</sup></a> it was realized that the irrevocable -step had been taken, and all preparations were made for -the impending war.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Josephus, then but twenty-nine years of age, was entrusted -with the command of Galilee. The reason for -the selection of the young priest for so important a post, -for which, notwithstanding his frequent assertions of his -skill and strategy, he seems to have been ill-qualified, is obscure. -The history of the sequel fills the greater part of the -<i>Life</i>, but it is not very easy to follow the course of events -and to read the motives of the leaders at Jerusalem and -the conflicting aims of the various cities of Galilee, which -Josephus found in a divided state. His first steps were -to fortify the principal places, to reform the army on the -Roman model by appointing subordinate officers, and to -set up a council of seventy of the principal Galilæans to -try cases and to act as hostages for the loyalty of the -district. But his efforts to enforce discipline and to -secure the allegiance of the Galilæans were unavailing. -He had many opponents, in particular John of Gischala, -who afterwards played an important part in the siege of -Jerusalem. The spring of <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67 was chiefly spent by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>Josephus in civil strife and in avoiding plots against his -life. He was suspected, perhaps justly, of harbouring -designs of betraying the country to Rome; he may have -hoped to stave off war by some form of compromise. -At length John succeeded in inducing the Jerusalem -leaders to supersede Josephus, and an embassy was sent -to relieve him of his command. He, however, refused -to accept the order, and obtained letters from the capital -reinstating him. Meanwhile, Vespasian was advancing -upon Galilee from Antioch. On the fall of Gadara -Josephus was at first inclined to surrender and wrote to -Jerusalem for instructions, but finally resolved to stand a -siege in the fortified town of Jotapata.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Of the forty-seven days’ siege of Jotapata and the various -machinations and counter-machinations of the belligerents -Josephus has given us a graphic account in the third book -of the <i>Jewish War</i>. The story of its fall (July, <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67) -and of the sequel—the capture of the general, after a -narrow escape, through a ruse, from death at the hands -of his compatriots, and his prophecy of Vespasian’s rise -to power—will be found in the text.<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c010'><sup>[7]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>“By the end of <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67,” I quote from what I have -written elsewhere, “the whole of northern Palestine was -in the hands of the Romans. Only Jerusalem, where a -bloody civil war was raging, remained to be taken. But -its capture was delayed by the events of <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 68, which -drew the attention of the generals to the west. News -came first of the death of Nero, which took place in June, -and then, in rapid succession, of the accession of Galba, -Otho and Vitellius. In July, <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 69, Vespasian’s legions -took the law into their own hands, and proclaimed him -emperor. One of his first acts as emperor was to liberate -Josephus, whose prophecy had now come true.<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c010'><sup>[8]</sup></a>... [Josephus] -now accompanied the emperor to Alexandria, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>and from there was sent back with Titus to take part in -the siege of Jerusalem.... [His] services as interpreter -and intercessor were more than once requisitioned by -Titus;<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c010'><sup>[9]</sup></a> on one occasion he was hit by a stone, and -barely escaped capture and death at the hands of his -countrymen. He was, he tells us, at this time between -two fires; for, while bitterly hated by the Jews, he was -suspected by the Romans of treachery whenever they -met with a reverse.”<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c010'><sup>[10]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>For his life in Rome, where he witnessed (with what -feelings we are left to imagine) the triumphal procession -of the two emperors,<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c010'><sup>[11]</sup></a> and for the various privileges bestowed -on him by Vespasian, Titus and Domitian, we -may refer to his own narrative.<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c010'><sup>[12]</sup></a> Awarded the rights of -Roman citizenship, he was also among the first to be -placed on the “civil list” newly instituted by Vespasian.<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c010'><sup>[13]</sup></a> -He was still pursued by Jewish hatred; among his opponents -he names in particular Justus, a rival historian -of the war, and Jonathan, the leader of a revolt in Cyrene, -who accused him of complicity in his designs; but with -his unfailing tact he succeeded in retaining the favour of -the Flavian emperors and defeating his enemies. He -appears to have survived into the second century, since -he outlived Agrippa II,<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c010'><sup>[14]</sup></a> whose death is placed by -Photius in <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 100. Eusebius (<i>H. E.</i> III. 9) tells us -that our author was honoured by the erection of his -statue in Rome, and that his works were placed in the -public library. He was married at least four times;<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c010'><sup>[15]</sup></a> -one wife deserted him, another he divorced.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span> - <h3 class='c009'>Works</h3> -</div> -<p class='c005'>During the leisure of his life in Rome Josephus composed -the four works which, owing largely, no doubt, to -their popularity with early Christian writers, have survived -entire: the <i>Jewish War</i> (7 books), the <i>Jewish -Antiquities</i> (20 books), the <i>Life</i> and the treatise <i>Against -Apion</i> (2 books). There is no adequate ground for -thinking that he published anything further.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(i) The <i>Jewish War</i>. This, the earliest of the works, -was, in its present Greek form, finished in the latter half -of Vespasian’s reign, between <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 75 and 79. It cannot -be earlier than <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 75, because it mentions the completion -of the temple of Pax (<i>B. J.</i> VII. 158), which was -dedicated in that year; it had, moreover, been preceded -by other histories of the war. The Greek, as the author -tells us,<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c010'><sup>[16]</sup></a> is a translation, made for the use of the learned -Roman world at large, of a first draft, written in his -native Aramaic for the benefit of a smaller circle of -readers in upper (or inland) Syria. The Aramaic has -not survived. The Greek—for which assistance was -obtained, “employing certain <i>collaborateurs</i> with a view -to the Greek style” are his words, <i>c. Ap.</i> I. 50—shows -no sign of its Semitic parentage and probably amounted to -practically a new work. It is unlikely, <i>e. g.</i>, that the first -draft contained the summary sketch of Jewish history -from the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, which occupies -Books I and II of the Greek. The work seems to have -been issued in parts.<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c010'><sup>[17]</sup></a> Copies were presented to Vespasian -and Titus and other Romans who had taken part -in the war, and <i>sold</i> to Herod Agrippa II and other -learned Jews (<i>c. Ap.</i> I. 51). Titus himself affixed his -<i>imprimatur</i>. A long correspondence on the work passed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>between the author and his friend, Agrippa; two specimens -of the king’s letters, in rather slipshod Greek, are -quoted.<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c010'><sup>[18]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Books I and II give a rapid sketch (expanded in the -<i>Ant.</i>) of Jewish history from the capture of Jerusalem -by Antiochus Epiphanes (168 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>) down to the defeat -of Cestius Gallus in <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66 and the preparations for the -war. Book III narrates the coming of Vespasian and -Titus, the siege of Jotapata and the fighting in Galilee; -Book IV the close of the Galilæan campaign, the factions -in Jerusalem, the advance of Vespasian upon the -city and his return to Rome on being elected emperor by -his army; Book V describes the city and Temple, the -investment by Titus and the capture of the first and -second walls; Book VI the horrors of the famine, the -taking of the fortress of Antonia, followed by the burning -of the Temple and the capture and destruction of -the city; Book VII the return of Titus to Rome, the -triumphal procession and the capture of the last strongholds -of the Jewish fanatics.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(ii) The <i>Jewish Antiquities</i>. In this, his <i>magnum opus</i>, -Josephus undertook to write the history of his nation -from the creation to the outbreak of the Jewish War. -He tells us of his misgivings in entering on so large a -task, the toil which it involved, and how it was only -through the encouragement of his patron Epaphroditus -(to whom <i>Ant.</i>, the <i>Life</i> and the <i>Apion</i> treatise are all -dedicated) that it was finally completed in the thirteenth -year of Domitian’s reign and the fifty-sixth of his own -life, <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 93-94 (<i>Ant.</i> I. 6 ff.; XX. 267). The work towards -the close shows some marks of weariness. The title -(Ἰουδαïκὴ Ἀρχαιολογία) and the division into twenty books -were doubtless derived from the great Roman history -(Ῥωμαïκὴ Ἀρχαιολογία) of Dionysius of Halicarnassus.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>In Books I-X the narrative closely follows the Biblical -account down to the Babylonian captivity; XI carries on -the story to Alexander the Great; XII to the death of -Judas Maccabæus (161 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>); XIII contains the history -of the Hasmonæan house to the death of Queen Alexandra -(67 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>); XIV the intervention of Pompey and -the Romans and the accession of Herod the Great -(37 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>), whose reign (37-4 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>) fills XV, XVI and -the first half of XVII; the rest of XVII comprises the -reign of Archelaus (4 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> to <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 6); XVIII, XIX and -XX cover the remainder of the period of the Gospels -and the Acts, including notices of Quirinius, Pilate, -Tiberius, Herod the Tetrarch, and the two later Herods; -the greater part of XIX is occupied with a full, but -irrelevant, account of the assassination of the emperor -Gaius and the accession of Claudius (<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 41); XX -summarizes the events to the outbreak of the war (<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66).</p> - -<p class='c006'>As regards the historian’s authorities for the first half -of his work, the main source was the Greek Bible (“the -Septuagint”), occasional use being made of the Hebrew. -This was supplemented by (1) legends and commentary, -drawn, in part at least, from Rabbinic tradition (<i>Haggadah</i> -and <i>Halachah</i>); (2) Hellenistic reproductions of the -Biblical history by Alexandrians such as Demetrius and -Artapanus; (3) secular historians and non-Biblical documents -such as Berosus, the annals of Tyre, etc. The -number of authorities named under this last head is considerable, -but it is probable that many of them were -known to Josephus only through the great Universal -History of Nicolas of Damascus, the friend of Herod -the Great and Augustus, to which he is largely indebted -throughout the whole of <i>Ant.</i> For the centuries following -the Captivity his authorities are unfortunately scanty -and of little value. From the Captivity to Antiochus -Epiphanes his main sources are the LXX books of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span><i>1 Esdras</i> and <i>Esther</i>, some legends of Alexander the -Great, the <i>Letter of Aristeas</i>, <i>1 Maccabees</i> and (occasionally) -Polybius. From this point he relies largely on two -lost Universal Histories of Augustan writers, Strabo and -Nicolas of Damascus. The latter was undoubtedly his -chief authority for the very full account of the reign of -Herod the Great, though he does not accept all his statements -without question, and appears to have had access -to some less eulogistic history of that monarch. Mention -is once made of the “Memoirs of King Herod” (XV, -174). With the accession of Archelaus the history, unfortunately -for the student of the N.T., again becomes -meagre, expanding into greater fullness when the reign -of Agrippa I is reached. With regard to him Josephus -would obtain information from his son, Agrippa II, and -for the events leading up to the war he could draw on -his own recollections. The account of the assassination -of Gaius, which is of primary importance for the Roman -historian, was thought by Mommsen to be derived from -the work of Cluvius Rufus, a witness of the events which -immediately preceded it. Besides these authorities Josephus -had access to priestly records (he notes the succession -of high priests throughout the narrative) and to important -decrees concerning privileges granted on various -occasions to Jews resident in Asia and elsewhere.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(iii) The <i>Life</i> was written as a sequel to the <i>Antiquities</i>, -to which it is appended in the MSS. A promise of such -an appendix is made at the end of <i>Ant.</i> (XX. 266); and -the <i>Life</i> closes with a dedication of the whole history to -Epaphroditus, the patron named in the exordium to the -larger work. But the <i>Life</i> seems to have been an afterthought, -added only after an interval of some six or seven -years, since it is implied that, Agrippa II is already dead,<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c010'><sup>[19]</sup></a> -and his death is said to have occurred in <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 100. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>The immediate occasion for its production was the -appearance of a rival history of the Jewish War by Justus -of Tiberias, in which the writer accused Josephus of -being the real cause of the war with Rome. “The -appearance of Justus’s work, with its damaging criticisms, -was likely to endanger the secure position which Josephus -had won for himself at Rome, and the earlier historian -of the war felt bound to defend himself. The <i>Life</i>, then, -by no means answers to its name. It is not a complete -autobiography, but simply an apologetic statement as to -the actions of Josephus as commander in Galilee, to -which have been added a few details as to the earlier and -later events of his life, by way of prologue and epilogue.”<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c010'><sup>[20]</sup></a> -The defence, in which Josephus attempts to pose as -friendly to the Romans, while he has to admit the part -which he took in organizing the Jewish forces to oppose -them, is extremely weak; and the work, which is -characterized by inordinate self-praise, is the least satisfactory -of the historian’s writings.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(iv) The treatise <i>Against Apion</i> (in two books) is, on -the other hand, the most pleasing of our author’s works, -showing a well-designed plan, great literary skill, and a -more genuine patriotism, a warmer and more impassioned -zeal for his country’s religion, than we find elsewhere. -The title (not the author’s) is, like that of the <i>Life</i>, unsuitable, -Apion not being mentioned until Book II is reached. -Older titles were: “On the Antiquity of the Jews” (not -sufficiently distinctive), and “Against the Greeks.” It is -designed as a reply to criticisms on the <i>Antiquities</i> and a -refutation of current attacks upon, and groundless prejudices -against, the Jewish nation; it is, in short, an -Apology for Judaism with a demonstration of the antiquity -of the race. It gives an interesting insight into the anti-Semitism -of the first century. Apion is merely one -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>representative of Israel’s enemies; a grammarian and -interpreter of Homer, he is best known as the leader of -the embassy to Caligula in <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 38, which brought accusations -against the Jewish residents in Alexandria, and -was opposed by a counter-embassy of Alexandrian Jews, -headed by Philo. Josephus challenges the extreme -antiquity claimed for the Greeks; accounts for the -silence of Greek writers with regard to Jewish history; -cites evidence for the antiquity of his nation from -Egyptian, Phœnician, Babylonian and Greek sources; -refutes the malignant and absurd accusations of the -anti-Semites; and concludes with an able and eloquent -defence of the lawgiver and his code,<a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c010'><sup>[21]</sup></a> contrasting his -conception of God with the immoral ideas current among -the Greeks. The numerous quotations from lost writings -give the work a special value. Its date must be later -than <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 93 (the date of <i>Ant.</i>), but whether written -before or after the <i>Life</i> is uncertain.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Two further works, as he tells us at the end of <i>Ant.</i>, -were projected by Josephus, viz.: (1) A summary -sketch of the war and the subsequent history of his -nation down to <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 93-4; (2) “A work in four books -concerning God and His being and concerning the Laws, -why some actions are permitted to us by them and others -are forbidden.” It is unlikely that either was ever completed. -But the work on “Customs and Causes,” as he -elsewhere calls it, appears, from the mention of the four -books and from scattered allusions in the <i>Antiquities</i> to -its intended contents, to have already taken shape in his -mind, and was perhaps begun. The failure to carry out -this scheme is regrettable.</p> - -<p class='c006'>From the repeated occurrence, usually with reference -to the Seleucid dynasty or Parthian affairs, of the phrase -“as we have shown elsewhere,” Josephus might appear -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>to have written a monograph on Syrian history. But the -variations on the phrase, “as has been shown elsewhere” -(<i>lit.</i> “in others”) and (twice) “... <i>by others</i>,” make -it probable that the use of the first person, where it -occurs, has been carelessly taken over from one of his -authorities.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The fourth book of Maccabees (in vol. iii. of Dr. Swete’s -LXX) appears in the older editions of Josephus, but has -no claim to have come from his pen.</p> -<h3 class='c009'>The Man and the Historian. Importance of his Work<a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c010'><sup>[22]</sup></a></h3> -<p class='c005'>The personal character of Josephus and his credibility -as a historian have been often impugned, more especially -by his own compatriots. Edersheim’s article in the -<i>Dictionary of Christian Biography</i> (where our author -finds himself in strange company), while not lacking in -appreciation of his merits, displays some of this rancour, -though not in its more virulent form. He has been -denounced as traitor and renegade, as a flatterer of the -Romans and one whose statements must always be -regarded with suspicion.</p> - -<p class='c006'>His <i>character</i> is somewhat of an enigma. We may -grant that it is not one to arouse any feeling of keen -admiration. He was no ardent patriot, like Judas Maccabæus, -no missionary in a great cause to which he was ready -to devote his whole heart and soul and to sacrifice his -life. His three years’ sojourn in the wilderness was not, -like the visit to Arabia of an older contemporary, the -prelude to a life-work of strenuous and unremitting toil -ending in imprisonment and martyrdom. His faults are -<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>patent; and among them we should rank first an -inordinate egotism and a concern, above all other -considerations, for his personal interests. His life was -constantly in danger; like St. Paul, he encountered -perils in the sea, perils from his own countrymen, perils -from the Gentiles; but his instinct for self-preservation, -aided by ready tact and resourcefulness, carried him -safely through the most desperate situations. In his -account of the shipwreck<a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c010'><sup>[23]</sup></a> we read that “I and certain -others, about eighty in all [out of a crew of six hundred], -outstripped the others and were taken on board.” There -is no thought of the unfortunate swimmers who were left -behind; nothing corresponding to the Apostle’s words -of encouragement in similar circumstances, and to his -biographer’s joy in recording that “all escaped safe to -the land.” In Galilee, before the siege of Jotapata, -he narrates with evident self-satisfaction the various -stratagems by which he outwitted his enemies who -plotted against his life. During the siege he meditated -flight; “Josephus, dissembling his anxiety for his own -safety, said that it was for their sakes that he proposed -to retire”—such is his own naïve statement of his reply to -the remonstrances of the besieged citizens (<i>B.J.</i> III. 7. -15 f. (197)). Then there is the final scene in the cave; -we cannot but admire the dexterity with which he eluded -death at the hands of his fellow-prisoners and the -vividness of his description; but by what ruse (“should -one say by fortune or by the providence of God?” are -his own words) he managed to be, with one companion, -the last survivor in the drawing of the lots, remains a -mystery.<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c010'><sup>[24]</sup></a> Later, as Roman prisoner and Roman citizen, -he always steered a safe course and retained the favour -of a succession of imperial patrons. He was, it seems, a -man of the world with a thoroughly secular disposition.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>What was his real <i>attitude to Judaism</i>? Though he -devoted the latter part of his life to writing the history of -his nation and a very able defence of their religion, we -may doubt whether he was profoundly affected by their -beliefs. Traill finds something “unnational” in the first -act of his life, when he “looked around him upon the -sects and factions of his times ... with a philosophic, -supercilious independence.”<a id='r25' /><a href='#f25' class='c010'><sup>[25]</sup></a> Though we need not, -perhaps, go so far as this, nor blame him for what -appears to have been a genuine quest of truth, we may -allow that he was a cosmopolitan, alienated in many -ways from his own nation, and that there was a lack of -depth and sincerity in his adherence to Jewish dogmas.</p> - -<p class='c006'>With this must be considered his <i>attitude to Christianity</i>. -If we set aside the one brief “testimony” to -Jesus Christ, which must be rejected as an interpolation,<a id='r26' /><a href='#f26' class='c010'><sup>[26]</sup></a> -we are left with the story of the death of James, “the -brother of Jesus who was called Christ,”<a id='r27' /><a href='#f27' class='c010'><sup>[27]</sup></a> and the -reference to the murder of John the Baptist,<a id='r28' /><a href='#f28' class='c010'><sup>[28]</sup></a> as the sole -allusions to the Founder of Christianity and the movement -which prepared the way for it. This glaring -omission cannot be other than deliberate. Josephus -had every opportunity of acquainting himself with the -events of the life of Christ and of his followers; certainly -he did not lack the curiosity to investigate the facts, and -he must surely have watched with interest the fortunes -and rapid spread of the rising sect which, even in St. -Paul’s lifetime, had gained a footing in “Cæsar’s household.”<a id='r29' /><a href='#f29' class='c010'><sup>[29]</sup></a> -The Apostle’s words with reference to an -intimate friend of Josephus might have been said of the -historian himself: “I am persuaded that none of these -things is hidden from him; for this hath not been done -in a corner.”<a id='r30' /><a href='#f30' class='c010'><sup>[30]</sup></a> Yet there is this silence. He does not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>attack Christianity; he simply ignores it. And, with -our knowledge of the character of Josephus, the reason -is not far to seek. He studiously avoids a topic to -which, in the circumstances of the time, it would have -been dangerous to allude. “Not only was he informed -on these subjects; he was far too well informed of what -the Christians had already and recently suffered ... -not to be on his guard against the imprudence of giving -any testimony in their favour which might implicate -himself in their misfortunes.”<a id='r31' /><a href='#f31' class='c010'><sup>[31]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>To the same motive must be attributed the historian’s -reticence on the subject of a Messiah. The words -addressed to the serpent: “It shall bruise thy head and -thou shalt bruise his heel,”<a id='r32' /><a href='#f32' class='c010'><sup>[32]</sup></a> occasion no allusion to a -future deliverer, nor yet the prophecies of Balaam; -Jacob’s blessing is omitted; the oracle which foretold -the coming of a world-ruler out of Judæa is interpreted -of Vespasian.<a id='r33' /><a href='#f33' class='c010'><sup>[33]</sup></a> On the other hand, there are a few -passages which suggest that Josephus did not regard the -fulfilment of prophecy as closed with the destruction of -Jerusalem, and that he may have entertained a belief in -a Messianic era involving the downfall of Rome, of which -he dared not speak openly. On Balaam he writes (<i>Ant.</i> -IV. 6. 5 [125]): “From the accomplishment of all these -things in accordance with his prediction one may conjecture -what will happen in the future”; and again, in -the interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (<i>Ant.</i> X. -10. 4 [210]): “Daniel also showed the king the meaning -of the stone, but I have not thought proper to relate this, -my duty being to describe past, not future, events,” while -curious enquirers are referred to the prophetical book.</p> - -<p class='c006'>In his public life as statesman and general Josephus -scarcely deserves the hard names of traitor and renegade. -Involved in early manhood in the rush of events arising -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>out of a popular movement which had long been -gathering force, with which he did not sympathize, -which he could not stem and vainly tried to direct, -realizing from the first the hopelessness of combating the -Roman legions, and anxious to find some means of -compromise by which to save his country from ruin, -he nevertheless accepted the post with which he was -entrusted, and threw himself into the task of organizing, -to the best of his ability, the defences of Galilee, so long -as resistance was possible; while he devoted the -energies of his later life, when his position might have -tempted him to disown his nation, to writing its history -and defending his countrymen against the slanders of a -malignant world.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>On the position of Josephus as <i>a historian</i>, widely -different opinions have been held, from that of Jerome -who extolled him as a “Greek Livy,” to the criticisms of -some modern writers who have accused him of bias and -gross misrepresentation.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The apologetic nature of the <i>Antiquities</i> is self-evident. -The author’s purpose was to represent his maligned -nation in the best light to Greek readers, “to break -down, if possible, the wall of partition that had hitherto -secluded the Hebrew race from the communion and cut -them off from the sympathies of mankind,” to “plead the -cause of the injured Jew at the bar of the world” (Traill). -This object has occasioned the suppression of some -(though not all) of the less creditable incidents in the -Biblical narrative. With a view to attractiveness the -narrative is diversified by legendary additions culled from -various sources, while occasionally, it must be admitted, -the author seems to have added minor details of his own -invention (see below on the imitation of Thucydides). -Granted some blemishes of this kind, there remains no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>very serious charge against the writer of <i>Ant.</i> That -work is, on the whole, a skilful compilation, its value -varying with that of the authorities consulted, while the -criticisms passed on some of them show that these were -not always used without discrimination.<a id='r34' /><a href='#f34' class='c010'><sup>[34]</sup></a> He professes -in several passages to have a high ideal of a historian’s -duty, and, speaking generally, one may allow that he -so far comes up to it as to deserve a fairly high, if not a -foremost, place among the historians of antiquity.</p> - -<p class='c006'>As the historian of the <i>Jewish War</i>, Josephus comes -before us with the highest credentials. Holding command -in Galilee in its opening stages and behind the Roman -lines throughout the siege of Jerusalem, he was exceptionally -well qualified for this task, and must have relied -mainly on his own recollections and the notes which -he made at the time (<i>c.</i> <i>Ap.</i> I. 49). Deserters kept him -informed of events within the city (<i>ib.</i>). He seems also -to have had access to the emperor’s memoirs (<i>Life</i> 358). -He submitted the books as they were finished to Herod -Agrippa and the completed work to Vespasian and Titus, -and from them and others received testimonials to his -accuracy (<i>c. Ap.</i> I. 50 ff., <i>Life</i> 361 ff.).<a id='r35' /><a href='#f35' class='c010'><sup>[35]</sup></a> We may therefore -unhesitatingly accept the general trustworthiness of -his account. Exception should, perhaps, be made for a -tendency to exaggeration, <i>e. g.</i> in the matter of numbers, -and for some, though not a marked, bias for extolling -the achievements and clemency of the Roman generals. -His statement that Titus desired to spare the Temple<a id='r36' /><a href='#f36' class='c010'><sup>[36]</sup></a> -runs counter to that of another historian (Sulpicius -Severus), who asserts that the destruction received his -sanction; the Jewish historian was, at any rate, in a -better position to know the facts.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Besides the authorities whom he names in the <i>Antiquities</i>, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>Josephus, who devoted much attention to style, made -a special study of the great masters. The use which he -has made of his chief model forms an interesting study. -Was it Dionysius of Halicarnassus (to whom, as we saw, -he owed the title and arrangement of his <i>Ant.</i>) and -his essays on the style of Thucydides that first introduced -him to the historian of the Peloponnesian War? Or did -he trace a likeness to himself in the great Athenian? -Widely different as were the characters of the two men, -there were points of similarity in their careers. Like -Josephus, Thucydides combined the duties of general -and historian of the great war; like him he failed as -a military commander (IV. 104 ff.), and through his consequent -exile was enabled to associate with the enemy -and to view the war from the standpoint of both belligerents -(V. 26).<a id='r37' /><a href='#f37' class='c010'><sup>[37]</sup></a> However that may be (and it is to the -credit of our author that he does not suggest the comparison), -there is a marked imitation of the style of -Thucydides in portions of the <i>Antiquities</i>, especially in -Books XVII-XIX, which possess peculiarities of their -own. The imitation is seen in the recurrent use of some -striking phrase, and occasionally in the bold attempt to -reproduce the difficult and involved style characteristic -of parts of Thucydides. One instance of a borrowed -phrase must suffice. In his account of the plague of -Athens, Thucydides writes, “When they were afraid to -visit one another, the sufferers died in their solitude ... -or if they ventured they perished, especially <i>those who -aspired to heroism</i>.”<a id='r38' /><a href='#f38' class='c010'><sup>[38]</sup></a> The phrase in italics has taken the -fancy of Josephus, who employs it repeatedly.<a id='r39' /><a href='#f39' class='c010'><sup>[39]</sup></a> But -imitation did not stop at the diction. The narrative -<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>of incidents in the history of Israel has been heightened, -it seems, by touches from the account of the siege of -Platæa and the Sicilian expedition; this last exploit in -particular has aroused the emulation of our author.<a id='r40' /><a href='#f40' class='c010'><sup>[40]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Beside this indebtedness to former historians, Josephus -doubtless derived inspiration from the literary circle of -living authors by whom he was surrounded in Rome. -The account of the assassination of Caligula was, as -stated, possibly derived from Cluvius Rufus; and it is -interesting to reflect that our author must have known -a writer just rising to fame, the historian of the Emperors, -who has also left us a brief account of the Jewish War, -Cornelius Tacitus.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The high literary standard attained by the historian, -writing in a language which he acquired with difficulty, -and the power of vivid and dramatic description, evident -in many brilliant passages, are in the circumstances very -remarkable.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>Every allowance being made for our author’s defects, -the <i>importance</i> of his work is unquestionable. His -writings bridge the gulf between sacred and profane -literature; they bring the Jewish nation out of its isolation -into the main current of world history. The task which -he set himself could only be accomplished by a Jew, and -few Jews possessed the requisite qualifications of a wide -outlook and an intimate knowledge of the world and of -Greek literature. His detachment from his nation and -other characteristics which may appear as deficiencies in -the man are not without their advantages for the historian.</p> - -<p class='c006'>For the O.T. period we may consult him as a store-house -of Rabbinical and Alexandrian lore, though his -acquaintance with Palestinian tradition is considered by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>experts<a id='r41' /><a href='#f41' class='c010'><sup>[41]</sup></a> to have been as superficial as, judged by his -interpretation of proper names, was his knowledge of -Hebrew. But it is only when we come down to about -the last century before our era and to the N.T. period -itself that his evidence acquires supreme importance. -Here he gives us the background of Jewish and world -history in the time of our Lord and the infant Church; -without his labours such a work as Schürer’s <i>Jewish -People in the time of Jesus Christ</i> could not have been -written. Some figures which in the N.T. are little more -than names become clothed with life; side-lights are cast -on others with which we are more familiar. We may -follow in detail the story, told with all the moving pathos -of Greek tragedy, of the rise of Herod the Great to the -height of his fame and of the nemesis which blasted his -domestic happiness. We have full and lifelike portraits -of Roman governors and generals, comparable with the -slighter sketches in the Gospels and Acts; on the one -hand we may read of the causes of the unpopularity of -Pilate<a id='r42' /><a href='#f42' class='c010'><sup>[42]</sup></a> and of his successors, the last of the procurators, -whose corrupt administration and shameless peculation -precipitated the war,<a id='r43' /><a href='#f43' class='c010'><sup>[43]</sup></a> on the other of high-minded -governors like Petronius,<a id='r44' /><a href='#f44' class='c010'><sup>[44]</sup></a> claiming kinship with similar -noble characters in the N.T.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Among other such illustrations of the N.T. which will -be found in the selected passages below the following -may be noted. Herod’s dying provision to secure himself -a national mourning exhibits the cruelty of the -murderer of the innocents.<a id='r45' /><a href='#f45' class='c010'><sup>[45]</sup></a> In illustration of St. Luke’s -account of the infancy (ii. 1 ff.) we may read the full story -of an enrolment under Quirinius;<a id='r46' /><a href='#f46' class='c010'><sup>[46]</sup></a> also of the revolt of -Judas to which it gave rise and of the later insurrection -of Theudas, both of which are mentioned in Gamaliel’s -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>speech in the Sanhedrin (Acts v. 36 f.).<a id='r47' /><a href='#f47' class='c010'><sup>[47]</sup></a> In the full -account of the succession of Archelaus we may discover -the historical event which suggested our Lord’s parable -of the nobleman travelling to a far country (Luke xix. -12 ff.).<a id='r48' /><a href='#f48' class='c010'><sup>[48]</sup></a> We have independent narratives, partly inconsistent -with those in the N.T., of the marriage of Herod -the Tetrarch with Herodias<a id='r49' /><a href='#f49' class='c010'><sup>[49]</sup></a> and of the death of Herod -Agrippa I.<a id='r50' /><a href='#f50' class='c010'><sup>[50]</sup></a> In a beautiful story we read of a royal lady -who, like Paul and Barnabas, brought relief to famine-stricken -Jerusalem in the days of Claudius.<a id='r51' /><a href='#f51' class='c010'><sup>[51]</sup></a> The -expulsion of the Jews from Rome by Tiberius forms -a precedent for the similar action of Claudius (Acts xviii. -2).<a id='r52' /><a href='#f52' class='c010'><sup>[52]</sup></a> With the later scenes in St. Paul’s life we may -compare what is told us of Felix and Festus,<a id='r53' /><a href='#f53' class='c010'><sup>[53]</sup></a> and again -of Agrippa II and the marriage of Felix and Drusilla; -while the account of the Cypriot magician and his influence -over Felix strangely resembles that of Elymas and -Sergius Paulus (Acts xiii. 6 ff.).<a id='r54' /><a href='#f54' class='c010'><sup>[54]</sup></a> We may read, moreover, -of the death of James “the Lord’s brother”;<a id='r55' /><a href='#f55' class='c010'><sup>[55]</sup></a> of -the use of the word “Corban” (Mark vii. 11) as an -oath;<a id='r56' /><a href='#f56' class='c010'><sup>[56]</sup></a> of the tenets of the Jewish sects (in more than -one passage),<a id='r57' /><a href='#f57' class='c010'><sup>[57]</sup></a> and how the Pharisees acquired their -power a century before the time of Christ;<a id='r58' /><a href='#f58' class='c010'><sup>[58]</sup></a> we have -a detailed account of the Jewish treatment in the first -century of a case of demoniacal possession;<a id='r59' /><a href='#f59' class='c010'><sup>[59]</sup></a> and, last -but not least, we find in the scenes from the Jewish War -the fulfilment of our Lord’s predictions of the fate of -Jerusalem.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Other alleged connexions between Josephus and the -N.T. are open to serious question. Few will be inclined -to follow Wellhausen, who finds in the murder of -Zacharias son of Baris (or Bariscæus or Baruch)<a id='r60' /><a href='#f60' class='c010'><sup>[60]</sup></a> the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>incident referred to in our Lord’s words about “the blood -of Zachariah son of Barachiah, whom ye slew between -the sanctuary and the altar” (Matt. xxiii. 35). Many -critics have maintained that there is a direct literary connexion -between the Jewish historian and St. Luke, -whose writings (not unnaturally, since he alone of the -Evangelists composed a “second treatise”) furnish the -majority of the parallels. There is very little probability -in the suggestion<a id='r61' /><a href='#f61' class='c010'><sup>[61]</sup></a> that Josephus, in his description of -himself in boyhood being consulted by the Rabbis, was -influenced by Luke ii. 46 f. There is more to be said -for the theory that St. Luke had made a cursory perusal -of parts of the <i>Antiquities</i> and had been thereby led, -in at least one instance, into serious error; reasons for -rejecting this view will be found elsewhere.<a id='r62' /><a href='#f62' class='c010'><sup>[62]</sup></a></p> -<h3 class='c009'>Texts and Translations</h3> -<p class='c005'>The literature on Josephus is immense. It will suffice -here to mention two standard editions of the Greek text -and two English translations.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Older editions have been practically supplanted by -the great critical edition of B. Niese in seven volumes, -including a full critical apparatus and introductions on -the MSS (Berlin 1887-1895). It cannot be said that -Niese has established a final text; he seems to err in -placing too great reliance on a single class of MSS, with -the result that the true reading is often to be found in -the notes rather than in the text. In his <i>editio minor</i> -without critical apparatus (1888-1895) some corrections -of the errors of the MSS have been introduced. On -the basis of the older work of Bekker (1855) and -with assistance from Niese, a handy edition has been -issued in the Teubner series of classical authors by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>S. A. Naber (6 vols., Leipzig, 1888-1896). Niese’s -larger edition is indispensable to the student, but that -of Naber forms a useful auxiliary and check upon it. -Notwithstanding Niese’s work, much remains to be done -in establishing the text on a firm basis. In many difficult -passages all MSS seem to have gone astray and we are -left to conjectural emendation; there are also occasional -small <i>lacunæ</i>.</p> - -<p class='c006'>In English Josephus is best known through the translation -of William Whiston, first published nearly two -centuries ago (1736). A revision of Whiston was produced -by the Rev. A. R. Shilleto in Bohn’s Standard -Library, with brief topographical notes by Sir C. W. -Wilson (5 vols., London, G. Bell, 1889-1890). The -revised Whiston is the most serviceable rendering of the -complete works available. Whiston has many merits, -but he had not access to a good text, his rendering is -often at fault and he had little regard for style; while -Shilleto’s revision, which appeared inopportunely just -before the two modern editions of the Greek text, -unfortunately leaves much to be desired.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Of a very different character is the admirable translation -of the <i>Jewish War</i> and the <i>Life</i> made by the Rev. -Dr. R. Traill and edited, after his death, with notes by -Isaac Taylor (London, 1862). Dr. Traill fell a victim -to his exertions in relieving his parishioners during the -Irish famine of 1846-7, and the version which he contemplated -of the remaining works never appeared. In -his translation, which combines faithfulness to the original -with a fastidious regard for English style, Traill went far -towards accomplishing for Josephus what Jowett did for -Thucydides.</p> - -<p class='c006'>My procedure in the following selections has been first -to produce a version of my own, and then carefully to -revise it with the help of both Shilleto’s, Whiston and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>Traill. In several instances I had the satisfaction of -finding that my rendering practically agreed with Traill’s, -but I have not scrupled elsewhere to avail myself of -happy turns of expression where, as often, he had the -advantage of me. Josephus, with his feeling for good -style and the pains which he took to acquire it, deserves -and demands much care in translation. While in parts -of his work his Greek is simple and easy, passages, on the -other hand, where he gives his reflections on the character, -or estimates the motives, of his <i>dramatis personæ</i>,<a id='r63' /><a href='#f63' class='c010'><sup>[63]</sup></a> -in the involved manner of Thucydides, are extraordinarily -difficult both to understand and to reproduce in readable -English.</p> - -<p class='c006'>I have selected the passages most relevant to Christian -origins and New Testament study, neglecting almost -entirely the first twelve books of the <i>Antiquities</i>.</p> - -<p class='c006'>For further literature reference may be made to the -articles in the <i>Dictionary of Christian Biography</i> (Edersheim), -the <i>Jewish Encyclopædia</i> (S. Krauss), Hastings’ -<i>Dictionary of the Apostolic Church</i> (von Dobschütz), -Hastings’ <i>Bible Dictionary</i>, Extra Volume (Thackeray), -and to Schürer’s <i>Jewish People in the time of Christ</i> -(E.T.), div. i. vol. i. pp. 77-110.</p> - -<p class='c006'>I have to acknowledge my gratitude to my sister-in-law, -Miss Harriette G. Orr, for her kind assistance in the -compilation of the Index.</p> - -<p class='c006'><i>July 1919.</i></p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span> - <h2 id='part01' class='c004'>I. AUTOBIOGRAPHY</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect01' class='c009'>(1) The Boy among the Doctors. His Education</h3> -<p class='c005'>I was brought up with Matthias, my own brother by -both parents, and made great progress in my education, -gaining a reputation for an excellent memory and understanding. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 51-2<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -While still a mere boy, about fourteen years -old, I won universal applause for my love of letters; -insomuch that the chief priests and the leading men of -the city used constantly to meet in order to obtain from -me more accurate information on some particular in our -legal institutions. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 53-4<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -At about the age of sixteen I determined -to gain personal experience of the several sects -into which our nation is divided. These, as I<a id='r64' /><a href='#f64' class='c010'><sup>[64]</sup></a> have -frequently mentioned, are three in number—the first that -of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sadducees, and -the third that of the Essenes. I thought that, after a -thorough investigation, I should be in a position to select -the best. So I submitted myself to hard training and -laborious exercises and passed through the three courses. -Not content, however, with the experience thus gained, -on hearing of one named Bannus, who dwelt in the -wilderness, wearing only such raiment as trees provided, -feeding on such things as grew of themselves, and using -frequent ablutions of cold water, by day and night, for -purity’s sake, I became his ardent disciple. With him -I lived for three years and, having accomplished my -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>purpose, returned to the city. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 56-7<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Being now in my nineteenth -year I began to govern my life by the rules of the -Pharisees, a sect which is akin to that which the Greeks -call the Stoic school.—<i>Vita</i> 2 (8-12).</p> - -<h3 id='sect02' class='c009'>(2) A Shipwreck on the Voyage to Rome. The Eve of the War</h3> -<p class='c007'>Josephus meets with the same fate as St. Paul within a few years -of the event so graphically described in Acts xxvii.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 64</div> - -<p class='c006'>Soon after I had completed my twenty-sixth year it fell -to my lot to go up to Rome for a reason which I will -proceed to relate. At the time when Felix was procurator -of Judæa, certain priests of my acquaintance, very -excellent men, were on a slight and trifling charge sent -by him in bonds to Rome to render an account to -Cæsar.<a id='r65' /><a href='#f65' class='c010'><sup>[65]</sup></a> I was anxious to discover some means of delivering -these men, more especially as I learnt that, even -in affliction, they had not forgotten the pious practices of -religion, but supported themselves on figs and nuts. I -reached Rome after being in great jeopardy at sea. For -our ship foundered in the midst of the sea of Adria, and -our crew of some six hundred souls had to swim all that -night. About daybreak, through God’s good providence, -we sighted a ship of Cyrene, and I and certain others, -about eighty in all, outstripped the others and were taken -on board. Landing safely at Dicæarchia, which the Italians -call Puteoli, I became on friendly terms with Aliturus, an -actor who was a special favourite of Nero and of Jewish -origin. Through him I became known to Poppæa, -Cæsar’s wife, and took the earliest opportunity of soliciting -her aid to secure the liberation of the priests. In -addition to this kind service, I received large gifts from -Poppæa, and so returned to my own country.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>There I found revolutionary movements already on -foot, and that many were building high hopes on the -prospect of revolt from Rome. I accordingly endeavoured -to repress these promoters of sedition and to -bring them over to another frame of mind. I urged -them to picture to themselves the nation on which they -were about to make war, and to remember that they were -inferior to the Romans, not only in military skill, but in -good fortune; and I warned them not thus recklessly -and with such utter madness to expose their country,<a id='r66' /><a href='#f66' class='c010'><sup>[66]</sup></a> -their families and themselves to the direst perils. With -such words I earnestly and insistently sought to dissuade -them from their purpose, foreseeing that the end of the -war would be most disastrous for us. But my efforts -were unavailing; the madness of desperation was far too -strong for me.—<i>Vita</i> 3-4 (13-19).</p> - -<h3 id='sect03' class='c009'>(3) The “Jewish War” and its Reception. Criticism of a rival Historian (Justus)</h3> -<p class='c005'>I cannot but wonder at your impudence in daring to -assert that your narrative is to be preferred to that of all -who have written on this subject, when you neither knew -what happened in Galilee—for you were then at Berytus<a id='r67' /><a href='#f67' class='c010'><sup>[67]</sup></a> -with the king<a id='r68' /><a href='#f68' class='c010'><sup>[68]</sup></a>—nor acquainted yourself with<a id='r69' /><a href='#f69' class='c010'><sup>[69]</sup></a> all that the -Romans endured or inflicted upon us at the siege of -Jotapata; nor was it in your power to ascertain the part -which I myself played in the siege, since all possible -informants perished in that conflict. Perhaps, however, -you will say that you have accurately narrated the events -which took place at Jerusalem. How, pray, can that be, -seeing that neither were you a combatant nor had you -perused the Memoirs of Cæsar, as is abundantly proved -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>by your contradictory account? But, if you are so confident -that your history excels all others, why did you not -publish it in the lifetime of the Emperors Vespasian and -Titus, who conducted the war, and while King Agrippa -and all his family, persons thoroughly conversant with -Hellenic culture, were still among us? You had it -written twenty years ago, and might then have obtained -the evidence of eyewitnesses to your accuracy. But not -until now, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>After <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 100<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -when those persons are no longer with us and -you think you cannot be confuted, have you ventured to -publish it.</p> - -<p class='c006'><i>I</i> had no such apprehensions concerning my work. -No; I presented the volumes to the Emperors themselves, -when the events had hardly passed out of sight, -conscious as I was that I had preserved the true story. -I expected to receive testimony to my accuracy and was -not disappointed. To many others also I immediately -presented my History, some of whom had taken part in -the war, such as King Agrippa and some of his relatives. -Indeed, so anxious was the Emperor Titus that my -volumes should be the sole authority from which the -world should learn the facts, that he affixed his own -signature to them and gave orders for their publication; -while King Agrippa wrote<a id='r70' /><a href='#f70' class='c010'><sup>[70]</sup></a> sixty-two letters testifying to -the truth of the record. Two of these I subjoin, from -which you may, if you will, learn the nature of his -communications:—</p> - -<p class='c012'>“King Agrippa to dearest Josephus greeting. I -have perused the book with the greatest pleasure. -You seem to me to have written with much greater -care and accuracy than any who have dealt with -the subject. Send me the remaining volumes. -Farewell.”</p> - -<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>“King Agrippa to dearest Josephus greeting. -From what you have written you appear to stand -in no need of instruction, to enable us all to learn -(everything from you) from the beginning.<a id='r71' /><a href='#f71' class='c010'><sup>[71]</sup></a> But -when you meet me, I will myself instruct you in -many things of which you are ignorant.”<a id='r72' /><a href='#f72' class='c010'><sup>[72]</sup></a>—<i>Vita</i> 65 -(357-366).</p> - -<h3 id='sect04' class='c009'>(4) After the War. Josephus as Roman Citizen</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67</div> - -<p class='c006'>After the siege of Jotapata I was in the hands of the -Romans and was kept under guard, while receiving every -attention. Vespasian showed in many ways the honour -in which he held me, and it was by his command that I -married one of the women taken captive at Cæsarea, a -virgin and a native of that place. She did not, however, -remain long with me, for she left me on my obtaining -my release and accompanying Vespasian to Alexandria. -There I married again. From Alexandria I was sent -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 70<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with Titus to the siege of Jerusalem, where my life was -frequently in danger, both from the Jews, who were eager -to get me into their hands, to gratify their revenge, and -from the Romans, who attributed every reverse to some -treachery on my part, and were constantly and clamorously -demanding of the Emperor that he should punish -me as their betrayer. Titus Cæsar, however, knowing -well the varying fortunes of war, repressed by his silence -the soldiers’ outbursts against me.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Again, when at last Jerusalem was on the point of -being carried by assault, Titus Cæsar repeatedly urged -me to take whatever I would from the wreck of my -country, stating that I had his permission. And I, now -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>that my native place had fallen, having nothing more -precious to take and preserve as a solace for my personal -misfortunes, made request to Titus for the freedom of -some of my countrymen; I also received by his gracious -favour a gift of sacred books.<a id='r73' /><a href='#f73' class='c010'><sup>[73]</sup></a> Not long after I made -petition for my brother and fifty friends, and my request -was granted. Again, by permission of Titus, I entered -the Temple, where a great multitude of captive women -and children had been imprisoned, and liberated all the -friends and acquaintances whom I recognized, in number -about a hundred and ninety; I took no ransom for their -release and restored them to<a id='r74' /><a href='#f74' class='c010'><sup>[74]</sup></a> their former fortune. -Once more, when I was sent by Titus Cæsar with Cerealius -and a thousand horse to a village called Tekoa, to -prospect whether it was a suitable place for an entrenched -camp, and on my return saw many prisoners who had -been crucified and recognized three of my acquaintances -among them, I was cut to the heart and came and told -Titus with tears what I had seen. He gave orders -immediately that they should be taken down and receive -the most careful treatment. Two of them died in the -physicians’ hands; the third survived.</p> - -<p class='c006'>When Titus had quelled the disturbances in Judæa, -conjecturing that the lands which I held at Jerusalem -would be unprofitable to me, because a Roman garrison -was to be quartered there, he gave me another parcel of -ground in the plain. On his departure for Rome, he -took me with him on board, treating me with every -mark of respect. On our arrival in Rome, I met with -great consideration from Vespasian. He gave me a -lodging in the house which he had occupied before he -came to the throne; he honoured me with the privilege -of Roman citizenship; and he assigned me a pension. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>He continued to honour me up to the time of his -departure from this life, without any abatement in his -kindness towards me.... Vespasian also presented me -with a considerable tract of land in Judæa.</p> - -<p class='c006'>About this time I divorced my wife, being displeased -at her behaviour. She had borne me three children, of -whom two died; one, whom I named Hyrcanus, is still -alive. Afterwards I married a woman of Jewish extraction -who had settled in Crete. She came of very distinguished -parents, indeed the most notable people in that country. -In character she surpassed many of her sex, as her -subsequent life showed. By her I had two sons, Justus -the elder, and then Simonides, surnamed Agrippa. Such -is my domestic history.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The treatment which I received from the Emperors -continued unaltered. On Vespasian’s decease -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 79<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Titus, who -succeeded to the empire, showed the same esteem for -me as did his father, and never credited the accusations -to which I was constantly subjected. Domitian succeeded -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 81<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Titus and added to my honours. He punished -my Jewish accusers, and for a similar offence gave orders -for the punishment of a slave who was a eunuch and my -son’s tutor. He also exempted my property in Judæa -from taxation—a mark of the highest honour to the -privileged individual. Moreover, Domitia, Cæsar’s wife, -never ceased conferring favours upon me.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Such are the events of my whole life; from them let -others judge as they will of my character.—<i>Vita</i> 75-76 -(414-430).</p> - -<p class='c012'>For further autobiographical details see below, §§ (<a href='#sect38'>38</a>), (<a href='#sect43'>43</a>), (<a href='#sect44'>44</a>), -(<a href='#sect46'>46</a>), (<a href='#sect48'>48</a>).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span> - <h2 id='part02' class='c013'>II. SPECIMENS OF AMPLIFICATION OF THE BIBLICAL NARRATIVE</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect05' class='c009'>(5) Moses, the Infant Prodigy, introduced to Pharaoh</h3> -<p class='c007'>For Moses’ beauty, cf. Acts vii. 20. The name of Pharaoh’s -daughter, Thermuthis, occurs also in the <i>Book of Jubilees</i> (xlvii. 5, -Tharmuth); elsewhere she is called Bithiah (cf. 1 Chron. iv. 18). -For Rabbinical parallels, see art. “Moses” in the <i>Jewish -Encyclopædia</i>.</p> - -<p class='c014'>When he was three years old, God added wondrously -to his stature; and there was no one so lost to an -appreciation of beauty as, on seeing Moses, not to be -amazed at his comeliness. It often happened that -persons meeting him as he was carried along the road, -attracted by the child’s appearance, turned round and, -leaving their pursuits, gave themselves up to gazing at -him. Such boyish charm, so remarkable and perfect as -his, held the onlookers spellbound.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Such was Moses when Thermuthis, who was not -blessed with offspring of her own, adopted him as her -son. Now on one occasion she brought him to her father -and showed him to him, and told him how, in case it -was God’s will that she should have no child of her own, -she had made provision for a successor, by bringing up -a boy of divine beauty and noble spirit, and by what a -miracle she had received him from the bounteous river. -“And I thought,” she added, “to make him my child -and the heir to your kingdom.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>With these words she laid the babe in her father’s -arms; and he took him and hugged him to his breast, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>and, to please his daughter, affectionately placed his -diadem upon his head. But Moses, in mere childishness, -tore it off and dashed it to the ground and trampled -upon it.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The incident was thought ominous, portending ill to -the kingdom. The sacred scribe, who had foretold that -the child’s birth would cause the humiliation of the -Egyptian Empire, witnessed the scene and rushed forward -to kill him, with an alarming cry. “This, O king,” -so he cried, “is that child of whom God told us that -if we kill him we need fear nothing. By his action<a id='r75' /><a href='#f75' class='c010'><sup>[75]</sup></a> -in trampling on (the symbol of) thy sovereignty and -treading the diadem under foot<a id='r76' /><a href='#f76' class='c010'><sup>[76]</sup></a>, he bears out my prediction. -Kill him, then, and at one stroke relieve the -Egyptians of their fear of him and deprive the Hebrews -of the confident hopes which he inspires.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>But Thermuthis was too quick for him and snatched -the child away. The king, too, was reluctant to slay -him, being inclined to mercy by God, whose providence -watched over Moses’ life. Great care was accordingly -devoted to his upbringing; the Hebrews resting high -hopes upon him for their future, while the Egyptians -viewed his education with suspicion.—<i>Ant.</i> II. 9. 6 f. -(230-237).</p> - -<h3 id='sect06' class='c009'>(6) Exorcism in the name of Solomon</h3> - -<p class='c005'>“By whom do your sons cast them out?”</p> - -<p class='c006'>God also enabled Solomon, for man’s benefit and cure, -to learn the art of encountering devils. He both composed -charms for the alleviation of diseases and also left -behind him certain methods of exorcism, by which the -poor prisoners<a id='r77' /><a href='#f77' class='c010'><sup>[77]</sup></a> may expel the devils so that they never -return.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>This treatment even to this day is of the greatest -efficacy among the Jews. I have myself witnessed one -of my countrymen, a certain Eleazar, in the presence of -Vespasian and his sons and some tribunes and a crowd -of soldiers of other ranks, releasing<a id='r78' /><a href='#f78' class='c010'><sup>[78]</sup></a> (from their bondage) -persons who were possessed by these<a id='r79' /><a href='#f79' class='c010'><sup>[79]</sup></a> devils. The -mode of treatment was as follows. To the demoniac’s -nose he applied his ring which held beneath the seal a -root obtained in accordance with Solomon’s prescription, -and then as the man smelt it he drew the devil out -through his nostrils. The patient at once fell down and -Eleazar adjured the devil never to return into him again, -using Solomon’s name and reciting the incantations -which that monarch composed. Moreover, in his desire -to convince the bystanders and to prove that he really -possessed this power, Eleazar used to place a little in -front of the demoniac a cup or basin<a id='r80' /><a href='#f80' class='c010'><sup>[80]</sup></a> full of water, with -a command to the devil on his exit from the man to -overturn these vessels and so to let the spectators know -that he had left him. On this taking place, the skill -and wisdom of Solomon were clearly established.—<i>Ant.</i> -VIII. 2. 5 (45-49).</p> - -<h3 id='sect07' class='c009'>(7) Micaiah and Zedekiah prophesy before Ahab</h3> -<p class='c007'>Cf. 1 Kings xxii. With the alleged discrepancy between prophecies -of Elijah and Micaiah, cf. Jos. <i>Ant.</i> X. 7. 2 (106 f.) for -seeming inconsistency between Jeremiah and Ezekiel which led -King Zedekiah to disbelieve both.</p> - -<p class='c014'>So Ahab summoned his own prophets, in number -about four hundred, and bade them enquire of God -whether, if he led his forces against Ader,<a id='r81' /><a href='#f81' class='c010'><sup>[81]</sup></a> He would -grant him victory and enable him to overthrow the city<a id='r82' /><a href='#f82' class='c010'><sup>[82]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>which was his objective in going to war. The prophets -advised him to undertake the expedition, assuring him -that he would defeat the Syrian (king) and get him into -his power as on the former occasion. But Jehoshaphat -understood from their words that they were false prophets, -and asked Ahab whether there was some other prophet -of God besides, that they might obtain more accurate -information about the issue. Ahab replied that there -was such a man, but that he hated him because he -prophesied evil and had foretold that he would be -defeated and slain by the Syrian (king). “I have him -now in ward,” he said, “and his name is Micaiah, the -son of Omblaiah.”<a id='r83' /><a href='#f83' class='c010'><sup>[83]</sup></a> However, as Jehoshaphat urged -that he should be produced, Ahab sent a eunuch to -fetch Micaiah.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The eunuch explained to him on the road how all the -other prophets had foretold that the king would be -victorious; to which he replied that it was impossible -for him to give a false report of God’s word, but he -would speak whatever God should tell him concerning -the king. So when he came before Ahab, and had been -adjured by him to tell him the truth, he said that God -had shown him the Israelites in flight, pursued by the -Syrians and scattered by them to the mountains like -flocks that had lost their shepherds. He added that -it was revealed to him that they would return to their -homes in peace, but he, and he only, would fall in the -battle.</p> - -<p class='c006'>When Micaiah had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehoshaphat, -“See, I told you but now of this fellow’s disposition -towards me and how he predicted for me nothing -but the worst.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Micaiah replied that Ahab ought to listen to all that -God foretold, and that the false prophets were inciting -<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>him to make this war, hoping that he would be victorious, -whereas he was destined to fall in the battle.</p> - -<p class='c006'>This caused the king to reflect; but Zedekiah, one of -the false prophets, approached and advised him to pay -no heed to Micaiah. “There is,” he said, “no truth in -his words, as I can prove from a prophecy of one who -could read the future better than this fellow, I mean -Elijah. Elijah foretold that dogs would lick up your -blood in the field of Naboth, as they had licked the -blood of Naboth who for your sake was stoned to death -by the people.<a id='r84' /><a href='#f84' class='c010'><sup>[84]</sup></a> Clearly, then, this fellow is a liar, when -he contradicts a prophet greater than himself, by asserting -that you will die at a distance of three days’ journey -from that spot. But you shall all learn whether he speaks -the truth and possesses the power of the divine spirit. -The instant I strike him, let him injure my hand, as -Jadaus withered king Jeroboam’s right hand when he -wished to arrest him.<a id='r85' /><a href='#f85' class='c010'><sup>[85]</sup></a> You have heard, I presume, that -that actually happened.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>So he struck Micaiah, and, when no harm happened -to him, Ahab took courage and was ready to lead his -army against the king of Syria. Fate, I suppose, was -winning the day and causing the false prophets to appear -more plausible than the true, that so she might find a -handle to bring about his end.—<i>Ant.</i> VIII. 15. 4 -(401-439).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span> - <h2 id='part03' class='c004'>III. THE COMING OF THE ROMANS</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect08' class='c009'>(8) Loss of Jewish Independence. Palestinian Settlement under Pompey</h3> -<p class='c007'>The quarrels between the brothers Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus -II bring about the intervention of Rome in Palestinian affairs. -Pompey takes Jerusalem, and Syria becomes a Roman province. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>63 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -See Map 40 in the <i>Hist. Atlas of Holy Land</i> of G. A. Smith and -J. G. Bartholomew.</p> - -<p class='c014'>The sanctuary, which hitherto had been inaccessible -and screened from view, suffered gross outrage. Pompey, -with several of his staff, penetrated into the inner court -and saw things which it was unlawful for any save the -high priests to behold. There stood the golden table, -and the holy candlestick,<a id='r86' /><a href='#f86' class='c010'><sup>[86]</sup></a> and the cups for libations, and -a mass of spices;<a id='r87' /><a href='#f87' class='c010'><sup>[87]</sup></a> besides these, in the treasury was the -sacred money amounting to two thousand talents. Yet -Pompey out of piety touched none of these, acting here -again in a manner worthy of his noble nature.</p> - -<p class='c006'>On the following day he gave orders to those in charge -of the Temple to cleanse the precincts and to offer to -God the offerings prescribed by the Law. The high priesthood -he restored to Hyrcanus, in gratitude for his other -services and chiefly because he had restrained the Jews -of the country from taking up arms for Aristobulus. -Those who had been responsible for the war were beheaded; -Faustus and all who had gallantly scaled the -wall received at his hands the appropriate rewards of -valour.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>Jerusalem he made tributary to Rome, and the cities -of Cœle-Syria which had in times past been subdued by -the inhabitants (of the metropolis) were taken from them -and placed under a governor<a id='r88' /><a href='#f88' class='c010'><sup>[88]</sup></a> appointed by himself; and -the whole nation, whose power had until then been greatly -increasing, was strictly confined within its own bounds. -He rebuilt Gadara, which had recently been destroyed,<a id='r89' /><a href='#f89' class='c010'><sup>[89]</sup></a> -to gratify his freedman Demetrius who was a Gadarene. -The other cities—Hippos, Scythopolis, Pella, Dium, -Samaria, also Marisa, Azotus, Jamnia and Arethusa—he -restored to their inhabitants. These, as well as the -cities which had been razed, were all in the interior -of the country. On the sea-board Gaza, Joppa, Dora -and Strato’s Tower—afterwards magnificently rebuilt by -Herod and embellished with harbours and temples under -the new name of Cæsarea—all these were liberated by -Pompey and attached to the province (of Syria).</p> - -<p class='c006'>Jerusalem owed this calamity to the quarrels of Hyrcanus -and Aristobulus. We lost our liberty and became -subject to the Romans; we were forced to give back to -the Syrians the territory which we had taken from them -by our arms. Moreover, within a short period the -Romans exacted from us over ten thousand talents. -The kingship, formerly a privilege bestowed on those -who were high priests by right of birth, now passed into -plebeian hands;<a id='r90' /><a href='#f90' class='c010'><sup>[90]</sup></a> of this we shall speak in due course.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Pompey then handed over Cœle-Syria with the rest of -Syria,<a id='r91' /><a href='#f91' class='c010'><sup>[91]</sup></a> from the river Euphrates to Egypt, to Scaurus, -leaving him two Roman legions, and departed for Cilicia -<i>en route</i> for Rome. He took with him Aristobulus as a -prisoner with his children.—<i>Ant.</i> XIV. 4. 4 f. (71-79).</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span> - <h3 id='sect09' class='c009'>(9) Division of the Country into Five Districts by Gabinius</h3> -</div> -<p class='c007'>Gabinius completes Pompey’s work in the settlement of the -province of Syria.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> 57 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>After this Gabinius reinstated Hyrcanus in Jerusalem -and committed to him the custody of the Temple. The -civil administration he reconstituted under the form of -an aristocracy. He divided the whole nation into five -unions;<a id='r92' /><a href='#f92' class='c010'><sup>[92]</sup></a> one of these he attached to Jerusalem, another -to Gadara, the third had Amathus as its centre of government, -the fourth was allotted to Jericho, the fifth to -Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. The Jews welcomed their -release from the rule of an individual and were from that -time forward governed by an aristocracy.—<i>B. J.</i> I. 8. 5 -(169 f.).</p> - -<h3 id='sect10' class='c009'>(10) Settlement under Julius Cæsar</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>47 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>In due course Cæsar concluded the war<a id='r93' /><a href='#f93' class='c010'><sup>[93]</sup></a> and set sail -for Syria. There he confirmed the appointment of -Hyrcanus to the high priesthood, while he bestowed -high honours on Antipater—the privilege of Roman -citizenship with exemption from taxation everywhere....</p> - -<p class='c006'>Cæsar then appointed Hyrcanus high priest and -Antipater civil governor, allowing him to select his own -title. Antipater leaving the decision to him, Cæsar made -him viceroy<a id='r94' /><a href='#f94' class='c010'><sup>[94]</sup></a> of Judæa. He further permitted Hyrcanus, -at his request, to rebuild the walls of the capital,<a id='r95' /><a href='#f95' class='c010'><sup>[95]</sup></a> -which had lain in ruins since their demolition by Pompey. -He sent instructions to the consuls at Rome that a -record of these decisions should be placed in the -Capitol.—<i>Ant.</i> XIV. 8. 3, 5 (137, 143 f.).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span> - <h2 id='part04' class='c004'>IV. HEROD THE GREAT</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect11' class='c009'>(11) The Youth Herod frees Galilee from the Brigands</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> 47-6 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>Antipater, when he saw that Hyrcanus was of an -inert and sluggish disposition, put his eldest son Phasael -in command of Jerusalem and the surrounding district, -and committed Galilee to his second son, Herod, then a -mere stripling; he was but fifteen<a id='r96' /><a href='#f96' class='c010'><sup>[96]</sup></a> years old. Still his -youth was no hindrance to him, and, being a lad of high -spirit, he at once met with an opportunity for the display -of his quality. Finding that one Ezekias, the captain of -a band of brigands, with a large horde, was overrunning -the adjoining parts of Syria, he caught him and put him -to death with many of his confederates. This achievement -of his won him the warmest affection of the Syrians; -he had purged their country of this nest of robbers of -which they were longing to be rid. They would sing -his praises for this feat throughout their villages and -cities, acclaiming him as one who had brought them -peace and the secure enjoyment of their possessions. -This action, moreover, brought him to the notice of -Sextus Cæsar, a kinsman of the great Cæsar and now -governor of Syria.—<i>Ant.</i> XIV. 9. 2 (158-160).</p> - -<h3 id='sect12' class='c009'>(12) Herod on his Trial before the Sanhedrin</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> 47-6 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>But the principal Jews, when they -saw Antipater and -his sons growing so great through the good-will of the -nation and the revenues which they derived from Judæa -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>and from the wealth of Hyrcanus, became ill-disposed -to him. For Antipater had made an alliance with the -Roman Emperors and had induced Hyrcanus to send -them money; he then appropriated this money and -despatched it as a gift from himself and not from -Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus, when the matter came to his -ears, was indifferent. Not so the Jewish leaders. The -sight of Herod—violent, audacious and hankering after -autocratic power<a id='r97' /><a href='#f97' class='c010'><sup>[97]</sup></a>—filled them with alarm. So they -approached Hyrcanus and now openly accused Antipater. -“How much longer,” they said, “will you remain unmoved -by what is happening? Do you not see that -Antipater and his sons have girded themselves with the -ruler’s power, leaving you but the barren name of king? -Mark these things and do not expect to escape peril by -carelessness for yourself and your kingdom. Antipater -and his sons are no longer stewards of your realm—do -not deceive yourself with that thought—but openly and -confessedly despots. One son, Herod, by killing Ezekias,<a id='r98' /><a href='#f98' class='c010'><sup>[98]</sup></a> -with many of his followers, has transgressed our -law, which forbids the slaying of any man, even a malefactor, -unless he has first been condemned to this penalty -by the Sanhedrin. Yet Herod took it upon him to -do this without your authority.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>This speech had its effect upon Hyrcanus. His indignation -was further roused by the mothers of Herod’s -victims, who continued day by day in the Temple to -petition the king and the people to bring Herod to -judgement before the Sanhedrin for his actions. Thus -instigated, Hyrcanus summoned Herod to trial upon the -charges laid against him. He came. His father had -advised him to meet his judges not as a private individual -but with a bodyguard to protect him, after securing -his position in Galilee in the manner that seemed most -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>to his own advantage. He set his affairs in order accordingly, -and with an escort just sufficient for his -journey, so as neither to intimidate Hyrcanus by appearing -with a larger body, nor yet to be quite exposed -and unprotected, went to his trial.</p> - -<p class='c006'>However, Sextus, the governor of Syria, sent written -instructions to Hyrcanus to acquit Herod, adding threats -in the event of his disregarding them. This letter of -Sextus gave Hyrcanus a handle for delivering Herod -unscathed from the Sanhedrin, for he<a id='r99' /><a href='#f99' class='c010'><sup>[99]</sup></a> loved him as his -own son.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Herod, as he stood in the Sanhedrin with his body-guard -round him, overawed them all, and none of those -who before his arrival had been maligning him, now -dared to accuse him. There was deep silence and -perplexity how to proceed.</p> - -<p class='c006'>In this critical situation one Sameas, a man whose -upright character made him superior to fear, rose up and -said: “Fellow-councillors and King, I know of none, -nor, I suppose, can you name any, of those who in times -past have been summoned before you, who appeared in -such guise as this. Every one, of whatever rank, entering -this council-chamber on his trial, comes with an air -of humility and the appearance of one in fear and -craving your mercy, with his hair long and in black -raiment. But this most worthy Herod, a defendant on -trial for murder, when summoned to answer so grave a -charge, stands here in purple array, with well-trimmed -hair adorning his head, and with armed men around -him, ready, if we condemn him in accordance with the -law, to kill us and to save himself in defiance of justice. -Yet it is not Herod I would blame for such conduct, if -he puts his own interests above the laws, but you and -the King for giving him so great licence. Be assured, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>however, I call God Almighty to witness, that this man, -whom, to gratify Hyrcanus, you now desire to acquit, -will one day punish both you and your King.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>And his words came true. For Herod, on inheriting -his kingdom, slew all those who were in the Sanhedrin, -and Hyrcanus with them, Sameas alone excepted. For -he had a high regard for Sameas on account of his -upright character and because, when the city was afterwards -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>37 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -besieged by Herod and Sossius, he advised the -people to admit Herod, telling them that for their sins -they could not escape him.—<i>Ant.</i> XIV. 9. 3 f. (163-176).</p> - -<h3 id='sect13' class='c009'>(13) Herod and Cassius. Murder of Antipater, Herod’s Father</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>44 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c008'>After the death of Julius Cæsar, -when civil war was impending, -Cassius came to Syria and exacted heavy taxes, in the collection of -which he was assisted by Antipater and his sons. Malichus had -plotted against Antipater; Antipater had pardoned him, and had -also saved his life when he was in danger from the Romans.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> 43 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>In saving Malichus, -however, Antipater, as the event -proved, had saved his own murderer. For Cassius and -Murcus<a id='r100' /><a href='#f100' class='c010'><sup>[100]</sup></a> collected an army and entrusted the entire -charge of it to Herod, appointing him to the command -of Cœle-Syria with a fleet and a force of horse and foot. -They promised, moreover, to make him King of Judæa -after the war, which had already broken out, against -Antony and the young Cæsar.<a id='r101' /><a href='#f101' class='c010'><sup>[101]</sup></a> Malichus was then more -in terror than ever of Antipater, and endeavoured to put -him out of the way.<a id='r102' /><a href='#f102' class='c010'><sup>[102]</sup></a> So he bribed the butler of Hyrcanus, -at whose house the two were being entertained, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>and had him poisoned. With his armed men he was -able to keep the city quiet.</p> - -<p class='c006'>When Herod and Phasael heard of the plot against -their father and were indignant at it, Malichus, as on the -former occasion, denied any part in it, and professed -that he had not been murdered. Such was the end of -Antipater, a man pre-eminent for his piety, justice and -patriotism. Of the two sons, Herod at once resolved to -lead his army against Malichus and avenge his father; -Phasael, the elder, preferred to defeat him by resort to -craft, for fear they should seem guilty of provoking civil -war. So he accepted Malichus’ defence, feigning belief -in his innocence in the matter of Antipater’s death, and -arranged a splendid funeral for his father.—<i>Ant.</i> XIV. -11. 4 (280-284).</p> - -<h3 id='sect14' class='c009'>(14) Antony makes Herod and Phasael Tetrarchs of Judæa</h3> -<p class='c007'>See the <i>Historical Atlas</i> of Smith and Bartholomew, Map 41.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>42 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>After the death of Cassius -at Philippi, the victors departed, -Cæsar going to Italy, Antony to Asia. Embassies -from the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><i>c.</i> 41 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -various states waited upon Antony in Bithynia, -and among them came the Jewish leaders, who accused -Phasael and Herod of usurping the government and -leaving to Hyrcanus merely titular honours. Herod -thereupon appeared and by large bribes so wrought -upon Antony that he refused his adversaries a hearing. -So for the time being these enemies were dispersed. -But on a later occasion a hundred Jewish officials -approached Antony, now a slave to his passion for -Cleopatra, at Daphne beside Antioch, and, putting forward -the most eminent and eloquent of their number, -laid accusations against the brothers. The defence -was undertaken by Messala, Hyrcanus supporting him -<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>because of his marriage connexion with Herod. After -hearing both parties, Antony enquired of Hyrcanus who -was the best qualified ruler. Hyrcanus pronouncing in -favour of Herod and his brother, Antony was delighted, -because he had formerly been their father’s guest, and -had been hospitably entertained by Antipater when he -accompanied Gabinius on his Judæan campaign. So he -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>57-55 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -made the brothers tetrarchs and entrusted them with the -administration of the whole of Judæa.—<i>Ant.</i> XIV. 12. -4 f. (242-244).</p> -<h3 id='sect15' class='c009'>(15) How Herod won his Kingdom</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>40 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c012'>Herod, -forced to flee from Palestine by a great invasion of -Parthians, who reinstate Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, as King of -Judæa, arrives a suppliant at Rome in mid-winter.</p> - -<p class='c014'>Antony commiserated the reversal of Herod’s fate. The -trite reflection arose in his mind that even those in the -highest rank are at the mercy of fortune. He was moved -partly by the memory of Antipater’s hospitality,<a id='r103' /><a href='#f103' class='c010'><sup>[103]</sup></a> partly by -Herod’s promise, as on a former occasion when he was -made tetrarch, to give him money if he were made king. -But his main incentive to assist Herod in his suit was -animosity towards Antigonus, whom he regarded as a -promoter of sedition and an enemy of the Roman -people.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Cæsar<a id='r104' /><a href='#f104' class='c010'><sup>[104]</sup></a> was even more ready to meet Herod’s claim and -to further his ends because of the part which Antipater -had played in his father’s campaigns in Egypt and -his hospitality and undeviating loyalty; the desire to -gratify Antony, who was a warm admirer of Herod, was -a further motive.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The senate was accordingly summoned, and Messala, -followed by Atratinus, introduced Herod and rehearsed -his father’s services and reminded the assembly of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>good-will which Herod himself had always borne to -the Roman people. At the same time they denounced -Antigonus and proved him to be an enemy, not merely -from his former antagonism to them, but because he -had now been guilty of indignity to the Roman people -in accepting his rulership at Parthian hands. At this -the senate was exasperated. Antony also came forward -and advised them that it was expedient for the war -with Parthia that Herod should be king. This met -with unanimous approval and a decree was passed -accordingly.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The clearest evidence of Antony’s regard for Herod -was afforded not merely by his obtaining for him the -kingdom for which he had not looked, but by his procuring -this unexpected honour so expeditiously that he -was enabled to leave Italy within the space of seven -days. For Herod had not come to the capital to ask -the kingship for himself. He did not suppose that the -Romans, whose custom was to confer such a privilege on -members of the royal family, would grant it to him. He -had come to ask for it for his wife’s brother Alexander, -the grandson on his father’s side of Aristobulus, on his -mother’s of Hyrcanus. How this youth was afterwards -put to death by Herod will be told in due course.</p> - -<p class='c006'>When the senate was dissolved, Antony and Cæsar -left the senate-house to offer sacrifice and to deposit a -copy of the decree in the Capitol. Herod was between -them, and the consuls and other magistrates led the -way. Antony celebrated the king’s accession-day by -a festival. Thus did Herod obtain his kingdom in -the 184th Olympiad, under the consulship of Gnæus -Domitius Calvinus (for the second time) and Gaius -Asinius Pollio.—<i>Ant.</i> XIV. 14. 4 f. (381-389).</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span> - <h3 id='sect16' class='c009'>(16) How Herod made his peace with Augustus (after the Battle of Actium)</h3> -</div> -<p class='c005'>Herod was soon filled with anxiety about the security -of his position. He was Antony’s friend, and Antony -had been defeated by -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>31 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Cæsar<a id='r105' /><a href='#f105' class='c010'><sup>[105]</sup></a> at Actium. His fears, -however, proved worse than his fate; for Cæsar considered -his victory to be incomplete so long as Herod -remained Antony’s ally. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>30 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -The king resolved to confront -the danger and set sail for Rhodes, where Cæsar was -then stationed. He presented himself before him without -a diadem, a commoner in dress and demeanour, -but with the spirit of a king. His speech was direct; -he told the truth without reserve.</p> - -<p class='c006'>“I was made king by Antony,” he said, “and I acknowledge, -Cæsar, that I have in all things devoted my -services to him. Nor will I shrink from saying that, -had not the Arabians detained me,<a id='r106' /><a href='#f106' class='c010'><sup>[106]</sup></a> you would assuredly -have found me in arms at his side.<a id='r107' /><a href='#f107' class='c010'><sup>[107]</sup></a> I sent him, however, -such auxiliary troops as I could and many thousand -measures of corn;<a id='r108' /><a href='#f108' class='c010'><sup>[108]</sup></a> nor even after his defeat at Actium -did I desert my benefactor. When no longer useful as -an ally, I became his best counsellor; I told him the -one remedy for his disasters—the death of Cleopatra. -Would he but kill her, I promised him money, walls to -protect him, an army, and myself as his brother in arms -in the war against you. But his ears, it seems, were -stopped by his infatuation for Cleopatra and by God -who has graciously given you the victory. I share -Antony’s defeat and with his downfall lay down my -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>diadem. I am come to you resting my hope of safety -upon my integrity, anticipating that the subject of -enquiry will be not whose friend, but how loyal a friend, -I have been.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>To this Cæsar replied: “Nay, be assured of your -safety, and reign henceforth more securely than before. -So staunch a champion of the claims of friendship -deserves to be ruler over many subjects. Endeavour -to remain as loyal to those who have been more -fortunate, since I, too, entertain the most brilliant hopes -for your high spirit. Antony, however, did well in -obeying Cleopatra’s behests rather than yours; for -through his folly we have gained you. But you take -the lead, it seems, in acts of beneficence; for Quintus -Didius<a id='r109' /><a href='#f109' class='c010'><sup>[109]</sup></a> writes to me that you have sent him a force -to assist him against the gladiators. I therefore now -confirm your kingdom to you by decree; and hereafter I -shall endeavour to do you some further service, that you -may not feel the loss of Antony.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Having thus graciously addressed the king, he placed -the diadem on his head, and signalized the grant by a -decree, containing many generous expressions in eulogy -of the monarch.—<i>B.J.</i> I. 20. 1 ff. (386-393).</p> - -<h3 id='sect17' class='c009'>(17) Herod and Mariamne</h3> -<p class='c005'>But Fortune, in revenge for his successes in the field, -visited Herod with troubles at home; his ill-fated career -originated with a woman to whom he was passionately -attached....</p> - -<p class='c006'>On the eve of his departure abroad he committed his -wife<a id='r110' /><a href='#f110' class='c010'><sup>[110]</sup></a> to the care of Joseph, his sister Salome’s husband, -with private injunctions to kill her, should Antony kill -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>him. He could trust Joseph; the ties which united -them made him a true friend. Joseph, out of no malice -but from a desire to convince her of the love which the -king bore her, since even in death he could not endure -to be separated from her, betrayed the secret. When -Herod, on his return, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><i>c.</i> 29 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in familiar intercourse was protesting -with many oaths his affection for her and that -he had never (so) loved any other woman, “A fine -exhibition you gave,” she replied, “of your love for -me<a id='r111' /><a href='#f111' class='c010'><sup>[111]</sup></a> by your orders to Joseph to put me to death!”</p> - -<p class='c006'>He was beside himself, the moment he heard the -secret was out. Joseph, he exclaimed, would never -have disclosed his orders, had he not seduced her; and, -frenzied with passion, he leapt from the bed and paced -the palace to and fro in his distraction. His sister -Salome, seizing this opportunity to slander Mariamne, -confirmed his suspicion of Joseph. Mad with ungovernable -jealousy, he ordered that both should instantly be -put to death. But remorse followed hard upon rage; -his wrath subsided, his love revived. So consuming, -indeed, was the flame of his passionate desire that he -believed she was not dead and in his affliction would -address her as though she were alive; until time taught -him the reality of his loss, when his grief was as profound -as the love he had for her while she was alive.—<i>B.J.</i> -I. 22 (431, 441-444).</p> - -<h3 id='sect18' class='c009'>(18) Extension of Herod’s Realm. His Popularity with Augustus and Agrippa</h3> -<p class='c007'>For Palestine under Herod see the <i>Hist. Atlas</i> of Smith and -Bartholomew, Map 42.</p> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>27 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>When -Herod was engaged on these enterprises<a id='r112' /><a href='#f112' class='c010'><sup>[112]</sup></a> and -had already completed the rebuilding of the city of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>23 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Sebaste,<a id='r113' /><a href='#f113' class='c010'><sup>[113]</sup></a> he resolved to send his sons, Alexander and -Aristobulus, to Rome, to have audience of Cæsar.<a id='r114' /><a href='#f114' class='c010'><sup>[114]</sup></a> On -their arrival at the capital they were given lodging in the -house of Pollio, one who was very assiduous in cultivating -Herod’s friendship; permission was also given -them to lodge in the palace of the Emperor, who gave -the lads the most kindly reception. The Emperor, -moreover, empowered Herod to bequeath his kingdom -to any of his children at his discretion; and added to his -realm the district of Trachonitis,<a id='r115' /><a href='#f115' class='c010'><sup>[115]</sup></a> Batanæa and Auranitis, -which he gave him for the following reason....</p> - -<p class='c012'>Here follows a description of Herod’s subjugation of Zenodorus -and the robber bands in Trachonitis.</p> - -<p class='c014'>So Cæsar bestowed upon Herod the territory of -Zenodorus, an extensive region lying between Trachonitis -and Galilee (and embracing) Ulatha and Paneas<a id='r116' /><a href='#f116' class='c010'><sup>[116]</sup></a> and -the neighbouring country. He attached it<a id='r117' /><a href='#f117' class='c010'><sup>[117]</sup></a> to the -province of Syria, but instructed the provincial governors -to do nothing without obtaining Herod’s approval.</p> - -<p class='c006'>In short, he reached such a height of prosperity that, -whereas the burden of government of the vast Roman -Empire rested upon two men, first Cæsar, and then (as -Cæsar’s favourite) Agrippa, Cæsar preferred no one to -Herod after Agrippa, and Agrippa made Herod his chief -friend after Cæsar.—<i>Ant.</i> XV. 10. 1 and 3 (342 f.; 360 f.).</p> - -<h3 id='sect19' class='c009'>(19) The Historian’s Reading of Herod’s Character</h3> -<p class='c005'>It is usual to remark with astonishment on the inconsistency -of Herod’s character. When we have regard to -his munificent actions and the benefits which he conferred -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>on the world at large, even one who is not among -his warm admirers<a id='r118' /><a href='#f118' class='c010'><sup>[118]</sup></a> cannot deny that he was by nature -supremely beneficent. If, on the other hand, one looks -at the penalties inflicted and the wrongs done by him to -his subjects and nearest relations, and takes note of his -harsh and unrelenting disposition, one will be forced to -the conclusion that he was of a brutal nature and an -alien to all humanity.<a id='r119' /><a href='#f119' class='c010'><sup>[119]</sup></a> Hence the common opinion that -his character was, as it were, a compound of conflicting -and antagonistic elements.</p> - -<p class='c006'>I do not share this opinion; my view is that both -these sides of his character had one and the same cause. -He was ambitious, indeed an abject slave to that passion; -and where there appeared any promise of posthumous -fame or present reputation, he might even attain magnanimity. -But, since his expenditure outran his means, -necessity drove him to be cruel to his subjects. His -lavish bounty to his beneficiaries forced him to procure -his supplies by criminal methods<a id='r120' /><a href='#f120' class='c010'><sup>[120]</sup></a> from his victims. He -was conscious that his subjects hated him for the wrongs -which he did them, but found it no easy matter to atone -for his sins without loss to his exchequer. Instead he -fought his opponents, converting even their disaffection -into a source of revenue. As for his nearest and dearest, -if any one omitted to address him in obsequious language -and to display a subservient attitude, or was suspected of -plotting against the realm, he was incapable of self-control -and punished relatives and friends alike, one after -another, as though they were open enemies; to such -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>crimes was he driven by his desire that honour should be -paid to himself alone.</p> - -<p class='c006'>I find confirmation for my belief that this passion was -the key to his character in the manner in which he conferred -his honours on Cæsar and Agrippa and the rest of -his friends. He looked for a return in kind of the service -which he paid to his superiors; his gifts were the most -excellent he could conceive, but the way in which he -gave them revealed his desire to receive the like.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Jewish nation, however, is by its law alienated -from all such things; its training has taught it to prefer -righteousness to the pursuit of glory. For this reason it -was out of favour with Herod, because it was incapable -of flattering the king’s vanity by erecting images or shrines -or by any such practices. This, I think, explains at once -the crimes of which he was guilty against his relatives -and advisers and his benefactions to foreigners and those -outside his family.—<i>Ant.</i> XVI. 5. 4 (150-159).</p> - -<h3 id='sect20' class='c009'>(20) Reflections on the Tragic Fate of Herod’s Sons</h3> -<p class='c007'>A quarrel extending over many years between Herod and his sons, -Alexander and Aristobulus, after a reconciliation had been effected -first by Augustus and then by others, ends in his putting them -to death on the charge of treason.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>(?) 7 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>Alexander and Aristobulus were then, -by their father’s -orders, removed to Sebaste<a id='r121' /><a href='#f121' class='c010'><sup>[121]</sup></a> and there strangled. Their -bodies were conveyed by night to Alexandrium,<a id='r122' /><a href='#f122' class='c010'><sup>[122]</sup></a> where -their mother’s father<a id='r123' /><a href='#f123' class='c010'><sup>[123]</sup></a> and most of their ancestors lay -buried.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Now some, perhaps, may not find it strange that a long -cherished hatred should grow so great as to surpass all -bounds and overpower the natural affections. Yet the -apportionment of the guilt for so grave a crime may well -<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>give pause for reflection. Should it be laid to the charge -of the youths that they drove their father to extremities<a id='r124' /><a href='#f124' class='c010'><sup>[124]</sup></a> -and by long and persistent recalcitrance paved the way -for their own ruin? Or was the father himself the culprit—without -feelings and so extravagant in his lust for -dominion and fame that he was prepared to sacrifice -any one<a id='r125' /><a href='#f125' class='c010'><sup>[125]</sup></a> to ensure unquestioning obedience to his every -whim? Or, again, was it Fortune—Fortune whose power -is mightier than any considerate thought,<a id='r126' /><a href='#f126' class='c010'><sup>[126]</sup></a> so that we -believe that human actions are foreordained by her by an -inevitable necessity, and we call her Destiny, because -we think that nothing happens of which she is not the -ultimate cause?</p> - -<p class='c006'>It will suffice, I think,<a id='r127' /><a href='#f127' class='c010'><sup>[127]</sup></a> merely to propound this last -view as an alternative to the other.<a id='r128' /><a href='#f128' class='c010'><sup>[128]</sup></a> We do not thereby -deprive ourselves<a id='r129' /><a href='#f129' class='c010'><sup>[129]</sup></a> of all free-will nor disclaim responsibility -for acting in this way or that in matters which long -before our time have been elsewhere philosophically -treated in the Law.</p> - -<p class='c006'>As between the two other alternatives, one might -censure the lads, in that, with youthful impetuosity and -princely insolence, they tolerated calumnies upon their -father, and were no fair critics of the actions of his life.<a id='r130' /><a href='#f130' class='c010'><sup>[130]</sup></a> -Malicious in their suspicions, and intemperate in speech, -they were on both grounds an easy prey to the flattering -informers who lay in wait for them.</p> - -<p class='c006'>As for the father, his impious treatment of his sons -<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>seems to admit of no extenuation. With no clear -evidence of a plot, with no proof of any preparations for -an attempt on his life, he had the heart to slay his own -flesh and blood. Men of the noblest presence, the -darlings of all outside the family, proficient in their -pursuits, whether hunting or military exercises or discourse -on everyday topics—they had all these gifts, in -particular Alexander, the elder of the two. Granted that -he had actually found them guilty, it would have been -punishment enough to confine them in prison or to -banish them from the realm, without taking their lives; -he had the sure shield of the power of the Roman -Empire<a id='r131' /><a href='#f131' class='c010'><sup>[131]</sup></a> to secure him from assault and violence. But -to kill them out of hand to gratify an overmastering -passion was a clear case of impiety beyond measure; this -appalling crime was, moreover, the act of an old man. -The long struggle and procrastination cannot be urged in -his excuse. That a man taken by surprise should in -a fit of excitement commit some monstrous crime, though -distressing, is an event of common occurrence. But this -deliberate and leisurely procedure—often to take the -deed in hand and as often to postpone it, and then at last -to undertake it and carry it through—that was the work -of a murderous mind, rooted in depravity.</p> - -<p class='c006'>He displayed the same character in the sequel, when -he did not stay his hand even from those whom he held -dearest of the remaining members of his family.<a id='r132' /><a href='#f132' class='c010'><sup>[132]</sup></a> In -their case the justice of the sentence created less sympathy -for the victims, but the barbarity was the same as was -shown in his refusal of mercy to the others.—<i>Ant.</i> XVI. -11. 7 f. (394-404).</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span> - <h3 id='sect21' class='c009'>(21) Herod’s Dying Provision for a National Mourning</h3> -</div> -<p class='c007'>With this passage we reach the N.T. period. The grim story of -an intended massacre, happily in this case averted, affords a parallel -to the Gospel story of the murder of the innocents.</p> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>4 <span class='fss'>B. C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>Now, although his sufferings seemed beyond human -endurance, he did not despair of recovery. He sent for -physicians, and consented to try every remedy which -they prescribed. He crossed over the river Jordan, and -surrendered himself to treatment in the hot springs at -Callirrhoe. These waters, besides their general remedial -properties, are fit to drink; they debouch into the so-called -Bituminous<a id='r133' /><a href='#f133' class='c010'><sup>[133]</sup></a> Lake. Here, the physicians deciding -that a higher temperature was needed, he was placed in -a vat of oil. To this treatment he appeared to have -succumbed, but when his attendants fell to lamentation, -he rallied, and now abandoning all hope of recovery, -gave orders that every soldier should be paid fifty -pieces of silver;<a id='r134' /><a href='#f134' class='c010'><sup>[134]</sup></a> he made further large bequests to -their commanding officers and to his personal friends. -Returning to Jericho, he had an attack of black bile, -which rendered him so savage with all the world<a id='r135' /><a href='#f135' class='c010'><sup>[135]</sup></a> that, -although now nearing his end, he contrived the scheme -which I proceed to describe.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By his orders, the principal men from every quarter of -the entire Jewish nation waited upon him. They came -in large numbers, as the summons was to the nation and -was universally obeyed, death being the penalty for -disregard of the injunctions. For the king was mad with -rage against all alike, whether innocent or suspected of -guilt. He then locked them all up in the hippodrome, -and sent for his sister Salome and her husband Alexas.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>He told them that his bodily sufferings were now so -great that death could not be far off. Death could be -borne, and came to all as a welcome guest; but what -grieved him most was the thought that he would lack -the lamentations and miss the mourning usually accorded -to a king. He was not blind to the feelings of the Jews, -and knew what relief and intense delight his death would -bring them,<a id='r136' /><a href='#f136' class='c010'><sup>[136]</sup></a> because, even in his lifetime, they were -always ready to rebel and to treat his projects with -contumely. “It is therefore your task,” he proceeded, -“to resolve<a id='r137' /><a href='#f137' class='c010'><sup>[137]</sup></a> to afford me some alleviation of this -particular pain. If you do not refuse your consent to -my wishes, I shall receive a great funeral, such as no -king ever had before me, and a heartfelt national -lamentation for my sport and delectation. When, therefore, -you see that I have given up the ghost, let the -troops be drawn up round the hippodrome, still unaware -of my death—the news must not be published to the -world till you have done this—and the order given to -shoot down the prisoners within with their javelins. If -you kill them all in this manner, you will without fail -do me a double favour. You will execute my dying -injunctions; you will also get me the honour of a -memorable mourning.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Such was the charge which, with tears and supplication -and appeals to the loyalty due to a kinsman and their -faith in God, he laid upon them, and bade them preserve -him from dishonour. And they promised not to fail -him.</p> - -<p class='c006'>From these final injunctions even a friendly critic of -the king’s former actions, who attributed his treatment -<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>of his family to self-preservation, might read the mind of -the man and see how destitute it was of every spark of -humanity; since on the very verge of his exit from life -he could lay his plans for throwing the whole nation into -mourning and desolation for their nearest and dearest. -For his orders were to butcher one out of every household, -men who had done him no wrong and were not -accused on any other ground; and these orders were -given at an hour when persons with any pretensions to -virtue commonly lay aside their rancour, even towards -those whom they justly regard as enemies.—<i>Ant.</i> XVII. -6. 5 f. (171-181).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span> - <h2 id='part05' class='c004'>V. ARCHELAUS AND PILATE</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect22' class='c009'>(22) Archelaus in Quest of a Kingdom</h3> -<p class='c007'>“A certain nobleman went into a far country, to receive for -himself a kingdom and to return.... But his citizens hated him, -and sent an ambassage after him, saying, We will not that this -man reign over us. And it came to pass, when he was come back -again, having received the kingdom.... Howbeit these mine -enemies, which would not that I should reign over them, bring -hither, and slay them before me” (Luke xix. 12 ff.).</p> - -<p class='c008'>“There is little doubt that” this parable “was suggested by -contemporary history. The remarkable feature of the opposing -embassy makes the reference to Archelaus highly probable; and -Jericho, which he had enriched with buildings, would suggest his -case as an illustration” (Plummer). The fact that Archelaus -came back with only a provisional promise of kingship does not -detract from the probability.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Herod’s death was the signal for a national outbreak against his -successor. A riot took place at Passover, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>4 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and Archelaus left for -Rome to have his title confirmed (Cf. the <i>Hist. Atlas</i> previously -cited, Map 43).</p> - -<p class='c014'>Archelaus then issued a proclamation that all should -withdraw to their homes. So they abandoned the feast -and departed, for fear of worse evils, although in their -ignorant way they had shown boldness enough.<a id='r138' /><a href='#f138' class='c010'><sup>[138]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Archelaus then went down to the sea-board with his -mother; he took with him also his friends Nicolaus,<a id='r139' /><a href='#f139' class='c010'><sup>[139]</sup></a> -Ptolemy and Ptolla.<a id='r140' /><a href='#f140' class='c010'><sup>[140]</sup></a> He committed the entire charge -of his family and realm to his brother Philip. There -also sailed with him Salome, Herod’s sister, with her -children, and many of his relations; ostensibly to assist -<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>Archelaus to obtain his kingdom, but in reality intending -to oppose him, and in particular to protest loudly against -his proceedings in the Temple.—<i>Ant.</i> XVII. 9. 3 (218-220).</p> - -<p class='c012'>After the departure of Archelaus, Sabinus, the procurator of -Judæa, tries to get possession of Herod’s treasures in the Temple.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>A Rival Claimant to the Kingdom</h4> -<p class='c005'>About this time Antipas, another of Herod’s sons, -also set sail for Rome, to make a rival claim to the -throne, to which he was instigated to aspire by Salome’s -promises. He claimed that he had a much better right -than Archelaus to the succession, in virtue of his nomination -as king in Herod’s former will, which, in his opinion, -had greater validity than the later codicils. He took with -him his mother and the brother of Nicolaus, Ptolemy, -one of Herod’s most honoured friends, and now a staunch -champion of Antipas. But the man who more than any -other prompted him to think of claiming the throne -was Irenæus, a professional speaker, who on account of -his reputation for ability had been entrusted with the -administration of the realm. Thus supported, Antipas -declined to listen to those who advised him to make way -for Archelaus as the elder son and the one who had been -declared king in their father’s later will.</p> - -<p class='c006'>When Antipas reached Rome, his relatives went over -to him in a body; not for love of Antipas, but from -hatred of Archelaus. What they really desired was to be -free and placed under a Roman governor; but, if anything -prevented this, they thought Antipas would serve -their ends better than Archelaus, and therefore lent him -their aid in his suit. Another of Archelaus’s accusers -was Sabinus in a letter addressed to Cæsar.<a id='r141' /><a href='#f141' class='c010'><sup>[141]</sup></a>—<i>Ant.</i> -XVII. 9. 4 (224-227).</p> - -<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>Augustus holds a council and hears both sides; Antipater, son -of Salome, undertaking the prosecution, Nicolaus the defence, of -Archelaus.</p> - -<p class='c014'>Here Nicolaus ended his harangue. Archelaus then -fell on his knees before Cæsar,<a id='r142' /><a href='#f142' class='c010'><sup>[142]</sup></a> who graciously raised -him up and declared that he was very worthy of the -kingdom; he showed, moreover, that he was strongly -inclined<a id='r143' /><a href='#f143' class='c010'><sup>[143]</sup></a> to act only in accordance with the tenor of the -will and in the interests of Archelaus. Nothing, however, -was decided which could afford Archelaus any sure -ground for confidence; and on the dismissal of the -assembly, the Emperor privately considered whether he -should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus or should -divide it between the whole Herodian family, as they all -stood much in need of assistance.</p> - -<p class='c006'>However, before any final settlement was reached on -these matters, Malthace, the mother of Archelaus, fell ill -and died, and letters arrived from Varus, the governor -of Syria, announcing a revolt of the Jews. For, after -Archelaus had sailed, the whole nation was in an uproar.—<i>Ant.</i> -XVII. 9. 7-10. 1 (248-251).</p> - -<p class='c012'>Passover had been the occasion of the former riot; this new -insurrection broke out at Pentecost. At this feast the Jews laid -siege to the Roman force in Jerusalem under Sabinus, who had -plundered the Temple treasury. During the fighting the porticoes -of the Temple were burnt down. Simultaneously various claimants -to the kingdom appeared in Judæa. The revolt was quelled by -Varus, who relieved Sabinus and crucified two thousand of the -Jewish ringleaders.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>A Jewish Embassy to Rome asks for Autonomy</h4> -<p class='c005'>Meanwhile at Rome fresh troubles for Archelaus were -arising out of the following circumstances. An embassy -of Jews came to Rome to petition for autonomy, the -nation having secured the sanction of Varus to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>mission. The ambassadors appointed by the resolution -of the nation numbered fifty; these were joined by -upwards of eight thousand of the Jews in Rome. Cæsar<a id='r144' /><a href='#f144' class='c010'><sup>[144]</sup></a> -summoned his friends and the leading Romans to a -meeting in the temple of Apollo, which he had founded -at great expense, and thither came the envoys with their -crowd of local compatriots, and Archelaus with his -friends. As for King Herod’s numerous relatives, their -hatred of Archelaus would not allow them to range -themselves on his side, while they shrunk from voting -with the embassy against him, supposing that a show of -alacrity in opposing one of their own family would bring -them into disgrace with Cæsar.</p> - -<p class='c006'>A newcomer had now arrived from Syria, namely -Philip. He came at the instigation of Varus, primarily -to advocate the cause of his brother, who was a great -friend of Varus; but there was the further motive that, -in the event of any revolutionary change in the government -of the kingdom—a change which Varus suspected -would take the form of a partition, because so many -were bent on autonomy—Philip should not be behind-hand -in winning some portion for himself.—<i>Ant.</i> XVII. -11. 1 (299-303).</p> - -<p class='c012'>The deputation then present their indictment of Herod’s tyranny.</p> - -<p class='c014'>The sum of their request was that they might be rid -of the kingship and other such forms of government and -be added to Syria and made subject to the authority of -the (Roman) governors who were sent to that province; -if they were given milder rulers to preside over them, -it would then be apparent whether or no they were -really seditious persons who made a special study of -revolutions.—<i>Ant.</i> XVII. 11. 2 (314).</p> - -<p class='c012'>Nicolaus once more vindicates Herod and Archelaus.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span> - <h4 class='c015'>The Emperor’s Decision</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>Cæsar, after hearing the case, dissolved the assembly. -His decision was given a few days later. He made -Archelaus, not king, but ethnarch of half the district -which had been subject to Herod, and promised him -the reward of regal rank, if he displayed capacity for -kingship. The other half he divided into two portions<a id='r145' /><a href='#f145' class='c010'><sup>[145]</sup></a> -which he presented to two other of Herod’s sons, namely -Philip and Antipas, the latter of whom had been the -rival claimant with his brother Archelaus to the undivided -monarchy. Peræa and Galilee, producing an annual -revenue of two hundred talents, were made subject to -Antipas. Batanæa with Trachonitis<a id='r146' /><a href='#f146' class='c010'><sup>[146]</sup></a> and Auranitis and -a certain portion of the so-called estate<a id='r147' /><a href='#f147' class='c010'><sup>[147]</sup></a> of Zenodorus -went to Philip and brought him in a hundred talents. -Idumæa, Judæa and Samaria became tributary to Archelaus. -The last-named district had a quarter of its taxes -remitted by Imperial decree, the abatement being a -reward for its having taken no part in the national -revolt. The cities which were tributary to Archelaus -were Strato’s Tower<a id='r148' /><a href='#f148' class='c010'><sup>[148]</sup></a> and Sebaste<a id='r149' /><a href='#f149' class='c010'><sup>[149]</sup></a> with Joppa and -Jerusalem; the Greek cities Gaza, Gadara and Hippos -were detached from his jurisdiction by the Emperor and -added to Syria. The annual revenue which accrued to -Archelaus from the dominion which he inherited was -six hundred talents.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Such were the portions of their father’s realm which -came to Herod’s sons. Salome, besides the legacy -assigned to her in her brother’s will—namely Jamnia, -Azotus, Phasælis, and five hundred thousand (drachmas)<a id='r150' /><a href='#f150' class='c010'><sup>[150]</sup></a> -of coined silver—was presented by Cæsar with the royal -<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>palace at Ascalon. Her annual revenue from all sources -was sixty talents; her residence was within the domain -of Archelaus. The other relatives of the (deceased) -king received the legacies named in the will. To each -of his two unmarried daughters, beside what their father -left them, Cæsar presented two hundred and fifty thousand -(drachmas)<a id='r151' /><a href='#f151' class='c010'><sup>[151]</sup></a> of coined silver and gave them in -marriage to the sons of Pheroras. He further bestowed -all that had been bequeathed to himself, amounting to -fifteen hundred talents, upon the king’s children, reserving -only a few vessels, which pleased him not so -much for their intrinsic value as because they served -as memorials of the king.—<i>Ant.</i> XVII. 11. 4 f. (317-323).</p> - -<h3 id='sect23' class='c009'>(23) Archelaus Deposed and his Territory added to the Roman Province of Syria</h3> -<p class='c005'>Now in the tenth year of Archelaus’s rule, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 6<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> the leading -men of Judæa and Samaria, impatient of his cruel and -tyrannical conduct, laid an accusation against him before -Cæsar;<a id='r152' /><a href='#f152' class='c010'><sup>[152]</sup></a> they did so with greater confidence, knowing -that he had violated the Emperor’s injunctions to be -lenient in his dealings with his subjects. On hearing -the accusation Cæsar was indignant and sent for the -agent of Archelaus’s affairs in Rome, whose name also -was Archelaus, and, disdaining to write to Archelaus, -said to him, “Take ship at once and bring him to us -without delay.” The agent accordingly embarked forthwith, -reached Judæa, found Archelaus feasting with his -friends, communicated Cæsar’s will and hurried him off. -On his arrival, Cæsar, after hearing his defence in the -presence of certain of his accusers, sent him into banishment, -appointing Vienne, a city of Gaul, as his place of -exile, and confiscated his property....</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>The district which had been tributary to Archelaus -was annexed<a id='r153' /><a href='#f153' class='c010'><sup>[153]</sup></a> to the province of Syria, and Quirinius, -a man of consular rank, was sent by Cæsar to take a -valuation of the property in Syria and to sell the personal -estate<a id='r154' /><a href='#f154' class='c010'><sup>[154]</sup></a> of Archelaus.—<i>Ant.</i> XVII. 13. 2, 5 (342-344, -355).</p> - -<h3 id='sect24' class='c009'>(24) The Revolt of Judas “in the days of the enrolment” under Quirinius</h3> -<p class='c007'>“After this man rose up Judas of Galilee in the days of the -enrolment and drew away people after him” (Acts v. 37). Josephus -here narrates the story of the revolt in the year <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 6, to which -Gamaliel alludes in his speech in the Sanhedrin as reported in the -Acts. See Appendix, Note I, for the relation of this enrolment to -“the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria” -(Luke ii. 2); also <a href='#appendix-iv'>Note IV</a> (“Theudas and Judas”).</p> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 6-7</div> - -<p class='c006'>Now Quirinius, -a Roman senator, and one who had -held all the subordinate offices, passing through each -grade<a id='r155' /><a href='#f155' class='c010'><sup>[155]</sup></a> until he reached the consulate, and a man of -high reputation on other grounds, came with a small -retinue to Syria, being sent by Cæsar<a id='r156' /><a href='#f156' class='c010'><sup>[156]</sup></a> as judicial administrator -of the nation and assessor of the national -property. With him was sent Coponius, a man of -equestrian rank, as governor of the Jews with supreme -powers. Quirinius also visited Judæa, now an appanage -of the province of Syria, to take a valuation of the Jews’ -property and to sell the estate of Archelaus.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Jews, although they were indignant when they -first heard of the proposed enrolments, under the influence -of the high priest Joazar, son of Boethus, -condescended to desist from further opposition; they -yielded to his advice and, without more scruple, set -about valuing their estates. But one Judas, a Gaulanite, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>from a city called Gamala,<a id='r157' /><a href='#f157' class='c010'><sup>[157]</sup></a> with a confederate, Zadok -a Pharisee, was for rushing into revolt. They asserted -that the valuation meant nothing less than the introduction -of downright slavery,<a id='r158' /><a href='#f158' class='c010'><sup>[158]</sup></a> and exhorted the nation -to rally in defence of their liberty. “If,” they said, “our -possessions are devoted to the common weal, success -may be ours; if, after all, we are robbed of this asset, -we shall win honour and a reputation for magnanimity. -God, who looks for man’s co-operation to achieve His -purposes, will be much more ready to assist us, if we -do not shirk the toil entailed by the great cause which -we have at heart.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Their words found willing hearers, and the daring -enterprise<a id='r159' /><a href='#f159' class='c010'><sup>[159]</sup></a> made great strides. Indeed, every form of -disaster took its origin from these men; the infection -which they brought into the nation passes description.</p> - -<p class='c012'>Josephus proceeds to trace all the horrors of the Jewish War, -culminating in the burning of the Temple, to “the fourth sect” -(or “philosophy”) introduced by Judas and Zadok, <i>i. e.</i> the sect of -the Zealots. Then follows a digression on the Jewish sects, see -§ (<a href='#sect55'>55</a>), below.</p> -<p class='c005'>Quirinius had now disposed of Archelaus’s estate and -the census registrations were ended. This census took -place in the thirty-seventh year after Cæsar’s<a id='r160' /><a href='#f160' class='c010'><sup>[160]</sup></a> victory -over Antony at Actium. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>31 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> Joazar the high priest became -the victim of popular opposition, and Quirinius deprived -him of his honourable post, and appointed Ananus, son -of Sethi, in his place.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Herod and Philip now took over their respective -tetrarchies and entered on office. Herod built walls -<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>for the city of Sepphoris—the chief ornament of all -Galilee—and called it Autocratoris;<a id='r161' /><a href='#f161' class='c010'><sup>[161]</sup></a> another city, Betharamphtha, -he enclosed in the same way and called it -Julias after the name of the Emperor’s consort.<a id='r162' /><a href='#f162' class='c010'><sup>[162]</sup></a> Philip -restored Paneas at the sources of the Jordan and renamed -it Cæsarea;<a id='r163' /><a href='#f163' class='c010'><sup>[163]</sup></a> he also promoted the village of -Bethsaida on the Lake of Gennesaret to the rank of a -city, increasing its population<a id='r164' /><a href='#f164' class='c010'><sup>[164]</sup></a> and general opulence, -and gave it the name of the Emperor’s daughter Julia.—<i>Ant.</i> -XVIII. 1. 1 and 2. 1 (1-6, 26-28).</p> - -<h3 id='sect25' class='c009'>(25) Pilate offends Jewish susceptibilities in the matter of (i) the Emperor’s busts, (ii) the Corban money</h3> -<p class='c005'>Now Pilate, the governor<a id='r165' /><a href='#f165' class='c010'><sup>[165]</sup></a> of Judæa, having occasion -to transfer <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><i>c.</i> <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 26<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> a (Roman) army from Cæsarea into winter -quarters in Jerusalem, conceived the idea of annulling -Jewish legislation by bringing within the city walls the -Emperor’s busts which were attached to the standards; -whereas the very making of images is forbidden us by -the Law.<a id='r166' /><a href='#f166' class='c010'><sup>[166]</sup></a> For this reason former governors used to -make their entry into the city with standards from which -these ornaments were absent. Pilate was the first to -bring the images into Jerusalem and erect them there. -This was done without the knowledge of the citizens -because the army entered by night. As soon as they -knew of it, they came in crowds to Cæsarea, and for -many days petitioned for the removal of the images. -Pilate stood firm, because to comply would be<a id='r167' /><a href='#f167' class='c010'><sup>[167]</sup></a> tantamount -to high treason against Cæsar, and on the sixth -<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>day, the Jews still persisting in their entreaties, he placed -an armed force under cover and came in person to the -judgement-seat; this had been set up in the race-course, -where he had the soldiers concealed<a id='r168' /><a href='#f168' class='c010'><sup>[168]</sup></a> in ambush. When -the Jews once more presented their petition, at a given -signal he had a cordon of soldiers round them and -threatened to punish them with instant death if they did -not desist from their uproar and depart to their homes. -Thereupon they flung themselves on their faces and -bared their necks and said that they would gladly -welcome death rather than venture to transgress the -wise ordinances<a id='r169' /><a href='#f169' class='c010'><sup>[169]</sup></a> of their laws. Pilate marvelled at -their obstinacy in the observance of their laws, and -forthwith had the images taken back from Jerusalem to -Cæsarea.</p> - -<p class='c006'>On another occasion he expended the consecrated -funds<a id='r170' /><a href='#f170' class='c010'><sup>[170]</sup></a> on the construction of (an aqueduct for) conveying -water to Jerusalem, bringing it from a distance of -two hundred furlongs.<a id='r171' /><a href='#f171' class='c010'><sup>[171]</sup></a> The Jews were dissatisfied with -his action in this matter, and many thousands<a id='r172' /><a href='#f172' class='c010'><sup>[172]</sup></a> of them -assembled and raised an outcry against him, requiring -him to abandon his project; some, as is the way of a -mob, even proceeded to rail at and insult the man. -Pilate thereupon dressed a large body of soldiers in -Jewish garb, under which they carried clubs, and -stationed them where they could surround the Jews, -whom he then ordered to retire. When these began to -revile him, he gave the soldiers the prearranged signal; -and they laid about them with a severity much greater -than Pilate had ordered, punishing indiscriminately those -who had taken part in the riot and those who had not. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>(The Jews resisted with no lack of spirit)<a id='r173' /><a href='#f173' class='c010'><sup>[173]</sup></a>; and so, -caught, as they were, unarmed by assailants equipped -for the purpose, many of them fell and were left to die -on the spot, while others escaped with wounds. Thus -ended the insurrection.—<i>Ant.</i> XVIII. 3. 1 f. (55-62).</p> - -<h3 id='sect26' class='c009'>(26) Jesus Christ<a id='r174' /><a href='#f174' class='c010'><sup>[174]</sup></a></h3> -<p class='c005'>Now about this time lived Jesus, a wise man, if -indeed he should be called a man. For he was a doer -of marvellous acts, a teacher of such men as receive -the truth with pleasure; and he won over to himself -many Jews and many also of the Greek nation. He was -the Christ.<a id='r175' /><a href='#f175' class='c010'><sup>[175]</sup></a> And when, on the indictment of the -principal men among us, Pilate had sentenced him to -the cross, yet did not those who had loved him at the -first cease (to do so); for he appeared to them alive -again on the third day, as the divine prophets had -declared—these and ten thousand other wonderful things—concerning -him. And even now the race<a id='r176' /><a href='#f176' class='c010'><sup>[176]</sup></a> of -Christians, so named from him, is not extinct.—<i>Ant.</i> -XVIII. 3. 3 (63 f.).</p> - -<h3 id='sect27' class='c009'>(27) Tiberius expels all Jews from Rome</h3> -<p class='c007'>A precedent for the similar action of Claudius, which brought -Aquila and Priscilla to Corinth (Acts xviii. 2). Suetonius alludes -to this order of Tiberius: “He repressed foreign religious ceremonies—Egyptian -and Jewish rites—compelling their devotees to -burn their sacred vestments with all their paraphernalia. Under -pretext of their military oath, he distributed the younger Jews over -provinces with an insalubrious climate; others of the same race, or -followers of kindred religions, he removed from the city, under -penalty for disobedience of servitude for life” (Tiberius, § 36).</p> - -<p class='c014'>I revert to the story, which I promised to tell, of what -befell the Jews in Rome at this time.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>A Jew, who was a thorough rascal, had been driven -from his country by an accusation of transgressing certain -laws and by fear of consequent punishment. He was -then living in Rome, where he professed to expound the -inner meaning<a id='r177' /><a href='#f177' class='c010'><sup>[177]</sup></a> of the laws of Moses, and took into -partnership three men with characters exactly resembling -his own. Fulvia, a lady of rank and a proselyte to -Judaism, became their disciple, and was induced by -them to send a present of purple (cloth) and gold to the -Temple at Jerusalem. Having obtained possession of -these articles, they appropriated them to their own use -to defray their private expenses;<a id='r178' /><a href='#f178' class='c010'><sup>[178]</sup></a> which in fact was -the original object of their request. Fulvia lodged a -complaint with her husband Saturninus; he reported -the matter to Tiberius, his friend; and Tiberius ordered -the whole Jewish (colony) to quit Rome. The consuls -enlisted four thousand of them and drafted them to the -island of Sardinia, inflicting penalties on a very large -number who refused military service in deference to -their ancestral laws. Thus, through the wickedness of -four men, were the Jews expelled from the city.—<i>Ant.</i> -XVIII. 3. 4 f. (80-84).</p> - -<h3 id='sect28' class='c009'>(28) Pilate Sent to Rome for Trial</h3> -<p class='c007'>An impostor promises to show the Samaritans the sacred vessels -buried by Moses under Mount Gerizim. Crowds assemble at a -village, Tirathana, at the foot of the mountain, to make the ascent.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 36</div> - -<p class='c006'>Pilate, however, forestalled their ascent by despatching -a force of cavalry and heavy-armed infantry, who -attacked the multitude assembled in readiness in the -village, and in the ensuing engagement killed some, -routed others, and took a large number of prisoners. -The chief prisoners and the most influential of the -fugitives were put to death by Pilate.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>When the tumult was quelled, the Samaritan council -approached Vitellius, the governor of Syria, of consular -rank, with accusations against Pilate for his butchery of -the victims. They said that the object of the expedition -to Tirathana was not revolt from Rome, but to seek -refuge from Pilate’s insolence. Vitellius thereupon sent -Marcellus, a friend of his, to take over the administration -of Judæa, and ordered Pilate to depart for Rome, to -render his account to the Emperor of the charges -brought against him by the Samaritans. Pilate, accordingly—after -ten years’ residence in Judæa—went in haste -to Rome on the instructions of Vitellius, which he must -needs obey. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 37<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> But before he reached Rome, Tiberius was -no more.—<i>Ant.</i> XVIII. 4. 1 f. (87-89.)</p> - -<p class='c012'>Josephus proceeds to tell how Vitellius went up to Jerusalem and -pacified the Jews by restoring to them the custody of the high -priest’s vestments, recently in Roman hands. Also how he -deposed the high priest “Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas.” Thus the -three responsible authorities for the trial of our Lord—the Emperor, -Pilate and Caiaphas—quit the scene simultaneously. After the -next extract, we pass from the period of the Gospel history to the -period covered by the Acts.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span> - <h2 id='part06' class='c004'>VI. THE LATER HERODS</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect29' class='c009'>(29) Herod the Tetrarch: his Marriage with Herodias and Murder of John the Baptist<a id='r179' /><a href='#f179' class='c010'><sup>[179]</sup></a></h3> -<p class='c005'>Now about this time a quarrel arose between Aretas -king of Petra<a id='r180' /><a href='#f180' class='c010'><sup>[180]</sup></a> and Herod on the following ground. -Herod the Tetrarch married the daughter of Aretas and -had now lived with her a long time. On the eve of a -journey to Rome he lodged in the house of Herod, his -half-brother on the father’s side; the mother of this -Herod was the daughter of Simon the high priest. -There he fell in love with Herodias his brother’s wife -(she was the daughter of their brother Aristobulus and -sister of Agrippa the Great<a id='r181' /><a href='#f181' class='c010'><sup>[181]</sup></a>) and had the effrontery to -propose marriage. She met his advances and a compact -was made that she should leave her home and come to -him on his return from Rome; it was part of the -compact that he should divorce the daughter of Aretas. -The agreement settled, he set sail for Rome. On his -return, after discharging his commission in that city, -his wife, who had got wind of the compact with -Herodias, bade her husband, who was still unaware that -she knew all, send her away to Machærus—on the -frontier between the dominions of Aretas and Herod—without -revealing her intentions. Herod, accordingly, -let her go, not suspecting that the poor woman had any -inkling of the plot. She, however, had long since sent -<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>word to Machærus, which at that time<a id='r182' /><a href='#f182' class='c010'><sup>[182]</sup></a> was subject to -her father, and so found that the general in command<a id='r183' /><a href='#f183' class='c010'><sup>[183]</sup></a> -there had everything in readiness for her (intended) -journey. No sooner, therefore, had she arrived (at -Machærus) than she was off again into Arabia, escorted -by one general after another in turn, and so reached her -father post haste and told him of Herod’s intentions.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Aretas seized this occasion for hostilities and also for -raising the question of frontiers in the region of Gamala;<a id='r184' /><a href='#f184' class='c010'><sup>[184]</sup></a> -the two belligerents mustered their armies and opened -war, sending their generals as their representatives in the -field. A battle took place in which the whole of Herod’s -army was cut to pieces as the result of the defection of -a contingent from Philip’s tetrarchy which enlisted with -Herod’s forces and then deserted. Herod reported the -matter to Tiberius, who was indignant at the aggression -of Aretas and wrote instructions to Vitellius to go to war -with him and either to take him alive and bring him a -prisoner to Rome or to kill him and send him his head. -Such were the injunctions of Tiberius to the governor of -Syria.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>Some of the Jews, however, regarded the destruction -of Herod’s army as the work of God, who thus exacted -very just retribution for John, surnamed the Baptist, -Herod’s victim. John was a good man who bade the -Jews first cultivate virtue by justice<a id='r185' /><a href='#f185' class='c010'><sup>[185]</sup></a> towards each other -and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for -immersion,<a id='r186' /><a href='#f186' class='c010'><sup>[186]</sup></a> he said, would only appear acceptable to -God if practised, not as an expiation for specific offences, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>but for the purification of the body, when the soul had -been already thoroughly cleansed by righteousness. -Now when all men<a id='r187' /><a href='#f187' class='c010'><sup>[187]</sup></a> listened to his words with the -greatest delight and flocked to him, Herod feared that -the powerful influence which he exercised over men’s -minds—for they seemed ready for any action which he -advised—might lead to some form of revolt. He therefore -decided to put him to death before any revolution -arose through him. To forestall events appeared far -better policy than a belated repentance when plunged -in the turmoil of an insurrection. And so, through -Herod’s suspicions, John was sent as a prisoner to -Machærus, the fortress already mentioned, and there -put to death. The Jews supposed that the destruction -of Herod’s army was the penalty expressly inflicted upon -him by God to avenge John....</p> - -<p class='c012'>The following extract supplies the name of “the daughter of -Herodias” who appears in Mark vi. 22 ff.</p> - -<p class='c014'>Now Herodias their sister married Herod, the son of -Herod the Great by Mariamne the daughter of Simon -the high priest. They had a daughter Salome, after -whose birth Herodias, in defiance of our country’s laws, -married Herod, the Tetrarch of Galilee and half-brother -of her husband, during the lifetime of her husband, whom -she divorced. Her daughter Salome married Philip, the -Tetrarch of Trachonitis and son of Herod.—<i>Ant.</i> XVIII. -5. 1 f., 4 (109-119, 136 f.).</p> - -<h3 id='sect30' class='c009'>(30) How Herod Agrippa became King and Herod the Tetrarch lost his Tetrarchy</h3> -<p class='c007'>The story of Herod Agrippa’s rise to power is dramatic. Brought -up at Rome with Drusus, the son of Tiberius, he squandered his -money in extravagant living. Returning a penniless prodigal to -Palestine and on the verge of suicide, he was patronized by Herod -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>the Tetrarch and his wife Herodias. Becoming involved in fresh -difficulties, he borrowed money for his passage and returned to -Rome. There he paid court to the future Emperor Gaius (Caligula), -was arrested by Tiberius for treason, and spent the last six months -of Tiberius’s reign in prison.</p> - -<p class='c014'>Tiberius survived his appointment of Gaius as his -successor only a few days, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 37<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> and then died after a reign -of twenty-two years, five months and three days. Gaius -was the fourth of the Emperors. The Romans, on -learning of the death of Tiberius, rejoiced at the good -news, but could not bring themselves to believe it; not -because they did not desire it, for they would have given -large sums of money for confirmation of the report, but -from fear that, if the news proved false and they exhibited -their joy prematurely, they would be slanderously accused -and lose their lives. For no other Roman ever treated -the patrician class so cruelly as did Tiberius. Quick to -take offence and relentless in action against any who, -even without reason, had incurred his hatred, he was -savage with all whom he sentenced, and imposed the -death penalty for the slightest offences. And so, while -the rumour of his death found ready listeners, they were -restrained from indulging their satisfaction to the full -by dread of the ills which they foresaw if their hopes -proved false.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freedman, on hearing of -Tiberius’s death, ran in haste to tell Agrippa the good -news. He found him just going out to the bath, and -beckoning to him, said in the Hebrew tongue, “The -lion is dead.” At once grasping his meaning and overcome -with joy at the tidings, he replied, “All my blessings -be upon you for all your services and for this welcome -news! Only may your words prove true!” The centurion, -who kept guard over Agrippa, when he saw in -what haste Marsyas came and how delighted Agrippa -was with his message, suspected some startling intelligence<a id='r188' /><a href='#f188' class='c010'><sup>[188]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>and asked them what was the subject of their -conversation. For a while they prevaricated, but, as -he insisted, Agrippa, who was now on friendly terms -with him, told him outright. The centurion joined with -them in welcoming the news, because it was to Agrippa’s -advantage, and invited him to dinner. But as they were -feasting and drinking merrily, there came one who said -that Tiberius was alive and would return in a few days -to the city. At this announcement the centurion was -sorely perplexed, because he had been guilty of a capital -offence both in sharing his table with a prisoner and in -rejoicing at the news of the Emperor’s death. He pushed -Agrippa from his seat and said: “Do you think to cheat -me with this lying story of the Emperor’s death and that -you are not going to answer for it with your own head?” -With these words he ordered that Agrippa, whose chains -he had loosed, should be bound again, and kept him -under stricter guard than before. In this wretched -condition Agrippa passed that night.</p> - -<p class='c006'>But on the morrow the rumour increased, and it was -confidently affirmed throughout the city that Tiberius -was dead; men now had the courage to speak of it -openly, some even offered sacrifices. Letters also came -from Gaius, one to the Senate announcing Tiberius’s -death and his own accession, and another to Piso, the -city warden, to the same effect, and accompanied by -orders for the removal of Agrippa from the camp to the -house in which he was lodging before his imprisonment. -Henceforth Agrippa lived in security; he was still under -watch and ward, but enjoyed considerable freedom.<a id='r189' /><a href='#f189' class='c010'><sup>[189]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>But when Gaius reached Rome with the corpse of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>Tiberius, after giving it a costly funeral in accordance -with the laws of his country, he was anxious to set -Agrippa at liberty that very day. Antonia,<a id='r190' /><a href='#f190' class='c010'><sup>[190]</sup></a> however, -restrained him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but -with an eye to propriety on the part of Gaius; she feared -he would produce the impression of welcoming the -decease of Tiberius if he were instantly to release one -of his prisoners. Not many days elapsed, however, before -Gaius sent to his house to fetch him, had his hair cut -and his raiment changed, and then set the diadem on -his head and appointed him king over Philip’s<a id='r191' /><a href='#f191' class='c010'><sup>[191]</sup></a> tetrarchy; -he also conferred upon him the tetrarchy of Lysanias. -In exchange for his iron chain he gave him a golden -one of the same weight....</p> - -<p class='c012'>Herod the Tetrarch is instigated by his wife Herodias to emulate -Agrippa and go in quest of similar fortune to Rome. The result -was disastrous. He was found guilty of conspiracy and sent into -exile, Herodias sharing his fate. It will suffice to quote the end of -the story.</p> - -<p class='c014'>... Herod admitted that he had the arms in his -armoury; he could not do otherwise as the facts were -there to confute him. Gaius, accordingly, accepting this -as proof of the accusation of conspiracy, deprived him -of his tetrarchy, which he added to Agrippa’s kingdom; -he also presented the latter with Herod’s wealth. He -further punished Herod by banishing him for life, appointing -Lugdunum,<a id='r192' /><a href='#f192' class='c010'><sup>[192]</sup></a> a city of Gaul, as his place of abode.—<i>Ant.</i> -XVIII. 6. 10-7. 2 (224-252).</p> - -<h3 id='sect31' class='c009'>(31) Petronius and the Statue of Gaius</h3> -<p class='c007'>The crisis produced by the mad order of the Emperor Gaius -(Caligula) to have his statue erected in the Temple at Jerusalem -nearly precipitated a Jewish war. Some have seen an allusion to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>this incident in St. Paul’s description of “the man of sin” (2 Thess. -ii. 4, “so that he sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth -as God”): “but though the sacrilegious conduct of Caligula ... -may have influenced the writer’s language in <i>v.</i> 4, the real roots of -the conception lie elsewhere” (Milligan, <i>Thess.</i>, p. 164).</p> - -<p class='c008'>The favourable portrait given of the Roman governor, who was -placed in a very difficult position, may be compared with similar -portraits in St. Luke’s writings.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 40-41</div> - -<p class='c006'>Gaius, indignant at being thus slighted by the Jews -and by them alone, sent Petronius to Syria as his lieutenant -to take over the governorship of Vitellius, with -instructions to advance into Judæa with a large force and -to erect his statue in the temple of God. The order was -in any case to be executed; if they admitted the statue -without demur, well and good; if they showed themselves -recalcitrant, he was to overcome their resistance by -resort to arms....</p> - -<p class='c012'>At Ptolemais Petronius was met by crowds of petitioners who -stubbornly refused to submit. Similar scenes were repeated at -Tiberias for forty critical days in the agricultural year, during which -all sowing operations were neglected. The multitude were supported -by Aristobulus, brother of Herod Agrippa, and other leading -men. Petronius, moved by this unanimous national protest, decided -to lay the case before the Emperor.</p> - -<p class='c014'>Such was the request which Aristobulus and his followers -made to Petronius. Petronius, on his side, was -influenced partly by the importunity of Aristobulus and -the leaders, who, considering the great issues at stake, -left no stone unturned to press their suit, partly by the -spectacle of the stubborn and solid front presented by -the Jewish opposition. He shrank from the thought of -putting to death, as the instrument of Gaius’s madness, -such myriads of men, solely on the ground of their -reverence of God, and of spending the rest of his life -in remorse.<a id='r193' /><a href='#f193' class='c010'><sup>[193]</sup></a> It was far better, he thought, to write to -Gaius (and inform him of) their desperate determination.<a id='r194' /><a href='#f194' class='c010'><sup>[194]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>The Emperor might be enraged with him for not having -executed his orders at once; again, he might conceivably -convince him. If Gaius still adhered to his original mad -resolution, he (Petronius) would then make war on the -Jews without further delay. But if, after all, his anger -was partly directed against himself, to die for so vast a -multitude of one’s fellow-creatures was honourable in -the eyes of those who aspired to heroism.<a id='r195' /><a href='#f195' class='c010'><sup>[195]</sup></a> He decided -accordingly to give way to the appeal....</p> - -<p class='c012'>Petronius informs the petitioners of his intention to write to -Gaius.</p> - -<p class='c014'>After this speech Petronius dismissed the assembled -Jews, bidding those in authority to see that agricultural -operations were resumed and to conciliate the people -with hopes of a successful issue. But now, while he was -doing his best to cheer the multitude, God made known -to Petronius His presence<a id='r196' /><a href='#f196' class='c010'><sup>[196]</sup></a> and assistance in furthering -the whole scheme. For no sooner had he ended his -address to the Jews than God forthwith sent a great rain. -This was contrary to general expectation, as the morning -of that day had been fine and the sky showed no sign of a -shower; moreover, the whole year had been subject to -such drought as to make men despair of any rainfall even -when they saw the heavens overcast. So, when now at -length there came a great downpour, contrary to experience -and to all expectation, the Jews had hopes of -Petronius’s success in his petition on their behalf, while -Petronius was astounded when he saw God’s evident care -for the Jews, and how He had given so signal a manifestation -of Himself as to leave even those who had intended to -defy Him openly no possibility of contradiction....</p> - -<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>Meanwhile, in Rome, Gaius’ friend, Herod Agrippa, had prevailed -on the Emperor to desist from his purpose. Gaius thereupon -counter-ordered his previous instructions, but on receipt of Petronius’s -appeal wrote him an angry letter, advising him, in view of his disregard -of orders, “to judge for himself what course he should take,” -<i>i. e.</i> to commit suicide.</p> - -<p class='c014'>Such was the letter which Gaius wrote to Petronius; -but it did not reach him in the Emperor’s lifetime, the -messengers entrusted with it having so slow a passage -that before it arrived <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>January -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 41<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> Petronius received other letters -which told him that Gaius was dead. God, as the event -proved, was not to forget the risks which Petronius had -run on behalf of the Jews and His own honour, but was -to pay him his reward by removing Gaius, in indignation -at his daring action in claiming divine worship for himself. -Petronius, moreover, was supported<a id='r197' /><a href='#f197' class='c010'><sup>[197]</sup></a> by the good-will of -Rome and of all the magistrates, in particular the most -eminent senators, because Gaius had treated them with -unmitigated severity.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Emperor died not long after writing to Petronius -the letter which was intended to be his death-warrant. -The cause of his death and the manner of the plot I shall -relate in the course of my work. Petronius received first -the letter announcing the death of Gaius, and shortly afterwards -the other with the order to put himself to death. -He was delighted at the happy coincidence of Gaius’s end -and marvelled at the providence of God, who instantly -and without delay gave him his reward for his regard for -the Temple and for his assistance to the Jews in their hour -of danger. Thus easily, in a way which none would have -conjectured, did Petronius escape the peril of death.—<i>Ant.</i> -XVIII. 8. 2, etc. (261, 276-8, 284-6, 305-9).</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span> - <h3 id='sect32' class='c009'>(32) Herod Agrippa’s Kingdom enlarged by Claudius</h3> -</div> -<p class='c005'>Cf. Map 44 in the <i>Historical Atlas</i> above cited.</p> - -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 41</div> - -<p class='c006'>Claudius lost no time in discharging all suspected -units of the forces. He then issued a decree, in which -he confirmed to Agrippa the kingdom which he had -received from Gaius and highly commended the king. -Moreover, he added to his realm all the territory over -which his grandfather Herod had reigned, namely Judæa -and Samaria.<a id='r198' /><a href='#f198' class='c010'><sup>[198]</sup></a> Beside these districts, which he restored -to him as his hereditary due, he added from his own domain -Abila, which had once belonged to Lysanias,<a id='r199' /><a href='#f199' class='c010'><sup>[199]</sup></a> and all -the mountain region of Lebanon. He ratified these -gifts by a solemn treaty with Agrippa in the middle of -the forum in the city of Rome.—<i>Ant.</i> XIX. 5. 1 (274 f.).</p> - -<h3 id='sect33' class='c009'>(33) Death of Herod Agrippa</h3> -<p class='c007'>This should be compared with the account in Acts xii. 19-23. -St. Luke differs from Josephus in representing the scene as a court of -judgement, instead of a theatre.</p> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 44</div> - -<p class='c006'>Agrippa had completed the third year of his reign over -(all)<a id='r200' /><a href='#f200' class='c010'><sup>[200]</sup></a> Judæa when he came to the city of Cæsarea, -formerly called Strato’s Tower. There he exhibited -spectacles in Cæsar’s honour, at a festival which he -had instituted<a id='r201' /><a href='#f201' class='c010'><sup>[201]</sup></a> to commemorate the preservation of the -Emperor’s life, and a great multitude of the provincial -magistrates and men of rank was assembled for the -occasion.</p> - -<p class='c006'>On the second day of the performance he entered the -theatre at daybreak, arrayed in a wonderfully woven robe -made entirely of silver; whereupon the silver, caught by -the first rays of the sun, was lit up and glittered in a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>marvellous manner, with dazzling flashes that struck terror -and awe into the onlookers. His flatterers straightway, -from one quarter and another, raised cries, which even -to him seemed ill-omened, calling him a god and adding, -“O be gracious! If hitherto we have feared thee as a -man, from henceforth we own thee as of more than -mortal nature.” The king neither rebuked them nor -rejected their impious adulation; but not long after he -looked up and saw the owl sitting on a rope above his -head, and at once recognized the former bringer of good -tidings as now the messenger of ill.<a id='r202' /><a href='#f202' class='c010'><sup>[202]</sup></a> Pangs pierced his -heart; a spasm of pain with violent onset shot straight -to<a id='r203' /><a href='#f203' class='c010'><sup>[203]</sup></a> his stomach. Leaping up<a id='r204' /><a href='#f204' class='c010'><sup>[204]</sup></a> he addressed his friends: -“I, your god, even now receive orders to quit this life; -destiny at the instant confutes those lying voices which -this moment filled my ears; I, whom you called immortal, -am already being led off to die. But I must -accept such fate as it has pleased God to send me; for -my<a id='r205' /><a href='#f205' class='c010'><sup>[205]</sup></a> life has been no ignoble one, but passed in blissful -splendour.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>As he spoke these words intense pain prostrated him. -He was quickly carried into the palace, and a report -ran through the assembly that his death was certainly -imminent. At once the multitude, including women -and children, according to their national custom sat in<a id='r206' /><a href='#f206' class='c010'><sup>[206]</sup></a> -sackcloth and besought God for the king’s life, and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>whole scene was one of wailing and lamentation. The -king himself, who lay in a chamber above, as he looked -down and saw them falling on their faces, could not -restrain his tears. For five days he was racked continuously -by abdominal pains, and so departed this life -in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the seventh of his -reign. He reigned <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 37-40<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> four years under Gaius Cæsar, during -three of them over Philip’s tetrarchy, while in the fourth -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 40-1<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -he took over that of Herod<a id='r207' /><a href='#f207' class='c010'><sup>[207]</sup></a> as well; and three more -years <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 41-44<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> under the Emperor Claudius Cæsar, having Judæa, -Samaria and Cæsarea added to his former realm.—<i>Ant.</i> -XIX. 8. 2 (343-351).</p> - -<h3 id='sect34' class='c009'>(34) The Story of King Izates and his mother Helena</h3> -<p class='c007'>The pleasing story of the conversion to Judaism of Helena, -Queen of Adiabene (in the upper Tigris region), and her son Izates -in two particulars illustrates the narrative of the <i>Acts</i>. The famine -at Jerusalem which was the occasion of the charitable services of -the Queen was that “which came to pass in the days of Claudius” -(<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 41-54), and led the Antiochene Christians to send similar -relief by the hands of Barnabas and Saul (Acts xi. 28-30). Again, -it is interesting to read of the conflicting opinions of Jewish Rabbis -as to the necessity for circumcision in a proselyte to Judaism. The -same question, with relation to converts to Christianity, was soon -to come to the front in the councils of the infant church (Acts xv.).</p> -<p class='c005'>Izates, on hearing that his mother found such great -delight in the Jewish observances, was eager on his -part to become a convert to that religion; and, supposing -that he could not be a thorough Jew unless he -were circumcised, he was prepared to take the necessary -action. His mother, however, on learning his intention, -tried to prevent him, and told him that he would bring -himself into peril. He was a king and would create -great ill-will among his subjects, when they learnt of his -devotion to customs that were strange and alien to them; -they would never tolerate a Jew as their king. Thus -she spoke, trying by every means to dissuade him from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>his purpose; and he referred for counsel on her words -to Ananias.<a id='r208' /><a href='#f208' class='c010'><sup>[208]</sup></a> Ananias took the mother’s side and -threatened to leave Izates if he did not obey her.<a id='r209' /><a href='#f209' class='c010'><sup>[209]</sup></a> He -said he feared that, if the matter became public, he -would run the risk of being punished himself as the -responsible party who had instructed the king in unseemly -practices. He added that, if he was fully determined -to follow<a id='r210' /><a href='#f210' class='c010'><sup>[210]</sup></a> the Jews’ ancestral customs, he might -worship God<a id='r211' /><a href='#f211' class='c010'><sup>[211]</sup></a> even without being circumcised; worship -was more essential than circumcision; and God Himself -would forgive him because the omission of the act was -due to necessity and fear of his subjects. So for the -time the king was persuaded. But he had not altogether -relinquished his desire, when there came, later -on, another Jew from Galilee, named Eleazar, with a -reputation for the strictest observance of the customs of -his fathers, and prevailed on him to do the deed. For, -on entering to salute the king, Eleazar found him reading -the Law of Moses, and said: “In your ignorance, -O king, you are sinning grievously against the laws and -thereby against God. It behoves you not merely to -read them but even more to do what they command. -How long will you remain uncircumcised? If you have -not yet read the law concerning this matter, read it -now, that you may know what impiety is yours.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>On hearing this speech the king delayed no longer; -he withdrew to another room, summoned his physician, -carried out the injunctions, and sent for his mother and -his instructor Ananias and announced that he had done -the deed. And they were at once filled with dismay -and fear beyond measure, lest the king should be -convicted of the deed and risk the loss of his kingdom -<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>(since his subjects would not endure a devotee of foreign -customs as their ruler), and they themselves should be -in jeopardy as responsible for his action. However, as -the sequel showed, God was to prevent their fears from -being realized. Great perils, indeed, befell Izates and -his children, but God delivered them, providing a way -out of their extremities to salvation, thereby showing -that those who look to Him and believe in Him only -do not lose the fruit of their piety. But we shall tell -this story hereafter.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>Now Helena the Queen-mother, seeing the kingdom -at peace and her son blessed and envied of all men, -even by those of other nations, because the providence -of God was upon him, had a desire to visit the city of -Jerusalem, to do reverence to the Temple of God that -was renowned among all men and to offer sacrifices of -thanksgiving. So she entreated her son’s permission; -and he very willingly consented to his mother’s request, -and made large preparations for her sending off and -gave her abundance of money; and she went down to -the city of Jerusalem, her son accompanying her a good -way.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Now <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><i>c.</i> <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 44-48<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -her arrival was very timely to them of Jerusalem; -for, as their city at that time was oppressed by a famine -and many of the inhabitants were perishing for lack of -means to buy food,<a id='r212' /><a href='#f212' class='c010'><sup>[212]</sup></a> Queen Helena sent some of her -retinue to Alexandria to purchase corn at a great price, -and others to Cyprus to bring a cargo of dried figs. -Then, when they had returned with all speed bringing -their purchases, she distributed food to the destitute. By -this beneficent act she has left to our whole nation the -highest remembrance of herself. Her son Izates, likewise, -on hearing of the famine, sent large sums of money -<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>to the chief of the inhabitants of Jerusalem.—<i>Ant.</i> XX. -2. 4 f. (38-53).</p> - -<h3 id='sect35' class='c009'>(35) The Fate of the Impostor Theudas, and of the Sons of Judas the Galilæan</h3> -<p class='c007'>For the relation of this passage to Acts v. 36 f., where Theudas -and Judas occur in juxtaposition, see <a href='#appendix-iv'>Appendix, Note IV</a>.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 44-(?)</div> - -<p class='c006'>Now when Fadus was procurator of Judæa, a certain -impostor named Theudas persuaded the mass of the -rabble to take their belongings with them and follow -him to the river Jordan; for he said that he was a -prophet and would by a word of command divide the -river and afford them an easy passage;<a id='r213' /><a href='#f213' class='c010'><sup>[213]</sup></a> and by these -words he deceived many. Fadus, however, did not allow -them to reap the benefit of their folly. He despatched -against them a troop of horse which fell upon them -unexpectedly and slew many and took many of them -prisoners. They caught Theudas himself alive, cut off his -head and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what befell -the Jews under the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Tiberius Alexander came as successor to Fadus. He -was the son of that Alexander who was Alabarch<a id='r214' /><a href='#f214' class='c010'><sup>[214]</sup></a> in -Alexandria, and was by birth and wealth the foremost -man of his time in that city. The father excelled the -son, moreover, in his pious worship of God; for the -latter did not hold fast to his hereditary religion. It -was under his governorship that the great famine befell -Judæa, when Queen Helena purchased corn from Egypt at -a great price and distributed it to the starving population, -as I have already narrated.<a id='r215' /><a href='#f215' class='c010'><sup>[215]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>It was now, too, that there were brought up (for -trial)<a id='r216' /><a href='#f216' class='c010'><sup>[216]</sup></a> the sons of that Judas of Galilee who induced -the people to revolt from the Romans when Quirinius -was engaged in the assessment of Judæa, as we have -narrated in a previous book.<a id='r217' /><a href='#f217' class='c010'><sup>[217]</sup></a> Alexander gave orders -that (the sons of Judas named) James and Simon should -be crucified.—<i>Ant.</i> XX. 5. 1 f. (97-102).</p> - -<h3 id='sect36' class='c009'>(36) Agrippa II, Felix and Drusilla</h3> -<p class='c007'>All three characters appear in the <i>Acts</i>. Agrippa II (the son of -Agrippa I) with his sister Bernice and Festus, the Roman governor, -listened to St. Paul’s defence at Cæsarea (Acts xxv. xxvi.). Felix, -the predecessor of Festus, with Drusilla his wife had a private -interview with the Apostle; the circumstances of their marriage -described below throw light on the governor’s terror “as” Paul -“reasoned of righteousness and temperance and the judgement to -come” (Acts xxiv. 24 f.).</p> - -<p class='c008'>The influence exercised by the Cypriot sorcerer, Atomos, over the -Roman governor, finds a curious parallel in the relations of Elymas -and Sergius Paulus (Acts xiii. 6 ff.). The Jewish magician there -too resides in Cyprus, and in the “Western” text bears a name -strangely similar to that of the friend of Felix (Ετ[ο]ιμας, Etoemas, -<i>ib.</i> xiii. 8, cod. D).</p> -<p class='c005'>The Emperor then <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 52<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> sent Claudius Felix, the brother -of Pallas,<a id='r218' /><a href='#f218' class='c010'><sup>[218]</sup></a> to take over the administration of Judæa. -Moreover, when he had now completed the twelfth year -of his reign, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 53<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of -Philip and (the region of) Batanæa, adding also Trachonitis, -together with the former tetrarchy of Lysanias, -namely Abella.<a id='r219' /><a href='#f219' class='c010'><sup>[219]</sup></a> At the same time he deprived him of -the kingdom of Chalcis,<a id='r220' /><a href='#f220' class='c010'><sup>[220]</sup></a> which he had held for four -years.</p> - -<p class='c006'>After receiving this award from Cæsar,<a id='r221' /><a href='#f221' class='c010'><sup>[221]</sup></a> Agrippa gave -his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa,<a id='r222' /><a href='#f222' class='c010'><sup>[222]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>on his consenting to be circumcised. Epiphanes, son of -King Antiochus, had declined the marriage from reluctance -to adopt Jewish practices, although he had -previously promised her father that he would do so....</p> - -<p class='c006'>The marriage of Drusilla and Azizus was, however, -not long afterwards broken off on the following ground. -Drusilla was the most beautiful of women, and Felix, -while procurator of Judæa, saw and fell in love with her. -He accordingly sent to her one of his friends named -Atomos,<a id='r223' /><a href='#f223' class='c010'><sup>[223]</sup></a> a Jew born in Cyprus, who pretended to be a -magician, and tried to persuade her to desert her husband -and marry him, promising to make her happy<a id='r224' /><a href='#f224' class='c010'><sup>[224]</sup></a> if she -did not reject him. And she, because she was unhappy -in her life<a id='r225' /><a href='#f225' class='c010'><sup>[225]</sup></a> and desired to escape from her sister Berenice’s -envy of her beauty, ...<a id='r226' /><a href='#f226' class='c010'><sup>[226]</sup></a> was prevailed upon -to transgress the laws of her race and to marry Felix. -By him she bore a son whom she called Agrippa.—<i>Ant.</i> -XX. 7. 1 f. (137-143).</p> - -<h3 id='sect37' class='c009'>(37) The Death of James, “the Lord’s Brother”</h3> -<p class='c007'>A description of the death by stoning, after a perfunctory trial by -the Sanhedrin, of James “the brother of Jesus who was called -Christ,” the head of the early Church in Jerusalem (Acts xv.; -Gal. i. 19).</p> - -<p class='c008'>An alternative melodramatic account of the martyrdom of James—in -which he is represented as hurled down from the “pinnacle” -of the Temple, stoned, and finally despatched by a fuller’s club—is -given by Hegesippus (quoted by Euseb. <i>H. E.</i> II. 23).</p> - -<p class='c008'>The account of Josephus seems much the more trustworthy of the -two, and there appears to be no reason for questioning its authenticity. -As Lightfoot writes, “This notice ... is probable in itself (which -the account of Hegesippus is not), and is such as Josephus might be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>expected to write if he alluded to the matter at all.... On the -other hand, if the passage had been a Christian interpolation, the -notice of James would have been more laudatory” (<i>Galatians</i>, -ed. 10, p. 366, n. 2).</p> - -<p class='c008'>On the other hand, a passage quoted by Eusebius (<i>loc. cit.</i>) as -from Josephus, ascribing the miseries of the siege of Jerusalem to -divine vengeance for the murder of James the Just, does not occur -in his extant works and is probably spurious.</p> - -<p class='c014'>On hearing of the death of Festus, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 62<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> Cæsar<a id='r227' /><a href='#f227' class='c010'><sup>[227]</sup></a> sent Albinus -to Judæa as governor. King (Agrippa) at the same time -deprived Joseph of the high priesthood and appointed -the son of Ananus, also named Ananus, as his successor. -The elder Ananus, they say, was exceptionally fortunate; -he had five sons, all of whom became God’s high priests, -their father having previously enjoyed the same privilege -for a very long period; an experience without parallel in -the history of our high priests.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The younger Ananus, who now, as I<a id='r228' /><a href='#f228' class='c010'><sup>[228]</sup></a> said, took over -the office, was a rash man and extraordinarily audacious; -he belonged to the sect of the Sadducees, who, as I -have already explained, are more ruthless than all other -Jews when they sit in judgement. Such was the character -of this Ananus, who, thinking that a favourable -opportunity now presented itself—Festus being dead and -Albinus still on the road—summoned the judicial court -of the Sanhedrin, brought before it the brother of Jesus -who was called Christ—James was his name—with some -others, and after accusing them of transgressing the law, -delivered them over to be stoned to death. This action -aroused the indignation of all citizens with the highest -reputation for moderation and strict observance of the -laws; and they sent a secret message to King (Agrippa), -petitioning him to restrain Ananus, who had been wrong -in what he had done already, from similar proceedings -in future. Some of them, moreover, went to meet -<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>Albinus on his road from Alexandria and explained that -it was illegal for Ananus to convene a meeting of the -Sanhedrin without his consent. Albinus was persuaded -by their arguments and wrote an angry letter to Ananus -threatening to punish him. King Agrippa, on his side, -for this action deposed Ananus from the high priesthood, -when he had held office but three months, and -appointed Jesus, son of Damnæus, in his place.—<i>Ant.</i> -XX. 9. 1 (197-203).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span> - <h2 id='part07' class='c004'>VII. SCENES FROM THE JEWISH WAR</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect38' class='c009'>(38) Introduction to “The Jewish War”</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66-70</div> - -<p class='c006'>The war of the Jews against the Romans—the greatest -not only of the wars of our own time, but well-nigh of -all that ever broke out between cities or nations, so -far as accounts have reached us—has not lacked its historians. -Of these, some, having taken no part in the -action, have collected from hearsay futile and contradictory -stories which they have then edited in a rhetorical -style; while others, who witnessed the events, have, either -from flattery of the Romans or from dislike of the Jews, -misrepresented the facts, their writings exhibiting alternately -invective and encomium, but nowhere historical -accuracy. In these circumstances, I—Josephus, son of -Matthias,<a id='r229' /><a href='#f229' class='c010'><sup>[229]</sup></a> a native of Jerusalem, of the priestly order, -who at the opening of the war myself fought against the -Romans and in the sequel was perforce an onlooker—propose -to provide the subjects of the Roman Empire -with a narrative of the facts, by translating into Greek -the account which some while since I composed in my -vernacular tongue<a id='r230' /><a href='#f230' class='c010'><sup>[230]</sup></a> and sent to the natives of upper -Syria.<a id='r231' /><a href='#f231' class='c010'><sup>[231]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>I spoke of this upheaval as one of the greatest magnitude. -The Romans had their own internal disorders. -The Jewish revolutionary party, whose numbers and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>fortunes were at their zenith, seized the occasion of the -turbulent times for insurrection. As a result of these -vast disturbances the whole of the Eastern Empire was -in the balance; the insurgents were fired with hopes of -its acquisition, their opponents feared its loss. For the -Jews hoped that all their fellow-countrymen beyond -the Euphrates would join with them in revolt; while -the Romans, on their side, were occupied with their -neighbours the Gauls, and the Celts were in motion. -Nero’s death, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>June <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 68<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> moreover, brought universal confusion; -many were induced by this opportunity to aspire to the -sovereignty, and a change which might make their -fortune was after the heart of the soldiery.</p> - -<p class='c006'>I thought it monstrous, therefore, to allow the truth -in affairs of such moment to go astray, and that, while -Parthians and Babylonians and the most remote tribes -of Arabia with our countrymen beyond the Euphrates -and the inhabitants of Adiabene<a id='r232' /><a href='#f232' class='c010'><sup>[232]</sup></a> had, through my -assiduity, been accurately informed as to the origin of -the war, the various phases of calamity through which -it passed and its conclusion, the Greeks and such Romans -as were not engaged in the contest should remain in -ignorance of these matters, with flattering or fictitious -narratives as their only guide.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Though the writers in question presume to give their -works the title of histories, yet throughout these, apart -from the utter lack of sound information, they seem, in -my opinion, to miss their own mark. They desire to -represent the Romans as a great nation, and yet they -continually depreciate and disparage the actions of the -Jews. But I fail to see how the conquerors of a puny -people deserve to be accounted great. Again, these -writers respect neither the long duration of the war, nor -the vast numbers of the Roman army that it engaged, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>nor the prestige of the generals, who, after such herculean -labours under the walls of Jerusalem, are, I suppose, of -no repute in these writers’ eyes, if their achievement is to -be underestimated.</p> - -<p class='c006'>I have no intention of rivalling those who extol the -Roman power by exaggerating the deeds of my compatriots. -I shall narrate accurately the actions of both -combatants; while making allowance for the temperament -(of the speaker) in the speeches arising out of the -action<a id='r233' /><a href='#f233' class='c010'><sup>[233]</sup></a> and giving my personal sympathies scope to -bewail my country’s misfortunes. For, that it owed its -ruin to civil strife, and that it was the Jewish tyrants -who drew down upon the Temple the unwilling hands -of the Romans and the conflagration, is attested by -Titus Cæsar himself who sacked the city; throughout -the war he commiserated the populace who were at the -mercy of the revolutionary cliques, and often of his own -accord deferred the capture of the city and by protracting -the siege gave the culprits time for repentance. Should, -however, any critic censure me for my strictures upon -the tyrants or their bands of marauders or for my lamentations -over my country’s misfortunes, I ask his indulgence -for a compassion which falls outside an historian’s -province. For of all the cities under Roman rule it was -the lot of ours to attain to the highest felicity and to fall -to the lowest depths of calamity. Indeed, in my opinion, -the misfortunes of all nations since the world began are -slight in comparison with those of the Jews; and, since -the blame lay with no foreign nation, it was impossible -to restrain one’s condolence. Should, however, any -critic be too austere for pity, let him assign the actions -to the history, the lamentations to the historian.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>I, on my side, might justly censure those erudite Greek -writers, who, living in times of such stirring actions as by -comparison reduce to insignificance the wars of antiquity, -yet sit in judgement on these current events and revile -those who make them their special study—authors whose -principles they lack, even if they have the advantage of -them in literary skill. They take as their themes the -Assyrian and Median empires, as if the narratives of -the ancient historians were inadequate, although these -modern writers are their inferiors no less in literary -power than in judgement. The ancient historians set -themselves severally to write the history of their own -times, a task in which their connexion with the events -added lucidity to their record; while mendacity brought -an author into disgrace with readers who knew the facts.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The truth is that the work of committing to writing -events which have not<a id='r234' /><a href='#f234' class='c010'><sup>[234]</sup></a> previously been recorded and of -commending to posterity the history of one’s own time -is one which merits praise and acknowledgment. The -industrious writer is not one who merely remodels the -scheme and arrangement of another’s work, but one who, -besides having fresh materials, gives the body of his -history a framework of his own.</p> - -<p class='c006'>For myself, at the cost of much money and severe -labour, I, a foreigner, present to Greeks and Romans -this memorial of great achievements. As for the native -(Greek) writers, where personal profit or a lawsuit is -concerned, their mouths are at once agape and their -tongues loosed; but in the matter of history, where -veracity and laborious collection of the facts are essential, -they are mute, leaving to inferior and ill-informed writers -the task of describing the exploits of rulers. Let me<a id='r235' /><a href='#f235' class='c010'><sup>[235]</sup></a> at -least hold historical truth in honour, since by the Greeks -it is disregarded....—<i>B.J.</i> I. 1-5 (1-16).</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span> - <h3 id='sect39' class='c009'>(39) Seeds of the War sown under the last of the Procurators. Rise of the Sicarii</h3> -</div> -<h4 class='c015'>Felix</h4> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 52-60</div> - -<p class='c006'>After this Claudius sent out Felix, the brother of -Pallas,<a id='r236' /><a href='#f236' class='c010'><sup>[236]</sup></a> as procurator of Judæa, Samaria, Galilee and -Peræa. Agrippa he transferred from Chalcis to a larger -kingdom, assigning to him Philip’s former province, -namely Batanæa, Trachonitis and Gaulanitis; to this he -added the kingdom of Lysanias and the province<a id='r237' /><a href='#f237' class='c010'><sup>[237]</sup></a> which -had belonged to Varus. After holding the imperial -office for thirteen years, eight months and twenty days, -Claudius died, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 54<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> leaving Nero as his successor in the -government....</p> - -<p class='c006'>Nero annexed to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities with -their districts,<a id='r238' /><a href='#f238' class='c010'><sup>[238]</sup></a> namely, Abila, Julias in Peræa, and in -Galilee Tarichæa and Tiberias. He appointed Felix to -be procurator of the rest of Judæa. Felix took prisoner -Eleazar, the arch-brigand who for twenty years had -ravaged the country, with many of his associates, and -sent them for trial to Rome. Of the brigands whom he -crucified, and of the common people who were detected -of complicity with them and punished by him, the -number was incalculable.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Rise of the Sicarii</h4> -<p class='c005'>But, while the country was thus cleared of these pests, -a new species of banditti was springing up in Jerusalem, -the so-called <i>Sicarii</i>,<a id='r239' /><a href='#f239' class='c010'><sup>[239]</sup></a> who committed murders in -broad daylight in the heart of the city. The festivals -were their special seasons, when they would mingle with -the crowd, carrying short daggers concealed under their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>clothing, with which they stabbed any with whom -they were at enmity. Then, when they fell, the -murderers joined in the cries of indignation and, through -this plausible behaviour, were never discovered. The -first to be assassinated by them was Jonathan the high -priest; after his death there were numerous daily -murders. The panic created was more alarming than -the calamity itself; every one, as on the battlefield, -hourly expecting death. Men kept watch at a distance -on their enemies and would not trust even their friends -when they approached. Yet, with their suspicions aroused -and on their guard, they were slain; so swift were the -conspirators and so crafty in eluding detection.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Troubled State of the Country</h4> -<p class='c005'>Besides these there arose another body of villains, -with purer hands but more impious intentions, who no -less than the assassins ruined the peace of the city. -Deceivers and impostors, under the pretence of divine -inspiration fostering revolutionary changes, they persuaded -the multitude to act like madmen, and led them -out into the desert under the belief that God would there -give them tokens of deliverance. Against them Felix, -regarding this as but the preliminary to insurrection, -sent a body of horse and foot<a id='r240' /><a href='#f240' class='c010'><sup>[240]</sup></a> and put a large number -to the sword.<a id='r241' /><a href='#f241' class='c010'><sup>[241]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>A still worse blow was dealt at the Jews by the -Egyptian false prophet. A charlatan, who had gained -for himself the reputation of a prophet, this man -collected about thirty thousand of his dupes, entered -the country and led his force round from the desert to -the mount called Olivet. From there he proposed to -force an entrance into Jerusalem and, after overpowering -<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>the Roman garrison and the people, to act as despot -with the aid of his bodyguard of lancers who were to -pour in with him. His attack was anticipated by Felix, -who went to meet him with the Roman forces,<a id='r242' /><a href='#f242' class='c010'><sup>[242]</sup></a> the -whole population joining him in the defence; with the -result that in the ensuing engagement, while the Egyptian -escaped with a few of his followers, most of his force -were killed or taken prisoners. The remainder were -dispersed, and got away one by one to their homes.</p> - -<p class='c006'>No sooner were these disorders reduced than, as in a -diseased frame, the fever broke out again in another -quarter. The impostors and brigands, banding together, -induced many to revolt, encouraging them to assert their -independence, and threatening to kill any who submitted -to Roman rule and to use violence to tear from their -allegiance any who still chose voluntary servitude. Distributing -themselves in companies throughout the -country, they looted the houses of the wealthy, murdered -their owners, and set the villages on fire; and so spread -the infection of their madness throughout all Judæa.</p> - -<p class='c006'>While this war was daily being fanned into flame, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><i>c.</i> <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 59<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -another disturbance occurred at Cæsarea,<a id='r243' /><a href='#f243' class='c010'><sup>[243]</sup></a> where the -Jewish portion of the population rose against the -Syrians. They claimed that the city was theirs on the -ground that its founder, King Herod, was a Jew. Their -opponents admitted the Jewish origin of its (second) -founder, but maintained that the city itself belonged to -the Greeks, since Herod would never have erected the -statues and temples which he placed there had he -intended it for Jews.... The quarrel still continuing, -Felix selected the notables from either party and sent -them as a deputation to Nero to argue the merits of the -case.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span> - <h4 class='c015'>Festus</h4> -</div> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 60-62</div> - -<p class='c006'>Festus, who succeeded Felix as procurator, proceeded -to attack the principal plague of the country; he -captured large numbers of the brigands and put not a -few to death.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Albinus</h4> -<p class='c005'>The administration of Albinus, who followed Festus, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 62-64<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was of another order; there was no form of villainy which -he omitted to practise. Not only did he, in his official -capacity, steal and plunder private property and burden -the whole nation with imposts, but he accepted ransoms -from their relatives on behalf of persons who had been -imprisoned for robbery by the local councils or by former -procurators; and none was left in gaol as a malefactor -save those who failed to pay the price.</p> - -<p class='c006'>At this period a fresh stimulus was given to the -revolutionary party in Jerusalem, the influential men -among their number securing from Albinus, by means -of bribes, immunity for their seditious practices; while -the section of the populace which could never remain -quiet joined hands with the governor’s accomplices. -Individual scoundrels had around them each his own -band of followers, among whom they figured conspicuously -like brigand-chiefs or tyrants, employing their -bodyguard to plunder peaceable citizens. The outcome -was that the victims of robbery kept their grievances, of -which they had every reason to complain, to themselves, -while those who escaped cringed to one who deserved -punishment, through fear of suffering the same fate. In -short, none could now speak his mind, with tyrants on -every side; and from this date were sown in the city the -seeds of its impending fall.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span> - <h4 class='c015'>Gessius Florus</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>Such was the character of Albinus, but his successor, -Gessius Florus, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A. D.</span> 64-66<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> made him appear by comparison a -paragon of virtue. The crimes of Albinus were, for the -most part, perpetrated in secret and with dissimulation; -Gessius, on the contrary, ostentatiously paraded his lawless -treatment of the nation, and, as though he had been -sent as hangman of condemned criminals, committed -every kind of robbery and outrage. In cases which -called for compassion he was cruel beyond measure; in -dealing with shameful conduct,<a id='r244' /><a href='#f244' class='c010'><sup>[244]</sup></a> he was utterly devoid of -shame. No man ever poured greater contempt<a id='r245' /><a href='#f245' class='c010'><sup>[245]</sup></a> on -truth or contrived more subtle methods of villainy. To -make gain out of individuals seemed beneath him: he -stripped whole cities, ruined entire populations, and -almost went the length of proclaiming throughout the -country that all were at liberty to rob on condition that -he received his share of the spoils. Certainly his avarice -brought desolation upon all districts,<a id='r246' /><a href='#f246' class='c010'><sup>[246]</sup></a> and caused many -to desert their ancestral homes and seek refuge in foreign -provinces.</p> - -<p class='c006'>So long as Cestius Gallus was in Syria discharging his -provincial administrative duties, none dared to send a -deputation to him to complain of Florus; but when he -visited Jerusalem on the eve of the feast of unleavened -bread, the people crowded around him to no less a -number than three millions, imploring him to have -compassion on the calamities of the nation, and loudly -denouncing Florus as the ruin of the country. Florus, -who was present at Cestius’s side, scoffed at their outcry. -Cestius, however, when he had quieted the excitement -<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>of the crowd, pledged himself to secure for them greater -moderation on the part of Florus in future, and so -returned to Antioch.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Florus escorted him as far as Cæsarea, playing upon -his credulity, and already contemplating the prospect of -war with the nation—his only hope of covering up his -own enormities. For, if the peace were kept, he -expected to have the Jews accusing him before Cæsar; -whereas, could he bring about their revolt, he would by -means of the larger calamity divert attention from the -less. In order, therefore, to produce an outbreak of the -nation, he daily added to their sufferings.—<i>B.J.</i> II. -12. 8-14. 3 (247-283).</p> - -<h3 id='sect40' class='c009'>(40) The Immediate Cause of the War—Abrogation of Sacrifices for the Emperor</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>Summer <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66</div> - -<p class='c006'>Meanwhile, some of the prime instigators of hostilities -banded together and made an assault on a fortress called -Masada;<a id='r247' /><a href='#f247' class='c010'><sup>[247]</sup></a> and having gained possession of it by -stratagem, they slew the Roman guards and put a -garrison of their own in their place.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Another incident occurred at the same time in the -Temple. Eleazar, son of Ananias the high priest, a very -daring youth, being then in command,<a id='r248' /><a href='#f248' class='c010'><sup>[248]</sup></a> persuaded those -who officiated in the Temple services to accept no gift or -sacrifice from a foreigner. This action laid the foundation -of the war with the Romans; for they thereby abrogated -the sacrifice on behalf of that nation and the Emperor.<a id='r249' /><a href='#f249' class='c010'><sup>[249]</sup></a> -And, though the chief priests and the men of note -earnestly besought them not to abandon the customary -offering for their rulers, they were obdurate. Their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>numbers gave them great confidence, supported as they -were by the stalwarts of the revolutionary party; but the -determining influence was their high opinion of their -captain Eleazar.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Thereupon the men of weight assembled with the -chief priests and the notable Pharisees and, in the belief -that they were now involved in irreparable calamities, -deliberated on the state of public affairs. Deciding to -try the effect of persuasion on the revolutionaries, they -called the people together before the brazen gate which -opened into the inner Temple and faced eastward. And, -first, they expressed severe indignation at the audacity of -this revolt and at the men who were bringing upon their -country so serious a war. They then proceeded to -expose the absurdity of the alleged pretext. Their forefathers, -they said, had adorned the sanctuary mainly -from the contributions of foreigners and had always -accepted the gifts of external nations; not only had they -never taken the sacrilegious step of forbidding any one -to offer sacrifice, but they had set up around the Temple -the dedicatory offerings which were still to be seen and -had remained there for so long a time. But those who -were now provoking the arms of the Romans and -courting war with such antagonists were introducing -some novel and strange religion,<a id='r250' /><a href='#f250' class='c010'><sup>[250]</sup></a> and, in addition to -the danger incurred, would lay the city open to the -charge of impiety, if Jews alone were to allow no alien -the right of sacrifice or worship. Should such a law be -introduced in the case of any private individual, they -would be indignant as at an act of deliberate inhumanity; -yet they made light of putting the Romans and Cæsar outside -the pale. It was to be feared, however, that, once -they rejected the sacrifices for the Romans, they might -<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>not be allowed to offer sacrifice even for themselves, and -that their city would be placed outside the pale of the -empire, unless, with a speedy return to discretion, they -restored the sacrifices and made amends for the insult -before the report reached the ears of those whom they -had insulted.</p> - -<p class='c006'>In the course of this speech they brought forward the -priestly experts on the national customs, who explained -how all their ancestors had accepted the sacrifices of -aliens.</p> - -<p class='c006'>But not one of the revolutionary party would listen to -their words,<a id='r251' /><a href='#f251' class='c010'><sup>[251]</sup></a> which met with no better response even -from the officiating ministers, who thus helped to sow -the seeds of war. Thereupon, the leading men, perceiving -that it was now beyond their power to suppress -the insurrection and that they would be the first to suffer -from the Roman peril, took steps to exonerate themselves -from blame. They accordingly despatched two -deputations, one to Florus, headed by Simon son of -Ananias, and another to Agrippa, of which the most -eminent members were the king’s relatives, Saul, -Antipas and Costobar. They besought them both to -come up to the city with an armed force and to nip the -rebellion in the bud before repression became impossible. -To Florus the news was a wonderful godsend,<a id='r252' /><a href='#f252' class='c010'><sup>[252]</sup></a> and, -determined as he was to fan the flame of war, he gave -the emissaries no reply. Agrippa, on the other hand, -was solicitous alike for the rebels and for the nation -against which their hostilities were directed; he was -anxious that the Romans should not lose the Jews nor -the Jews their Temple and mother city; and was, moreover, -aware that the disturbance would not conduce to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>his own interests. He accordingly despatched to the -aid of the people three thousand horse from Auranitis, -Batanæa and Trachonitis, under Darius as cavalry -commander and Philip, son of Jacimus, as general.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Encouraged by these reinforcements, the leading men -with the chief priests and all such of the populace as -were in favour of peace occupied the upper city. The -lower city and the Temple were in the hands of the -insurgents.—<i>B.J.</i> II. 17. 2-5 (408-422).</p> - -<h3 id='sect41' class='c009'>(41) Initial Jewish success. Rout of a Roman Army in the Defiles of Beth-Horon</h3> -<p class='c007'>The humiliating Roman defeat in this first stage of the war here -described recalls a rather similar incident at the Caudine Forks in -the early wars with the Samnites.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Cestius Advances from Antioch</h4> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66</div> - -<p class='c006'>The Jews being now everywhere up in arms, Cestius<a id='r253' /><a href='#f253' class='c010'><sup>[253]</sup></a> -decided to remain inactive no longer. He accordingly -left Antioch and advanced upon Ptolemais. His force -consisted of the twelfth legion in full strength, two -thousand picked men from each of the other legions, six -cohorts of infantry and four squadrons of cavalry, -besides the allied forces furnished by the kings; of these -Antiochus supplied two thousand horse and three -thousand foot, all archers, Agrippa an equal number of -foot and rather less than two thousand horse, Sohemus -following with four thousand, of which a third part were -cavalry and the rest archers. In addition, numerous -auxiliaries were collected from the towns; they lacked -the training of the regulars, but made good any deficiency -in technical skill by their zeal and their detestation -of the Jews. Agrippa himself accompanied Cestius on -the route as guide and adviser....</p> -<p class='c012'><span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>Galilee surrenders to Cestius, almost without a blow; Joppa, -attacked by land and sea, is captured and burnt; and the Roman -arms are everywhere successful.</p> - -<p class='c014'>From Antipatris Cestius advanced to Lydda and found -the city deserted, for the population had gone up <i>en -masse</i> to Jerusalem for the Feast of Tabernacles <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>October -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>. Fifty -persons who showed themselves he put to the sword, and -after burning down the town resumed his march; and, -ascending through Beth-Horon, pitched his camp at a -place called Gibeon,<a id='r254' /><a href='#f254' class='c010'><sup>[254]</sup></a> fifty furlongs<a id='r255' /><a href='#f255' class='c010'><sup>[255]</sup></a> distant from -Jerusalem.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>A Jewish Successful Charge outside Jerusalem</h4> -<p class='c005'>The Jews, seeing the war at length approaching their -mother city, abandoned the feast and rushed to arms; -and, relying largely on their numbers, sprang in disorder -and with loud cries into the fray. It was the Sabbath -which they regarded with peculiar reverence,<a id='r256' /><a href='#f256' class='c010'><sup>[256]</sup></a> but they -paid no thought to that seventh day of rest. But the same -passion which shook them out of their piety brought -them victory in the battle. With such fury, at any rate, -did they fall upon the Romans that they broke and -passed through their ranks, killing as they went; and had -not the cavalry, with a body of infantry which was not so -hard pressed as the rest, disengaged and wheeled round -to the relief of the broken line,<a id='r257' /><a href='#f257' class='c010'><sup>[257]</sup></a> Cestius and his whole -army would have been in jeopardy. The Roman killed -were five hundred and fifteen (four hundred infantry and -the rest cavalry); the Jews lost but two and twenty.... -When their frontal attack was thus held up, the Jews -retired to the city. But Simon, son of Gioras, fell upon -the rear of the Romans as they withdrew to Beth-Horon, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>and cut up a large part of their rear-guard, carrying off -many of the baggage mules, which he brought with him -into the city. Cestius continuing to hold his ground for -three days, the Jews seized the heights and kept guard -on the passes, clearly not intending to remain inactive, -should the Romans begin to move.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Fruitless Attempt to Parley with the Jews</h4> -<p class='c005'>At this juncture, Agrippa, perceiving that, with the -enemy in such countless numbers in possession of the -surrounding mountains, even a Roman army was in a -perilous position, decided to try the effect of parley with -the Jews. He hoped either to prevail on all to abandon -hostilities, or at least to detach from their opponents -those who did not share the views of the war party. So -he sent the two of his men who were best known to -them, Borcæus<a id='r258' /><a href='#f258' class='c010'><sup>[258]</sup></a> and Phœbus, with an offer of a treaty -on the part of Cestius and of free pardon from the -Romans for their misdoings, on condition that they would -lay down their arms and go over to them. The insurgents, -fearing that the prospect of an amnesty would -induce the whole multitude to go over to Agrippa, made -a murderous assault upon his emissaries. Phœbus they -slew before he had uttered a syllable; Borcæus was -wounded but succeeded in escaping. Such of the -people as indignantly protested at their action they -assailed with stones and clubs and drove into the town.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Cestius Occupies the Suburb Bezetha</h4> -<p class='c005'>Cestius, seeing that these internal dissensions offered -a favourable opportunity for attack, brought up his whole -force, routed the enemy, and pursued them to Jerusalem. -Encamping on the (hill) called Scopus, distant seven -furlongs<a id='r259' /><a href='#f259' class='c010'><sup>[259]</sup></a> from the city, for three days he made no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>attempt upon it, expecting that the inhabitants might -possibly show signs of surrender; in the meantime he -sent out many of his soldiers to the surrounding villages -for foraging purposes. On the fourth day, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>October -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> the thirtieth of -the month Hyperberetæus, he deployed his forces and -led them within<a id='r260' /><a href='#f260' class='c010'><sup>[260]</sup></a> the city.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The people were under the thumb of the revolutionary -party, and the latter, overawed by the orderly discipline of -the Romans, abandoned some of the suburbs and retired -into the inner city and the Temple. Cestius, on gaining -entry, set fire to the district known as Bezetha<a id='r261' /><a href='#f261' class='c010'><sup>[261]</sup></a> and the -New City and the so-called Timber Market; he then -proceeded to the upper city and encamped opposite the -royal palace. Had he, at that particular moment, -chosen to force his way within the walls, he would have -captured the city forthwith, and the war would have -been over. But Tyrannius Priscus, the camp-commander, -with most of the cavalry officers, being bribed -by Florus, diverted him from the attempt. Hence it -came about that the war was so long protracted and the -Jews drained the cup of irretrievable disaster.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Attack on Jerusalem</h4> -<p class='c005'>Meanwhile many of the notable citizens, at the -instance of Ananus, son of Jonathan, sent an invitation -to Cestius, promising to open the gates to him. These -overtures, however, partly in scorn and resentment, -partly because he did not wholly credit them, he hesitated -to accept, until the insurgents, discovering the -treason, dragged down Ananus and his confederates -from the wall and drove them, with showers of stones, -into their houses. Then, taking up their stations in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>detachments, they hurled their missiles from the towers -upon the enemy who were assailing the wall. So for five -days the Romans pressed their attack on all sides without -success, till on the sixth Cestius led a large force of -picked men with the archers to an assault on the north -side of the Temple. The Jews from the portico warded -it off, and time after time repulsed those who had -reached the wall, but at length, overpowered by the hail -of missiles, gave way. The front rank of the Romans -then planted their shields against the wall, those behind -them planted other shields upon the first, and the rest -did in like manner, forming a screen which they call -“the tortoise,”<a id='r262' /><a href='#f262' class='c010'><sup>[262]</sup></a> from which the missiles, as they fell, -glanced off harmlessly, while the soldiers with immunity -undermined the wall and prepared to set fire to the gate -of the Temple.</p> - -<p class='c006'>A terrible panic now seized the insurgents, many of -whom were already slinking out of the city in the belief -that it was on the verge of capture. The populace thereupon -took heart again, and the more the miscreants gave -ground, the nearer did the others approach the gates, -ready to open them and welcome Cestius as a benefactor. -Had he but persisted for a while with the siege, he would -have forthwith taken the city. But I suppose that on -account of those wicked men God, already regarding -even the sanctuary with aversion, ordained that that day -should not see the end of the war.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Unexpected Withdrawal of Cestius, Pursued by the Jews</h4> -<p class='c005'>At any rate, Cestius, perceiving neither the desperate -condition of the besieged nor the temper of the populace, -suddenly recalled his troops, and, without having sustained -any reverse, abandoned his hopes<a id='r263' /><a href='#f263' class='c010'><sup>[263]</sup></a> and, contrary -<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>to all calculation, retired from the city. On this unexpected -retreat, the brigands, plucking up courage, sallied -out upon his rear and killed a considerable number both -of horse and foot.</p> - -<p class='c006'>That night Cestius passed at his camp on (Mount) -Scopus. The following day, continuing his retreat he -provoked the enemy to further pursuit; hanging upon -his heels they cut up his rear, and getting round him on -either side of his route poured their missiles on his flanks. -The rear ranks did not dare to round upon their assailants -behind them, supposing that they were pursued by -an innumerable host; nor did they attempt to beat off -those who were pressing their flanks, being heavily armed -themselves and afraid of opening out their ranks, while -the Jews, as they saw, were light armed and could readily -dash in among them. The result was that they suffered -heavily, without any retaliation upon the enemy. So all -along the route the blows rained upon them and they -kept dropping out of the ranks and falling, until at length, -after numerous casualties, including Priscus, the general -of the sixth legion, and Longinus a tribune,<a id='r264' /><a href='#f264' class='c010'><sup>[264]</sup></a> and Æmilius -Jucundus, a squadron commander, and with the loss of -most of their baggage, with difficulty they reached their -former camp at Gibeon.<a id='r265' /><a href='#f265' class='c010'><sup>[265]</sup></a> Here Cestius halted for two -days, uncertain what course to pursue; but, on the third, -seeing the enemy’s strength greatly increased and all the -surrounding country swarming with Jews, he decided that -the delay had been detrimental to him and, if further -prolonged, would but increase the number of his foes.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Scene in the Pass of Beth-Horon</h4> -<p class='c005'>To accelerate the retreat, he issued orders to abandon -all <i>impedimenta</i>. So the mules, asses and all the beasts -of burthen were killed, excepting those that carried -<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>missiles and engines of war; these they clung to, both -for their own use and especially from fear that they might -fall into Jewish hands and be employed against themselves. -He then led his army on towards Beth-Horon. -In the open their movements were less harassed by the -Jews, but, once the Romans became involved in the -defiles on the descent, one contingent of the enemy went -ahead of them and blocked their exit, another drove the -rearmost down into the ravine, while the main body lined -up in extended order above the gorge and covered the -phalanx with their missiles. Here, powerless as were the -infantry to protect themselves, the cavalry were in even -greater jeopardy. To advance in order down the road -under the hail of darts was impossible, while the charge -up the steep slopes was impracticable for horse. On -either side were precipices and ravines, down which they -slipped and were hurled headlong. None had room for -flight, none had any plan of defence. In their utter -helplessness they gave vent to groans and the wailings of -despair, which were answered by the war-whoop and -shouts of the Jews, exultant and mad with rage. Cestius -and his whole army would have been well-nigh annihilated<a id='r266' /><a href='#f266' class='c010'><sup>[266]</sup></a> -had not night intervened, under cover of which -the Romans escaped to Beth-Horon.<a id='r267' /><a href='#f267' class='c010'><sup>[267]</sup></a> The Jews meanwhile -occupied all the surrounding district and kept -guard against their egress.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Flight of Cestius</h4> -<p class='c005'>Cestius, now despairing of open retreat, took measures -for flight; and, selecting about four hundred of his -bravest men, stationed them upon the roofs, with orders -to shout out the watchwords<a id='r268' /><a href='#f268' class='c010'><sup>[268]</sup></a> of the camp-sentinels, that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>the Jews might think that the whole army was still on the -spot. He himself with the remainder then stealthily -advanced another thirty furlongs. At daybreak the -Jews, discovering that the enemy’s night quarters were -deserted, charged the four hundred who had deluded -them, quickly shot them down with their spears, and -started in pursuit of Cestius.</p> - -<p class='c006'>He had gained much upon them during the night, -and, when day came, quickened the pace still more; the -men in consternation and terror abandoning the siege -engines, catapults and most of the other machines, which -the Jews then captured and afterwards employed against -those who had relinquished them. The Jews continued -the pursuit as far as Antipatris, and then, failing to overtake -the Romans, turned and carried off the machines, -plundered the corpses, collected the booty which had -been left behind, and, with songs of triumph, retraced -their steps to the capital. Their own losses had been -quite inconsiderable; of the Romans and their allies -they had slain five thousand three hundred infantry and -of cavalry four hundred and four score.<a id='r269' /><a href='#f269' class='c010'><sup>[269]</sup></a> This action -took place on the eighth of the month Dius in the twelfth -year of Nero’s reign <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>November -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Cestius Reports to Nero</h4> -<p class='c005'>After this catastrophe of Cestius many distinguished -Jews left the city as swimmers desert a sinking ship. -For example, the brothers Costobar and Saul with Philip, -son of Jacimus, King Agrippa’s camp-commander, -escaped from the city and joined Cestius.... Cestius, -at their request, despatched Saul and his party to Nero -in Achaia, to inform him of their own difficulties and -also to lay the blame for the war on Florus. For he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>hoped by exciting resentment against Florus to lessen -the danger to himself....</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Jewish Preparations for War</h4> -<p class='c005'>The Jews who had pursued Cestius, on their return to -Jerusalem, partly by force, partly by persuasion, brought -over to their side such pro-Romans as still remained; -and, assembling in the Temple, appointed several -generals to conduct the war. Joseph, son of Gorion, -and Ananus the high priest were elected to the supreme -control of affairs in the city, with a special charge to -repair the city walls. As for Eleazar, son of Simon, notwithstanding -that he had in his hands the Roman spoils -with the money taken from Cestius, as well as much of -the public treasure, they did not entrust him with office, -because they saw him to be aiming at despotic power, -and that his subordinate Zealots acted the part of his -bodyguard. Gradually, however, financial needs and -the intrigues of Eleazar so far prevailed upon the people -that they ended by submitting in all matters to his -authority.—<i>B.J.</i> II. 18. 9-20. 3 (499-565).</p> - -<h3 id='sect42' class='c009'>(42) Jerusalem before the Siege</h3> -<p class='c005'>The disturbances in Galilee were thus quelled; <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Spring -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> and, -desisting from civil strife, the Jews directed their attention -to preparations against the Romans. In Jerusalem -Ananus the high priest and those of the leading men who -were not pro-Romans busied themselves with the repair -of the walls and the accumulation of engines of war. In -every quarter of the city missiles and suits of armour -were being forged; masses of young men were undergoing -a desultory training; and the whole scene was one -of confusion. On the other side, the dejection of the -moderate party was profound; and many foresaw and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>openly lamented the impending disasters. There were -also omens, which to the friends of peace boded ill, while -those who had kindled the war readily invented favourable -interpretations for them;<a id='r270' /><a href='#f270' class='c010'><sup>[270]</sup></a> and the city before the -coming of the Romans wore the appearance of a place -doomed to destruction. Ananus, indeed, was anxious -gradually to desist from warlike preparations and to bend -the revolutionaries and the infatuated Zealots, as they -were called, to a more salutary policy; but their violence -was too much for him. The sequel of our narrative -will show the fate which befell him.<a id='r271' /><a href='#f271' class='c010'><sup>[271]</sup></a>—<i>B.J.</i> II. 22. 1 -(647-651).</p> - -<h3 id='sect43' class='c009'>(43) The Fall of Jotapata. Josephus taken Prisoner.</h3> -<h4 class='c015'>Capture of the Town through Information of a Jewish Deserter</h4> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67</div> - -<p class='c006'>The defenders of Jotapata were still holding out and -beyond all expectation enduring their miseries, when on -the forty-seventh day (of the siege) the earthworks of the -Romans overtopped the wall. That same day a deserter -reported to Vespasian the reduced numbers and strength -of the defence, and that, worn out with perpetual watching -and continuous fighting, they would be unable longer -to resist a vigorous assault<a id='r272' /><a href='#f272' class='c010'><sup>[272]</sup></a> and might be taken by -stratagem, if the attempt were made. He stated that -about the last watch (of the night)—an hour when they -expected some respite from their sufferings and when -tired frames succumb most readily to morning slumber—the -sentinels used to drop asleep; that was the hour -when he advised the Romans to attack.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Vespasian, knowing the Jews’ loyalty to each other -and their contempt of chastisement, viewed the deserter -<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>with suspicion. On a former occasion a man of Jotapata -who had been taken prisoner held out under every -variety of torture, and, without uttering a word about -the besieged to his enemies who were trying him by fire, -was crucified, smiling at death. Probability, however, -lent credit to the traitor; and so, thinking that the man -might be speaking the truth and that even a trap, if it -were one, was not likely to lead to any serious reverse, -Vespasian ordered him into custody and made ready his -army for the capture of the city.</p> - -<p class='c006'>At the hour named they advanced in silence to the -walls. The first to mount them was Titus, with one of -the tribunes,<a id='r273' /><a href='#f273' class='c010'><sup>[273]</sup></a> Domitius Sabinus, at the head of a few -men of the fifteenth legion.<a id='r274' /><a href='#f274' class='c010'><sup>[274]</sup></a> Having cut down the -sentries they entered the city in silence, and were followed -by Sextus Calvarius, a tribune, and Placidus with -the troops under their command. The citadel had been -taken and the enemy were moving to and fro in the -heart of the town, before the vanquished inhabitants, -though it was now broad daylight, were aware of the -capture. Most of them, worn out with fatigue, had -fallen fast asleep, while a thick mist, which happened -at the time to envelop the city, obscured the vision of -those who started up. Not until the whole army had -poured in, were they fully roused only to realize their -misery; the discovery that they were being slain was the -first assurance of their capture.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Remembering what they had borne during the siege, -the Romans showed no compassion or pity for any one, -but thrust the people down the steep descent from the -citadel in a general massacre. And here the difficulty -of the ground deprived those still able to fight of the -means of defence. Crushed in the narrow alleys and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>slipping down the declivity, they were overwhelmed by -the wave of war that streamed from the citadel. The -situation drove many even of Josephus’s picked men to -suicide. Perceiving that they could not kill a single -Roman, they at least forestalled death at Roman hands, -and, huddled together at the outskirts of the city, put -an end to themselves....</p> - -<p class='c006'>On that day the Romans slew all who showed themselves; -on the ensuing days they searched the hiding-places -and went in pursuit of such as had fled to the -mines and caverns, sparing none, whatever their age, -save infants and women. The prisoners thus collected -were twelve hundred; the number of those killed at the -time of the capture and in the previous conflicts was -computed at forty thousand. Vespasian ordered the -city to be razed, and burnt all its forts to the ground. -Thus was Jotapata taken in the thirteenth year of the -reign of Nero, on the new moon of Panemus. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>July -<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67<span class='hidev'>|</span></span></p> -<h4 class='c015'>Josephus’s Hiding-place Discovered</h4> -<p class='c005'>A search for Josephus was then instituted by the -Romans, instigated both by their own resentment and -by the earnest wish of their general, since his capture -would constitute a turning-point in the war. So the -bodies of the slain and the men in hiding<a id='r275' /><a href='#f275' class='c010'><sup>[275]</sup></a> were closely -examined. Now Josephus, when the city was on the -point of being taken, had, with the aid of some divine -providence, stolen out of the enemy’s midst and leapt -into a deep pit, giving access on one side to a broad -cavern, invisible to those above. There he found forty -persons of distinction in hiding, with a supply of provisions -sufficient to last for a considerable time. During -the day he lay hid, the enemy occupying every quarter -<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>of the city, but at night he would come up and look for -some loophole for escape and reconnoitre the sentries; -but, finding every spot guarded on his account and no -means of eluding detection, he descended again into the -cave. So for two days he continued in hiding. On -the third, his secret was betrayed by a woman of the -party, who was captured, whereupon Vespasian at once -in eager haste despatched two tribunes,<a id='r276' /><a href='#f276' class='c010'><sup>[276]</sup></a> Paulinus and -Gallicanus, with orders to offer Josephus security<a id='r277' /><a href='#f277' class='c010'><sup>[277]</sup></a> and -to exhort him to come up.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Josephus Parleys with the Roman Officers</h4> -<p class='c005'>So they came and urged him, giving pledges that his -life would not be endangered. Their persuasion, however, -was unavailing. His suspicions were based not on -the natural clemency of those who invited him, but on -the penalties which so active an opponent was likely to -incur; and the presentiment that he was being summoned -to punishment persisted, until Vespasian sent -a third tribune, Nicanor, known to, and formerly an -intimate associate of, Josephus. He, on his arrival, -dwelt on the innate generosity of the Romans to those -whom they had once subdued,<a id='r278' /><a href='#f278' class='c010'><sup>[278]</sup></a> assuring him that his -valour made him an object rather of admiration, than of -hatred, to the commanding officers, and that the general -was anxious to bring him up from his retreat, not for -punishment—that he could inflict though he refused to -come forth—but from a desire to save a brave man. -He added that Vespasian, had he intended to entrap -him, would never have sent a friend as his emissary, -using the noblest of relationships as a cloak for the -basest—friendship as a mask for perfidy; nor would he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>himself have consented to come in order to deceive a -friend.</p> - -<p class='c006'>While Josephus was still hesitating even at Nicanor’s -persuasions, the soldiers in their rage made a rush to -set the cave on fire, but were restrained by the officer,<a id='r279' /><a href='#f279' class='c010'><sup>[279]</sup></a> -who was anxious to take the Jewish leader alive. And -as Nicanor urgently pressed his proposals, Josephus -heard the threats of the hostile crowd; and there came -back into his mind those nightly dreams, in which God -had foretold to him the impending fate of the Jews and -the destinies of the Roman sovereigns. As an interpreter -of dreams he had the capacity of extracting a -coherent meaning from the ambiguous utterances of the -Deity;<a id='r280' /><a href='#f280' class='c010'><sup>[280]</sup></a> a priest himself and of priestly descent, he was, -moreover, not ignorant of the prophecies in the sacred -books. At that hour he was inspired to read their -meaning, and, recalling the dreadful images of his recent -dreams, he offered up a secret prayer to God. “Since -it pleases Thee” (so it ran), “who didst create the -Jewish nation, that it should now sink into the dust, -and fortune has wholly passed to the Romans, and since -Thou hast made choice of my spirit to announce the -things that are to come, I willingly surrender to the -Romans and consent to live; but I appeal to Thee to -witness that I go as no traitor, but as Thy minister.”</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Josephus’s Life Threatened by his Men</h4> -<p class='c005'>With these words he was about to surrender to Nicanor. -But when the Jews who had sought refuge along with -him understood that Josephus was yielding to entreaty, -they came round him in a body, crying out, “Ah! well -might the laws of our fathers groan aloud and God -Himself, who implanted in Jewish breasts souls that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>make light of death, hide His face for shame! Is life -so dear to you, Josephus, that you will endure to see the -light in slavery? How soon have you forgotten yourself! -How many have you persuaded to die for liberty! -False, then, was that reputation for bravery, false that -renown for sagacity, if you look for security from those -against whom you have fought so bitterly or deign to -accept the gift of your life at their hands, even were it -sure. Nay, if the fortune of the Romans has cast over -you some strange forgetfulness of yourself, the care of -our country’s honour devolves on <i>us</i>. We will lend you -a right hand and sword. If you die of your own free -will, you shall die as general of the Jews; if involuntarily, -as a traitor.” With these words they pointed -their swords at him and threatened to kill him if he -surrendered to the Romans.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Josephus, fearing an assault, and holding that it would -be a betrayal of God’s commands, should he die before -delivering his message, began to reason with them philosophically -upon the emergency.<a id='r281' /><a href='#f281' class='c010'><sup>[281]</sup></a>...</p> - -<p class='c012'>There follows a rhetorical speech, which one can hardly believe -that Josephus’s companions would have tolerated, on the iniquity of -suicide. One sentence will suffice.</p> - -<p class='c014'>“Know you not that they who depart this life in the -order of nature and repay the loan which they received -from God, when the Giver is pleased to recover it, enjoy -eternal renown; that their houses and families are secure; -that their souls remain unspotted and attentive to prayer, -being allotted the most holy place in heaven, from -whence, in the revolution of the ages, they again find -a new habitation in saintly bodies;<a id='r282' /><a href='#f282' class='c010'><sup>[282]</sup></a> while the souls of -those who have laid mad hands upon themselves are -<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>received into the darkest region<a id='r283' /><a href='#f283' class='c010'><sup>[283]</sup></a> of the underworld,<a id='r284' /><a href='#f284' class='c010'><sup>[284]</sup></a> -and God, who is their father, visits upon the children -their fathers outrageous actions?”<a id='r285' /><a href='#f285' class='c010'><sup>[285]</sup></a>...</p> - -<p class='c006'>With many such words did Josephus attempt to deter -them from self-slaughter. But desperation stopped their -ears, for they had long since devoted themselves to -death; and, infuriated with him, they rushed upon him -from every side, sword in hand, upbraiding him as a -coward, and one and all manifestly prepared at once -to strike. But he, addressing one by name, fixing his -general’s eye of command upon another, clasping the -hand of a third, and shaming a fourth by entreaty, -distracted as he was by conflicting passions at this -critical moment, yet succeeded in staving off the blades -of all, always turning, like a wild beast surrounded -(by the hunters), upon his last assailant. Even in his -extremities, they still held their general in reverence; -their hands were paralyzed, their daggers glanced aside, -and many, in the act of thrusting at him, of their own -impulse dropped their swords.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>The Drawing of the Lots</h4> -<p class='c005'>But, in his straits, his resource did not forsake him. -Trusting to the guardianship of God, he put his life to -the hazard, and said: “Since you are determined to die, -come, let us commit our mutual slaughter to the lot; let -him who draws the first lot fall by the hand of him who -comes next; so shall fate take her course through the -whole number. But let not each be laid low by his own -hand;<a id='r286' /><a href='#f286' class='c010'><sup>[286]</sup></a> it would be unjust that, when the rest were gone, -any should repent and escape.” This proposal appeared -<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>to them a fair one;<a id='r287' /><a href='#f287' class='c010'><sup>[287]</sup></a> his advice was taken, and he drew -lots with the rest. The winner of the first lot bared his -throat to the next, in the assurance that his general was -forthwith to share his fate; for death with Josephus they -thought sweeter than life. He, however, (should one -say by fortune or by the providence of God?) was left -with one other; and, anxious neither to be condemned -by the lot nor, should he be left to the last, to stain his -hand with the blood of a fellow countryman, he persuaded -him also, on a pledge given, to remain alive.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Josephus before the Romans</h4> -<p class='c005'>Having thus survived both the war with the Romans -and that with his own friends, Josephus was brought by -Nicanor into Vespasian’s presence. The Romans all -flocked to see him, and from the multitude crowding -around the general arose a hubbub of discordant voices: -some exulting at his capture, some threatening, some -forcing their way to obtain a nearer view. Those further -off clamoured for the punishment of the enemy, while -those close beside him were touched by the recollection -of his exploits and filled with astonishment at the change -in his condition. Of the officers there was not one who, -whatever his past resentment, did not then relent at the -sight of him.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Titus in particular was moved exceedingly<a id='r288' /><a href='#f288' class='c010'><sup>[288]</sup></a> by the -fortitude of Josephus under misfortunes and by pity for -his youth. As he recalled the combatant of yesterday -and saw him now a prisoner in his enemy’s hands, he -was led to reflect on the power of fortune, the quick -turn of the scale in war and the instability of human -affairs. He, therefore, brought over many at the time -<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>to share his commiseration of Josephus, and by his -intercession with his father was mainly instrumental in -saving his life. Vespasian, however, ordered him to be -guarded with every precaution, intending shortly to send -him to Nero.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Josephus tells Vespasian’s Fortune</h4> -<p class='c005'>On hearing this, Josephus said that he desired private -speech with him. Vespasian having ordered all to withdraw -except his son Titus and two of his friends, the -prisoner thus addressed him: “You suppose, Vespasian, -that in the person of Josephus you have taken a mere -captive; but I come to you as a messenger of greater -destinies. Had I not been sent on this errand by God, -I knew the law of the Jews and how it becomes a general -to die. To Nero do you send me? Why then? Will -those who succeed Nero before your accession continue?<a id='r289' /><a href='#f289' class='c010'><sup>[289]</sup></a> -You, Vespasian, are Cæsar and Emperor—you and this -your son. Bind me now yet more securely and keep me -for (trial by) yourself. For you, Cæsar, are master not -of me only, but of land and sea and the whole human -race. And I—I deserve to be reserved for punishment -in even stricter custody,<a id='r290' /><a href='#f290' class='c010'><sup>[290]</sup></a> if I dare to trifle with the words -of God.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>To this speech Vespasian, at the moment, seemed to -attach little credit, supposing it to be an ingenious device -of Josephus to save his life. Gradually, however, he -was led to believe it, since God was already turning his -thoughts to the imperial office<a id='r291' /><a href='#f291' class='c010'><sup>[291]</sup></a> and by other tokens -foreshadowing the throne. He found, moreover, that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>Josephus had proved a veracious prophet in other matters. -For, one of the two friends in attendance at the private -interview having expressed his surprise that he had not -predicted the fall of Jotapata to its inhabitants nor his -own captivity, if his present words were not a nonsensical -invention to avert the indignation which he had aroused, -Josephus replied that he had foretold to the people of -Jotapata that their city would be captured after forty-seven -days and that he himself would be taken alive by -the Romans.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Vespasian, having privately questioned the prisoners -on these statements and found them true, then began -to credit those concerning himself. He did not, however, -exempt Josephus from custody or bonds, though he -presented him with raiment and other precious possessions, -and continued to treat him with kindness and -attention, Titus contributing much to these complimentary -honours.—<i>B.J.</i> III. 7. 33-8. 9 (316-408).</p> - -<h3 id='sect44' class='c009'>(44) Reception at Jerusalem of the News of the Fall of Jotapata</h3> -<p class='c005'>When news of the fate of Jotapata reached Jerusalem, -the magnitude of the calamity and the absence of any -eyewitness of the events reported at first induced general -incredulity. For not one had escaped to tell the tale; -Rumour, own sister to Black Tidings,<a id='r292' /><a href='#f292' class='c010'><sup>[292]</sup></a> came as her own -herald of the city’s capture. Little by little, however, -the truth found its way through the adjacent districts, -and the fact was now regarded by all as established -beyond doubt. But the facts were embroidered by -fiction; thus Josephus was reported to have fallen when -the city was taken. This intelligence filled Jerusalem -with the deepest sorrow. In every household and family -<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>there was mourning of the relatives for their own lost -ones; but the lamentation for the commander was -national. Some mourned for their former guests, others -for relatives, others for friends, but all alike for Josephus. -Thus for thirty days the lamentations in the city were -incessant, and many flute-players were hired, who used to -take the lead in their dirges.<a id='r293' /><a href='#f293' class='c010'><sup>[293]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>But when the true story of what had happened at -Jotapata was in time disclosed, and the reported death -of Josephus was found to be a fabrication, and it became -known that he was alive and in Roman hands and being -treated by the commanding officers with a respect beyond -the common lot of a prisoner, the demonstrations of -anger at his escaping alive were as loud as the former -expressions of affection when he was believed to be dead. -Some abused him as a coward, others as a traitor; and -the city was filled with indignation and imprecations upon -his devoted head.</p> - -<p class='c006'>They were exasperated, moreover, by their reverses, -and their failures added fuel to the flames. A defeat, -which with the wise induces precaution and care to -provide against similar misfortunes, but goaded them on -to further disasters; and the end of one calamity was -always the beginning of the next. At any rate, the desire -for vengeance on Josephus, now in the enemy’s ranks, -impelled them to fiercer assaults upon the Romans. Such -was the uproar that now prevailed in Jerusalem.—<i>B.J.</i> -III. 9. 5 f. (432-442).</p> - -<h3 id='sect45' class='c009'>(45) Murder of the High Priest Ananus; also of Zacharias after a mock trial</h3> -<p class='c007'>The Idumæans had been summoned by the Zealots to aid them -against the party of Ananus, and had with difficulty gained entrance -to Jerusalem during a thunderstorm at night. After massacring -<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>their Jewish enemies these “children of Edom in the day of Jerusalem” -subsequently repented of their adventure and withdrew from -the city. For Zacharias see <a href='#appendix-v'>Appendix, Note V</a>.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>Winter <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 67-68</div> - -<p class='c006'>The fury of the Idumæans being still unsatiated, they -turned (from the Temple) to the city, looting every house -and killing all who fell in their way. But, thinking their -energies wasted on the common people, they went in -search of the chief priests. The main body rushed to -attack them, and they were soon caught and slain. Then, -standing over their dead bodies, they scoffed at Ananus -for his patronage of the people and at Jesus for the -address which he had delivered from the wall. They -actually went so far in their impiety as to cast out the -corpses without burial, although the Jews are so careful -about funeral rites that even malefactors who have been -sentenced to crucifixion are taken down and buried before -sunset.<a id='r294' /><a href='#f294' class='c010'><sup>[294]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>I do not think I shall be wrong in saying that the -capture of the city began with the death of Ananus; and -that the overthrow of the walls and the downfall of the -Jewish state dated from the day on which the Jews -beheld their high priest, the captain of their salvation, -butchered in the heart of Jerusalem.</p> - -<p class='c006'>A man in all ways venerable and in integrity unsurpassed, -Ananus, with all the distinction of his birth, his -rank and the honours to which he had attained, yet -delighted to treat the very humblest as his equals. -Unrivalled in his love of liberty and an admirer of -democracy, he on all occasions put the public welfare -above his private interests. To maintain peace was his -supreme object. He knew that the Roman power was -irresistible; but, when driven to provide for a state of -war, endeavoured to secure that, if the Jews would not -break off hostilities, the struggle should at least be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>skilfully conducted. In a word, had Ananus lived, they -would undoubtedly either have come to terms—for he -was an effective speaker, whose words carried weight -with the people, and was already gaining control over -those who thwarted him—or else, had hostilities continued, -they would, under such a general, have greatly -retarded the victory of the Romans.</p> - -<p class='c006'>With him was linked Jesus, who, though not comparable -with Ananus, excelled the rest of his contemporaries.</p> - -<p class='c006'>It was, I suppose, because God had, for its pollutions, -condemned the city to destruction and desired to purge -the sanctuary by fire, that He thus cut off those who clung -to it with such tender affection. So they who but lately -were clad in the sacred vestments, had led the ceremonies -of world-wide significance<a id='r295' /><a href='#f295' class='c010'><sup>[295]</sup></a> and were reverenced -by visitors to the city from every quarter of the earth, -were now seen cast out naked, to be devoured by dogs -and beasts of prey. Virtue herself, I think, groaned -over these men’s fate, lamenting that she should have -been so completely defeated by Vice. Such, then, was -the end of Ananus and Jesus.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Having disposed of them, the Zealots with the mass of -the Idumæans fell upon and butchered the people as -though they had been a herd of unclean animals....</p> -<h4 class='c015'>The Mock Trial and Murder of Zacharias</h4> -<p class='c005'>Having now come to loathe indiscriminate massacre, -the Zealots instituted mock trials and courts of justice. -They had determined to put to death Zacharias, son of -Baris,<a id='r296' /><a href='#f296' class='c010'><sup>[296]</sup></a> one of the most eminent of the citizens. His -pronounced hatred of wrongdoing and love of liberty -<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>exasperated them, and, as he was also rich, they had the -double prospect of plundering his property and of getting -rid of a powerful and dangerous opponent. So they -issued a peremptory summons to seventy of the leading -citizens to appear in the Temple, assigning to them, as -in a play, the <i>rôle</i>, without the authority, of judges; and -accused Zacharias of betraying the state to the Romans -and of holding treasonable communications with Vespasian. -They adduced no evidence or proof in support -of these charges; but declared that they were fully -convinced of his guilt themselves and claimed this as -sufficient guarantee that the accusation was true.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Perceiving that no hope of escape was left him, as he -had been treacherously summoned not to a court of -justice but to prison, Zacharias did not allow despair -of life to rob him of liberty of speech. He rose and -ridiculed the probability of the accusation, and in few -words quashed the charges laid against him. Then, -rounding upon his accusers, he went over all their -enormities in order, and bitterly lamented the confusion -of public affairs. The Zealots were in an uproar and -could scarce refrain from drawing their swords, although -anxious to play out their part in the farce of a trial to the -close, and desirous, moreover, to test whether the judges -would put considerations of justice above their own -peril.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The seventy, preferring to die with the defendant -rather than be held answerable for his destruction, -brought in a unanimous verdict in his favour. The -Zealots raised an outcry at his acquittal, and were all -indignant with the judges for not understanding that the -authority entrusted to them was a mere pretence. Two -of the most daring of them then set upon Zacharias and -slew him in the midst of the Temple; and addressing -him as he lay with jeering words, “There you have our -<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>verdict as well and a surer release,”<a id='r297' /><a href='#f297' class='c010'><sup>[297]</sup></a> forthwith cast him -out of the Temple into the ravine below. Then they -insolently struck the judges with the backs of their -swords and drove them from the precincts; their sole -reason for sparing their lives was that they might disperse -through the city and proclaim to all the servitude -to which they were reduced.—<i>B.J.</i> IV. 5. 2-4 (314-326; -334-344).</p> - -<h3 id='sect46' class='c009'>(46) How Josephus was Liberated</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>Probably Summer <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 69</div> -<p class='c005'>Now that fortune was everywhere furthering his wishes -and that circumstances had in large measure conspired in -his favour, the thought arose in Vespasian’s mind that divine -providence had played a part in his rise to sovereignty -and that some just destiny had laid the empire of the -world upon his shoulders. Among many other omens, -which had everywhere foreshadowed his imperial office, -he recalled the expressions of Josephus, who had ventured -to address him as emperor while Nero was still alive. -He was shocked to think that the man was still a -prisoner in his hands, and summoning Mucianus with -his other generals and personal friends, he first reminded -them of his doughty deeds and how much trouble he -had given them at Jotapata; and then referred to his -predictions, which at the time he himself had suspected of -being the fabrications of fear, but which time and the -course of events had proved to be divine. “It is disgraceful,” -he said, “that one who foretold my elevation -to power and was a minister of the voice of God should -still rank as a captive and endure a prisoner’s fate”; and -calling for Josephus, he ordered him to be liberated.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The officers from this requital of a foreigner were led -to augur brilliant honours for themselves. But Titus, -who was beside his father, said, “Justice demands, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>father, that, with his bonds, the disgrace should also be -removed from Josephus. If, instead of loosing, we sever -his chains, he will be as though he had never been in -bonds at all.” This is the usual custom when a man -has been unjustly chained. Vespasian approving, an -attendant came forward and severed the chain with an -axe. Thus Josephus won his freedom<a id='r298' /><a href='#f298' class='c010'><sup>[298]</sup></a> as the reward of -his divination, and his power of insight into the future -was no longer discredited.—<i>B.J.</i> IV. 10. 7 (622-629).</p> - -<h3 id='sect47' class='c009'>(47) A Roman Reverse Inspires false Confidence</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>May <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 70</div> -<p class='c005'>Thus, after gaining possession of the second wall, were -the Romans ejected. The spirits of the war party in the -city, elated at their success, rose to a high pitch; they -thought that the Romans would never again venture into -the city, or that, if they did, they themselves would -prove invincible. For God was blinding their minds -because of their transgressions; and they perceived -neither how the forces still left to the Romans far out-numbered -those which had been expelled nor the stealthy -approach of famine. It was still possible to feed upon the -public miseries and to drink of the city’s life-blood; but -honest men had long since felt the pinch of want, and -many were already failing for lack of necessaries. The -factions, on the other hand, considered the destruction -of the people to be a relief to themselves; they maintained -that only those should be preserved who were -enemies to peace and determined to devote their lives to -resisting the Romans; the crowds of their opponents -they regarded as a mere encumbrance<a id='r299' /><a href='#f299' class='c010'><sup>[299]</sup></a> and their gradual -extinction a cause for satisfaction. Such were their feelings -towards those within the walls. As for their external -foes, having blocked and walled up the breach with their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>own bodies, they attempted to beat off the Romans who -were once more attempting to break through.</p> - -<p class='c006'>For three days they maintained a stubborn defence -and held their ground; but on the fourth, unable to -withstand a gallant assault of Titus, they were compelled -to fall back as before. Titus, once more master of the -wall, immediately razed the whole of the northern portion; -and, placing garrisons in the towers on the south -side, made preparations to attack the third wall.—<i>B.J.</i> -V. 8. 2 (342-347).</p> - -<h3 id='sect48' class='c009'>(48) Cessation of the Daily Sacrifice. Josephus appeals to the Jews</h3> -<p class='c005'>Titus now ordered the troops at his disposal to raze -the foundations of Antonia<a id='r300' /><a href='#f300' class='c010'><sup>[300]</sup></a> and to prepare an easy -ascent (to the Temple) for his whole army. On the -seventeenth of Panemus, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>July <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 70<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -having heard that on that day -the so-called continual sacrifice<a id='r301' /><a href='#f301' class='c010'><sup>[301]</sup></a> had ceased to be offered -to God from lack of men and that the people were in -consequence terribly despondent, he put Josephus forward -with instructions to repeat to John<a id='r302' /><a href='#f302' class='c010'><sup>[302]</sup></a> the same -message as before; namely “that if he was the slave of -a depraved love of fighting, it was open to him to come -out with as many men as he chose and carry on the war, -without involving the city and the sanctuary in his own -ruin; but that he should no longer pollute the Holy -Place nor sin against God; and that he would be permitted -to perform the interrupted sacrifices through the -ministry of any Jews he might select.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Josephus, in order that his words might be listened to<a id='r303' /><a href='#f303' class='c010'><sup>[303]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>not by John only but by the multitude, delivered Cæsar’s -message in Hebrew,<a id='r304' /><a href='#f304' class='c010'><sup>[304]</sup></a> with earnest appeals to them “to -spare their country, to disperse the flames that were -already licking<a id='r305' /><a href='#f305' class='c010'><sup>[305]</sup></a> the sanctuary and to restore to God the -customary expiations.”<a id='r306' /><a href='#f306' class='c010'><sup>[306]</sup></a> This address was received by -the people with dejection and silence; the tyrant,<a id='r307' /><a href='#f307' class='c010'><sup>[307]</sup></a> on the -contrary, after many invectives and imprecations upon -Josephus, ended by saying that “he could never fear -capture, since the city was God’s.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>At this Josephus cried aloud:—</p> - -<p class='c006'>“Pure indeed have you kept it for God! The Holy -Place too remains undefiled! No impiety are you guilty -of against your looked-for Ally and He receives His -customary sacrifices! Most impious wretch, should any -one deprive you of your daily food, you would consider -him an enemy; and do you hope to have God for your -ally in the war, whom you have bereft of His everlasting -ceremonial? And do you impute these sins to the -Romans, who, to this day, are concerned for our laws -and are trying to force you to restore to God those -sacrifices which <i>you</i> have interrupted? Who would not -bewail and lament for the city at this amazing transposition, -when aliens and enemies rectify your impiety, while -you, a Jew, nurtured in our laws, treat them with -greater cruelty even than your foes?</p> - -<p class='c006'>“Yet, be sure, John, it is no disgrace to repent of -misdeeds, even at the last; and, if you desire to save -your country, you have a noble example set before you -in Jeconiah, king of the Jews. He, when in the old -days the Babylonian led out his army on his account, of -his own free will left the city before it was taken, and -with his family endured voluntary captivity, rather than -deliver up these holy places to the enemy and suffer the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>house of God to be set on fire.<a id='r308' /><a href='#f308' class='c010'><sup>[308]</sup></a> For this he is commemorated -in sacred story by all Jews, and memory, -flowing ever fresh from age to age, transmits his undying -fame to after generations. A noble example, John, even -were it dangerous to follow; but I can warrant you even -pardon from the Romans. Remember, too, that I who -exhort you am your compatriot, that I who make this -promise am a Jew; and it is right that you should consider -who is your counsellor and of what country he -comes. For I pray that I may never live to be so -abject a captive as to abjure my race or to forget the -traditions of my forefathers.</p> - -<p class='c006'>“Once again you are indignant and shout your abuse -at me; and indeed I deserve even harsher treatment for -offering advice in fate’s despite and for struggling to save -those whom God has condemned. Who is ignorant of -the records of the ancient prophets and of that oracle -which threatens this poor city and is now on the eve of -fulfilment? They foretold that it would be taken when -one should begin to slaughter his own countrymen. And -is not the city and the whole Temple too filled with -the corpses of your fellow-citizens? God it is then, God -Himself, who with the Romans is bringing the fire to -purge His Temple and desolation upon a city so laden -with pollutions.”—<i>B.J.</i> VI. 2. 1 (93-110).</p> - -<h3 id='sect49' class='c009'>(49) Conflagration of the Temple</h3> -<p class='c007'>“There shall not be left here one stone upon another which shall -not be thrown down.”</p> - -<p class='c008'>Titus, to protect his forces, had ordered the gates of the outer -court to be set on fire, and from the gates the fire extended to the -porticoes. But, after a council of war, it was decided that the -main fabric—the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies—must be -saved; Titus urging that “if it were burnt, the Romans would be -the losers; if preserved, it would be an ornament of his Empire.” -His attempts to check the spread of the conflagration proved, -however, unavailing.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>August <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 70</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>Throughout that day fatigue and consternation checked -the Jews from attacking; but, on the following day, -about the second hour, with recruited strength and -renewed courage, they sallied out through the eastern -gate and charged the guards of the outer court of the -Temple.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Romans stubbornly met their charge and, forming -a screen in front with their shields, closed up their ranks -like a wall. It was evident, however, that they would -not long be able to hold together, overpowered as they -were by the number and <i>élan</i> of their assailants. Cæsar, -who from the (tower of) Antonia was watching the scene, -anticipating the breaking of the line, came to their -rescue with his picked cavalry. The Jews could not -withstand their onset; the foremost fell and the main -body retreated. Yet whenever the Romans retired the -Jews returned to the attack, only to fall back once more -when the Romans wheeled round; until, about the fifth -hour of the day, the Jews were overpowered and shut up -in the inner court of the Temple.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Titus then withdrew to Antonia, with the determination -on the following day, about dawn, to attack with his -whole force and invest the Temple. But God, it seems, -had long since sentenced that building to the flames; -and now in the revolution of the years had come round -the fated day, the tenth of the month Lous, <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>August<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> on which it -had once before been burnt by the king of Babylon. -Those flames, however, owed their origin and cause to -God’s own people.<a id='r309' /><a href='#f309' class='c010'><sup>[309]</sup></a> For, on the withdrawal of Titus, -the insurgents, after a brief respite, again attacked the -Romans, and an engagement ensued between the (Jewish) -guards of the sanctuary and the (Romans) who were -endeavouring to extinguish the fire in the inner court. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>The latter routed the Jews and pursued them right up -to<a id='r310' /><a href='#f310' class='c010'><sup>[310]</sup></a> the sanctuary.</p> - -<p class='c006'>At this moment, one of the soldiers, without waiting -for orders and with no horror of so dread a deed, but -moved by some supernatural impulse, snatched a brand -from the burning timber<a id='r311' /><a href='#f311' class='c010'><sup>[311]</sup></a> and, hoisted up by one of his -comrades, flung the fiery missile through a golden -window,<a id='r312' /><a href='#f312' class='c010'><sup>[312]</sup></a> which gave access on the north side to the -chambers surrounding the sanctuary. As the flame shot -up, a cry, such as the calamity demanded, arose from the -Jews, who rushed to the rescue, lost to all thought of -self-preservation, all husbanding of strength, now that -the object of all their past vigilance was gone.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>Titus was resting in his tent after the engagement, -when a messenger rushed in with the tidings. Starting -up just as he was, he ran to the Temple to arrest the -conflagration, followed by all his generals, while in -their train came the excited legionaries, with the -clamour and confused noise arising from the movement -in irregular order of so large an army. Cæsar, -both by word of mouth and by a wave of his hand, -signalled to the combatants to extinguish the fire; but -they neither heard his shouts, drowned in the louder -din which filled their ears, nor, distracted as they were -by the fever of battle or rage, did they heed his beckoning -hand. The impetuosity of the legionaries, when -they joined the fray, neither exhortation nor threat -could restrain; passion was for all the one officer in -command. Crushed together about the entrances, -many were trampled down by their companions; while -many, stumbling on the still hot and smouldering -ruins of the porticoes, suffered the same fate as the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>vanquished.<a id='r313' /><a href='#f313' class='c010'><sup>[313]</sup></a> As they came nearer the sanctuary they -pretended not even to hear Cæsar’s orders and shouted -to those in front of them to throw in the firebrands.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The (Jewish) insurgents were now powerless to rescue -(the Temple). On all sides was carnage and flight. -Most of the slain were civilians, a weak and unarmed -mob, each butchered where he was caught. Around -the altar a pile of corpses was accumulating; down -the sanctuary steps flowed a stream of blood; and down -the same decline slid the bodies of the victims killed -above.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>Cæsar, finding himself unable to restrain the impetuosity -of his frenzied soldiers and that the fire was -gaining the mastery, passed with his generals within -the building and beheld the holy place of the sanctuary -and all that it contained—things far exceeding the -reports current among foreigners and not inferior to -their proud reputation among our own nation. As the -flames had nowhere yet penetrated to the interior, but -were consuming the outbuildings of the sanctuary, -Titus, rightly supposing that the structure might still -be preserved, rushed out and endeavoured by personal -appeals to induce the soldiers to quench the fire; at -the same time directing Liberalius, a centurion of his -bodyguard of lancers, to restrain, by resort to clubs, -any who disobeyed orders. But their respect for Cæsar -and their fear of the officer who was endeavouring to -check them were overpowered by their rage, their hatred -of the Jews and the lust of battle, an even mightier -master. Most of them were further stimulated by the -hope of plunder, believing that the interior was full -<span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>of money and actually seeing that all the surroundings -were made of gold.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Moreover, when Cæsar rushed out to restrain the -soldiers, even one of those who had entered with him -baulked his purpose by thrusting a firebrand, in the -darkness,<a id='r314' /><a href='#f314' class='c010'><sup>[314]</sup></a> into the sockets of the gate. At once a -flame shot up from the interior, whereupon Cæsar -and his generals withdrew, and there was none left to -prevent those on the outside from kindling a blaze. -Thus, then, against Cæsar’s wishes, was the sanctuary -set on fire.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>Deeply as one must mourn for the most marvellous -edifice which we have ever seen or heard of, whether -we consider its structure, its magnitude, the richness of -every detail or the reputation of its Holy Places,<a id='r315' /><a href='#f315' class='c010'><sup>[315]</sup></a> yet -may we draw very great consolation from the thought -that there is no escape from Fate, for works of art and -places any more than for living beings. And one may -well marvel at the exactness of the cycle of Destiny; -for, as I said, she waited until the very month and the -very day on which in bygone times the Temple had -been burnt by the Babylonians.—<i>B.J.</i> VI. 4. 4-8 -(244-268).</p> - -<h3 id='sect50' class='c009'>(50) Portents and Oracles<a id='r316' /><a href='#f316' class='c010'><sup>[316]</sup></a></h3> -<p class='c005'>Thus it happened that the wretched people were -deluded at that time by charlatans and pretended -messengers of God;<a id='r317' /><a href='#f317' class='c010'><sup>[317]</sup></a> while they paid no heed to or -discredited the manifest portents that foretold the coming -desolation, but, as if thunderstruck and bereft of -eyes and mind, disregarded God’s plain proclamations -<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>(of disaster). So it was when a star, resembling a sword, -stood over the city, and a comet which continued for -a year. So again when, before the revolt and the outbreak -of war, at the time when the people were assembling -for the Feast of Unleavened Bread, on the eighth -of the month Xanthicus,<a id='r318' /><a href='#f318' class='c010'><sup>[318]</sup></a> at the ninth hour of the -night, so brilliant a light shone round the altar and the -sanctuary that it seemed to be broad daylight; and this -continued for half an hour. By the inexperienced this -was regarded as a good omen, but by the sacred scribes -it was at once interpreted in accordance with after -events.</p> - -<p class='c006'>At that same feast a cow that had been led by some -one<a id='r319' /><a href='#f319' class='c010'><sup>[319]</sup></a> to the sacrifice gave birth to a lamb in the midst -of the Temple. Moreover, the eastern gate of the -inner court, which it took twenty men to close with -difficulty at even—it was of brass and very massive, -and was secured by bars shod with iron, and had bolts -which were sunk to a great depth into a threshold consisting -of a solid block of stone—this gate was observed -at the sixth hour of the night to have opened of its own -accord. The watchmen of the Temple ran and reported -the matter to the captain,<a id='r320' /><a href='#f320' class='c010'><sup>[320]</sup></a> and he came up and with -difficulty succeeded in shutting it. This again to the -uninitiated seemed the best of omens, as they supposed -that God had opened to them the gate of blessings; but -the learned understood that the security of the Temple -was dissolving of its own accord and that the opening -of the gate indicated a present to the enemy, interpreting -the portent in their own minds<a id='r321' /><a href='#f321' class='c010'><sup>[321]</sup></a> as a symbol of -desolation.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Again, not many days after the festival, on the twenty-first -<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>of the month Artemisium,<a id='r322' /><a href='#f322' class='c010'><sup>[322]</sup></a> there appeared a -phenomenon so miraculous as to surpass belief. Indeed, -what I am about to relate might well, I suppose, -be regarded as fictitious, were it not for the narratives -of eyewitnesses and for the subsequent calamities which -deserved to be so signalized. In all parts of the -country before sunset chariots were observed in the -air and armed battalions rushing through the clouds -and closing in round the cities. Also, at the feast -which is called Pentecost, the priests on entering the -inner court of the Temple by night, as their custom -was, for the discharge of their ministrations, reported -that they first became aware of a movement and a resounding -noise and afterwards heard a voice as of a -crowd, “We are departing hence.”<a id='r323' /><a href='#f323' class='c010'><sup>[323]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>But a further portent was even more alarming. Four -years before the war, when the city was enjoying profound -peace and prosperity, there came to the feast at -which it is the custom of all Jews to erect tabernacles -to God,<a id='r324' /><a href='#f324' class='c010'><sup>[324]</sup></a> one Jesus, son of Ananias, a rude peasant, who -suddenly began to cry out in the Temple, “A voice -from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the -four winds; a voice against Jerusalem and the sanctuary, -a voice against bridegrooms and brides, a voice against -all the people.” Day and night he went about all the -alleys with this cry on his lips. Some of the leading -citizens, incensed at the fellow’s ill-omened words, laid -hands on him and severely chastised him. But he, -without uttering a word on his own behalf or for the -private ear of those who smote him, continued his cries -as before. Thereupon, the rulers, supposing, as was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>indeed the case, that the man was under some supernatural -impulse, brought him before the Roman governor, -where, although flayed to the bone with scourges, he -neither begged for mercy nor shed a tear, but, merely -introducing the most mournful of variations into his -ejaculation, responded to each stroke with “Woe to -Jerusalem!” When Albinus, the governor, asked him -who and whence he was and why he uttered these -words, he made no reply whatever to his questions, but -never ceased reiterating his dirge over the city, until -Albinus pronounced him a maniac and let him go.</p> - -<p class='c006'>During all that period up to the outbreak of war he -neither approached nor was seen talking to any of the -citizens, but, as if it were a prayer on which he had -pondered, daily repeated his lament, “Woe to Jerusalem!” -He neither cursed any of those who beat him -day after day nor blessed those who offered him food; -to all that melancholy and ominous refrain was his one -reply. At the festivals his cries were loudest. So for -seven years and five months he continued his wail, his -voice never flagging nor his strength exhausted, until -during the siege, after witnessing the verification of his -presage, he ceased. For, while going his round on the -wall, shouting in piercing tones “Woe once more to -the city and to the people and to the Temple,” as he -added a last word, “And woe to myself also,” a stone -shot from the military engine<a id='r325' /><a href='#f325' class='c010'><sup>[325]</sup></a> struck and killed him -instantaneously. So with those ominous words still on -his lips he passed away.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>If we reflect on these things, we shall find that God -shows care for men, and by all kinds of premonitory -signs indicates to His people the means of salvation, -and that they owe their destruction to folly and calamities -<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>of their own choosing. For example, the Jews, -after the demolition of the (tower of) Antonia, reduced -the Temple to a square, although they had it recorded -in their oracles that the city and the sanctuary would -be taken when the Temple should become four-square. -But what more than all else incited them to the war -was an ambiguous oracle, likewise found in their sacred -writings, to the effect that about that time some one -from their country should become ruler of the world. -This they understood to mean some one of their own -race, and many of their wise men went astray in their -interpretation of it. The oracle, however, in reality -signified the sovereignty of Vespasian, who was proclaimed -Emperor on Jewish soil.</p> - -<p class='c006'>For all that, it is impossible for men to avoid Fate, -even though they foresee it. For some of these portents, -then, the Jews found agreeable meanings, others they -treated with contempt, until the ruin of their country -and their own destruction convicted them of their folly.—<i>B.J.</i> -VI. 5. 3 f. (288-315).</p> - -<h3 id='sect51' class='c009'>(51) The Last Scene. Capture of the Upper City. Jerusalem in Flames</h3> -<p class='c007'>“Tum vero omne mihi visum considere in ignes....”</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>September <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 70</div> - -<p class='c006'>The Romans, now masters of the walls, planted their -standards on the towers, and with clapping of hands and -jubilation raised the song of triumph in honour of their -victory. They had found the end of the war a much -lighter task than the beginning; indeed, they could -hardly believe that they had surmounted the last wall -without bloodshed, and were truly<a id='r326' /><a href='#f326' class='c010'><sup>[326]</sup></a> at a loss on finding -no enemy in sight.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Pouring into the alleys, sword in hand, they massacred -<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>indiscriminately all whom they met and burnt over their -heads the houses of those who had taken refuge within. -Often in the course of their raids, on entering the houses -for loot, they would find whole families of dead bodies -and the rooms filled with the victims of the famine, and -then, shuddering at the sight, would retire empty-handed. -Yet, while they pitied those who had thus perished, they -had no similar feelings for the living, but, running every -one through that fell in their way, they choked the alleys -with corpses and deluged the whole city with blood, -insomuch that the flames of many of the burning buildings -were extinguished by the gory stream. Towards -evening they ceased slaughtering, but when night fell the -fire gained the mastery, and the dawn of the eighth day -of the month Gorpiæus <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>September<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> broke upon Jerusalem in flames; -a city which had suffered such calamities in the siege, -that, had she from her first foundation enjoyed an equal -share of blessings, she would have been thought wholly -enviable; and undeserving, moreover, of these great misfortunes -on all other grounds, save that she produced so -evil a generation as that which caused her overthrow.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>Of all the strong defences of the city those which -chiefly aroused the admiration of Titus, on his entry, -were the towers, which the tyrants, in their infatuation, -had abandoned. Indeed, when he beheld their solid -lofty mass, the magnitude of each block of stone and -the accuracy of the joinings, and saw how great was their -breadth, how vast their height, “We have indeed,” he -exclaimed, “had God on our side in the battle. God it -was who ejected the Jews from these strongholds; for -what power have human hands or engines against these -towers?” He made many similar observations to his -friends on that occasion, and also liberated all who had -been imprisoned by the tyrants and left in the forts. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>And when, at a later period, he demolished the rest of -the city and razed the walls, he left these towers as a -memorial of his attendant fortune, to whose co-operation -he owed his conquest of defences which defied assault.—<i>B.J.</i> -VI. 8. 5-9. 1 (403-413).</p> - -<h3 id='sect52' class='c009'>(52) The Spoils from the Temple in the Triumphal Procession in Rome</h3> -<p class='c007'>The Jewish spoils—the table of shew-bread, incense-cups and -trumpets—as borne in the procession still figure on the Arch of Titus -in Rome; a representation <i>e.g.</i> in Driver’s <i>Exodus</i> (<i>Camb. Bible</i>), -p. 273.</p> - -<p class='c014'>The rest of the spoils borne (in procession) were not -systematically assorted; but conspicuous above all stood -out those captured from the Temple at Jerusalem. -These consisted of a golden table,<a id='r327' /><a href='#f327' class='c010'><sup>[327]</sup></a> many talents in -weight, and a lampstand,<a id='r328' /><a href='#f328' class='c010'><sup>[328]</sup></a> likewise made of gold, constructed -on a different pattern from those which we use -in ordinary life. Affixed to a pedestal was a central -shaft, from which there extended slender branches, -arranged trident-fashion, a wrought lamp being attached -to the extremity of each branch. There were seven of -these lamps, indicating the honour paid to that number -among the Jews. After these, and last of all the spoils, -was carried a copy of the Jewish Law.—<i>B.J.</i> VII. 5. 5 -(148-150).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span> - <h2 id='part08' class='c004'>VIII. THE JEWISH SECTS</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect53' class='c009'>(53) The Three Sects and their Views on Fate and Free-Will</h3> -<p class='c007'>This account occurs in the history of the Maccabæan period. -The saying of R. Aqiba (<i>Pirqe Aboth</i>, III. 24) may be quoted in -illustration of this passage: “Everything is foreseen; and free-will -is given,” where Predestination and Free-will are set side by side, as -if not irreconcilable.</p> - -<p class='c014'>At this time <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><i>c.</i> 145 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -there were three sects of Jews, holding -different opinions about human actions; the first was -called the sect of the Pharisees, the second that of the -Sadducees, and the third that of the Essenes.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Pharisees assert that some, but not all, events are -the work of Fate, and some are under our own control, -to be or not to be. The followers of the Essenes affirm -that Fate is all-powerful, and that nothing befalls men -except in accordance with her decree. The Sadducees -abolish Fate, maintaining that there is no such thing, -that the events of human life are not dependent upon -her, and that all things fall within our own control; so -that it is we who are responsible for our blessings and -bring our misfortunes on ourselves by our own thoughtlessness.—<i>Ant.</i> -XIII. 5. 9 (171-173).</p> -<h3 id='sect54' class='c009'>(54) The Essenes, with a note on Pharisees and Sadducees</h3> -<p class='c005'>Jewish philosophy takes three forms. The followers -of the first school are called Pharisees, of the second -Sadducees, of the third Essenes.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span> - <h4 class='c015'>The Essenes: their Asceticism, Simplicity of Life and Community of Goods</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>A studied gravity<a id='r329' /><a href='#f329' class='c010'><sup>[329]</sup></a> is the distinguishing characteristic -of the Essenes. Of Jewish birth, they show a greater -attachment to each other than do the other sects. They -shun pleasures as a vice and regard temperance and the -control of the passions as a special virtue. Marriage -they disdain, but they adopt other men’s children, while -yet pliable and docile, and regard them as their kin and -mould them in accordance with their own principles. -They do not wholly condemn wedlock and the continuance -thereby of the human race, but guard against -women’s wantonness, being persuaded that none of the -sex keeps her plighted troth to one man.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Riches they despise, and their community of goods is -a wonderful arrangement; you will not find one among -them distinguished by greater opulence than another. -They have a law that new members on admission to the -sect shall confiscate their property to the order, with the -result that you will nowhere see either abject poverty or -inordinate wealth; the individual’s possessions join the -common stock and all the brotherhood enjoy a single -patrimony.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Oil they consider defiling, and any one who accidentally -comes in contact with it scours his person; for they -make a point of keeping a dry skin and of always being -dressed in white.</p> - -<p class='c006'>They elect overseers of the common property,<a id='r330' /><a href='#f330' class='c010'><sup>[330]</sup></a> and all -their officials for various purposes are chosen<a id='r331' /><a href='#f331' class='c010'><sup>[331]</sup></a> by the -whole body.</p> - -<p class='c006'>They occupy no one city; each city has its own settlement. -On the arrival of any of the sect from elsewhere, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>all the resources of the community are put at their disposal, -just as if they were their own; and they enter the -houses of men whom they have never seen before as -though they were their most intimate friends. Consequently, -they carry nothing whatever with them on their -journeys, except arms as a protection against brigands. -In every city of the order there is one expressly appointed -to attend to strangers, who provides them with raiment -and other necessaries.</p> - -<p class='c006'>In their dress and general appearance they resemble -boys who are schooled under a rigorous system.<a id='r332' /><a href='#f332' class='c010'><sup>[332]</sup></a> They -do not change their garments or shoes until they are -torn to shreds or worn threadbare with age.</p> - -<p class='c006'>There is no buying or selling among themselves, but -each gives what he has to any in need and receives from -him in exchange something useful to himself; they are -also freely permitted to accept whatever they choose -without making any return.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Their Prayers to the Sun. The Refectory</h4> -<p class='c005'>In religious matters<a id='r333' /><a href='#f333' class='c010'><sup>[333]</sup></a> their piety is unique. Before the -sun is up they utter no word on mundane matters, but -offer to him certain prayers, which have been handed -down from their forefathers, as though entreating him to -rise. They are then dismissed by the overseers to the -various crafts in which they are severally proficient and -are strenuously occupied until the fifth hour, when they -again assemble in one place and, girding themselves with -linen cloths, so equipped bathe their bodies in cold -water. After this purification, they collect in a private -apartment which none of the uninitiated is permitted to -enter, and so, pure and by themselves, repair to the -Refectory, as to some sacred shrine. When they have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>taken their seats in silence, the baker serves out the -loaves to them in order, and the cook sets before each a -single vessel of one kind of food. Before meat the priest -says a grace, and none may partake until after the prayer. -When breakfast<a id='r334' /><a href='#f334' class='c010'><sup>[334]</sup></a> is ended, he pronounces a further -grace; thus at the beginning and at the close they do -homage to God as the bountiful giver of life.<a id='r335' /><a href='#f335' class='c010'><sup>[335]</sup></a> Then -laying aside their raiment, as holy (vestments), they again -betake themselves to their labours until the evening. On -their return they sup in like manner, and any guests who -may have arrived sit down with them. No clamour or -disturbance ever pollutes their dwelling; conversation -takes place in turn, each man making way for his neighbour. -To persons outside the silence of those within -appears like some awful mystery; it is in fact due to -their continuous sobriety and to the limitation of their -allotted portions of meat and drink to the demands of -nature.</p> - -<p class='c006'>In all other matters they do nothing without orders -from the overseers; two things only are left to individual -discretion, the rendering of assistance and compassion. -Members may of their own motion help the deserving, -when in need,<a id='r336' /><a href='#f336' class='c010'><sup>[336]</sup></a> and proffer food to the destitute; but -presents to relatives are prohibited, without leave from -the managers.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Just in their control<a id='r337' /><a href='#f337' class='c010'><sup>[337]</sup></a> of resentment, they restrain their -wrath; they are champions of<a id='r338' /><a href='#f338' class='c010'><sup>[338]</sup></a> fidelity and very ministers -of peace. Any word of theirs has more force than an -oath; swearing they avoid, regarding it as worse than -perjury, for they say that the thing which<a id='r339' /><a href='#f339' class='c010'><sup>[339]</sup></a> is not believed -without (an appeal to) God stands condemned already.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span> - <h4 class='c015'>Their Studies</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>They display an extraordinary interest in the writings -of the ancients, singling out in particular those which -make for the welfare of soul and body; through these -they make investigations into medicinal roots<a id='r340' /><a href='#f340' class='c010'><sup>[340]</sup></a> and the -properties of stones,<a id='r341' /><a href='#f341' class='c010'><sup>[341]</sup></a> useful in the treatment of diseases.<a id='r342' /><a href='#f342' class='c010'><sup>[342]</sup></a></p> -<h4 class='c015'>Admission to the Order. The Novice’s Probation and Oath</h4> -<p class='c005'>A candidate anxious to join their sect is not immediately -admitted. For one year, during which he remains -outside the fraternity, they prescribe for him their own -rule of life, presenting him with a small hatchet, the forementioned -loin-cloth and white raiment. Having given -proof of his continence during this probationary period, -he is brought into closer touch with the rule and is -allowed to share the purer kind of holy water, but is not -yet received into the life of the community. For, after -this exhibition of endurance, his character is tested for -two years more, and only then, if found worthy, is he -enrolled in the society.</p> - -<p class='c006'>But, before he may touch the common food, he is -made to swear tremendous oaths<a id='r343' /><a href='#f343' class='c010'><sup>[343]</sup></a>:—first that he will -practise piety towards God,<a id='r344' /><a href='#f344' class='c010'><sup>[344]</sup></a> next that he will observe -justice towards men; that he will wrong none whether of -his own mind or under another’s orders; that he will for -ever hate the unjust and fight the battle of the just; that -he will for ever keep faith with all men, especially with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>the powers that be, since no ruler attains his office save -by the will of God;<a id='r345' /><a href='#f345' class='c010'><sup>[345]</sup></a> that, should he himself bear rule, -he will never abuse his authority nor, either in dress or by -other outward marks of superiority, outshine his subjects; -to be ever a lover of truth and to make it his aim to -convict liars; to keep his hands from stealing and his -soul pure from impious gain; to conceal nothing from -the members of the sect and to report none of their -secrets to others, even though threatened with death. -He swears, moreover, not to communicate any of their -doctrines to any one otherwise than as he himself received -them; to abstain from robbery; and in like manner carefully -to preserve the books of their sect and the names of -the angels. Such are the oaths by which they secure -their proselytes.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Expulsion from the Order</h4> -<p class='c005'>Those who are convicted of<a id='r346' /><a href='#f346' class='c010'><sup>[346]</sup></a> serious crimes they expel -from the order; and the ejected individual often comes -to a most miserable end. For, being bound by their -oaths and usages, he is not at liberty to partake of other -men’s food, and so falls to eating grass and wastes away -and dies of starvation. This has led them in compassion -to receive many back in the last stage of exhaustion, -deeming that torments which have brought them to the -verge of death are a sufficient penalty for their misdoings.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Their Law-courts, Reverence for Moses, Sabbatarianism, etc.</h4> -<p class='c005'>They are just and scrupulously careful in their trial of -cases, never passing sentence in a court of less than -a hundred members; the decision thus reached is irrevocable. -After God they hold most in awe the name of -their lawgiver, any blasphemer of whom is punished with -death.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>It is a point of honour with them to obey their elders, -and a majority; for instance, if ten sit together, one will -not speak if the nine desire silence.</p> - -<p class='c006'>They are careful not to spit into the midst of the -company or to the right, and are stricter than all Jews in -abstaining from work on the seventh day; for not only -do they prepare their food on the day before, to avoid -kindling a fire on that one, but they do not venture -to remove any vessel or even to go to stool.</p> - -<p class='c006'>On other days they dig a trench a foot deep with the -<i>skalis</i><a id='r347' /><a href='#f347' class='c010'><sup>[347]</sup></a>—such is the purpose of the hatchet which they -present to new members on admission<a id='r348' /><a href='#f348' class='c010'><sup>[348]</sup></a>—and wrapping -their mantle about them, that they may not offend the -rays of the deity,<a id='r349' /><a href='#f349' class='c010'><sup>[349]</sup></a> sit above it. They then replace the -excavated soil in the trench. For this purpose they -select the more retired spots. And though this secretion -of bodily impurity is a natural function, they make it -a rule to wash themselves after it, as if defiled.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>The Four Grades of Essenes—their Endurance of Persecution</h4> -<p class='c005'>They are divided, according to the duration of their -discipline, into four grades;<a id='r350' /><a href='#f350' class='c010'><sup>[350]</sup></a> and so far are the junior -members inferior to the seniors, that the latter, if but -touched by the former, bathe themselves, as though they -had been polluted by contact with an alien.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>They live to a great age—most of them to upwards of -a century—in consequence, I imagine, of the simplicity -of, and their moderation in, their diet.<a id='r351' /><a href='#f351' class='c010'><sup>[351]</sup></a> They make -light of danger, and conquer pain by their resolute will; -death, if it come with honour, they consider better than -immortality. The war with the Romans tried their souls -through and through by every variety of test. Racked -and twisted, burnt and broken, and made to pass through -every instrument of torture, to induce them to blaspheme -their lawgiver or to eat some forbidden thing, they -refused to yield to either demand, nor ever once did -they cringe to their tormentors or shed a tear. Smiling -in their agonies, and with gentle derision of the ministers -of their tortures, they cheerfully resigned their souls, -confident that they would receive them back again.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Their Belief in the Immortality of the Soul</h4> -<p class='c005'>For it is a fixed belief of theirs that bodies are -corruptible, and the matter of which they are made has -no permanence, but that souls continue for ever immortal. -Emanating from the finest ether, these souls become -entangled, as it were, in the prison-house of the body, to -which they are dragged down by some magical<a id='r352' /><a href='#f352' class='c010'><sup>[352]</sup></a> spell; -but when once they are released from the bonds of the -flesh, then, as though liberated from a long servitude, -they rejoice and are borne aloft. For the good souls—and -here they are of the same mind as the sons of -Greece—they maintain that there is reserved a habitation -beyond the ocean, in a place which is not oppressed by -rain or snow or heat, but is refreshed by the ever-gentle -breath of the west wind coming in from ocean; while to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>the base they allot a murky and tempestuous dungeon, -big with never-ending punishments.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Greeks, I imagine, had the same conception when -they set apart the Islands of the Blessed for their brave -men, whom they call heroes and demigods, and the -Region of the Impious for the souls of the wicked down -in Hades, where, as their mythologists tell, certain -persons are undergoing punishment, such as Sisyphus, -Tantalus, Ixion, and Tityus.<a id='r353' /><a href='#f353' class='c010'><sup>[353]</sup></a> Their aim was first to -establish the premiss that souls are immortal, and -secondly to promote virtue and to deter from vice; for -the good are made better in their lifetime by the hope of -being rewarded even after death, and the impetuous -passions of the wicked are restrained by fear and the -expectation that, even though they escape detection -while alive, they will undergo never-ending punishment -after their decease.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Through these theological views of theirs concerning -the soul the Essenes irresistibly attract all who have -once tasted their philosophy.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Essene Prophets</h4> -<p class='c005'>There are some among them who profess to foretell -the future, being versed from their early years in holy -books, various<a id='r354' /><a href='#f354' class='c010'><sup>[354]</sup></a> forms of purification and apophthegms -of prophets; and seldom, if ever, do they err in their -predictions.<a id='r355' /><a href='#f355' class='c010'><sup>[355]</sup></a></p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span> - <h4 class='c015'>Essene Schismatics who Allow Marriage</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>There is yet another order of Essenes, who, while at -one with the rest in their mode of life, customs and -regulations, differ from them in their views on marriage. -They think that those who decline to marry cut off the -chief function of life—that of transmitting it—and furthermore -that, were all to adopt the same view, the whole -race would very quickly die out. They give their wives, -however, a three years’ probation, and only marry them -after they have thrice undergone purification, in proof of -fecundity. They have no intercourse with them during -pregnancy, thus showing that their motive in marrying is -not self-indulgence but the procreation of children. In -the bath the women wear a dress, the men a loin-cloth. -Such are the usages of this order.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>The Pharisees and Sadducees</h4> -<p class='c005'>Of the two first-named schools, the Pharisees have the -reputation of being the most accurate expositors of the -laws, and owe to this<a id='r356' /><a href='#f356' class='c010'><sup>[356]</sup></a> their position as the leading sect. -They attribute everything to Fate and God; yet they -admit that to act rightly or otherwise rests for the most -part with men, though in each action Fate is an -auxiliary.<a id='r357' /><a href='#f357' class='c010'><sup>[357]</sup></a> Every soul, they maintain, is imperishable, -but the soul of the good alone passes into another body, -while the souls of the wicked suffer eternal punishment.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Sadducees, the second of the orders, do away -with Fate altogether, and remove God beyond, not -merely the commission, but the very sight, of evil. They -maintain that good and evil lie open to men’s choice -and that it rests with every man’s will whether he -embraces the one or the other. As for the permanence -<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>of the soul, penalties in the underworld<a id='r358' /><a href='#f358' class='c010'><sup>[358]</sup></a> and rewards, -they will have none of them.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The Pharisees are affectionate to each other, and -cultivate harmonious relations with the community. The -Sadducees, even to one another, are rather boorish in -their behaviour, and in their intercourse with their -fellows are as harsh as with aliens.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Such is what I have to say on the Jewish philosophical -schools.—<i>B.J.</i> II. 8. 2-14 (119-166).</p> - -<h3 id='sect55' class='c009'>(55) Another Account of the Three Sects—and a Fourth</h3> -<p class='c007'>This account, which follows the story of Quirinius and the revolt -of Judas, § (<a href='#sect24'>24</a>), seems to be taken from the special source on which -Josephus draws largely in the last books of the <i>Antiquities</i>. The -style is difficult, and the text in places uncertain.</p> -<p class='c005'>Among the hereditary institutions of the Jews, dating -from quite ancient times, were the three schools of -philosophy: the school of the Essenes, that of the -Sadducees, and, thirdly, that of the Pharisees so called. -Although I<a id='r359' /><a href='#f359' class='c010'><sup>[359]</sup></a> have spoken about them in the second -book of the <i>Jewish War</i>,<a id='r360' /><a href='#f360' class='c010'><sup>[360]</sup></a> I will briefly touch on them -here.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>The Pharisees</h4> -<p class='c005'>The Pharisees practise simplicity of life, and give way -to no self-indulgence. They take as their guiding motive -certain traditional principles which their school<a id='r361' /><a href='#f361' class='c010'><sup>[361]</sup></a> has -tested and approved, and consider it a matter of the -first importance to observe the doctrines which it has -deliberately dictated. They show respect and deference -to those who have gone before them, nor have they the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>effrontery to dispute any proposition which they have -introduced.<a id='r362' /><a href='#f362' class='c010'><sup>[362]</sup></a> While maintaining that all events are the -work of Fate, they do not deprive man of free-will in his -actions, since (as they hold) it has pleased God that the -decision should rest<a id='r363' /><a href='#f363' class='c010'><sup>[363]</sup></a> both with Fate’s council-chamber -and with the human will whether a man takes the side of -virtue or of vice. They believe that souls have immortal -power, and that beneath the earth punishments and -awards await those who, during life, have made a practice -of vice or virtue: to the former is assigned everlasting -imprisonment, the latter are granted facilities to live -again.<a id='r364' /><a href='#f364' class='c010'><sup>[364]</sup></a> By these doctrines they have gained a very great -influence over the masses, and all religious ceremonies in -the matter of prayers<a id='r365' /><a href='#f365' class='c010'><sup>[365]</sup></a> and the offering of sacrifices are -performed according to their directions. Such high -testimony do the cities bear to their character, regarding -them, both in their manner of life and in their utterances, -as patterns of perfection.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>The Sadducees</h4> -<p class='c005'>The Sadducees hold that the soul perishes with the -body. They make no pretence of observing any rules -whatever except the laws; indeed, they count it meritorious -to dispute with the doctors of their school. -Their tenets have but few adherents; but these are -persons of the highest reputation. They have hardly -any effect on practical life; for whenever any of their -number accept office, they, reluctantly indeed, but of -necessity, become converts to the Pharisaic creed, because -otherwise they would not be tolerated by the masses.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span> - <h4 class='c015'>The Essenes</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>The characteristic of the Essene creed is that all -things are left in God’s hands. They hold that souls -are immortal, and that the rewards<a id='r366' /><a href='#f366' class='c010'><sup>[366]</sup></a> of righteousness are -a prize worth a battle. Although they send dedicatory -offerings to the Temple, their rites of purification when -sacrificing are peculiar; they are consequently excluded -from the precincts of the national shrine<a id='r367' /><a href='#f367' class='c010'><sup>[367]</sup></a> and offer their -sacrifices apart. In other ways they are most estimable -men, whose whole energy is devoted to agriculture. In -this particular they deserve more admiration than all -professedly virtuous persons, because a habit which has -never prevailed, even for a while, in any nation, whether -Greek or barbarian, has been with them a long-established -and uninterrupted custom. Their goods are in common, -and the rich man enjoys no more of his possessions than -he who owns nothing at all; this rule is followed by a -body of men numbering over four thousand. Marriage -and slavery they abjure, the latter as tending to promote -injustice, the former as giving occasion for discord; they -live by themselves and minister to each other’s needs. -They elect good men to act as receivers of their revenues -and of the produce of the soil, and priests as bakers and -cooks. Their manner of life bears the closest resemblance -in all points to that of the Dacian tribe known as the -Polistæ.<a id='r368' /><a href='#f368' class='c010'><sup>[368]</sup></a></p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span> - <h4 class='c015'>The Zealots</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>A fourth school was founded by Judas the Galilæan.<a id='r369' /><a href='#f369' class='c010'><sup>[369]</sup></a> -While they agree in all other respects with the Pharisees, -its disciples have an ineradicable<a id='r370' /><a href='#f370' class='c010'><sup>[370]</sup></a> passion for liberty, -and take God for their only leader and lord. In their -determination to call no man lord, they make light of -enduring death in all manner of forms, and of penalties -inflicted on their kinsmen and friends. Since, however, -most of my readers have witnessed their unflinching -endurance under such tortures, I need not dwell further -upon it. My fear is not that anything which I might say -of them will be thought incredible, but, on the contrary, -that the narrative may fail to do justice to the fortitude -with which they meet the agony of pain. It was the -madness of this party which was the beginning of -the afflictions of our nation, when -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 64-66.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> Gessius Florus, the -governor, by wanton abuse of his authority, drove them -in desperation into revolt from Rome.<a id='r371' /><a href='#f371' class='c010'><sup>[371]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Such are the various schools of Jewish philosophy.—<i>Ant.</i> -XVIII. 1. 2-6 (11-25).</p> - -<h3 id='sect56' class='c009'>(56) Why John Hyrcanus went over from the Pharisees to the Sadducees</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>135-105 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> -<p class='c007'>John Hyrcanus I was the son and successor, in the offices of high -priest and prince, of Simon the Maccabee.</p> - -<p class='c014'>These successes of Hyrcanus, however, aroused the -envy of the Jews. His bitterest enemies were the -Pharisees, one of the Jewish sects, as we have already -stated, whose influence with the populace is such that a -word from them against king or high priest meets with -instant belief.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>Hyrcanus had been their disciple and was greatly -beloved by them. Having on one occasion invited them -to a banquet and hospitably entertained them, and seeing -them in high good humour, he began to say to them -that they knew how anxious he was to live righteously, -and how in all his actions he strove to please God and -them (for the Pharisees are a school of philosophers); -but he besought them, if ever they saw him erring and -deviating from the right way, to bring him back into it -and correct him. His guests declaring that there was -no virtue which he lacked, he was pleased with their -commendation.</p> - -<p class='c006'>But one of them, named Eleazar, an ill-natured man -who delighted in faction, remarked, “As you have asked -us to tell you the truth and desire to be righteous, -renounce the high priesthood and be content to be ruler -of the people.” And when Hyrcanus enquired of him -the reason why he should lay down the office of high -priest, he replied, “Because we are informed by the -elders that your mother was a captive in the reign of -Antiochus Epiphanes.”<a id='r372' /><a href='#f372' class='c010'><sup>[372]</sup></a> The story was false, and Hyrcanus -was exasperated with the man, and all the -Pharisees were greatly indignant.</p> - -<p class='c006'>A certain Jonathan,<a id='r373' /><a href='#f373' class='c010'><sup>[373]</sup></a> however, an intimate friend of -Hyrcanus and a follower of the sect of the Sadducees -(whose doctrines are the reverse of those of the -Pharisees), asserted that Eleazar’s slanderous words had -the unanimous approval of the whole body of Pharisees, -and that this would be manifest if he asked them what -punishment he deserved for what he had said. Hyrcanus, -accordingly, asked the Pharisees what penalty -they thought appropriate, expecting to prove<a id='r374' /><a href='#f374' class='c010'><sup>[374]</sup></a> by the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>measure of the sentence which they pronounced that -the libel had not received their approval. They replied, -“Stripes and imprisonment.” The taunt did not seem -to merit capital punishment; the more so as the Pharisees -are naturally lenient in the matter of penalties. Hyrcanus -was greatly incensed at this answer, supposing that -the man’s abusive language had met with their approbation. -His exasperation was increased in particular by -Jonathan, who so worked upon him as to induce him to -desert the Pharisees and join the Sadducean party; he -also persuaded him to abolish the practices which the -Pharisees had ordained for the people, and to punish -any who observed them. To this cause he and his sons -owed their unpopularity with the multitude.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Of this more hereafter. Here I would merely explain -that the Pharisees had delivered to the people certain -customary practices, handed down by their forefathers -and not recorded in the laws of Moses, and for that -reason rejected by the Sadducees, who maintain that -only what is written (in Scripture) should be held -binding, and that customs based on ancestral traditions -should not be observed. On these matters the two -parties had great debates and differences. The Sadducees -are influential only with the wealthy and have no -following among the populace; the Pharisees have the -masses on their side. But of these two sects and of the -Essenes I have given a precise account in the second book -of my <i>Jewish (War)</i>.<a id='r375' /><a href='#f375' class='c010'><sup>[375]</sup></a>—<i>Ant.</i> XIII. 10. 5 f. (288-298).</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span> - <h3 id='sect57' class='c009'>(57) "Conciliate the Pharisees"—Alexander’s dying advice to Alexandra</h3> -</div> -<p class='c007'>Alexander Jannæus (of the Hasmonæan dynasty; reigned 104-78 -<span class='fss'>B.C.</span>), on his last campaign, lies dying during the siege of Ragaba, -near Gerasa on the east of Jordan.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>78 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>The Queen, seeing him to be near his end and now -past hope of recovery, wept and lamented for her -impending desolation and poured out her grief for -herself and her children. “To whom are you thus -leaving me,” so she spoke to him, “and our children -who need others to help them, knowing as you do the -ill-will which the nation bears you?”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Alexander advised her, if she wished to secure both -the throne and their children, to comply with his -suggestions. She was to conceal his death from the -soldiers until she had taken the town.<a id='r376' /><a href='#f376' class='c010'><sup>[376]</sup></a> She was then to -enter Jerusalem in triumph after her victory and to -concede a measure of authority to the Pharisees; for -they would commend her for the honour paid them and -dispose the nation in her favour. The Pharisees, he -told her, had great influence with the Jews (and could -use it) to the injury of any who hated them, or to the -advantage of those who were on friendly terms with -them; above all they had the confidence of the common -people in any harsh criticism which they might pronounce -on others, even though prompted by mere -malice; the offence which he himself had given to the -nation arose from his insulting the Pharisees. “Do you -accordingly,” he said, “when you reach Jerusalem, send -for such of them as are factious,<a id='r377' /><a href='#f377' class='c010'><sup>[377]</sup></a> display my dead body, -and with absolute sincerity allow them to use me as they -will, whether they prefer to do despite to my corpse by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>refusing it burial in revenge for all they have suffered -from me, or to gratify their anger by any other form of -outrage to it. Promise them, moreover, that you will -take no action in the exercise of your royal authority -without consulting them. If you thus address them, <i>I</i> -shall obtain a more splendid funeral from them than I -should have had from you—for with the power to misuse -my dead body they will lack the will—and <i>you</i> will be -secure in your rule.” With this advice to his wife, he -died, having reigned seven and twenty years and lived -one and fifty.<a id='r378' /><a href='#f378' class='c010'><sup>[378]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Alexandra took the fortress and, in accordance with -her husband’s suggestions, had a colloquy with the -Pharisees, leaving the disposal of the corpse and of the -affairs of the kingdom entirely in their hands, and so -pacified their anger against Alexander and won their -good-will and friendship for herself. The Pharisees then -went and harangued the multitude, rehearsing Alexander’s -achievements, and telling them that they had -lost a righteous king; and by their encomiums elicited -from the people such lamentation and dejection on his -behalf that they gave him a more splendid funeral than -to any of the kings that had been before him.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Alexander left two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, -but he bequeathed the kingdom to Alexandra. Of the -sons, Hyrcanus was a weak administrator and preferred -a quiet life; the younger, Aristobulus, was a man of -action and courage. Their mother was beloved of the -multitude because she appeared to take her husband’s -errors to heart.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Hyrcanus she appointed high priest, because he was -the elder, but still more on account of his temperamental -inaction. She allowed the Pharisees complete freedom, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>and ordered the people to obey their behests. She also -reinstated the customs which the Pharisees had introduced -in accordance with ancestral tradition and her -father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated.<a id='r379' /><a href='#f379' class='c010'><sup>[379]</sup></a> She was thus -nominally Queen, but the real power was in the hands -of the Pharisees.—<i>Ant.</i> XIII. 15. 5-16. 2 (399-409)</p> - -<h3 id='sect58' class='c009'>(58) How the Pharisees rose to Power under Queen Alexandra</h3> -<p class='c007'>A supplement to the final paragraph in the preceding section.</p> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'>78-69 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>Beside Alexandra, and growing as she grew,<a id='r380' /><a href='#f380' class='c010'><sup>[380]</sup></a> arose the -Pharisees, a body of Jews with the reputation of excelling -the rest of their nation in the observances of religion, -and as exact exponents of the laws. To them, being -herself devoutly religious, she listened with too great -deference; while they, gradually taking advantage of an -ingenuous woman, became at length the real administrators -of the state, at liberty to banish and to recall, to -loose and to bind, whom they would. In short, the -enjoyments of royal authority were theirs; its expenses -and burthens fell to Alexandra. She proved, however, -to be a wonderful administrator of large affairs of state, -and, by continual additions to her levies, doubled her -(home) army, besides collecting a considerable body of -foreign troops; so that she not only strengthened her -own nation, but became a formidable foe to foreign -potentates. Thus she ruled the nation, and the Pharisees -ruled her.—<i>B.J.</i> I. 5. 2 (110-112).</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span> - <h3 id='sect59' class='c009'>(59) Herod the Great exempts Pharisees and Essenes from the Oath of Allegiance. The Essene Prophet Menahem</h3> -</div> - -<div class='c000'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> 37 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>Most of Herod’s subjects, either from obsequiousness -or fear, yielded to his demands;<a id='r381' /><a href='#f381' class='c010'><sup>[381]</sup></a> those who showed -a bolder front and took offence at the compulsory -order, he found one means or other of putting out -of the way. He endeavoured to persuade Pollio the -Pharisee and Sameas and most of their disciples to take -the oath with the rest; but they refused, and the respect -in which Pollio was held secured them from sharing the -penalty of the other objectors.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Exemption from this order was further extended to the -Essæans,<a id='r382' /><a href='#f382' class='c010'><sup>[382]</sup></a> as we call one of our sects, who resemble in -their manner of life the Grecian school of Pythagoras. -Elsewhere I shall give a more detailed account of them;<a id='r383' /><a href='#f383' class='c010'><sup>[383]</sup></a> -here the reason may be told why Herod held them in -such honour and esteem as possessed of supernatural -powers. The narrative, while illustrating the high opinion -which this class enjoyed, will not be out of place in an -historical work.</p> - -<p class='c006'>There was a certain Essene named Menahem,<a id='r384' /><a href='#f384' class='c010'><sup>[384]</sup></a> who -was reputed not only to lead a blameless life but to have -been gifted by God with a knowledge of future events. -This man, seeing Herod as a lad on his way to school, -addressed him as king of the Jews. Herod, supposing -that he spoke in ignorance or in jest, reminded him that -he was only a commoner. But Menahem, with a quiet -smile, clapped him on the backside and said, “For all -that, be sure you will be king and will have a prosperous -reign;<a id='r385' /><a href='#f385' class='c010'><sup>[385]</sup></a> for God finds you worthy of it. And remember -<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>the blows you received from Menahem, and let them be -a symbol to you of the changes of fortune. It were best -to reflect on such things, even though you were to be a -lover of righteousness, of piety to God and equity to your -subjects. But I, knowing all, know that such will not be -your character. You will surpass all men in good fortune -and will win undying renown, but will be forgetful -of piety and justice. God, however, will not be unmindful -of these sins and at the close of your life the -wrath which they merit will be remembered against you.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Herod at the time paid little heed to this prediction -of eminence to which his hopes did not aspire; but when -he had by gradual stages risen to the throne and prosperity, -and was at the height of his power, he sent for -Menahem and asked him how long he would reign. -Menahem would not reveal all. He held his peace, but -on being further asked merely whether he would reign as -much as ten years, “Yes,” he replied, “twenty; nay, -thirty,” but fixed no term for the allotted period. With -this answer Herod was content, gave Menahem his hand -and dismissed him, and from that time forward continued -to hold all the Essenes in honour.—<i>Ant.</i> XV. 10. 4 f. -(369-378).</p> - -<h3 id='sect60' class='c009'>(60) The Pharisees refuse to take the Oath of Allegiance (another account).</h3> -<div class='c003'></div> -<div class='sidenote'><i>c.</i> 37 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></div> - -<p class='c006'>Now there was one section of the Jews that prided -themselves on their strict observance of inherited traditions -and professed (to know) the laws<a id='r386' /><a href='#f386' class='c010'><sup>[386]</sup></a> in which the Deity -takes delight.<a id='r387' /><a href='#f387' class='c010'><sup>[387]</sup></a> They had obtained complete control over -<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>the women-folk.<a id='r388' /><a href='#f388' class='c010'><sup>[388]</sup></a> They were called Pharisees, and showed -foresight in resisting an all-powerful monarch<a id='r389' /><a href='#f389' class='c010'><sup>[389]</sup></a> and -temerity in proceeding to open hostility and opposition.</p> - -<p class='c006'>For instance, when the whole Jewish nation took the -oath of allegiance to Cæsar and to the king’s government, -these men, to the number of upwards of six thousand, -refused to swear. The king imposed a money penalty, -whereupon the wife of Pheroras<a id='r390' /><a href='#f390' class='c010'><sup>[390]</sup></a> paid the fine on their -behalf. In requital for this service of hers the Pharisees, -who through divine inspiration were endowed with the -gift of foreknowledge, foretold that God had decreed the -downfall from power of Herod and his family, and the -transfer of the kingdom to her and Pheroras and their -children. These words, coming to the knowledge of -Salome,<a id='r391' /><a href='#f391' class='c010'><sup>[391]</sup></a> were reported to the king, who was further informed -that the Pharisees were corrupting some of his -courtiers. The king thereupon put the principal offenders -among the Pharisees to death together with the eunuch -Bagoas and one Carus, the most famous beauty of his -time and a royal favourite. He also killed all the members -of his household who were implicated in<a id='r392' /><a href='#f392' class='c010'><sup>[392]</sup></a> the Pharisees’<a id='r393' /><a href='#f393' class='c010'><sup>[393]</sup></a> -prediction. Bagoas had been led by them to believe -that he would be called the father and benefactor of the -king whose rise they foretold; that monarch, they said, -would be omnipotent and would enable Bagoas to marry -and beget children of his own.—<i>Ant.</i> XVII. 2. 4 (41-45).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span> - <h2 id='part09' class='c004'>IX. JEWISH THEOLOGY, SCRIPTURES AND CUSTOMS</h2> -</div> -<h3 id='sect61' class='c009'>(61) Some Aspects of Jewish Theology. Moses as Religious Educator</h3> -<h4 class='c015'>Our Polity a Theocracy</h4> -<p class='c005'>There is endless variety in the details of the customs -and laws which prevail in the world at large. [To give -but a summary enumeration:]<a id='r394' /><a href='#f394' class='c010'><sup>[394]</sup></a> some peoples have entrusted -the supreme power of government to monarchies, -others to oligarchies, yet others to the masses. Our -lawgiver, however, was attracted by none of these forms -of polity, but gave to his constitution the form of what—if -a forced expression be permitted—may be termed a -“theocracy,” ascribing the sovereignty and majesty to -God. To Him he persuaded all to look, as the Author -of all blessings, both those which are common to all mankind, -and those which they had won for themselves by -prayer in their utmost adversities. He convinced them -that no single action, no secret thought, could be hid -from Him. He represented Him as One, uncreated<a id='r395' /><a href='#f395' class='c010'><sup>[395]</sup></a> and -immutable to all eternity;<a id='r396' /><a href='#f396' class='c010'><sup>[396]</sup></a> in beauty surpassing all mortal -comeliness, made known to us by His power, although -the nature of His real being<a id='r397' /><a href='#f397' class='c010'><sup>[397]</sup></a> passes knowledge.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span> - <h4 class='c015'>A Religion for the Many, not (like Greek philosophy) for the Few</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>That the wisest of the Greeks learnt to adopt these -conceptions of God from principles with which Moses -supplied them, I am not now concerned to urge; but -they have borne abundant witness to the excellence of -these doctrines, and to their consonance with the nature -and majesty of God. In fact, Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, -Plato, the Stoics who succeeded him, and indeed nearly -all the philosophers appear to have held similar views -concerning the nature of God. These, however, addressed -their philosophy to the few, and did not venture to -divulge the true doctrine<a id='r398' /><a href='#f398' class='c010'><sup>[398]</sup></a> to the masses who were prepossessed -by (other) opinions; whereas our lawgiver, by -making practice square with precept, not only convinced -his own contemporaries, but so firmly implanted this -belief concerning God in their descendants to all future -generations that it cannot be moved. The cause (of his -success) was that he far surpassed (other legislators) in -promoting the good of all men to all time by his scheme -of legislation; for he did not make religion a department -of virtue, but the various virtues—I mean, justice, temperance, -fortitude, and mutual harmony in all things between -the members of the community<a id='r399' /><a href='#f399' class='c010'><sup>[399]</sup></a>—departments of religion. -Religion governs all our actions and studies and -speech; none of these things did our lawgiver leave -unexamined<a id='r400' /><a href='#f400' class='c010'><sup>[400]</sup></a> or indeterminate.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span> - <h4 class='c015'>The Two Methods of Education Combined by Moses</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>All schemes of education and moral training fall into -two categories; instruction is imparted in the one case -by precept, in the other by practical exercising of the -character. All other legislators, following their divergent -opinions, selected the particular method which each preferred -and neglected the other. Thus the Lacedæmonians -and Cretans employed practical, not verbal, training; -whereas the Athenians and nearly all the rest of the -Greeks made laws enjoining what actions might or might -not be performed, but neglected to familiarize the people -with them by putting them into practice.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Our legislator, on the other hand, took great care to -combine both systems. He did not leave practical -training in morals without a written code;<a id='r401' /><a href='#f401' class='c010'><sup>[401]</sup></a> nor did he -permit the letter of the law to remain inoperative. Starting -from the very beginning with the food of which we -partake from infancy and the private life<a id='r402' /><a href='#f402' class='c010'><sup>[402]</sup></a> of the home, -he left nothing, however insignificant, to the discretion -and caprice of the individual. What meats a man should -abstain from, and what he may enjoy; with what persons -he should associate; what period should be devoted -respectively to strenuous labour and to rest;<a id='r403' /><a href='#f403' class='c010'><sup>[403]</sup></a>—for all -this our leader made the law the standard and rule, that -we might live under it as under a father and master<a id='r404' /><a href='#f404' class='c010'><sup>[404]</sup></a> and -be guilty of no sin through wilfulness or ignorance.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>All Jews Know their Law, which is Read Every Week</h4> -<p class='c005'>For ignorance he left no pretext. He proved<a id='r405' /><a href='#f405' class='c010'><sup>[405]</sup></a> the -Law to be the most excellent and necessary form of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>instruction, ordaining, not that it should be heard once -for all or twice or on several occasions, but that every -week men should desert their other occupations and -assemble to listen to the Law and to obtain a thorough -and accurate knowledge of it; a practice which all other -legislators seem to have neglected.<a id='r406' /><a href='#f406' class='c010'><sup>[406]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Indeed, most men, so far from living in accordance -with their own laws, hardly know what they are. Only -when they have done wrong do they learn from others -that they have transgressed the law. Even those of -them who hold the highest and most important offices -admit their ignorance; for they employ professional legal -experts as assessors and leave them in charge of the -administration of affairs. But, should any one of our -nation be questioned about the laws, he would repeat -them all more readily than his own name. The result, -then, of our thorough grounding in the laws from the -time when we first had any sensations whatever, is that -we have them as it were engraven on our souls. A transgressor -is a rarity and to elude punishment by entreaty -an impossibility.—<i>c. Ap.</i> II. 16-18 (164-178).</p> - -<h3 id='sect62' class='c009'>(62) A Future Life—for the Law-abiding</h3> -<p class='c005'>With us the death penalty is imposed for most offences, -for instance, if a man commit adultery.... Even fraud -in such matters as weights or measures, or injustice and -deceit in trade, or purloining another man’s property or -laying hands on what one did not deposit—all such -crimes have punishments attached to them which are -not on the same scale as with other nations, but more -severe. For example, the mere intention of doing wrong -<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>to one’s parents or of impiety against God is followed -by instant death.</p> - -<p class='c006'>For those, on the other hand, who live in accordance with -our laws the prize is not silver or gold, no crown of wild -olive<a id='r407' /><a href='#f407' class='c010'><sup>[407]</sup></a> or of parsley<a id='r408' /><a href='#f408' class='c010'><sup>[408]</sup></a> with any such public proclamation -(as attends those awards). No; each individual, relying -on the witness of his own conscience and the lawgiver’s -prophecy, which is confirmed by the sure testimony of -God, is firmly persuaded that to those who observe the -laws and, if they must needs die for them, willingly meet -death,<a id='r409' /><a href='#f409' class='c010'><sup>[409]</sup></a> God has granted a renewed existence and in the -revolution (of the ages)<a id='r410' /><a href='#f410' class='c010'><sup>[410]</sup></a> the gift of a better life. I -should have hesitated to write thus, had not the facts -made all men aware that many of our countrymen have -on many occasions ere now preferred to brave all manner -of suffering rather than to utter a single word against the -Law.<a id='r411' /><a href='#f411' class='c010'><sup>[411]</sup></a>—<i>c. Ap.</i> II. 30 (215-219).</p> - -<h3 id='sect63' class='c009'>(63) The Jewish Scriptures and their Preservation</h3> -<h4 class='c015'>The Writers and Custodians of the Records</h4> -<p class='c005'>That our forefathers took no less, not to say even -greater, care than the nations I have mentioned<a id='r412' /><a href='#f412' class='c010'><sup>[412]</sup></a> in the -keeping of their records—a task which they assigned to -their chief priests and prophets—and that down to our -own times these records have been, and if I may venture -to say so, will continue to be, preserved with scrupulous -accuracy, I will endeavour briefly to demonstrate.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span> - <h4 class='c015'>Selection of the Custodians. Scrutiny of Priestly Marriages and Genealogies</h4> -</div> -<p class='c005'>Not only did our ancestors in the first instance set -over this business men of the highest character, devoted -to the service of God, but they took precautions to -ensure that the priests’ lineage should be kept unadulterated -and pure. A member of the priestly order must -marry a woman of his own race, without regard to her -wealth or other distinctions; but he must investigate her -pedigree, obtaining the genealogy from the archives<a id='r413' /><a href='#f413' class='c010'><sup>[413]</sup></a> and -producing a number of witnesses. And this practice of -ours is not confined to the home country of Judæa, but -wherever there is a Jewish colony,<a id='r414' /><a href='#f414' class='c010'><sup>[414]</sup></a> there too a strict -account is kept by the priests of their marriages; I -allude to the Jews in Egypt and Babylon and other parts -of the world in which any of the priestly order are living -in dispersion. A statement is drawn up by them and -sent to Jerusalem, showing the names of the bride and -her father and more remote ancestors together with the -names of the witnesses. In the not infrequent event of -war, for instance when our country was invaded by -Antiochus Epiphanes <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>170-168 -<span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span>, by Pompey the Great <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>63 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span>, by Quintilius -Varus <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>4 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><span class='hidev'>|</span></span>, and above all in our own times <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span><span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 66-70.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>, the surviving -priests compile fresh records from the older documents;<a id='r415' /><a href='#f415' class='c010'><sup>[415]</sup></a> -they also pass scrutiny upon the remaining women and -disallow marriage with any who have been taken captive, -suspecting them of having had frequent intercourse with -foreigners. But the most convincing proof of our accuracy -in this matter is that our records contain the names -of our high priests with the succession from father to son -for the last two thousand years. And whoever violates -<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>any of the above rules is forbidden to minister at the -altars or to take any other part in divine worship.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>The Twenty-two Books of Scripture</h4> -<p class='c005'>The task of writing (our national history) is thus one -which cannot be capriciously undertaken by all alike; -and there is no discrepancy in the records. No; the -prophets alone (had this privilege), obtaining their knowledge -of the most remote and ancient history through -the inspiration which they owed to God, and committing -to writing a faithful account of the events of their own -time just as they occurred. From this it naturally, or -rather necessarily, follows that we<a id='r416' /><a href='#f416' class='c010'><sup>[416]</sup></a> do not possess vast -numbers<a id='r417' /><a href='#f417' class='c010'><sup>[417]</sup></a> of inconsistent books, conflicting with each -other. Our books, those to which we justly pin our -faith,<a id='r418' /><a href='#f418' class='c010'><sup>[418]</sup></a> are but two and twenty, and contain the record -of all time.<a id='r419' /><a href='#f419' class='c010'><sup>[419]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Of these, five are the books of Moses, comprising the -laws and the traditional history from the birth of man -down to the death of the lawgiver. This period falls -only a little short of three thousand years. From the -death of Moses to the (death)<a id='r420' /><a href='#f420' class='c010'><sup>[420]</sup></a> of Artaxerxes,<a id='r421' /><a href='#f421' class='c010'><sup>[421]</sup></a> who -succeeded Xerxes as King of Persia, the prophets subsequent -to Moses wrote the history of the events of their -own times in thirteen books. The remaining four books -contain hymns to God and precepts for (the conduct of) -human life.</p> - -<p class='c006'>From Artaxerxes to our own time the complete history -<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>has been written, but has not been deemed worthy of -equal credit with the earlier records, because of the -failure of the exact succession of the prophets.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Jewish Veneration of their Scriptures</h4> -<p class='c005'>We have given practical proof of the spirit in which -we treat<a id='r422' /><a href='#f422' class='c010'><sup>[422]</sup></a> our own Scriptures. For, although such long -ages have now passed, no one has ventured either to -add, or to remove, or to alter a syllable; and it is an -instinct with every Jew, from the day of his birth, to -regard them as the decrees<a id='r423' /><a href='#f423' class='c010'><sup>[423]</sup></a> of God, to abide by them, -and, if need be, cheerfully to die for them. Time and -again ere now the sight has been witnessed of prisoners -enduring tortures and death in every form in the theatres, -rather than utter a single word against the laws and the -allied documents.—<i>c. Ap.</i> I. 6-8 (29-43).</p> - -<h3 id='sect64' class='c009'>(64) Universal Imitation of our Laws the sincerest flattery</h3> -<p class='c005'>Now, since Time is reckoned in all cases the surest -test of worth,<a id='r424' /><a href='#f424' class='c010'><sup>[424]</sup></a> I would call Time to witness to the -excellence of our lawgiver and of the doctrine which he -has delivered to us concerning God. An infinity of -time has passed (since Moses) by comparison with the -ages in which other lawgivers lived; yet it will be found -that throughout the whole of that period not merely -have our laws stood the test of our own use, but they -have to an ever-increasing extent instilled an emulation -of them into the world at large.<a id='r425' /><a href='#f425' class='c010'><sup>[425]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>Our earliest imitators were the Greek philosophers, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>who, though ostensibly observing the laws of their own -countries, yet in their conduct<a id='r426' /><a href='#f426' class='c010'><sup>[426]</sup></a> and philosophy were -Moses’ disciples, holding similar views about God, and -inculcating simplicity of life and participation<a id='r427' /><a href='#f427' class='c010'><sup>[427]</sup></a> between -man and man. But-that is not all. The masses have -long since shown a keen desire to adopt our religious -observances, and there is not one city, Greek [or -barbarian, nor a single nation,]<a id='r428' /><a href='#f428' class='c010'><sup>[428]</sup></a> to which our custom -of abstaining from work on the seventh day has not -spread, and where the fasts and the lighting of lamps -and many of our prohibitions in the matter of food are -not observed. Moreover, they attempt to imitate our -harmonious relations with each other, the charitable -distribution of our possessions, our devoted labour in -the crafts, our endurance under persecution on behalf -of our laws. The greatest miracle of all is that our Law -holds out no seductive bait of sensual pleasure, but has -exercised this influence through its own inherent merits; -and, as God has permeated the universe, so the Law has -found its way among all mankind. Let each man reflect -for himself on his own country and his own household, -and he will not discredit what I say. It follows, then, -that either we must convict the whole world of deliberate -depravity in their eager desire to adopt the bad laws of -a foreign country in preference to the good laws of their -own, or else our accusers must give up their grudge -against us. In honouring our own legislator and putting -our trust in his prophetical utterances concerning God, -we do not make any arrogant claim justifying such odium. -Indeed, were we not ourselves aware of the excellence -of our laws, assuredly<a id='r429' /><a href='#f429' class='c010'><sup>[429]</sup></a> we should have been impelled -<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>to pride ourselves upon them by the multitude of their -admirers.—<i>c. Ap.</i> II. 38 f. (279-286).</p> - -<h3 id='sect65' class='c009'>(65) The Oath “Corban”</h3> -<p class='c007'>Cf. Mark vii. 11.</p> -<p class='c005'>In ancient times various cities were acquainted with -the existence of our nation, and to some of these many -of our customs have now found their way and here and -there been thought worthy of imitation. This is apparent -from a passage in the work of Theophrastus on <i>Laws</i>, -where he says that the laws of the Tyrians prohibit the -use of foreign oaths, in enumerating which he includes -among others the oath called “Corban.” Now this oath -will be found in no other nation except the Jews, and, -translated from the Hebrew, one may interpret it as -meaning “God’s gift.”<a id='r430' /><a href='#f430' class='c010'><sup>[430]</sup></a>—<i>c. Ap.</i> I. 22 (166 f.).</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span> - <h2 id='notes-appendix' class='c004'>APPENDIX OF ADDITIONAL NOTES</h2> -</div> -<h3 class='c009'>I. Note on § (<a href='#sect24'>24</a>). <span class='sc'>Quirinius</span></h3> -<p class='c005'>P. Sulpicius Quirinius, a native of Lanuvium, was -consul in 12 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>; some years later was sent on an -expedition against the Homonadenses, a mountain tribe -in Cilicia, and was awarded a triumph for his successes; -accompanied Gaius Cæsar, grandson of Augustus, to the -East in <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 2 as his tutor; and in <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 6 was appointed -Governor of Syria as legatus of the Emperor, and in that -capacity took over Judæa on the deposition of Archelaus, -and made the valuation of the newly-annexed district -here described by Josephus. Towards the end of his -life he caused some scandal at Rome by the divorce -of his wife Lepida, whom he accused of attempting to -poison him. He remained in favour with Tiberius, who, -on his death about <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 21, secured him a public funeral. -A mutilated inscription found near Tivoli (Tibur) seems -to prove that he was <i>twice</i> governor of Syria. (Tacitus -<i>Ann.</i> III. 48 and 22; Suet. <i>Tib.</i> 49 ; art. in <i>Encycl. Bibl.</i>).</p> - -<p class='c006'>This is not the place to discuss the formidable difficulties -arising from St. Luke’s reference (ii. 1 ff.) to “the -decree from Cæsar Augustus” and “the first enrolment -made when Quirinius was governor of Syria.” These are -set out in full in Schürer’s <i>Jewish People in the time -of Jesus Christ</i>, i. 2, pp. 105-143; on the other side -should be read Sir W. M. Ramsay’s <i>Was Christ born at -Bethlehem?</i> (1898). It has been held that St. Luke is -guilty of an anachronism in making the birth of Christ -<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>contemporary with the well-known enrolment under Quirinius -(Acts v. 37), which took place ten years after the -death of Herod, and that other features in his account, -which lacks external support, render the whole narrative -incredible. Those who argue that the Evangelist is guilty -of such gross error must at least admit that he had not -read the last books of the <i>Antiquities</i> of Josephus (see -<a href='#appendix-iv'>Note IV</a> below). But it is difficult to believe that a -historian generally so careful has erred in this way. Since -Schürer’s indictment was written, Ramsay has adduced -important new evidence from the papyri, proving that in -Egypt from the time of Augustus a periodic census or -“enrolment by household” took place every fourteen -years; he has further given reason for thinking that this -system applied to other provinces and dependencies of -the Roman Empire, and that Judæa under Herod was -not exempt, although a concession was made to local -prejudice in the manner of the enrolment; he concludes -that the “first” enrolment under Quirinius and the birth -of Christ fell in the year 6 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> He has not quite removed -all difficulties. In particular, it seems impossible -to find room within the lifetime of Herod for the first -governorship of Quirinius, unless the ἡγεμονία mentioned -by St. Luke refers to his appointment as a <i>special</i> lieutenant -of Augustus to conduct the war against the Homonadenses, -while Quintilius Varus administered the ordinary -affairs of Syria. But why in that case does St. Luke -connect the census with the military commander Quirinius, -rather than with Varus?</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span> - <h3 id='appendix-ii' class='c009'>II. Note on § (<a href='#sect26'>26</a>). <span class='sc'>The alleged witness to Jesus Christ</span></h3> -</div> -<p class='c007'>Recent literature:—</p> - -<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) For the authenticity of the whole section.</p> - -<p class='c008'>F. C. Burkitt; in <i>Theologisch Tijdschrift</i>, Leiden, 1913, -pp. 135 ff.</p> - -<p class='c008'>A. Harnack in <i>Internat. Monatsschrift für Wissenschaft -und Technik</i>, 1913, pp. 1037 ff. (I have, unfortunately, -been unable to see this, and only know it through Norden’s -rejoinder, which seems conclusive.)</p> - -<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) For partial interpolation.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Th. Reinach in <i>Revue des Études Juives</i>, tom. xxxv, 1897, -pp. 1 ff.</p> - -<p class='c008'>P. Corrsen in <i>Zeitschrift für die N.T. Wissenschaft</i>, 1914, -pp. 114 ff., <i>Die Zeugnisse des Tacitus u. Pseudo-Josephus -über Christus</i> (thinks the interpolation has probably replaced -a genuine statement of Josephus about Christ).</p> - -<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) Against the authenticity of the whole section.</p> - -<p class='c008'>E. Norden in <i>Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum</i>, -vol. xxxi, 1913, pp. 637 ff., <i>Josephus u. Tacitus über -Jesus Christus und eine messianische Prophetie</i>.</p> - -<p class='c008'>E. Schürer, <i>Hist. of Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ</i>, -1898, I. 2, pp. 143 ff. (where the older literature is -quoted).</p> - -<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) For the passages in the Slavonic version of the <i>B.J.</i></p> - -<p class='c008'>A. Berendts in <i>Texte und Untersuchungen</i>, N. F., Bd. XIV, -1906.</p> - -<p class='c014'>In this much debated passage Josephus appears to -speak of Jesus Christ as one of more than mortal nature, -as a wonder-worker and a teacher of men who receive -“the truth” with pleasure, and as gaining many adherents -among Jews and Greeks. Then comes the explicit statement, -“This was the Christ.” The writer proceeds to -mention His crucifixion by Pilate “on the indictment of -our principal men,” His resurrection and appearance to -His followers on the third day, and the survival at the -time of writing of “the tribe” of Christians who took -their name from Him.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The passage largely accounts for the high esteem in -which Josephus was held by Patristic writers. Since the -revival of learning the question of its authenticity has -been the subject of keen controversy. Until recently -<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>few scholars of weight have ventured to maintain that -the paragraph <i>as it stands</i> can have been penned by -the Jewish historian; the point on which opinions have -diverged has been whether the whole is an interpolation -or whether a genuine brief statement of Josephus about -Christ has been expanded and emended by a Christian -hand. In recent years the question has been reopened -in two ways, by the conversion of two authorities of the -first rank to the rejected view and by the discovery of -new materials. Professor Burkitt in this country and -(following him with a little hesitation) Harnack in Germany -have pronounced in favour of the genuineness of -the passage. The existence has also been brought to -light of other passages in the Slavonic version of the -<i>Jewish War</i> relating to John the Baptist, Christ and the -early Christians. The Slavonic matter may be treated -independently; it has no attestation in the Greek MSS, -and, whatever its origin, lacks the authority with which -the present passage comes before us. Harnack has been -answered in a masterly article by one of his own countrymen -(Norden), and, notwithstanding the weight attaching -to the names of its recent supporters, the arguments -against the authenticity of the passage (at least in its -present form) appear overwhelming. The really decisive -factors in the problem must be sought rather in the relevance -of the passage to its context and in the style than -in any subjective considerations as to what Josephus -could or could not have written.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>External evidence</h4> -<p class='c005'>The passage, it is true, stands in all our MSS, but this -tells us little, since the oldest of them (Niese’s P) is not -earlier than the ninth or tenth century. Eusebius quotes -it (<i>H.E.</i> i. 11, cf. <i>Dem. Ev.</i> iii. 3. 105 f.), thus attesting -its existence in the fourth century. On the other hand, -it is practically certain that Origen in the preceding -<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>century did not find it in his text. He knows the -allusions to John the Baptist in the same book of the -<i>Antiquities</i> (§ <a href='#sect29'>29</a>) and to James the Lord’s brother in -the twentieth book (§ <a href='#sect37'>37</a>), but of any mention of Christ -he has no word. Nor are we confined to this <i>argumentum -e silentio</i>; his language makes it impossible to -suppose that he found the statement “This was the -Christ.” “The wonder is,” he writes, “that, though he -(Josephus) <i>did not admit our Jesus to be Christ</i>, he -none the less gave his witness to so much righteousness -in James” (<i>Comm. in Matt.</i> x. 17); and again (writing -on John the Baptist) “although he (Josephus) <i>disbelieved -in Jesus as Christ</i>” (<i>c. Cels.</i> i. 47). The passage about -James as cited by Origen differs, indeed, from the -normal text; according to Origen, Josephus regarded -the destruction of the Temple as a punishment for the -murder. Prof. Burkitt thinks that Origen may have -“mixed up in his commonplace book the account of -Ananus’ murder of James and the remarks of Josephus -on Ananus’ own murder” (§ <a href='#sect45'>45</a>); but it is difficult to -believe, as the Professor appears to suggest, that his -familiarity with the <i>Antiquities</i> was so slight that he -could have missed the statement in XVIII. 63 f. and -written as he did if it stood in his text. The real -importance of Origen’s evidence is that it seems to -supply the date when our passage was interpolated by -a Christian reader, viz. towards the end of the third -century, between the age of Origen and that of Eusebius.</p> -<h4 class='c015'>Internal evidence</h4> -<p class='c005'>(1) <i>Context.</i>—The latest advocates of the authenticity -of the statement have judged it on its merits, apart -from its context, from which it cannot be isolated. As -Norden has convincingly shown, it breaks the thread -of the narrative, the framework of which at this point -consists of a series of “tumults” or “disturbances” -<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>(θόρυβοι). This framework seems to have been taken -over from an older authority, and so mechanically that -disturbances which occurred at different dates are treated -as contemporaneous. We have:—</p> - -<p class='c006'>First θόρυβος (XVIII. 55-59).—Pilate introduces the -Emperor’s busts into Jerusalem and threatens the Jewish -petitioners with death “if they did not desist from -turbulence” (θορυβεῖν 58).</p> - -<p class='c006'>Second θόρυβος (60-62).—Pilate appropriates the Corban -money for building purposes. His soldiers overpower -the insurgents (τοὺς θορυβοῦντας 62), “and so the -sedition (στάσις) was quelled.” (See § <a href='#sect25'>25</a> of the translation -for these two θόρυβοι).</p> - -<p class='c006'>[Here (63-64) comes the passage about Christ.]</p> - -<p class='c006'>Third θόρυβος (65-84).—Two scandalous events at -Rome leading respectively to the crucifixion of the priests -of Isis and to the banishment of the Jews (for the -second of these see § <a href='#sect27'>27</a>). These paragraphs open with -the words “Now about the same time another calamity -disturbed (ἐθορύβει) the Jews.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Fourth θόρυβος (85-87) in Samaria, introduced by the -words “The Samaritan race also was not exempt from -disturbance” (θόρυβος), while the next paragraph begins -“When the disturbance (θορύβου) was put down.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>It will be seen that this scheme is interrupted by the -Christian περικοπή. The opening of 65 connects the -third “disturbance” directly with the second (62). -The mention of Pilate naturally led the interpolator to -insert his statement at this point; but the structure of -the original narrative leaves no room for it.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(2) <i>Style.</i>—Notwithstanding its brevity (it comprises -only three sentences in Niese’s text) the paragraph is -long enough to betray in its language the hand of the -forger. The style is not quite so “neutral” as Harnack -suggests.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Here, again, regard must be had to the immediate -<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>surroundings. The style of Josephus is variable, now -easy and flowing, now extraordinarily difficult. The -testimony to Christ is imbedded in a portion of the -<i>Antiquities</i> (XVII. 1-XIX. 275) which contains some of -the hardest Greek in our author. The language throughout -this group of nearly three books is distinguished by -some well-marked characteristics, <i>e.g.</i> a large use of -periphrastic expressions. The simple verb is replaced -by the combination of the <i>nomen actoris</i> in -τῆς with -καθίστασθαι, γίγνεσθαι, εἶναι or the like (thus κριτὴς εἶ αι -= κρίνειν XIX. 217); μὴ ἀπηλλαγμένος with inf. (<i>ibid.</i> -“not incapable,” “competent”) is a similar mannerism -of constant occurrence in these books and is based on -Thuc. I. 138. Χρῆσθαι is used with extraordinary frequency -in periphrases. Other peculiarities are the use -of the neuter participle with article as an abstract noun -(Thucydidean), of οὐδὲν (μηδὲν) εἰς ἀναβολὰς for “quickly” -(after Thuc. VII. 15), and of ὁπόσος (100 examples in -these books) for ῞ὅσος in other parts of Josephus. The -departure from the author’s normal practice extends to -the spelling; the double σ (of Thucydides) in words like -πράσσειν in these books replaces as a rule the so-called -“Attic” ττ employed elsewhere in the <i>Antiquities</i>. Imitation -of Thucydides, found sporadically in other parts, here -reaches its climax. This practice largely accounts for -the cumbrous phrases and involved periods prevalent in -these books. The style is artificial and imitative and -does not lend itself readily to imitation by another, -The sources of this portion of the work are mainly, if -not entirely, Roman, notably the narrative of the -accession and (at quite disproportionate length) the -death (XIX. I. 275) of Caligula; and I can only account -for the phenomena by supposing that the author here -handed over entirely to one of his literary <i>collaborateurs</i> -or συνεργοί (cp. <i>Ap.</i> I. 50), who had hitherto rendered -<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>only occasional aid, the task of translating his Latin -authorities. On the accession of Claudius, when the -centre of interest shifts from Rome to Palestine, the -normal style is resumed (at XIX. 276).</p> - -<p class='c006'>Now, the mannerisms of <i>Ant.</i> XVII-XIX. 275 recur -with wearisome iteration; it is rare to find a sentence -which does not contain one or more of them. Thus in -the paragraphs immediately preceding the passage about -Christ we find three examples of periphrasis with χρῆσθαι -(58, 60, 62); in the paragraph which follows two examples -of οὐκ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι (65, 68). But the passage -itself contains none of the really distinctive features; -one phrase alone (ἡδονῇ δέχεσθαι) gives us pause. The -following details may be noticed.</p> - -<p class='c012'>“A doer of wonderful works.” In compiling a Greek index to -<i>Ant.</i> XVI.-XX. I have not noticed another instance of παράδοξος.</p> - -<p class='c008'>“Men who receive the truth with pleasure.” “The truth” -(τἀληθῆ). The crasis is in the style of Jos., but the phrase is again -unexampled, at least in this portion. On the other hand, “to -receive with pleasure” (ἡδονῇ δέχεσθαι) recurs in XVIII. 6, 59, -70, 236, 333; XIX. 127, 185 and similar phrases (ἡδονῇ φέρειν, -χαρᾷ φέρειν or δέχεσθαι) elsewhere in this portion of the work. I -account for this, with Norden, by supposing that “the interpolator -knew his author.” He knew him just well enough to employ the -crasis in τἀληθῇ and a phrase which he found twice in the immediate -context (59, 70).</p> - -<p class='c008'>“The Greeks” (τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ). The neut. may be paralleled -by <i>B.J.</i> II. 268, but is not uncommon outside Josephus.</p> - -<p class='c008'>“Our principal men.” Norden notes that, whereas “the first” -or “principal men” (οἱ πρῶτοι) is frequent in <i>Ant.</i> XX. (2, 6, -53, 119, 123, 135, etc.), it never has the personal note (“our”) -attached to it.</p> - -<p class='c008'>“Those who first loved (him).” Ἀγαπᾶν in Jos., never, according -to Norden, has the Christian meaning of “love,” but only its -classical sense of “be content”; an instance occurs in the previous -paragraph (60, cp. 242).</p> - -<p class='c008'>“On the third day.” The phrase (τρίτην ἡμέραν ἔχων) is again -unexampled in Jos.; the N.T. yields the nearest parallel (Lk. xxiv. -21, τρίτην ταύτην ἡμέραν ἄγει).</p> - -<p class='c008'>“Alive again” (πάλιν ζῶν). Jos. writes elsewhere of a future -life ἀναβιοῦν (<i>Ant.</i> XVIII. 14) and γενέσθαι τε πάλιν καὶ βίον -ἀμείνω λαβεῖν (<i>Ap.</i> II. 218); he does not use ζῆν or ζωή in this -connexion.</p> - -<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>“And to this very day” (εἰς ἔτι τε νῦν). The phrase is foreign -to Jos., who commonly writes ἔτι καὶ νῦν, occasionally καὶ μεχρὶ -τοῦ νῦν and the like, never εἰς ἔτι (Norden).</p> - -<p class='c008'>Jos. is scrupulous in avoiding a harsh hiatus—the juxtaposition of -unelided vowels at the end of one word and the beginning of the -next. The interpolator writes τἀληθῆ correctly, but, as Norden -notes, he has in these few lines introduced three glaring examples -of hiatus: Ἑλληνικοῦ ἐπηγάγετο, σταυρῷ ἐπιτετιμηκότος, Πιλάτου -οὐκ.</p> - -<p class='c014'>(3) <i>Contents.</i>—Our decision must rest primarily upon -the arguments already adduced from context and style. -But the whole tone of the passage suggests a Christian -hand. It is the eulogy of a devotee masquerading under -the mantle of the Jewish historian, rather than what we -should expect, the bare chronicle, if not the bitter invective, -of the priestly historian himself. “If one should -call him a man”; “this was the Christ.” Could Josephus -have so written? Even Jerome found this last -phrase incomprehensible on such lips and altered it in -his translation to “<i>credebatur</i> esse Christus” (<i>De vir. ill.</i> -13). Prof. Burkitt ventures to uphold the authenticity even -of these words. The passage, he argues, was penned at -a time when Christianity had not yet become a formidable -foe to Judaism, and was intended as an answer to Jewish -expostulations on the subject of the coming of Messiah. -This is how he paraphrases it: “Yes, the Christ was to -come and indeed did come. That very estimable person -who met with his death some time ago was the Christ. -As in the case of so many other personages in our -divinely chosen nation, there were some wonders and -prodigies told about him. Even now there are some -who revere him. They are good harmless folk like their -master. But they are quite unimportant and no danger -to the State; when you hear of ‘Christ’ it is no future -Hannibal or Spartacus, but a good man who is dead -and gone” (<i>loc. cit.</i> p. 140 f.). The reader must be -left to estimate the value of this interpretation of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>historian’s character and language in the light of the -other evidence.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The theory of <i>partial</i> interpolation, held by those who -reject the obviously Christian phrases but believe that -Josephus made some statement about Christ, is unsatisfactory. -In so far as it is supported by any solid arguments, -it is based partly on the few phrases for which -parallels can be found in his writings, partly on the -assumption that the other mention of “Jesus who was -called Christ” (<i>Ant.</i> XX. 200) implies a fuller statement -elsewhere. But the elimination of all that is suggestive -of Christian origin leaves practically nothing behind. -We may well follow Norden in declining to discuss what -he calls the “transcendental” question whether the interpolation -may have ousted a genuine statement of the -historian about Christ, now lost beyond recovery; merely -adding that the argument that the paragraph interrupts -the sequence of the narrative is an argument for its -spuriousness as a whole.</p> - -<hr class='c011' /> - -<p class='c006'>In connexion with the passage in <i>Ant.</i>, the very curious -additional matter in the Slavonic version of the <i>Jewish -War</i> (edited with a German translation by Berendts, -<i>v. supra</i>) must be briefly mentioned.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Of the eight passages the first three relate to the -Baptist. (1) A description of “the savage” (<i>Wilder</i>) -and his baptism, of his being brought before Archelaus -and how Simon the Essene disputed with him; (2) his -interpretation of a dream of Herod Philip; (3) his rebuke -of Herod (Antipas) for marrying Herodias his -brother Philip’s wife <i>after</i> the latter’s death (“for thou -dost not raise up seed to thy brother, but gratifyest thy -fleshly lusts and committest adultery, since he has left -four children”), and his abstinence, even from unleavened -bread at the Passover season. Then follows (4) a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>description of Christ, beginning in the same way as our -passage, “At that time there arose a man, if it is right -to call him a man,” but with much greater detail: his -miracles wrought by a mere word (this is twice repeated); -the current belief that he was “the first lawgiver risen -from the dead”; his resort to the Mount of Olives; his -150 disciples (<i>Knechten</i>); and how Pilate, whose dying -wife he had healed, released him upon the first hearing, -but was subsequently induced by a bribe of thirty talents -from the Jews (a curious distortion of the Gospel story!) -to deliver him to them for crucifixion. No. (5) tells -of the persecution and dispersion of the early Christians, -who were drawn from the lower classes, shoemakers and -labourers; (6) of an additional inscription round the -outer wall of the Holy Place (cp. <i>B.J.</i> V. 5. 2 [193 f.]), -“Jesus did not reign as King; he was crucified by the -Jews because he announced the destruction of the city -and the desolation of the Temple”; (7) of the rending -of the veil of the Temple and current views upon -Christ’s resurrection, “Some report that he rose from -the dead, others that he was stolen by his friends. I -know not which are right ...”; (8) of the oracle concerning -the world-ruler who was to come from Judæa -(see § 50 in the translations), “Some understood that it -referred to Herod, others to the crucified wonder-worker -Jesus, others to Vespasian.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>The actual MSS containing these extraordinary passages -are not earlier than the fifteenth century; the -translation can be dated back to the thirteenth century -at latest. The earlier history of the additions is lost in -obscurity; they have left no trace in the extant Greek -MSS. Berendts boldly maintains their authenticity, believing -them to be fragments of the original Aramaic -edition of the <i>Jewish War</i> written for Syrian readers -(§ 38), which were eliminated when the later Greek -<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>version, addressed to a wider and more critical circle, -was produced. This daring theory has met with little -support; but the origin of the passages remains a mystery, -no final solution of which is possible pending the publication -of a complete text from the Russian MSS. The -remarkable facts about them are their <i>Jewish</i> appearance, -their independence (in part) of the Gospel narrative and -the impression which they make of being derived from -oral tradition. Parallels to a few of the statements (the -bribery of Pilate, the healing “by a word”) occur in the -Christian apocryphal <i>Epistle of Tiberius to Pilate</i> (ed. -M. R. James in <i>Texts and Studies</i>, vol. V. p. 78, 1899); -compare also the apocryphal <i>Acts of Pilate</i> (Tischendorf, -<i>Evangelia Apocrypha</i>, Leipzig, 1853, p. 292), where -Joseph of Arimathæa, addressing the body of Christ, -uses the words “if it be right to call thee a man,” -recalling the phrase common to the fourth Slavonic -passage and the “testimony” in the <i>Antiquities</i>.</p> -<h3 id='appendix-iii' class='c009'>III. Note on § (<a href='#sect29'>29</a>). <span class='sc'>The First Husband of Herodias</span></h3> -<p class='c005'>Josephus calls the injured husband simply Herod. The -first two Gospels give him the name Philip (“Herodias -his brother Philip’s wife,” Matt. xiv. 3, Mark vi. 17). -The name stands in all the MSS in Mark; in Matthew -it is omitted by the “Western text” (cod. D and Latin -versions); in Luke (iii. 19) it is absent from all the -best MSS and in those which insert it is undoubtedly -an interpolation from the other Gospels. It is clear -from Josephus that the first husband of Herodias was -not Philip the Tetrarch, but his half-brother who paid -the penalty for his mother’s complicity in a plot by -having his name removed from Herod’s will, and lived -as a private individual, apparently in Jerusalem (cf. <i>B.J.</i> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>I. 30. 7 [600]). Either then Herod the Great had two -sons named Philip (1) by Mariamne II (daughter of -Simon the High Priest), the husband of Herodias, and -(2) by Cleopatra, Philip the Tetrarch, who married -Salome the daughter of Herodias; or, more probably, -the name Philip in the first two Gospels is a primitive -error, due to confusion between the husband and the -son-in-law of Herodias. That two sons should have -borne the name Philip is improbable; no argument can -be drawn from the appropriation of the dynastic or -family name Herod by more than one member of the -family. The omission of the name Philip by St. Luke, -who shows special acquaintance with the Herodian -court, is very significant. The confusion with Philip -the Tetrarch appears elsewhere, notably in the eccentric -account of the Baptist’s denunciation of the second -marriage of Herodias in the Slavonic version of the -<i>Jewish War</i> (<a href='#appendix-ii'>Note II</a> above).</p> -<h3 id='appendix-iv' class='c009'>IV. Note on § (<a href='#sect35'>35</a>). <span class='sc'>Theudas and Judas</span></h3> -<p class='c005'>This passage has been often quoted as convincing -proof that St. Luke had read the <i>Antiquities</i> of Josephus, -or at least the twentieth book. On this view the date -of the <i>Acts</i> must be brought down to the close of the -first century. The Evangelist is at the same time accused -of the grossest carelessness.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Gamaliel in his speech in the Sanhedrin adduces two -instances of insurrectionary movements which came to -nought in the chronological order: (1) Theudas, (2) -Judas of Galilee (Acts v. 36 f.).</p> - -<p class='c006'>The date when Gamaliel is represented as speaking -must have been some time in the early “thirties.” The -revolt of Theudas, according to Josephus, occurred in -the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus (about 44-46 <span class='fss'>A.D.</span>), -<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>at least ten years later. The revolt of Judas in “the -days of the enrolment” was in 6 <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> Thus the events -appear to have been transposed in the speech and one of -them to have been still in the womb of the future!</p> - -<p class='c006'>The error, if it is one, is commonly explained as due -to a cursory reading and inaccurate recollection on the -part of the Evangelist of the passage in the <i>Antiquities</i> -which alludes to the fate first of Theudas and then of -the <i>sons</i> of Judas under the procuratorship of Tiberius -Alexander (about 46-48 <span class='fss'>A.D.</span>), the latter notice leading -to a brief mention of their father. This view has been -supported by Burkitt (<i>Gospel History and its transmission</i>, -pp. 106 ff.), Krenkel (<i>Josephus and Lucas</i>), Schmiedel -(art. in <i>Encycl. Bibl.</i>) and many German commentators. -It has been rejected, among others, by Schürer, Blass, -Harnack (<i>Date of the Acts and the Synoptic Gospels</i>, -p. 115), Stanton (<i>Gospels as Historical Documents</i>, pt. -II, p. 272), and most recently by Prof. C. C. Torrey -(<i>Composition and date of Acts</i>, Cambridge, Harvard -University Press, 1916). Cf. also an art. on “St. Luke -and Josephus,” by the Rev. J. W. Hunkin, in the <i>Church -Quarterly Review</i> for April 1919, pp. 89-108.</p> - -<p class='c006'>It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that there has -been error on the part of some one responsible for -putting the speech into the mouth of Gamaliel. The -attempts which have been made to remove the apparent -anachronism are unconvincing. Either an earlier unknown -Theudas is postulated (but one would expect the -person named by Gamaliel along with the notorious -Judas to have been of sufficient importance to be -mentioned by Josephus); or the mistake as to the date -of Theudas is shifted to Josephus; or the name Theudas -is regarded as a Christian interpolation in the <i>Antiquities</i> -(Blass).</p> - -<p class='c006'>But that the passage in <i>Acts</i> is to be explained by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>a casual perusal of Josephus by St. Luke is highly -improbable for the following reasons:—</p> - -<p class='c006'>(1) St. Luke gives the number of the followers of -Theudas as “about four hundred”; Josephus writes -“most of the common people.” Clearly St. Luke had -access to some source other than Josephus.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(2) The carelessness attributed to St. Luke in the -supposed use of Josephus is not what we should expect -from the professions of the writer of the prologue to -the third Gospel and from the handling of his sources -in the earlier work.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(3) If there has been error, it is older than St. Luke -and goes back to his authority. Torrey in the above-mentioned -work seems to have proved conclusively that -Acts i-xv is based on an Aramaic source, to which St. -Luke was “singularly faithful.” “He disliked to alter, -even slightly, the document in his hands, even where -he believed its statements to be mistaken, and where -he found himself obliged to contradict them” (p. 40). -On the alleged use of Josephus in Acts v., after referring -to the horror which must have been aroused in Judæa by -the crucifixion of the <i>sons</i> of the insurgent Judas, he -adds: “Any history dealing with this period would have -been pretty certain to mention Theudas and Judas at this -point, and in this order, although the revolt under Judas -really happened much earlier. From some history of -the kind, in which the facts were not clearly stated, -the author of Luke’s Aramaic source obtained his wrong -impression of the order of events” (p. 71).</p> -<h3 id='appendix-v' class='c009'>V. Note on § (<a href='#sect45'>45</a>). <span class='sc'>The Blood of Zacharias</span></h3> -<p class='c005'>This incident is of interest to the N.T. student -because of the suggestion, made long ago and recently -revived by Wellhausen, to identify the Zacharias of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>Josephus with the “Zachariah son of Barachiah” of -Matt. xxiii. 35. “Son of Barachiah” is a well-known -<i>crux</i> in that passage, but, <i>pace</i> Wellhausen, there is little -or no doubt that our Lord there referred to the murder -of Zechariah son of Jehoiada described in 2 Chron. -xxiv. 19 ff.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The theory of Wellhausen and others evades the -difficulty of an apparent confusion in Matthew between -the pre-exilic prophet and the prophet of the Restoration, -but introduces far greater difficulties. The text of -Josephus just fails to supply the desired evidence. The -name of the father of the Zacharias of Josephus <i>resembles</i>, -but, it will be observed, only resembles, the Βαραχίας -of the N.T. There is a variety of readings, but -Βαρίσκαιος (LMmg) has the appearance of being what -Josephus wrote or at least the nearest approximation in -the MSS to the original name. Βάρεις of most MSS is a -corruption of this. The reading “Baruch” (the nearest -approach to “Barachias”) is doubtless a correction; -it occurs only in cod. C which in other instances replaces -an unfamiliar by a Biblical name (Niese, vol. VI, -p. xxxix), and as an alternative to “Bariscæus” in -cod. M.</p> - -<p class='c006'>Again, it may be urged in support of this theory that -the two murders mentioned in Matthew are cited as the -first and last of a series, and that as that of Abel was -the first recorded in Biblical history, so that of Zachariah -ben Bariscæus was the last outstanding murder of a -Jew by his own countrymen before the Fall of Jerusalem, -which is the culminating event in the mind of the Speaker -in Matt. xxiii. The contemporaneous murder of Ananus -is regarded by Josephus as the beginning of the end.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The obvious difficulty of this identification is that -in the mouth of our Lord the words must be prophetical, -whereas the past tense is used in both reports -<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>of the words (“whom ye <i>slew</i>,” Matt., “who <i>perished</i>,” -Luke xi. 51).</p> - -<p class='c006'>The passage in Matthew and the parallel passage in -Luke are both derived from an older source, an early collection -of the Sayings of Jesus (commonly called “Q”); -and behind that again apparently lies a still older source, -an apocryphal Wisdom book from which Christ is -quoting (“Therefore also said the Wisdom of God,” -Luke xi. 49). Luke does not insert the words “son -of Barachiah,” and it is therefore doubtful whether they -stood in Q; Harnack (<i>Sayings of Jesus</i>, p. 104) concludes -that they did not. But that they belong to the -original text of the first Gospel and are not a later -interpolation there seems no reason to doubt. If the -error originated with the Evangelist himself, we may -compare the rather similar confusion (“Jeremiah” for -“Zechariah”) in Matt. xxvii. 9; if, as seems more -probable, he has taken it over from Jewish tradition, -it is natural to find such influence in this particular -Gospel.</p> - -<p class='c006'>The three persons bearing the name of Zacharias who -come primarily<a id='r431' /><a href='#f431' class='c010'><sup>[431]</sup></a> into the question are:—</p> - -<p class='c006'>(1) Z. ben Jehoiada, murdered in the first Temple -(2 Chron. xxiv.).</p> - -<p class='c006'>(2) Z. ben Berechiah ben Iddo, the prophet of the -Restoration (Zech. i. 1).</p> - -<p class='c006'>(3) Z. ben Bariscæus, murdered in Herod’s Temple -(Josephus).</p> - -<p class='c006'>There is every reason for identifying the Zacharias -referred to by our Lord with the first of these, whether -we look at the original text of Chronicles or at the -Jewish Haggadah which grew up round it.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(i) With the words of Christ, or of the personified -<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>Wisdom in the work from which He quotes, “I send -unto you prophets” (Luke “I will send unto them -prophets”) compare 2 Chron. xxiv. 19, “Yet he sent -prophets to them to bring them again unto the <span class='sc'>Lord</span>.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>(ii) With St. Luke’s twice repeated “may (shall) be -required of this generation” (xi. 50 f.) cp. the dying -words of Zechariah, “The <span class='sc'>Lord</span> look upon it and -require it,” as also Abel’s blood “crying from the -ground” (Gen. iv. 10).</p> - -<p class='c006'>(iii) Turning to Jewish tradition, we find that legend -has been active in connexion with the murder in the -Temple of a pre-exilic Zachariah who can be no other -than the son of Jehoiada. And it is noteworthy that -the two points dwelt on are just those which appear in -the N.T. passage, viz. (<i>a</i>) the exact spot in the Temple -where the murder occurred (cp. the precise localisation -“between the sanctuary and the altar”) and (<i>b</i>) the -crying out of the blood from the ground for vengeance, -like that of Abel, and the terrible expiation required to -still it. “R. Johanan said,” we read,<a id='r432' /><a href='#f432' class='c010'><sup>[432]</sup></a> “‘Eighty thousand -of the flower of the priesthood were slain on account of -the blood of Zachariah.’ R. Judan asked R. Aha ‘Where -did they kill Zachariah? In the Court of the Women or -in the Court of Israel?’ He answered, ‘Neither in the -Court of the Women nor in the Court of Israel, but in -the Court of the Priests.’” The legend goes on to tell -how the murder was rendered more heinous by being -committed on a sabbath and that the Day of Atonement, -and how Nebuzaradan when he entered the -Temple saw the prophet’s blood welling up from the -floor, and of the holocaust of priests which hardly availed -to quench the stream.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>(iv) Furthermore, there is evidence to show that the -Rabbis, like the author of the first Gospel, confused or, -disregarding chronology, identified the pre-exilic victim -with Zechariah the prophet of the Restoration. The -Targum on Lam. ii. 20 (“Shall the priest and the -prophet be slain in the sanctuary of the Lord?”) runs, -“Is it also fit that they should slay a priest and prophet -in the Temple of the Lord, as ye slew Zacharias <i>the son -of Iddo</i> ... in the house of the Sanctuary, on the day -of Expiation?” (Lightfoot <i>l. c.</i>). The Midrash (tr. -Wünsche) interprets the same passage of Lam. of -Zechariah son of Jehoiada.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(v) What is the intended series or line of which -Zechariah is the last representative? Abel is naturally -the first, but, chronologically, Z. ben Jehoiada was not -the last prophet whose murder is recorded in the O.T.; -Uriah (Jer. xxvi. 20 ff.) was later. The usual explanation -that his murder stands last in the arrangement of the -Hebrew Bible with Chronicles at the end is unsatisfactory; -the books of the O.T. still circulated separately -in the first century of our era. Moore’s answer is “It is -not because the death of Z. was the last crime of the -kind in Jewish history that it is named in the Gospel, -but because it was in popular legend the typical example -of the sacrilegious murder of a righteous man, a prophet -of God, and of the appalling expiation God exacted for -it.” But the identification of the victim with the prophet -of the Restoration suggests another answer. Zechariah -ben Berechiah <i>did</i> in fact stand chronologically at the -end of the prophets; as Josephus writes (§ <a href='#sect63'>63</a>), the -succession failed after Artaxerxes (<i>i. e.</i> Ahasuerus). The -context in Matthew relates to the <i>ancient</i> prophets; the -later generation that built the prophets’ tombs is set over -against that of the forefathers who murdered them. That -the final instance of such murder should be drawn from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>recent (to say nothing of future) history would be inappropriate. -The son of Bariscæus was no prophet or priest -and “as a layman would have no business in the part of -the court between the temple and the altar” (Moore).</p> - -<p class='c006'>For the opposite view see Wellhausen <i>Einleitung in -die drei ersten Evangelien</i>, ed. 2 (1911), pp. 118 ff. His main -points are that Chronicles was a learned, not a popular, -book and not likely to have been known to or quoted by -Christ (but Christ is apparently quoting at second hand -from one of those apocryphal books which were essentially -popular), and that the rabbinical legend is in its origin -unconnected with the story in Chronicles and really an -echo (<i>Nachklang</i>) of the episode in Josephus, the -destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans having here, as -elsewhere, been confused with the earlier destruction by -the Babylonians.</p> - -<h3 id='appendix-vi' class='c009'>VI. Note on § (<a href='#sect50'>50</a>). <span class='sc'>Portents and Oracles</span></h3> -<p class='c005'>With this passage should be compared the following -allusions in Roman writers:—</p> - -<p class='c006'>Tacitus <i>Hist.</i> V. 13. “Portents had occurred; but that -nation, at once a prey to superstition and an enemy of -religious rites, regards it wrong to avert such omens by -sacrifices or votive offerings. There were visions of -armies joining battle in the heavens with armour glowing -red,<a id='r433' /><a href='#f433' class='c010'><sup>[433]</sup></a> and the Temple in an instant was all lit up with -fire from the clouds. The doors of the sanctuary opened -of a sudden and there was heard a voice of superhuman -strength saying that the gods were departing, and at the -same moment a mighty commotion of departing beings. -Yet few saw a fearful meaning in these things. Many -were firmly persuaded that their ancient priestly lore -contained a prediction that at that very time the East -<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>was to wax strong and persons proceeding from Judæa -were to become masters of the world. This enigmatic -utterance had foretold of Vespasian and Titus, but the -common people, with the usual ambition of humanity, -read it as predicting this high destiny for themselves, -and even disaster failed to bring home to them its true -meaning.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>Suet. <i>Vesp.</i> 4. “An ancient and rooted belief had -spread throughout the whole of the East that persons -proceeding from Judæa were destined at that time to -become masters of the world. The prophecy, as after -events proved, had reference to the Roman Emperor, -but the Jews appropriated it to themselves and plunged -into revolt.”</p> - -<p class='c006'>For interesting discussions on Josephus and Tacitus -and the (Messianic) prophecy the reader is referred to -the articles by Norden and Corrsen mentioned at the -head of <a href='#appendix-ii'>Note II</a>.</p> - -<h3 id='appendix-vii' class='c009'>VII. Note on § (<a href='#sect63'>63</a>). <span class='sc'>The Twenty-two Books of Scripture</span></h3> -<p class='c005'>This passage is important in connexion with the history -of the O.T. canon. The language of Josephus implies -that the canon had long since been closed, the test of -canonicity being antiquity. Nothing written later than -Artaxerxes (<i>i. e.</i> Ahasuerus) has full credentials. The -mention of Artaxerxes must refer to the book of Esther, -which Josephus thus regards as the latest addition to the -collection. The statement differs in some respects from -what is believed to be the oldest Palestinian tradition, -but there is no reason to doubt that the unnamed 22 -books are other than those comprised in the modern -Hebrew Bible.</p> - -<p class='c006'>(1) The <i>number 22</i> as the total of the books of Scripture -<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>is here met with for the first time, but reappears as the -dominant reckoning in early Eastern Church writers -(Melito, Origen, etc.), who connect it with the 22 letters -of the Hebrew alphabet. As these writers were in touch -with Palestinian tradition and Melito expressly states -that he derived his information from the East (ap. Eus. -<i>H.E.</i> IV. 26), it seems that this reckoning had the -support of at least one section of the synagogue. The -normal tradition, however, made the total 24, a number -which first appears in a work almost contemporary with -the <i>Contra Apionem</i>, 2 Esdras (or the Apocalypse of -Ezra) xiv. 45 (Oriental text). The smaller number was -reached by treating Ruth and Lamentations as supplements -respectively to Judges and Jeremiah. The -arrangement in 24 books possibly arose in Babylonia.<a id='r434' /><a href='#f434' class='c010'><sup>[434]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c006'>It is uncertain which of these two reckonings is the -older, but in favour of the priority of the number 24 it -may be said that (i) the equation with the number of -Hebrew letters is artificial and therefore likely to be late, -although as Josephus does not allude to this it may be -an after refinement; (ii) it is easier to understand the -subsequent attachment of Ruth and Lamentations to -prophetical books with which their contents or supposed -authorship connected them than how, having once gained -admission among the Prophets, they could afterwards be -relegated to the lower category of “Writings,” in which -they now stand.</p> - -<p class='c006'>A third and later arrangement names 27 books, a -number arrived at by dividing the double books, while -the parallelism with the Hebrew alphabet is retained by -reckoning separately the “final” forms of those letters -which possessed them. Jerome in his preface to the -Books of Samuel and Kings shows acquaintance with -all three systems.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>(2) Josephus presents a <i>tripartite arrangement</i> (5 + 13 -+ 4 books), but not the normal one (5 + 8 + 11: Law, -Prophets, Writings). His third group is reduced to 4 -by the transference to the “Prophets” of a number of -books commonly included in the “Writings.” The -normal arrangement, which reflects the stages in the -formation of the canon and places, <i>e. g.</i>, Daniel in the -third group because of the late date at which it gained -admission, is clearly the more ancient. Josephus as a -Greek historian writing for Greek readers neglects this -and follows the example of the translators of the Greek -Bible in grouping all the historical and prophetical -books together. A close parallel to his third class -(“hymns to God and practical precepts for men”) may -be found in the description of the sacred books of the -Therapeutæ in Egypt in the <i>De Vita Contemplativa</i> -ascribed to Philo, “Laws and oracles delivered by -prophets and <i>hymns and the other (works) by which knowledge -and piety are promoted and perfected</i>” (ed. Conybeare -p. 61).</p> - -<p class='c006'>(3) The <i>constituent books</i> doubtless here, as with the -Christian writers who name 22 as the total and enumerate -the books (cp. Origen in Eus. <i>H.E.</i> VI. 25), coincide -with the normal Hebrew canon. Dr. Ryle (<i>Canon of -O.T.</i> p. 165 f.) concludes that the 13 books of the -Prophets are probably (1) Joshua, (2) Judges + Ruth, (3) -Sam., (4) Kings, (5) Chron., (6) Ezra + Nehemiah, (7) -Esther, (8) Job, (9) Isaiah, (10) Jeremiah + Lamentations -(11) Ezekiel, (12) Minor Prophets, (13) Daniel; while -the group of four will comprise (1) Psalms with (2) Song -of Songs, constituting the “hymns,” and (3) Proverbs -with (4) Ecclesiastes, the “practical precepts.” The view -of Grätz that Josephus omitted Ecclesiastes and the Song -of Songs, as not having yet been admitted to the canon, -has not met with acceptance.</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>(4) The canon here laid down has not governed the -historian’s practice. He does not scruple to draw upon -apocryphal books like 1 Maccabees, nor does he hint -that the authorities used in the latter part of the -<i>Antiquities</i>, for the period subsequent to “Artaxerxes,” -are less trustworthy than the rest; he implies, on the -contrary, that the whole work is in accordance with -“the holy books” (cp. <i>Ant.</i> I. 17; XX. 261).</p> - -<p class='c006'>The reader may consult in particular the works on the -<i>Canon of the O.T.</i> by Ryle (pp. 160-66) and Buhl and -the article “Bible Canon” in the <i>Jewish Encylopædia</i>.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span> - <h2 id='dates-table' class='c004'>TABLE OF DATES</h2> -</div> -<p class='c005'>The figures in brackets refer to the numbered translations.</p> -<table class='table0' summary=''> -<colgroup> -<col width='13%' /> -<col width='51%' /> -<col width='34%' /> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <th class='c016'><span class='fss'>B.C.</span></th> - <th class='c017'><span class='sc'>Judæa and Syria.</span></th> - <th class='c018'><span class='sc'>Rome.</span></th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'> </td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>135</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>John Hyrcanus I</span> (<a href='#sect56'>56</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>104</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Aristobulus I</span></td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>103</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Alexander Jannæus</span> (<a href='#sect57'>57</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>76</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Queen Alexandra</span> (<a href='#sect57'>57</a>) (<a href='#sect57'>58</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>67</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Aristobulus II</span></td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>63</td> - <td class='c017'>Pompey takes Jerusalem and Syria becomes a Roman province (<a href='#sect08'>8</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>63-40</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Hyrcanus II</span> a Roman vassal</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><i>c.</i> 57</td> - <td class='c017'>Gabinius divides Palestine into five districts (<a href='#sect09'>9</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>48</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'>Battle of Pharsalia. Defeat of Pompey by J. Cæsar</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>47</td> - <td class='c017'>Palestinian settlement under J. Cæsar (<a href='#sect10'>10</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><i>c.</i> 46</td> - <td class='c017'>Antipater and Herod in power.</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'> </td> - <td class='c017'>Trial of Herod (<a href='#sect12'>12</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>44</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'>Death of J. Cæsar</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><i>c.</i> 43</td> - <td class='c017'>Cassius in Syria. Herod made governor of Cœle-Syria (<a href='#sect13'>13</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>42</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'>Battle of Philippi. Defeat of Brutus and Cassius by Antony and Octavian</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>41</td> - <td class='c017'>Antony appoints Herod and Phasæl tetrarchs of Judæa (<a href='#sect14'>14</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>40</td> - <td class='c017'>Invasion of Palestine by the Parthians. Flight of Herod to Rome (<a href='#sect15'>15</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>40-37</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Antigonus</span></td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>37</td> - <td class='c017'>Jerusalem captured by Herod and Sosius.</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>37-4</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Herod the Great</span></td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>31</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'>Battle of Actium. Defeat of Antony by <span class='sc'>Augustus</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>30</td> - <td class='c017'>Herod’s kingdom confirmed by Augustus (<a href='#sect16'>16</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>29</td> - <td class='c017'>Execution of Mariamne (<a href='#sect17'>17</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>23</td> - <td class='c017'>Trachonitis etc. added to Herod’s kingdom (<a href='#sect18'>18</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><i>c.</i> 7</td> - <td class='c017'>Execution of Alexander and Aristobulus (<a href='#sect20'>20</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>4</td> - <td class='c017'>Death of Herod. His kingdom divided between <span class='sc'>Archelaus</span> (<span class='fss'>B.C.</span> 4-<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 6), <span class='sc'>Philip</span> (<span class='fss'>B.C.</span> 4-<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 34) (<a href='#sect22'>22</a>) and Antipas (<span class='fss'>B.C.</span> 4-<span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 39)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><span class='fss'>A.D.</span></td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>6</td> - <td class='c017'>Judaæa annexed to the province of Syria under procurators (<a href='#sect23'>23</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>6/7</td> - <td class='c017'>Census of Quirinius and revolt of Judas (<a href='#sect24'>24</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>14</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Tiberius</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>26-36</td> - <td class='c017'>Pontius Pilate procurator (<a href='#sect25'>25</a>) (<a href='#sect28'>28</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>37</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Herod Agrippa I.</span> (<a href='#sect30'>30</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Caligula</span> (<a href='#sect31'>31</a>)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>41</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Claudius</span> (<a href='#sect32'>32</a>)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>44</td> - <td class='c017'>Death of Herod Agrippa I. (<a href='#sect33'>33</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'> </td> - <td class='c017'>Famine in Judæa (<a href='#sect34'>34</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><i>c.</i> 46</td> - <td class='c017'>Crucifixion of sons of Judas (<a href='#sect35'>35</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>50-100</td> - <td class='c017'><span class='sc'>Herod Agrippa II.</span> (<a href='#sect03'>3</a>) (<a href='#sect36'>36</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>54</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Nero</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'> </td> - <td class='c017'>Procurators—</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>52-60</td> - <td class='c017'>Felix (<a href='#sect36'>36</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>60-62</td> - <td class='c017'>Festus (<a href='#sect39'>39</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>62-64</td> - <td class='c017'>Albinus (<a href='#sect39'>39</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>64-66</td> - <td class='c017'>Gessius Florus (<a href='#sect39'>39</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>66</td> - <td class='c017'>Outbreak of war with Rome</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'> </td> - <td class='c017'>Cessation of daily offering for the Emperor (<a href='#sect40'>40</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'><span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>66 Oct.</td> - <td class='c017'>Defeat of Cestius Gallus near Beth-Horon (<a href='#sect41'>41</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'> </td> - <td class='c017'>Josephus in command of Galilee</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>67 spring</td> - <td class='c017'>Advance of Vespasian from Antioch</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>July</td> - <td class='c017'>Capture of Jotapata (<a href='#sect43'>43</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>67-68 winter</td> - <td class='c017'>Civil war in Jerusalem (<a href='#sect45'>45</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>68 June</td> - <td class='c017'>Campaign interrupted through</td> - <td class='c018'>death of Nero</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>68-69</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Galba</span>, <span class='sc'>Otho</span>, <span class='sc'>Vitellius</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>69 July</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Vespasian</span> proclaimed Emperor</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>70 April</td> - <td class='c017'>Titus lays siege to Jerusalem</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>July</td> - <td class='c017'>Cessation of Temple sacrifices (<a href='#sect48'>48</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>Aug.</td> - <td class='c017'>Capture and burning of Temple (<a href='#sect49'>49</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>Sept.</td> - <td class='c017'>Capture of the whole city (<a href='#sect51'>51</a>)</td> - <td class='c018'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>79</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Titus</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c016'>81-96</td> - <td class='c017'> </td> - <td class='c018'><span class='sc'>Domitian</span></td> - </tr> -</table> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span> - <h2 id='index' class='c004'>INDEX</h2> -</div> -<ul class='index c003'> - <li class='c019'>Abel, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Abella, Abila, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Actium, battle of, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Acts</i>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Ader = Ben-hadad, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Adiabene, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Agrippa, M., <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> f., <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Felix and Drusilla, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Herod Agrippa. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-herod'>Herod</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ahab, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Albinus, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> f., <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Alexander the Alabarch, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— brother-in-law of Herod, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Jannæus, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Herod, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-alexander-tiberius'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>——, Tiberius, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Alexandra, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Alexandria, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Alexandrium, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Alexas, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Aliturus, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Alphabet, the Hebrew, and the books of Scripture, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Amathus, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ananias, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— high priest, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ananus I, high priest, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— II, high priest, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— III, high priest, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> f., <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> f., <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Jonathan, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Anaxagoras, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Antigonus, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Antioch, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Antiochus, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Epiphanes, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Antipas, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Antipater, father of Herod, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a> ff, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Herod, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— nephew of Herod, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Antipatris, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Anti-Semitism, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Antonia, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Tower of, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Antony, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> f., <a href='#Page_55'>55</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'><i>Apion, Against</i>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Aqiba R., <a href='#Page_148'>148</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Aqueduct, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Arabia, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Arabians, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Aramaic original of <i>B. J.</i>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— speech in, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Archelaus, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a> ff., <a href='#Page_140'>140</a> n., <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Arethusa, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Aristeas, Letter of</i>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Aristobulus II, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a> f., <a href='#Page_165'>165</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Herod, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— brother of Herod Agrippa I, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Artaxerxes = Ahasuerus, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Artemisium, month of, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ascalon, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Asphaltitis, Asphaltophorus (= Dead Sea), <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Athenian laws, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Athens, plague of, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Atomos, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Atratinus, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Augustus (Octavius, Cæsar), <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> f., <a href='#Page_55'>55</a> f., <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> f., <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Auranitis, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Autocratoris (= Sepphoris), <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Azizus, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Azotus, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Babylonians, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>; - <ul> - <li>Babylonian and Roman destruction of Jerusalem confused, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Bagoas, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Bannus, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Baptism, John’s, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Barachiah, Berechiah, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Baris, Bariscæus, Baruch, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c003'>Batanæa, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Berendts, A., <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Berenice, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Berytus, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Betharamphtha, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Beth-Horon, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Bethsaida, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Bezetha, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Blass, F., <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Books (the) Sacred, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Borcæus, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Brigands, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> f., <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Burial, Jewish care for, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Burkitt, F. C., <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Cæsar, Julius, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li> - <li class='c019'>——, Sextus, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cæsarea (Strato’s Tower), <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> f., <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Philippi, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-caligula'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>Caligula (= Gaius), <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> f., <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>-7, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Callirrhoe, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Calvarius, Sextus, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Calvinus, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Candlestick, seven-branched, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Captain of Temple. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-temple'>Temple</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Carus, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cassius, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Catapult, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Caudine Forks, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Census, periodic in Egypt, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cerealius, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cestius Gallus, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a> f., <a href='#Page_110'>110</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Chalcis, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Christians and Christianity, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> f., <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'><i>Chronicles</i>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> (as last book in the Heb. Bible)</li> - <li class='c019'>Circumcision, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> f., <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li> - <li class='c019'>“Civil List” of Vespasian, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Claudius, Emperor, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Claudius Felix. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-felix'>Felix</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cleopatra, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— wife of Herod the Great, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cluvius Rufus, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cœle-Syria, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Collaborateurs</i> of Josephus, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Coponius, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>.</li> - <li class='c019'>Corban, an oath, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>; - <ul> - <li>sacred treasure, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a> <i>n.</i></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Corrsen, P., <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Costobar, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Crasis, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Crete, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Crucifixion, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Custodia, libera</i>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Customs and Causes</i>, projected work, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Cyprus, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Dacians, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Daphne, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Darius, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Demetrius of Gadara, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Demoniacal possession, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Destiny, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>. Cp. Fate</li> - <li class='c019'>Dicæarchia (= Puteoli), <a href='#Page_34'>34</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Didius, Quintus, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Dium, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Dius, month of, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Domitia, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Domitian, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Domitius Sabinus, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Dora, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Drusilla, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Drusus, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Education, the two systems of, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Egyptian false prophet, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Eleazar, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— the brigand, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Captain of the Temple, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— a Pharisee, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Simon, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Elijah, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Elymas, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Epaphroditus, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Esdras II</i>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Essenes, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>-60</li> - <li class='c019'><i>Esther</i>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Eusebius, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Exorcism, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Ezekias, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Ezekiel, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Fadus, Cuspius, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Famine at Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Fasts, Jewish, observed by aliens, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Fate, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>. - <ul> - <li>Cp. Destiny</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Faustus, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Feast of Unleavened Bread, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-feast-passover'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— of Passover, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-feast-pentecost'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— of Pentecost, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— of Tabernacles, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— commemorating Herod’s death, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-felix'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>Felix, Claudius, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a> f., <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Festus, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Florus, Gessius, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a> f., <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Flute players as mourners, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Fortune, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Free-will, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Fulvia, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Future Life, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>. - <ul> - <li>Cp. Immortality</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c003'>Gabinius, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gadara, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gaius. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-caligula'>Caligula</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Galilee, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> f., <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gallicanus, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gamala, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gamaliel, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Games: Isthmian, Nemean, Olympic, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Gaulanitis, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gaza, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gennesaret, Lake of, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gerizim, Mount, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gibeon, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gorpiæus, month of, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Gospels, primitive error in, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Grätz, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Greek philosophy, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Hades, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Haggadah, Jewish, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Harnack, A., <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Hegesippus, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Helena, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>ff.</li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-herod'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>Herod the Great, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>f., <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>-65, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>-71, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>-9, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Antipas (the Tetrarch), <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a> f., <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> ff., <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Philip. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-philip'>Philip</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— husband of Herodias, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— Agrippa I, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>-90</li> - <li class='c019'>—— Agrippa II, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>-15, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> f., <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> f., <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a> f., <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Herodias, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a> f., <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Hiatus, avoidance of, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Hippos, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Historians, ancient, contrasted with contemporary, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Hyperberetæus, month of, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Hyrcanus I, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> ff., <a href='#Page_166'>166</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— II, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>-54</li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Josephus, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Idumæa, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>; - <ul> - <li>Idumæans, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>ff.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Images, making of, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Immortality of Soul, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>-9</li> - <li class='c019'>Innocents, murder of the, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Inspiration, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Interpolation, Christian in Josephus, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Irenæus, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Islands of the Blessed, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ixion, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Izates, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c003'>Jadaus (Jadon), <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li> - <li class='c019'>James, the brother of Jesus, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Jamnia, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Jeconiah, king, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Jehoiada, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Jehoshaphat, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Jeremiah, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Jericho, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Jeroboam, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Jerome, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Jesus Christ, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Ananias, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Damnæus, high priest, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'><i>Jewish Antiquities</i>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a> ff., <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> f.; - <ul> - <li>Books XVII-XIX, peculiarities of style in, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>;</li> - <li>Roman sources of, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'><i>Jewish War</i>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a> f., <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a> ff., <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> ff.; - <ul> - <li>Aramaic original of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> f.;</li> - <li>Slavonic version of, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> ff., <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Jews in Rome, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> f.; - <ul> - <li>in Egypt and Babylon, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>——, persecution of, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Joazar, high priest, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a></li> - <li class='c019'>John the Baptist, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> f., <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— of Gischala, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Jonathan, high priest, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— a Sadducee, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Joppa, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Joseph, the patriarch, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— of Arimathæa, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— brother-in-law of Herod, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Gorion, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— high priest, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Josephus, life of, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a> ff.; - <ul> - <li>works, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a> ff.;</li> - <li>authorities, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> f, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a> f.;</li> - <li>character, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> ff.;</li> - <li>attitude to Judaism, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>;</li> - <li>to Christianity, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> f., <a href='#Page_188'>188</a> f.;</li> - <li>as historian, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> ff.;</li> - <li>importance of, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> f.;</li> - <li>as illustrating N.T., <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> ff.;</li> - <li>autobiography of, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a> ff.;</li> - <li>style, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a> ff.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Jotapata, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> ff., <a href='#Page_128'>128</a> f., <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Jubilees, Book of</i>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Judæa, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> ff., <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Judas the Gaulanite or Galilæan, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>f., <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>., <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> ff.; - <ul> - <li>sons of, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> f.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Julias, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</li> - <li class='c019'>Justus, historian, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Josephus, 390</li> - <li class='c003'>Lacedæmonians, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Law, the Jewish, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> f., <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>———— weekly reading of, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Lebanon, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Liberalius, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Life</i>, the, of Josephus, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Lightfoot, Bishop, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a> <i>n.</i> <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>———— John, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Lots, drawing of, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Lous, month of, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Lugdunum (Lyons), <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Luke, St., <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> f., <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> f., <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> ff., <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Lydda, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Lysanias, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c003'><i>Maccabees, Fourth Book of</i>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Machærus, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Malichus, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Malthace, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a></li> - <li class='c019'>“Man of Sin,” <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Marcellus, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Mariamne, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— II, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Marisa, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Marsyas, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Masada, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Matthias, brother of Josephus, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— father of Josephus, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Melito, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Menahem, the Essene, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Messala, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Messiah, reticence of Josephus on, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Micaiah, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Midrash on <i>Lamentations</i>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Military Service, refusal of, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Miracles wrought by a word, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Months, Artemisium, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>; - <ul> - <li>Dius, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>;</li> - <li>Gorpiæus, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>;</li> - <li>Lous, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>;</li> - <li>Panemus, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>;</li> - <li>Xanthicus, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Moore, G. F., <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Moses, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> f., <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a> ff. - <ul> - <li>Cp. Law</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Mucianus, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Murcus, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Naber, S. A., <a href='#Page_31'>31</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Nebuzaradan, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Nero, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li> - <li class='c019'>New City, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Nicanor, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> f., <a href='#Page_126'>126</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Nicola(u)s of Damascus, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> f., <a href='#Page_66'>66</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Niese, B., <a href='#Page_30'>30</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Norden, E., <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>-9, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Olivet, Mount, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Omblaiah (Imlah), <a href='#Page_43'>43</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Omens, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Oracles, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Origen, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> f., <a href='#Page_201'>201</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Owl, bird of ill omen, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Pallas, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Paneas, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Panemus, month of, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Parable of Nobleman, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Parthians, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> f., <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Passover. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-feast-passover'>Feast</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Patrician class, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Paul, St., <a href='#Page_9'>9</a> f., <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>-2, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> <i>n.</i>; - <ul> - <li>Pauline Epistles quoted, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> <i>n.</i></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Paulinus, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pax, Temple of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pella, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pentecost. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-feast-pentecost'>Feast</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Peræa, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Periphrasis, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Petronius, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Pharaoh, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Pharisees, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a> f., <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>-9, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>-9</li> - <li class='c019'>Phasael, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Phasælis, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pheroras, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-philip'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>Philip the Tetrarch, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> f., <a href='#Page_73'>73</a> f., <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> f., <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Jacimus, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Philippi, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Philo, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>; - <ul> - <li><i>De Vita Contemplativa</i>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Phœbus, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pilate, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>-8, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> (bribery of), <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> (<i>Epistle of Tiberius to P.</i> and <i>Acts of P.</i>)</li> - <li class='c019'>Piso, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Placidus, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Plato, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pollio, Gaius Asinius, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— a Pharisee, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pompey, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>-7, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Poppæa, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Portents, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a> ff., <a href='#Page_199'>199</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Procurators, last of the, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Prophecy, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a> f. (of Josephus); - <ul> - <li><a href='#Page_156'>156</a> (of Essenes);</li> - <li><a href='#Page_167'>167</a> f. (of Menahem)</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Pro-Romans, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ptolemais, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ptolemy, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Ptolla, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Pythagoras, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Quirinius, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a> f., <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> f.</li> - <li class='c003'>Ragaba, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Rainfall, providential, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ramsay, Sir W. M., <a href='#Page_180'>180</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Rhodes, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Roman citizenship, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Ryle, Dr., <a href='#Page_202'>202</a> f.</li> - <li class='c003'>Sabbath, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Sabinus, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Sacrifices for Emperor abrogated, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> ff.; - <ul> - <li>daily, abandoned, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Sadducees, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>-9, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>-63</li> - <li class='c019'>Salome, sister of Herod, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> f., <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— daughter of Herodias, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-samaria'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>Samaria, city of (Sebaste), <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— district of, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> f., <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Samaritans, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Sameas, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> f., <a href='#Page_167'>167</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Sanhedrin, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> ff., <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Sardinia, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Saturninus, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Saul, relative of Herod Agrippa II, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Sayings of Jesus</i>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Scaurus, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Schmiedel, P. W., <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Schürer, E., <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Scopus, Mount, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Scriptures, the Jewish, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a> ff.; - <ul> - <li>the number of books, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> ff.</li> - <li>Cp. Books, the Sacred</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Scythopolis, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Sebaste. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-samaria'>Samaria</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Sects, Jewish, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Selucid Dynasty, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Sepphoris, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Sergius Paulus, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Shewbread, table of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li> - <li class='c019'><i>Sicarii</i>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Simon, son of Ananias, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— son of Gioras, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— the Essene, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— the high priest, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Simonides Agrippa, son of Josephus, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Socrates, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Sohemus, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Solomon, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> f.; - <ul> - <li>Solomonian books, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> <i>n.</i></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'>Sossius, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Speeches in <i>B.J.</i>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Stanton, V. H., <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Stoics, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Strabo, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Strato’s Tower (= Cæsarea), <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Suetonius, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Suicide, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Sulpicius Severus, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Tabernacle, symbol of universe, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Tacitus, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Tantalus, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tarichæa, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Targum on <i>Lamentations</i>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Taxation, exemption from, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tekoa, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li> - <li class='c019'><a id='index-temple'></a></li> - <li class='c019'>Temple <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a> f., <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a> f., <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>-45, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> ff.; - <ul> - <li>Babylonian destruction of, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>;</li> - <li>captain of, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> f., <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>;</li> - <li>gate of, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>;</li> - <li>gifts from foreigners to, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> f.;</li> - <li>Holy Place(s) of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a> f.;</li> - <li>inscription in, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>;</li> - <li>veil of, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c019'><i>Testudo</i>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Theocracy, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Theology, Jewish, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Theophrastus, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Therapeutæ, sacred books of the, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Thermuthis, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Theudas, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Thucydides, imitation of, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a> f., <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tiberias, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tiberius, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> f., <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Alexander. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-alexander-tiberius'>Alexander</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Timber Market, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tirathana, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Titus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a> ff., <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> ff., <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a> ff., <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> ff., <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— Arch of, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tityus, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Torrey, C. C., <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Towers of Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> f.</li> - <li class='c019'>Trachonitis, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Traill, Dr. R., <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tyrannius Priscus, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Tyrians, Laws of the, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Ulatha, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Uriah, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Varus, Quintilius, Governor of Syria, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> f., <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— tetrarchy of, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Vespasian, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>-15, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>-9, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>-28, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a> f., <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Vestments, high priest’s, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Vienne, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Virgil, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Virtues, four cardinal, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> <i>n.</i></li> - <li class='c019'>Vitellius, Governor of Syria, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Wellhausen, J., <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Whiston, W., <a href='#Page_31'>31</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Wisdom book, apocryphal, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Xanthicus, month of, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Xerxes, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li> - <li class='c003'>Zacharias, son of Baris(cæus), <a href='#Page_29'>29</a> f., <a href='#Page_131'>131</a> f., <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Zacharias or Zechariah (various), <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c019'>Zadok, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Zealots, sect of, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> f., <a href='#Page_131'>131</a> f., <a href='#Page_161'>161</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Zedekiah, king, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li> - <li class='c019'>—— false prophet, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li> - <li class='c019'>Zenodorus, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a></li> -</ul> -<div class='lg-container-l c020'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Printed in Great Britain by</div> - <div class='line'>Richard Clay & Sons, Limited.</div> - <div class='line'>BRUNSWICK ST., STAMFORD ST., S.E. 1</div> - <div class='line'>AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><span class='large'>Footnotes</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f1'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. </span>Dated variously as <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 30 (Harnack), 33 (Ramsay), 34 (Lightfoot), -and 35-6 (C. H. Turner, Hastings’ <i>D.B.</i>, art. “Chronology”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f2'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. </span>§§ (<a href='#sect01'>1</a>) and (<a href='#sect02'>2</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f3'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect54'>54</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f4'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. </span>Close of the Acts <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 59 (Harnack), 61 (Turner), 62 (Ramsay), -63 (Lightfoot).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f5'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. </span><i>Dict. Christ. Biog.</i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f6'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect41'>41</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f7'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect43'>43</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f8'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect46'>46</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f9'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. </span>See <i>e.g.</i> § (<a href='#sect48'>48</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f10'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. </span>Hastings’ <i>D.B.</i>, Ext. 462 <i>b</i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f11'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect52'>52</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f12'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect04'>4</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f13'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. </span>“Primus e fisco Latinis Græcisque rhetoribus annua centena -constituit,” Suet. <i>Vesp.</i> 18.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f14'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect03'>3</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f15'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. </span>Three of his wives are mentioned in § (<a href='#sect04'>4</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f16'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect38'>38</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f17'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect03'>3</a>), Agrippa writes, “Send me the remaining volumes.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f18'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect03'>3</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f19'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect03'>3</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f20'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. </span>Hastings’ <i>D.B.</i>, Ext. 466 <i>b</i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f21'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect61'>61</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f22'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. </span>I have in this section made considerable use of the essay, “On -the Personal Character and Credibility of Josephus,” prefixed to -Dr. Traill’s translation of the <i>Jewish War</i>—a very judicious -estimate.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f23'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect02'>2</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f24'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect43'>43</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f25'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. </span><i>Op. cit.</i> p. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f26'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect26'>26</a>) with <a href='#appendix-ii'>Appendix, Note II</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f27'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect37'>37</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f28'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect29'>29</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f29'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. </span>Phil. iv. 22.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f30'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. </span>Acts xxvi. 26.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f31'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. </span>Traill, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 19.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f32'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. </span>Gen. iii. 15.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f33'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect50'>50</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f34'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. </span>See, <i>e. g.</i>, the historian’s reading of Herod’s character, § (<a href='#sect19'>19</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f35'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect03'>3</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f36'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect49'>49</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f37'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect38'>38</a>), first paragraph.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f38'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. </span>οἱ ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιούμενοι, II. 51 (Jowett’s translation).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f39'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. </span><i>e. g.</i> in §§ (<a href='#sect31'>31</a>) p. <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, and (<a href='#sect55'>55</a>) p. <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, “professedly virtuous -persons”; cf. also § (<a href='#sect21'>21</a>) p. <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f40'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. </span>See Drüner, <i>Untersuchungen über Josephus</i> (Marburg, 1896), -pp. 1-34.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f41'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. </span><i>e.g.</i> Edersheim.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f42'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. </span>§§ (<a href='#sect25'>25</a>), (<a href='#sect28'>28</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f43'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect39'>39</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f44'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect31'>31</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f45'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect21'>21</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f46'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect24'>24</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f47'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. </span>§§ (<a href='#sect24'>24</a>), (<a href='#sect35'>35</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f48'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect22'>22</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f49'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect29'>29</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f50'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect33'>33</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f51'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect34'>34</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f52'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect27'>27</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f53'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect39'>39</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f54'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect36'>36</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f55'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect37'>37</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f56'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect65'>65</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f57'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. </span>§§ (<a href='#sect53'>53</a>) ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f58'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect58'>58</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f59'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect06'>6</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f60'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect45'>45</a>), with <a href='#appendix-v'>Appendix, Note V</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f61'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. </span>Quoted by Edersheim, <i>Dict. Christ. Biog.</i> III. 442 <i>a</i>, note.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f62'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. </span>See <a href='#appendix-iv'>Appendix, Note IV</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f63'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. </span><i>E.g.</i> §§ (<a href='#sect19'>19</a>) and (<a href='#sect20'>20</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f64'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. </span>Lit. “we.” For the various descriptions of the Jewish sects -see §§ (<a href='#sect53'>53</a>)-(55).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f65'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. </span>Nero.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f66'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. </span>Lit. “countries.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f67'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. </span>Beirut.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f68'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. </span>Herod Agrippa II.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f69'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. </span>The word is that rendered in St. Luke’s preface (i. 3) “traced -the course of (all things).”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f70'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. </span>Or “has left in writing.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f71'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. </span>The king’s alleged “culture” here fails him; the Greek is -vulgar and obscure. For ἡμᾶς ὅλους, “us all,” perhaps we should -read ἡμᾶς ὅλως, “us completely.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f72'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. </span>Or “not generally known.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f73'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. </span>Or “the sacred books.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f74'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. </span>Meaning uncertain; Traill, “paying that compliment to.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f75'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. </span>Text emended.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f76'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. </span>Perhaps a gloss (omit Latin VS.).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f77'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. </span>Lit. “persons bound in”; cf. Luke xiii. 16.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f78'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. </span>The same word as in Luke xiii. 12 (“art loosed”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f79'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f80'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. </span>Lit. “foot-bath.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f81'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> Ben-hadad, in the LXX “the son of (H)ader.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f82'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. </span>Ramoth-gilead.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f83'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. </span>Imlah.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f84'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. </span>1 Kings xxi. 19.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f85'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. </span>1 Kings xiii. 4. The name Jadaus (or, as the Latin has, Jadon) -is unscriptural.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f86'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. </span>Or “lampstand.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f87'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. </span>Another reading has “silver vessels.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f88'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. </span>Or “prætor.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f89'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. </span>By the Jews (<i>B. J.</i> parallel passage).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f90'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. </span>The Herodian family (Idumæans).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f91'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. </span>Text (as read by Niese) doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f92'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. </span>Or “sessions,” “conventions” (σύνοδοι). “He appointed -five councils (or ‘assemblies’, συνέδρια) and distributed the nation -into as many portions.”—<i>Ant.</i> (parallel passage).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f93'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. </span>In Egypt, where Antipater had rendered him yeoman service.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f94'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. </span>Or “procurator” (ἐπίτροπος).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f95'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. </span>Lit. “fatherland.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f96'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. </span>So the MSS; probably we should read “twenty-five.” See -Schürer, <i>Jewish People</i>, I. 1. 383, n. 29.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f97'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. </span>Lit. “tyranny.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f98'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. </span>See § (<a href='#sect11'>11</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f99'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. </span>Apparently Hyrcanus, though Sextus might be the subject.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f100'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. </span>The governor of Syria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f101'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. </span>Octavius, the future Emperor Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f102'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. </span>Cf. <i>B. J.</i> I. 226: “It was his son’s power and expectations -which brought about Antipater’s end. For Malichus was afraid of -these,” etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f103'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect14'>14</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f104'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. </span>Octavius.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f105'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. </span>Octavius.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f106'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. </span>Herod was engaged in fighting the Arabians at the time of -the battle of Actium.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f107'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. </span>Reading ἀχώριστον with Havercamp; MSS εὐχάριστον, -“grateful” (? = “willingly”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f108'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. </span>Lit. “many ten thousands of corn.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f109'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. </span>Conjectural emendation (Hudson), cf. Dio Cassius, 51. 7, and -the parallel passage, <i>Ant.</i> XV. 195.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f110'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. </span>Mariamne (Μαριάμμη).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f111'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. </span>Lit. “for us.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f112'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. </span>The building of Cæsarea and its harbour, etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f113'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. </span>Herod’s new name for Samaria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f114'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. </span>Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f115'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. </span>Lit. “Trachon.” The three districts correspond approximately -to Bashan of the O.T.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f116'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. </span>Ulatha and Paneas N. and N.E. of the Waters of Merom.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f117'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. </span>Text (Niese) uncertain. Most MSS “him”; lit. “mixed him -with (? = ‘put him on a level with’) the governors of Syria.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f118'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. </span>Most MSS read: “even those who were less (<i>or</i> least) honoured -(by him).”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f119'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. </span>Lit. “moderation.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f120'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. </span>The Greek is difficult and the sense a little obscure. The -phrase, κακῶν ποριστὴν (lit. “provider of evils,” “purveyor of -misfortunes to his victims”), seems to be a reminiscence of Thuc. -VIII. 48.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f121'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. </span>The rebuilt city of Samaria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f122'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. </span>A fortress in Judæa.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f123'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. </span>An elder Alexander.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f124'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f125'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. </span>Reading, with Niese, παραλειπτέον, “thought that none should -be left (alive).” MSS παραληπτέον, which Whiston renders “would -take no one into partnership with him.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f126'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. </span>Or perhaps “is superior to all wise calculation.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f127'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. </span>Adopting the conjecture ὡς νομίζω for ὡς μείζω. The text and -meaning of this difficult passage are uncertain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f128'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. </span>The doctrine of Free-will.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f129'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. </span>Or perhaps “... to the other, (under which) we do not deprive -ourselves.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f130'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. </span>Or “of the actions which he took to protect his life.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f131'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. </span>The <i>Romana potestas</i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f132'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. </span>With special reference to Antipater, Herod’s heir and afterwards -his victim.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f133'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. </span>Asphaltophoros (elsewhere Asphaltitis), <i>i.e.</i> the Dead Sea.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f134'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. </span>Gr. “drachmae.” The drachma was nearly the equivalent of -the Lat. <i>denarius</i>, in value a little less than the modern “franc.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f135'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. </span>Or “in all his actions.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f136'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. </span>In the parallel passage (<i>B.J.</i> I. 660), “I know that the Jews -will observe my death as a feast-day.” It has been thought that a -festival on the second of the month Shebat, of which the occasion -is unrecorded, may have commemorated Herod’s death.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f137'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. </span>Lit. “give your vote.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f138'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. </span>Or, perhaps, “Their lack of discipline, although they were -bold enough (counselled prudence).”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f139'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. </span>Nicolas of Damascus, minister and historian of Herod the Great.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f140'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. </span><i>Var. lect.</i> “and many (others)” (πολλοὺς); in <i>B.J.</i> Poplas.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f141'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. </span>Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f142'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. </span>Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f143'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. </span>Reading ῥοπὴν (conj. Niese). With MS reading τροπὴν, “had -been strongly moved” by Nicolaus’s arguments.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f144'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. </span>Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f145'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. </span>“Two tetrarchies,” <i>B.J.</i> (parallel pass.).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f146'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. </span>Gr. “Trachon.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f147'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. </span>Gr. “house.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f148'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. </span>Cæsarea.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f149'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. </span>Samaria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f150'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. </span>The unit is omitted in the Gr.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f151'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. </span>The unit is omitted in the Gr.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f152'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. </span>Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f153'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. </span>Or perhaps “the district of A. was annexed and made tributary.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f154'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. </span>Gr. “house.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f155'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. </span>The so-called <i>decursus honorum</i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f156'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. </span>Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f157'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. </span>On the east of the Sea of Galilee. In <i>B.J.</i> (parallel pass.) he -is called “a Galilæan” as in Acts v. 37.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f158'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. </span>Modelled on Thuc. I. 122, “defeat means nothing but downright -slavery” (Jowett; speech of the Corinthians urging Sparta to -take up arms against Athens).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f159'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. </span>So Niese (ἐπιβολὴ); MSS “plot” (ἐπιβουλὴ).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f160'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> Augustus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f161'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. </span><i>i.e.</i> “Imperial” (city).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f162'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. </span>Julia.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f163'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. </span>Cæsarea Philippi (Matt. xvi. 13; Mark viii. 27).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f164'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. </span>Or, perhaps, “because of its large population.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f165'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. </span>ἡγεμὼν: more exactly “procurator,” as in <i>B.J.</i> parallel pass. -(ἐπίτροπος).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f166'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. </span>Ex. xx. 4; Deut. iv. 16, etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f167'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. </span>Or “their request was.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f168'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. </span>Conj. Niese; MSS “which concealed the soldiers.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f169'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. </span>Gr. “wisdom.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f170'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. </span>“the sacred treasure called corban” (or “corbon”), <i>B.J.</i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f171'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. </span>Gr. στάδια. <i>B.J.</i> has “400 (<i>v.l.</i> 300) furlongs.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f172'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. </span>Gr. “myriads.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f173'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. </span>With the MS reading οἱ δ᾽; with Niese’s conjecture οὐδ᾽ we -should translate, in the previous sentence, “indiscriminately and -relentlessly,” and omit the bracketed words.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f174'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. </span>On the authenticity of this passage see Appendix, <a href='#appendix-ii'>Note II</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f175'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. </span>Or “the Messiah.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f176'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. </span>Or “tribe” (φῦλον).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f177'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. </span>Gr. “wisdom.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f178'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. </span>Text a little uncertain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f179'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. </span>See Appendix, <a href='#appendix-iii'>Note III</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f180'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. </span>Or “(Arabia) Petræa.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f181'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. </span>Herod Agrippa I.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f182'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. </span>Slight emendation (τότε) of the MS reading τῷ τε (“and to -him who was subject...”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f183'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. </span>Or “governor.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f184'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. </span>Possibly a lacuna in the text.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f185'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. </span>Or “righteousness.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f186'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. </span>Gr. βάπτισις; in the previous clause βαπτισμός.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f187'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. </span>Text uncertain; MSS “the rest.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f188'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. </span>Or, possibly, “suspected the use of a strange language,” viz. -Hebrew.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f189'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. </span>Cf. Acts. xxiv. 23, where the same word ἄνεσις (R.V. “indulgence”) -occurs; Moulton-Milligan (<i>Vocab. of Gr. Test.</i>) suggest -“a kind of <i>libera custodia</i>.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f190'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. </span>The grandmother of Gaius and wife of Drusus, the brother of -Tiberius.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f191'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. </span>Philip had recently died.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f192'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. </span>Lyons.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f193'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. </span>Lit. “with bad hope.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f194'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. </span>The text is uncertain in this and the next sentence. Probably -some words have fallen out.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f195'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. </span>The phrase, “those with pretensions to virtue,” is borrowed -from Thuc. II. 51. I adopt Jowett’s rendering.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f196'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. </span>So the Epitome and Latin VS. (παρουσίαν); the Gr. MSS have -“frankness” (παρρησίαν).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f197'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f198'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. </span><i>B.J.</i> (parallel passage) adds “Trachonitis and Auranitis.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f199'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. </span>Killed <i>c.</i> 34 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>; Lysanias of Abilene (Luke iii. 1.) was probably -a descendant.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f200'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. </span>Lat. VS. omits.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f201'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. </span>With a slight emendation of the text of the MSS (ἐπιστησάμενος -for ἐπιστάμενος).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f202'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. </span>The reference is to an incident in the earlier life of Agrippa, -when a prisoner at Rome under Tiberius. A fellow-prisoner, a -German, seeing an owl sitting on a tree against which Agrippa was -leaning, had foretold his rise to power, adding a warning: “Remember -when you see this bird again, you will have but five days -to live” (<i>Ant.</i> XVIII. 6. 7). Eusebius, in citing the present passage -(<i>H.E.</i> II. 10), omits the words “the owl” and “on a rope,” -writing “saw <i>an angel</i> sitting above his head,” no doubt under the -influence of Acts xii. 23 (ἄγγελος Κυρίου).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f203'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. </span>Reading προσίθυσεν.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f204'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. </span>Many MSS have “looking up” (ἀναθεωρῶν for ἀναθορὼν).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f205'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. </span>Lit. “our.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f206'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. </span>Lit. “on.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f207'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. </span>Antipas.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f208'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. </span>His Jewish mentor.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f209'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f210'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. </span>Perhaps “was determined to follow ... in their entirety.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f211'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. </span>Lit. “the divinity.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f212'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. </span>Lit. “lack of expenses.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f213'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. </span>Like an Elijah <i>redivivus</i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f214'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. </span>“The office of <i>alabarch</i>, probably chief collector of customs on -the Arabian side of the Nile, was repeatedly held by wealthy Jews” -(Schürer, <i>J.P.T.C.</i> II. 2. 280). Alexander was the brother of -Philo the philosopher.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f215'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. </span>See § (<a href='#sect34'>34</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f216'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. </span>Another reading, “were put to death.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f217'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. </span>See § (<a href='#sect24'>24</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f218'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. </span>A freedman and favourite of the Emperor Claudius and a man -of great influence.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f219'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect32'>32</a>) and Luke iii. 1, “Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f220'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. </span>A petty kingdom in the Lebanon district.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f221'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. </span><i>i.e.</i> Claudius.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f222'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. </span>In northern Syria (mod. Homs).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f223'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. </span>Some MSS read “Simon.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f224'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. </span>We can hardly miss the Roman’s jest on his name: “make a -<i>Felix</i> of her.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f225'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. </span>Lit. “faring ill”; Whiston’s rendering, “acted wickedly,” is -scarcely possible.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f226'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. </span>A line of corrupt and unintelligible text follows in Niese’s MSS. -The older editions read “for she was constantly being ill-treated by -her because of her beauty.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f227'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. </span>Nero.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f228'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. </span>Lit. “we.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f229'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. </span>Many MSS add “by birth a Hebrew.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f230'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. </span>Aramaic. The Greek, which bears no marks of translation, -must, in all probability, have been practically a new work.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f231'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. </span>Lit. “the upper barbarians.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f232'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. </span>In the upper Tigris region.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f233'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. </span>Such, or “giving the rein to personal feeling in the speeches -(λόγοι),” I take to be the meaning. Traill, “introducing into -the detail reflections on the events”; Whiston, “only I shall suit -my language to my feelings as to the affairs I describe.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f234'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. </span>The negative is omitted by most MSS.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f235'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. </span>Lit. “us.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f236'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. </span>Cf. with this whole paragraph § (<a href='#sect36'>36</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f237'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. </span>MSS “tetrarchy.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f238'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. </span>Lit. “with the toparchies.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f239'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. </span>“Assassins,” from Lat. <i>sica</i>, “a dagger.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f240'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. </span>Lit. “heavy-armed infantry” (hoplites).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f241'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. </span>Cf. the similar fate of Theudas, § (<a href='#sect35'>35</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f242'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. </span>Lit. “heavy-armed infantry” (hoplites).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f243'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. </span>St. Paul was probably a prisoner there at this time.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f244'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. </span>Or “in disgraceful things.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f245'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. </span>Lit. “unbelief.” Traill, “In smothering (Whiston, ‘disguising’) -the truth none was more successful.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f246'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. </span>Lit. “all the toparchies”; some MSS read “all the cities.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f247'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. </span>On the west coast of the Dead Sea.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f248'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> “captain of the Temple”; cf. Acts iv. 1, etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f249'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. </span>Other MSS, omitting “and” (καὶ, which would easily drop out -before Καίσαρος), read “the sacrifice of Cæsar on behalf of that -nation.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f250'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. </span>Or, possibly, “were making an innovation in the worship of -foreigners.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f251'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. </span>The text of this clause is doubtful. I read προσῇσαν, “chimed -in” (with Naber; MSS προσίεσαν or προσήεσαν) and λειτουργοὶ -(other MSS ληστρικοὶ, “the brigands”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f252'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. </span>Or (reading τὸ before δεινὸν) “the dire news was a godsend.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f253'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. </span>Governor of Syria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f254'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. </span>Gr. “Gabao.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f255'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. </span>Gr. “stades.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f256'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. </span>Falling within the week of the Feast of Tabernacles.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f257'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. </span>Some MSS insert a negative, “the part of the line which had -not yet given way.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f258'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. </span>Or “Borcius.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f259'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. </span>Gr. “stades.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f260'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. </span>Perhaps “up to.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f261'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. </span>At the N.E. corner of the city. Other MSS “Bethesda” -Niese, “Betheza,” as elsewhere in Josephus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f262'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. </span><i>Testudo.</i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f263'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. </span>Or “shattered (lit. ‘condemned’) their hopes (of success).”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f264'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. </span>Gr. “chiliarch.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f265'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. </span>Gr. “Gabao.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f266'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r266'>266</a>. </span>Or “taken prisoners.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f267'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r267'>267</a>. </span>Beth-Horon the Lower at the foot of the pass.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f268'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r268'>268</a>. </span>Another reading, “upon the fortresses, with orders to go up -and erect the standards.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f269'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r269'>269</a>. </span>Another reading, “380.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f270'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r270'>270</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect50'>50</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f271'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r271'>271</a>. </span>See § (<a href='#sect45'>45</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f272'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r272'>272</a>. </span>Or possibly “could no longer endure the strain, even under -compulsion.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f273'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r273'>273</a>. </span>Gr. “chiliarch(s).”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f274'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r274'>274</a>. </span>MSS “of the fifth and tenth legion” (<i>sic</i>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f275'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r275'>275</a>. </span>Another reading, “the secret recesses of the city.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f276'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r276'>276</a>. </span>Gr. “chiliarch(s).”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f277'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r277'>277</a>. </span>Lit. “right hands.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f278'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r278'>278</a>. </span>Cf. “Romane, memento.... Parcere subjectis.”—Virg. <i>Æn.</i> -VI, 851 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f279'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r279'>279</a>. </span>Gr. “polemarch.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f280'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r280'>280</a>. </span>Did he claim kinship with his namesake Joseph?</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f281'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r281'>281</a>. </span>Or, perhaps, “began, in his straits, to reason ... philosophically.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f282'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r282'>282</a>. </span>The doctrine of <i>metempsychosis</i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f283'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r283'>283</a>. </span>Or “a darker region.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f284'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r284'>284</a>. </span>Gr. “Hades.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f285'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r285'>285</a>. </span>Text (“those who did violence to their fathers”) corrupt. I -read τὰς τῶν πατέρων ὕβρεις.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f286'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r286'>286</a>. </span>Traill, “be thrown on his own resolution” (lit. “lie on his own -right hand”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f287'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r287'>287</a>. </span>Or “to be made in good faith.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f288'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r288'>288</a>. </span>Another reading, “through his own virtuous disposition” (ἐξ -ἀρετῆς for ἐξαιρέτως).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f289'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r289'>289</a>. </span>Text and meaning doubtful. The reference is apparently to -the short reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius; but, as Niese suggests, -we expect a sentence to precede, predicting the impending -death of Nero.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f290'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r290'>290</a>. </span>In the underworld apparently.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f291'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r291'>291</a>. </span>Another reading, “had already raised him to power.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f292'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r292'>292</a>. </span>Cf. Virg. <i>Æn.</i> IV, 173 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f293'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r293'>293</a>. </span>Cf. Matt. ix. 23.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f294'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r294'>294</a>. </span>Cf. Deut. xxi. 22 f.; John xix. 31.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f295'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r295'>295</a>. </span>Lit. “cosmical,” meaning either “open to the whole world” -or perhaps “emblematic of the mundane system” (Traill); cf. Jos. -<i>Ant.</i> III. 6. 4 (123); 7. 7 (the Tabernacle a symbol of the universe), -with Westcott’s note on Heb. ix 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f296'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r296'>296</a>. </span>According to other MSS “Bariscæus” or “Baruch.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f297'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r297'>297</a>. </span>The Gr. word (ἀπόλυσις) means both “acquittal” and “death.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f298'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r298'>298</a>. </span>Lit. “civic rights.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f299'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r299'>299</a>. </span>Another reading, “as mere barbarians.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f300'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r300'>300</a>. </span>The tower or “castle” adjoining the Temple from the stairs of -which St. Paul delivered the speech recorded in Acts xxii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f301'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r301'>301</a>. </span>The daily, morning and evening, sacrifice (ἐνδελεχισμός: Heb. -<i>Tamid</i>); cf. Numb. xxviii. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f302'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r302'>302</a>. </span>John of Gischala.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f303'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r303'>303</a>. </span>Many MSS insert “standing” (“standing where he might be -heard,” etc.).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f304'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r304'>304</a>. </span><i>i.e.</i> Aramaic. Cf. Acts xxi. 40; xxii. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f305'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r305'>305</a>. </span>Lit. “tasting.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f306'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r306'>306</a>. </span>The Gr. word strictly means “offerings to the dead.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f307'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r307'>307</a>. </span>John of Gischala.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f308'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r308'>308</a>. </span>Amplification of 2 K. xxiv. 12; cf. <i>Ant.</i> x. 7. 1 (100).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f309'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r309'>309</a>. </span>Or “to the people whose own the Temple was.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f310'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r310'>310</a>. </span>Or “into.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f311'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r311'>311</a>. </span>Text uncertain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f312'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r312'>312</a>. </span>Or “a small golden door.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f313'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r313'>313</a>. </span>Possibly there is an allusion to the burning of the porticoes in -the riots at the time of the accession of Archelaus, when many -Jews perished in the flames (<i>Ant.</i> XVII. 10. 2).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f314'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r314'>314</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f315'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r315'>315</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f316'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r316'>316</a>. </span>Cf. <a href='#appendix-vi'>Appendix, Note VI</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f317'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r317'>317</a>. </span>The “tyrants” had encouraged optimistic false prophets in -order to prevent desertion to the Romans.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f318'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r318'>318</a>. </span>March-April.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f319'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r319'>319</a>. </span>Eusebius (<i>H.E.</i> III. 8) reads “by the High Priest.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f320'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r320'>320</a>. </span>Cf. Acts iv. 1; v. 24.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f321'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r321'>321</a>. </span>Or “among themselves.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f322'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r322'>322</a>. </span>April-May.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f323'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r323'>323</a>. </span>So all the Gr. MSS (cf. Tac. <i>Hist.</i> v. 13, <i>maior humanâ vox -excedere deos</i>). The Lat. version, with two other authorities, reads, -“Let us depart hence.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f324'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r324'>324</a>. </span>The Feast of Tabernacles (<i>Sukkoth</i>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f325'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r325'>325</a>. </span>πετροβόλος, the Lat. <i>ballista</i>, a kind of large catapult.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f326'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r326'>326</a>. </span>Some MSS read “unusually” (ἀήθως for ἀληθῶς).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f327'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r327'>327</a>. </span>The table of shew-bread.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f328'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r328'>328</a>. </span>Or “candlestick.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f329'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r329'>329</a>. </span>Or “solemnity” or “sanctity.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f330'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r330'>330</a>. </span>Or “of the affairs of the community.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f331'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r331'>331</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f332'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r332'>332</a>. </span>Lit. “with fear.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f333'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r333'>333</a>. </span>Lit. “towards the deity.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f334'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r334'>334</a>. </span>Most MSS “his breakfast.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f335'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r335'>335</a>. </span>Other MSS “sustenance.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f336'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r336'>336</a>. </span>Or “when they ask an alms.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f337'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r337'>337</a>. </span>Or “display”; lit. “just stewards” or “dispensers.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f338'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r338'>338</a>. </span>Or “leaders in.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f339'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r339'>339</a>. </span>MSS “the person who.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f340'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r340'>340</a>. </span>Or “roots that act as charms.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f341'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r341'>341</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> probably, charms or amulets.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f342'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r342'>342</a>. </span>On this paragraph see Lightfoot, <i>Colossians</i>, 8 p. 89 f. note. -Lightfoot, connecting the passage with <i>Ant.</i> VIII. 2. 5, § (<a href='#sect06'>6</a>) above, -regards the “writings” as Solomonian books and the Essenes as -primarily dealers in charms, rather than physicians.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f343'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r343'>343</a>. </span>The inconsistency of this with the attitude of the sect towards -swearing as recorded in a previous paragraph is remarkable.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f344'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r344'>344</a>. </span>Lit. “the Divinity.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f345'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r345'>345</a>. </span>Cf. Rom. xiii. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f346'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r346'>346</a>. </span>Or “detected in.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f347'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r347'>347</a>. </span>Usual meaning “a hoe”; Lightfoot tr. “spade.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f348'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r348'>348</a>. </span>See p. <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f349'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r349'>349</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> the sun-god, to whom they pray (see above and cf. Lightfoot, -<i>Col.</i>, p. 85 note 2).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f350'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r350'>350</a>. </span>As Lightfoot (<i>Col.</i> 363, note) points out, the passage must be -read in connexion with the account of the admission to the order -(above). A comparison shows that the two year period there -mentioned comprises “the period spent in the second and third -grades, each extending over a year. After passing through these -three stages in three successive years, he enters upon the fourth and -highest grade, thus becoming a perfect member.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f351'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r351'>351</a>. </span>Or, perhaps, “the simplicity of their mode of life and their -regular habits.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f352'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r352'>352</a>. </span>φυσικός here apparently used of the occult laws of nature (v. -Liddell-Scott Lex.).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f353'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r353'>353</a>. </span>Lit. “the Sisyphuses,” etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f354'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r354'>354</a>. </span>Or “superior,” “special.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f355'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r355'>355</a>. </span>For these Essene fortune-tellers, see Lightfoot, <i>Col.</i> 89, note 1 -(“We may conjecture that with the Essenes this acquisition was -connected with magic or astrology. At all events it is not treated -as a direct inspiration”), and the instance of Menahem, § (<a href='#sect59'>59</a>), -below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f356'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r356'>356</a>. </span>Meaning a little uncertain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f357'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r357'>357</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> “co-operates.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f358'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r358'>358</a>. </span>Gr. “Hades.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f359'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r359'>359</a>. </span>Gr. “we.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f360'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r360'>360</a>. </span>§ (<a href='#sect54'>54</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f361'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r361'>361</a>. </span>ὁ λόγος. Whiston, “follow the guidance of <i>reason</i>”; but ὁ λ. -must, it seems, have the same meaning as in the corresponding -opening sentences in the paragraphs on Sadducees and Essenes, (?) -“doctrine” or “tenets.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f362'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r362'>362</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f363'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r363'>363</a>. </span>Another reading (κρᾶσιν for κρίσιν), “that there should be a -blend between....”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f364'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r364'>364</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect43'>43</a>), p. <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f365'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r365'>365</a>. </span>Or “vows.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f366'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r366'>366</a>. </span>Lit. “revenue.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f367'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r367'>367</a>. </span>Lit. “the common precincts.” Whiston, “the common court -of the Temple.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f368'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r368'>368</a>. </span>πολισταῖς (<i>i.e.</i> “Founders” or “Colonisers”), Scaliger’s -emendation of the MS reading πλείστοις; cf. the allusion in -Strabo 296 to a Thracian tribe who live without wives and are -called Founders (κτίσται).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f369'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r369'>369</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect24'>24</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f370'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r370'>370</a>. </span>Perhaps, with a slight transposition of letters, “invincible” -(Bekker).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f371'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r371'>371</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect39'>39</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f372'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r372'>372</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect63'>63</a>), p. <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f373'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r373'>373</a>. </span>Another reading “John.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f374'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r374'>374</a>. </span>Or, according to another reading, “to be convinced.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f375'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r375'>375</a>. </span>See § (<a href='#sect54'>54</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f376'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r376'>376</a>. </span>Ragaba.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f377'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r377'>377</a>. </span>Conj. Niese; MSS “send for their soldiers.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f378'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r378'>378</a>. </span>Another reading, “fifty years save one.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f379'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r379'>379</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect56'>56</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f380'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r380'>380</a>. </span>Reading αὐτῆς; lit. “grew up beside into her power” (like -suckers round a tree). With the reading αὐτῇ, “Beside A. there -rose to power....”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f381'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r381'>381</a>. </span>By taking the oath of allegiance to him.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f382'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r382'>382</a>. </span>Jos. uses this form and “Essenes” interchangeably.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f383'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r383'>383</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect54'>54</a>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f384'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r384'>384</a>. </span>Gr. “Manæmus” (throughout).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f385'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r385'>385</a>. </span>Text doubtful. Perhaps “will begin happily.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f386'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r386'>386</a>. </span>Lit. “laid claim to the laws.” But the text is doubtful. -Others read, “... observance of the laws of their fathers, and -pretended that the Deity took delight in them (the Pharisees).”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f387'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r387'>387</a>. </span>Cf. Rom. ii. 18 (“knowest the will”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f388'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r388'>388</a>. </span>That is, apparently, the women of Herod’s family. The word -denotes the harem of a prince.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f389'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r389'>389</a>. </span>Text and meaning doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f390'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r390'>390</a>. </span>Herod’s brother.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f391'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r391'>391</a>. </span>Herod’s sister.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f392'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r392'>392</a>. </span>Or “had associated themselves with.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f393'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r393'>393</a>. </span>Gr. “Pharisee’s.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f394'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r394'>394</a>. </span>These words occur only in Eusebius’s citation (<i>Præp. Ev.</i> VIII. -8), not in the MSS of Josephus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f395'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r395'>395</a>. </span>Or, according to another reading, “unbegotten.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f396'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r396'>396</a>. </span>Lit. “to time everlasting.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f397'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r397'>397</a>. </span>Or “essence.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f398'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r398'>398</a>. </span>Lit. “the truth of the doctrine.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f399'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r399'>399</a>. </span>The four cardinal virtues of the Platonic School, except that -Harmony (συμφωνία) here replaces the usual Wisdom (φρόνησις).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f400'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r400'>400</a>. </span>The Greek word is that used in Socrates’ famous saying, “The -life which is unexamined is not worth living” (Plato, <i>Apology</i> 38<span class='fss'>A</span>).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f401'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r401'>401</a>. </span>Lit. “dumb.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f402'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r402'>402</a>. </span>Or “diet.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f403'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r403'>403</a>. </span>Lit. “and concerning strenuous application to labours and -contrariwise rest.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f404'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r404'>404</a>. </span>Cf. Gal. iii. 24, “the law hath been our tutor.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f405'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r405'>405</a>. </span>Or “appointed.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f406'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r406'>406</a>. </span>For the Rabbinical tradition that Moses introduced the custom -of the public reading of the Law on Festivals and Sabbaths, see an -art. by Dr. Büchler in the <i>Jewish Quart. Review</i>, V. 420 (1893).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f407'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r407'>407</a>. </span>As in the Olympic games.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f408'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r408'>408</a>. </span>As in the Isthmian and Nemean games.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f409'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r409'>409</a>. </span>Text doubtful.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f410'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r410'>410</a>. </span>ἐκ περιτροπῆς should, perhaps, be read in the light of the kindred -passage, <i>B.J.</i> III. 374 (§ (<a href='#sect43'>43</a>), p. <a href='#Page_124'>124</a> above), ἐκ περιτροπῆς -αἰώνων. Or translate simply “in exchange,” “in turn.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f411'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r411'>411</a>. </span>Cf. § (<a href='#sect54'>54</a>), p. <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f412'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r412'>412</a>. </span><i>i. e.</i> Egyptians, Babylonians, Chaldæans and Phœnicians, as -opposed to the Greeks, who neglected to keep records of antiquity</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f413'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r413'>413</a>. </span>Reading ἀρχείων. MSS “from the ancients” (ἀρχαίων).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f414'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r414'>414</a>. </span>Or “college of priests.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f415'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r415'>415</a>. </span>Or, perhaps, “from the archives” (ἀρχείων).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f416'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r416'>416</a>. </span>Unlike the Greeks.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f417'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r417'>417</a>. </span>Lit. “tens of thousands.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f418'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r418'>418</a>. </span>Eusebius reads, “which are justly believed to be divine.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f419'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r419'>419</a>. </span>See on this and the following paragraph <a href='#appendix-vii'>Appendix, Note VII</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f420'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r420'>420</a>. </span>The earlier editions insert ἀρχῆς (“till the reign of ...”), not -found in Niese’s MS. Perhaps we should read simply “until -Artaxerxes” (μέχρις for μέχρι τῆς).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f421'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r421'>421</a>. </span>In Jos. Artaxerxes = Ahasuerus of the Book of Esther (<i>Ant.</i> -XI. 6. 1 (184)); Xerxes = Artaxerxes of Ezra-Nehemiah.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f422'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r422'>422</a>. </span>Gr. (as quoted by Eusebius) “approach.” The MSS of Jos. -read “we have trusted.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f423'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r423'>423</a>. </span>Or “doctrines.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f424'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r424'>424</a>. </span>Or “the surest of all tests” (lit. “assayers”).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f425'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r425'>425</a>. </span>The text of this sentence is uncertain. I adopt Niese’s -conjecture.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f426'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r426'>426</a>. </span>Perhaps we should read “their writings” (Niese).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f427'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r427'>427</a>. </span>Or “friendly communion.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f428'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r428'>428</a>. </span>Niese reads “nor a single barbarian race.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f429'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r429'>429</a>. </span>Reading πάντως (with Niese).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f430'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r430'>430</a>. </span>Elsewhere (<i>Ant.</i> IV. 4. 4 [73]) Jos., like Mark, renders simply, -and correctly, “a gift.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f431'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r431'>431</a>. </span>Tradition also connects Z. ben Jeberechiah (Isa. viii. 2) and -Zacharias, father of John the Baptist, with the N.T. passage.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f432'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r432'>432</a>. </span>Translated from <i>T.J., Taanith</i> iv. 5, by G. F. Moore in the -<i>Journal of the American Oriental Society</i>, vol. xxvi. (1906), pp. -317 ff.; cf. Lightfoot <i>Horæ Hebraiacæ</i> on Matt. <i>l. c.</i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f433'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r433'>433</a>. </span>After Virg. <i>Æn.</i> VIII. 528 f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f434'> -<p class='c006'><span class='label'><a href='#r434'>434</a>. </span>Fürst (<i>Kanon des A.T.</i>), p. 4.</p> -</div> -<div> - - <ul class='ul_1 c002'> - <li>Transcriber’s Notes: - <ul class='ul_2'> - <li>The author’s archaic punctuation, spellings, and capitalization have been retained. - </li> - <li>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant - form was found in this book. - </li> - <li>Footnotes have been collected at the end of the text, and are linked for ease of - reference. - </li> - </ul> - </li> - </ul> - -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECTIONS FROM JOSEPHUS ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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