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-<body>
-<h1 class="pgx" title="">The Project Gutenberg eBook, Burmah and the Burmese, by Kenneth R. H.
-(Kenneth Robert Henderson) Mackenzie</h1>
-<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
-and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
-restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
-under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
-eBook or online at <a
-href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not
-located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this ebook.</p>
-<p>Title: Burmah and the Burmese</p>
-<p>Author: Kenneth R. H. (Kenneth Robert Henderson) Mackenzie</p>
-<p>Release Date: January 12, 2021 [eBook #64271]</p>
-<p>Language: English</p>
-<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8</p>
-<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BURMAH AND THE BURMESE***</p>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<h4 class="pgx" title="">E-text prepared by MFR<br />
- and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br />
- (https://www.pgdp.net)<br />
- from page images generously made available by<br />
- Internet Archive<br />
- (https://archive.org)</h4>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff; max-width: 80%; margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10">
- <tr>
- <td valign="top">
- Note:
- </td>
- <td>
- Images of the original pages are available through
- Internet Archive. See
- https://archive.org/details/burmahburmeseint00mackrich
- </td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
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-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_i"></a>[i]</span></p>
-
-<h1>BURMAH AND THE BURMESE.</h1>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ii"></a>[ii]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii"></a>[iii]</span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage larger">BURMAH<br />
-<span class="smaller">AND</span><br />
-THE BURMESE.</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage larger gothic">In Two Books.</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br />
-KENNETH R. H. MACKENZIE,<br />
-<span class="smaller"><i>Editor of “Lepsius’s Discoveries in Egypt and Ethiopia.”</i></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br />
-GEORGE ROUTLEDGE AND CO., FARRINGDON STREET.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1853.</span></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv"></a>[iv]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[v]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">PREFACE.</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;">
-<img src="images/line.jpg" width="150" height="20" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<p>In offering the following historical and social account
-of Burmese policy and importance, it may be permitted
-me to make a few remarks on the subject of the war now
-proceeding in that country.</p>
-
-<p>Unfortunate as any war always is, and must be, yet in
-contending with an unprincipled and tyrannical government
-like that of Burmah, there is a grain of satisfaction
-in knowing that we thereby shake the despotic thrones of
-the East, and thus add something to the cause of liberty
-and peace. Such, too, is the only advantage of a contention
-with the king of Ava. If we cannot humanize by fair
-means,—of course, under fair means I do not intend to
-comprehend many of the so-called missionary labours,
-which cause more harm in a short while than all diplomatic
-fiddling will do in the course of years,—we must, <i>vi et
-armis</i>, carry civilisation into the country, and openly defy
-the custom-house of tyranny. The two courses to be
-adopted with respect to Burmah seem to be these;—the
-one is to erect the Pegu province into a kingdom; the
-other, to annex the country ourselves, placing it under
-Anglo-Indian rule; and I cannot help believing that any
-fair investigation of the subject will produce the above
-conviction; but time and the diplomatists must decide on
-the precise course.</p>
-
-<p>For the cause of religious truth and civil liberty, it is to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span>
-be hoped that the missionary system at present pursued
-may be altered; for the sake of peace, it is to be hoped
-that the utmost caution will be pursued in framing laws
-for these countries, which must at last, in some way,
-become allies or tributaries of the imperial crown of
-Great Britain.</p>
-
-<p>It will be seen in the following pages, where I have
-endeavoured to indicate rather than enlarge upon the
-social condition of the Burmese, that they have many
-admirable customs; that they are industrious; that their
-moral propensities are as yet undefiled; and that their
-country presents a fine field for the development both of
-commercial and agricultural interests. Now, when even
-the colonies in the south are overstocked, or rather crowded
-with persons not capable, as a general rule, of occupying
-a responsible condition in life, there is a necessity for a
-new and yet old place. In Burmah we have it. Under
-the rule of an independent sovereign, Pegu would form a
-fine place, where our vessels could lie; and the teak of the
-country would make Bassein and Rangoon of great importance
-to our shipping interests. If Burmah should be
-incorporated with our own dominions, why, then at least
-the same degree of elevation in the intellectual world
-would be obtained, as in Hindustan, or in Siam, where,
-as Neale informs us, the king reads “Pickwick” in
-English, and enjoys it.</p>
-
-<p>In some respects the following character of the English,
-drawn by the Burmese themselves, is so just, that I shall
-hardly be wrong in submitting it to the reader:—</p>
-
-<p>“The English are the inhabitants of a small and remote
-island: what business have they to come in ships from so
-great a distance to dethrone kings, and take possession of
-countries they have no right to? They contrive to conquer
-and govern the black foreigners, the people of castes, who
-have puny frames and no courage: they have never yet<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span>
-fought with so strong and brave a people as the Burmas,
-skilled in the use of the sword and spear. If they once
-fight with us, and we have an opportunity of manifesting
-our bravery, it will be an example to the black nations,
-which are now slaves to the English, and will encourage
-them to throw off the yoke.”<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
-
-<p>The fact is, that the English never had any business in
-India, and their only title to it now consists in their long
-possession and occupation of the territory. The world
-has forgotten that, or overlooked it from the first. The
-nation is brave and intelligent, but hasty and inconsiderate,
-and so blind is it when excited, that, at such time, like
-Captain Absolute, it could <i>cut its own throat</i>, “or any
-other person’s, with the greatest pleasure in the world.”</p>
-
-<p>I trust this little work may serve as a guide to the
-many valuable and interesting volumes to which I have
-been indebted, and that the reader may not count the
-hours spent in its perusal lost. My literary engagements
-have somewhat hurried the close, but nothing of importance
-has been omitted; indeed, by the kindness of
-several friends, I have been able, here and there, to add
-new illustrations and comments.</p>
-
-<p class="right">KENNETH R. H. MACKENZIE.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">CONTENTS.</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;">
-<img src="images/line.jpg" width="150" height="20" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<table summary="Contents">
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#BOOK_I">BOOK I.</a><br />BURMAN CIVILISATION.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER I.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Geographical sketch—Character of the country—Climate—The
- river Irawadi—The Petroleum Wells—The Saluen, &amp;c.—Forests—Plants—Minerals—Animals—Races
- of Burmah—Character of the
- Burmese nation</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_CHAPTER_I">1</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER II.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>The King absolute—Instances of despotism—Titles—Forms of
- government—Offices—The Law Courts—Their iniquity—Instances—The
- Book of the Oath epitomized—The oath—Laws—Police—Revenues—Petroleum—Family-tax—Imports
- and exports—Exactions—Army—Equipments—Cowardice—March—The
- Invulnerables—Discipline—Military
- character—White elephants—Description
- of an early traveller—Its high estimation—Treatment—Funeral</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_CHAPTER_II">16</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER III.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Cosmography—The Burman hells—Definition of a Nat, by
- Hesiod—Buddha—Gaudama—His probable history—Buddhism—Priests—Temples—Curious
- cave near Prome—Monasteries—Ceremonies—Funeral—Concluding
- remarks</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_CHAPTER_III">45</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER IV.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Language—Literature—Manuscripts—The Aporazabon—Superstitions—Divination—The
- Deitton—Astronomy—Division of
- time</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_CHAPTER_IV">66</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x"></a>[x]</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER V.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Currency—Weights—Commerce—Ports—Teak-wood—Houses—Tanks—Dress—
- Food—Marriages—Childbirth—Funerals—Arts—Slavery—The
- Drama—Chess—Games—Music—Fireworks</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_CHAPTER_V">81</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER VI.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Ancient history—Pegu—Character of the Burmese—Concluding
- reflections</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_CHAPTER_VI">99</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc"><a href="#BOOK_II">BOOK II.</a><br />BURMAN HISTORY.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER I.<br />1687-1760.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Alompra, the liberator of Burmah</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_I">108</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER II.<br />1760-1819.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Anaundopra—Zempiuscien—Chenguza—Paongoza—Men-ta-ra-gyee</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_II">135</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER III.<br />1760-1824.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>British intercourse with Ava—Alves’s mission—Symes’s mission—Canning—King
- Nun-Sun—Rise of the Burman war—Its
- origin in official aggression—Evacuation of Cachar</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_III">145</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER IV.<br />1824.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Bundoola—Retreat of Captain Noton—Defeat at Ramoo—Repulse
- of the Burmans—Burmese account of the war—Rangoon
- expedition—Description of Rangoon</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_IV">156</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi"></a>[xi]</span></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER V.<br />1824.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Arrival at Rangoon—Taking of that town—Position of the
- troops—State of the neighbourhood—Confidence of the king of
- Ava—Attack of Joazong—Burmese embassy—Capture of Kemendine—Reinforcements
- from Madras—Sickness of the army—Endurance
- of the British soldier</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_V">169</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER VI.<br />1824.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Encounters with the Burmese—Capture of Kummeroot—Taking
- of Syriam—Storming of Dalla—Conquest of Tenasserim province—The
- Invulnerables</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_VI">181</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER VII.<br />1824-1825.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Battle of Kykloo—Thantabain—Maha Bundoola—Successes of
- the British—Discomfiture of Maha Bundoola—Campbell marches
- into the interior—Arrival at Donabew—Repulse—Death of Bundoola—Capture
- of Donabew</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_VIII">189</a></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td colspan="2" class="tdc">CHAPTER VIII.<br />1825-1826.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Arrival at Prome—Prome under English rule—Re-assembly of
- the Burmese army—Negotiations for peace—Battle of Meaday—Melloon—Yandabo—Treaty
- of peace</td>
- <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_CHAPTER_VIII">197</a></td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p>
-
-<h2>BURMAH;<br />
-<span class="smaller">AN HISTORICO-SOCIAL SKETCH.</span></h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;">
-<img src="images/line.jpg" width="150" height="20" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK_I">BOOK I.<br />
-<span class="smaller">BURMAN CIVILISATION.</span></h3>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="I_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</h4>
-
-<p>Geographical sketch—Character of the country—Climate—The river
-Irawadi—The Petroleum wells—The Saluen, &amp;c.—Forests—Plants—Minerals—Animals—Races
-of Burmah—Character of the Burmese
-nation.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Before the war in 1824, 1825, and 1826, the empire of
-Burmah was the most considerable among those of the
-Indo-Chinese nations inhabiting the farther peninsula of
-India. Previous to the events of that campaign it comprehended
-the whole of the extensive region lying between
-the latitudes 9° and 27° N. At present, however,
-its limits are lat. 16° and 27° or 28° N., and long. 93° and
-99° E. Its northern boundary is, even at the present day,
-imperfectly known; and we are in still greater uncertainty
-concerning the frontier to the east, in Upper Laos,
-partly subject to the king of Ava or Burmah. Berghaus
-is probably the most correct in following Sir Francis
-Hamilton,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> who has done far more for the geography of
-these countries than any one else, and extending it to
-100° E. long., about the parallel of 22° N. It is bounded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
-on the west by the British provinces of Arakhan, Cassay,
-and Chittagong; to the north, by a portion of Assam and
-Thibet; to the north-east it has the Chinese province of
-Yunan; to the east, the independent Laos country and
-the British territory of Martaban; and to the south it has
-the kingdom of Siam and the Indian Ocean.</p>
-
-<p>Taken in its most extensive sense, that is, including all
-the countries subject to Burman influence, its area may
-contain 194,000 square miles. The population is probably
-about 4,000,000. The climate of a country comprehending
-such a vast extent of territory, cannot fail to exhibit much
-variety, and topographical circumstances cannot fail to
-produce a still greater difference. But notwithstanding
-that the southern levels at the mouth of the Irawadi
-are swampy, yet the climate is not, even there, insalubrious,
-while farther north it is very similar to that of Hindostan.
-Col. Symes, to whose excellent, though somewhat overcharged
-narrative, we shall have ample occasion to refer,
-insists upon the salubrity of the climate in very strong
-terms indeed. The aspect of the country is low and
-champaign up to the full latitude of 17½°N.; but from thence
-to the 22° it assumes a hilly aspect, and beyond that it
-rises into mountains. Burmah is inclosed on the east
-and west by two branch ranges of the Himalaya; other
-ranges run down, in general, from north to south, gradually
-decreasing in height toward the south.</p>
-
-<p>The upper portion of Burmah is mountainous. The
-scenery is among the most beautiful in the world. Plains
-and mountains, lovely valleys and gaping chasms, present
-themselves to the wondering eye of the traveller. Now
-there is a space of level ground, covered with straggling
-underwood; plants trail along the earth, the high disorderly
-grass of the jungle waves, and the wild stunted
-trees stretch their deformed limbs toward heaven, as if to
-pray that the hand of civilised man might at length relieve
-them. The waving grass is gone, and we are again
-amid the mountains, clothed with majestic trees, arching
-gloriously over the weary traveller’s head, and concealing
-from his view the wild animals that house there. Such is
-the greater part of Burmah, thus uninhabited and neglected;
-such the condition of a region belonging to an
-unenergetic people; and such it will remain, until the
-nations can recognise the vast wealth that the gorges and
-abysses of the mountains contain. Rich and unexhausted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
-is the land; but the race that shall gather its treasures,
-and turn its wild wastes into populous cities, is not, and
-will never be, that of the Burman!</p>
-
-<p>The coasts and rivers are well studded with towns and
-villages, and the busy hum of the healthy labourers is
-heard everywhere. Yet there is a blank place in the
-maps for many portions still. No European voice has
-listened in the wildernesses of the Naga tribes, or in those
-of the Murroos. The land whence the human race first
-came is now left silent.</p>
-
-<p>In the maritime portions of the country the year has
-two seasons,—the dry and the wet. The latter always
-begins about the tenth of May, with showers gradually
-growing more frequent, for several weeks. It afterwards
-rains almost daily until about the middle of September,
-when it as gradually goes off, and in the course of a
-month entirely ceases. During this time from one hundred
-and fifty to two hundred inches of water fall. This
-is the only time when the country is unhealthy for
-foreigners, and even then, there are many places where
-persons may reside with impunity. In other parts of the
-country there are three seasons. In the highest and
-wildest provinces there are severe winters.</p>
-
-<p>Amidst these mountain-passes rises the great and
-sacred river Irawadi, named from the elephant of Indra,
-which, like the stream of history, flows down from amidst
-obscurity and uncertainty. The sources of the Irawadi are
-yet undiscovered; but Lieutenant Wilcox, who explored a
-considerable portion of Burmah, was informed, that they
-were not far distant from that of the Burampooter, or
-Brahmapootra. It has a course of more than twelve hundred
-miles to the sea; and passing through the whole of the
-empire, it falls into the Gulf of Martaban, by a great number
-of mouths, in the kingdom of Pegu. Its breadth varies
-from one to three, and even five miles in various parts
-of its course. How different from its narrowest width of
-eighty yards, at about forty miles from its supposed source.</p>
-
-<p>The river issues from the mountains, and enters an
-extensive valley, occupied by the tribes of the Khunoongs.
-At this early point of its course, the country
-is perfectly level, and is partly cultivated, while the
-remainder is studded with small woods of bamboo. The
-Irawadi is little more than eighty yards broad at the
-town of Manchee, and is quite fordable. The plain of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
-Manchee is 1,855 feet above the level of the sea. After
-passing through this plain, it runs through countries very
-little blown to Europeans, for about 120 miles. Rugged
-mountain-chains here form the banks of the river, sometimes
-diversified by a plain of some extent.</p>
-
-<p>Bamoo is the first place of consequence on the river
-after Manchee, and is about 350 miles distant from the
-latter town. The level of the river falls 1,300 feet between
-the two places. At some distance from Bamoo, near a
-village called Kauntoun, the river suddenly turns westwards
-but soon runs south-west again. A little above
-Hentha it takes a direction due south, so continuing to
-Amarapura. From Bamoo to Amarapura the country is
-only navigable for small boats.</p>
-
-<p>“With the change of the river the face of the country
-is changed. Issuing from the narrow valley, it enters a
-very wide one, or rather a plain. Along its banks, and
-especially on the southern side, the level country extends
-for many miles, in some places even to thirty, and even
-then is not bounded by high mountains, but by moderate
-hills, which increase in height as they recede farther from
-the river. Considerable portions of these plains are covered
-by the inundations of the river in the wet season. On the
-north side of the river the hills are at no great distance
-from the banks, and here the ground is impregnated with
-muriate of soda, and with nitre, of which great quantities
-are extracted.”<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Irawadi now rolls its majestic floods towards the
-ocean, and receives an accession in the confluence of the
-Kyan Duayn, a river which first receives that name near
-the Danghii hills; it then continues its course, and arrives
-at the former boundary of the kingdoms of Ava and Pegu,
-the promontory of Kyaok-ta-rau.</p>
-
-<p>“The valley of the Irawadi, south of its confluence
-with the Kyan Duayn, to the town of Melloon (south of
-20° N. lat.), is, in its general aspect, hilly and very uneven;
-but the hills rise to no great height, at least not near
-the river, and are in many places separated by tracts of
-flat country, which in some places are extensive and well
-cultivated. South of Melloon the hills approach nearer
-the river, and often form its banks. They are in most
-places covered with forest trees of considerable size; among<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span>
-which teak-trees are frequent. Cultivation is confined to
-the narrow flat tracts which here and there separate the
-hills from the river.”<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
-
-<p>In this neighbourhood are situated the famous Petroleum
-wells, at a village called Re-nau-khaung, from three
-to four miles from the river. Colonel Symes did not visit
-the interesting spot at that time, but he has given us an
-excellent idea of the locality, by his brief but vigorous
-sketch:—</p>
-
-<p>“The country,” he tells us,<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> “now displayed an aspect
-different from any we had yet seen; the surface was
-broken into small separate hills, entirely barren and destitute
-of vegetation, except some stunted bushes that grew
-on the declivities, and in the dells, and a few unhealthy
-trees immediately in the neighbourhood of the villages:
-the clay was discoloured, and had the appearance of red
-ochre. We were informed, that the celebrated wells of
-petroleum, which supply the whole empire, and many
-parts of India, with that useful product, were five miles
-to the east of this place. The Seree brought me a piece
-of stone, which he assured me was petrified wood, and
-which certainly had much the appearance of it. In walking
-about, I picked up several lumps of the same, in
-which the grain of the wood was plainly discernible; it
-was hard, siliceous, and seemed composed of different
-lamina. The Birmans said it was the nature of the soil
-that caused this transmutation; and added, that the petrifying
-quality of the earth at this place was such, that
-leaves of trees shaken off by the wind were not unfrequently
-changed into stone before they could be decayed
-by time. The face of the country was altered and the
-banks of the river were totally barren; the ground was
-superficially covered with quartz gravel, and concreted
-masses of the same material were thickly scattered. The
-mouth of the creek was crowded with large boats, waiting
-to receive a lading of oil; and immense pyramids of
-earthen jars were raised within and around the village,
-disposed in the same manner as shot and shells are piled
-in an arsenal. This place is inhabited only by potters,
-who carry on an extensive manufactory, and find full employment.
-The smell of the oil was extremely offensive;
-we saw several thousand jars filled with it ranged along<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
-the bank; some of these were continually breaking, and
-the contents, mingling with the sand, formed a very filthy
-consistence.”</p>
-
-<p>On the colonel’s return, however, he and Dr. Buchanan
-rode over to the wells; and their account of their visit
-is too interesting to be omitted here:<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The face of the country was cheerless and sterile; the
-road, which wound among rocky eminences, was barely
-wide enough to admit the passage of a single cart; and in
-many places the track in which the wheels must run was
-a foot and a half lower on one side than the other: there
-were several of these lanes, some more circuitous than
-others, according to the situation of the small hills among
-which they led. Vehicles, going and returning, were thus
-enabled to pursue different routes, except at particular
-places where the nature of the ground would only admit
-of one road: when a cart came to the entrance of such a
-defile, the driver hallooed out, to stop any that might
-interfere with him from the opposite side, no part being
-sufficiently wide for two carts to pass. The hills, or rather
-hillocks, were covered with gravel, and yielded no other
-vegetation than a few stunted bushes. The wheels had
-worn ruts deep into the rock, which seemed to be rather
-a mass of concreted gravel than hard stone, and many
-pieces of petrified wood lay strewed about. It is remarkable,
-that wherever these petrifactions were found the soil
-was unproductive, and the ground destitute of verdure.
-The evening being far advanced, we met but few carts;
-those which we did observe, were drawn each by a pair
-of oxen, of a length disproportionate to the breadth, to
-allow space for the earthen pots that contained the oil.
-It was a matter of surprise to us how they could convey
-such brittle ware, with any degree of safely, over so rugged
-a road: each pot was packed in a separate basket and
-laid on straw; notwithstanding which precaution, the
-ground all the way was strewed with the fragments of the
-vessels, and wet with oil; for no care can prevent the fracture
-of some in every journey. As we approached the
-pits, which were more distant than we had imagined, the
-country became less uneven, and the soil produced herbage:
-it was nearly dark when we reached them, and the
-labourers had retired from work. There seemed to be a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
-great many pits within a small compass: walking to the
-nearest, we found the aperture about four feet square, and
-the sides, as far as we could see down, were lined with timber;
-the oil is drawn up in an iron pot, fastened to a rope
-passed over a wooden cylinder which revolves on an axis
-supported by two upright posts. When the pot is filled,
-two men take the rope by the end, and run down a declivity,
-which is cut in the ground to a distance equivalent
-to the depth of the well: thus, when they reach the end
-of the track the pot is raised to its proper elevation; the
-contents, water and oil together, are then discharged into
-a cistern, and the water is afterwards drawn off through a
-hole in the bottom.”</p>
-
-<p>It is impossible to read this, without stopping to smile
-at the backwardness of the people, who, having invented
-all the machinery for a well, should still remain at that
-distance from the application of this discovery, as to resort
-to such a complicated and cumbersome arrangement, as
-cutting a trackway equal in length to the depth of the
-well! How easy to have applied the winch and coiled the
-rope, as other nations as far back in civilisation have done,
-in the way with which we are acquainted! But it is such
-little hitches that impede a nation’s progress!<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> But to
-continue the narrative of the envoy.</p>
-
-<p>“Our guide, an active, intelligent man, went to a neighbouring
-house and procured a well-rope, by means of which
-we were enabled to measure the depth, and ascertained it
-to be thirty-seven fathoms; but of the quantify of oil at
-the bottom we could not judge. The owner of the rope,
-who followed our guide, affirmed, that when a pit yielded
-as much as came up to the waist of a man, it was deemed
-tolerably productive; if it reached to his neck, it was abundant;
-but that which rose no higher than the knee was
-accounted indifferent. When a well is exhausted, they restore
-the spring by cutting deeper into the rock, which is
-extremely hard in those places where the oil is produced.
-Government farms out the ground that supplies this useful
-commodity; and it is again let to adventurers, who dig wells
-at their own hazard, by which they sometimes gain and often
-lose, as the labour and expense of digging are considerable.
-The oil is sold on the spot for a mere trifle; I think two
-or three hundred pots for a tackal, or half a crown. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
-principal charge is incurred by the transportation and
-purchase of vessels. We had but half gratified our
-curiosity, when it grew dark, and our guide urged us not
-to remain any longer, as the road was said to be infested
-by tigers, that prowled at night among the rocky uninhabited
-ways through which we had to pass. We followed
-his advice, and returned, with greater risk, as I
-thought, of breaking our necks from the badness of the
-road than of being devoured by wild beasts. At ten
-o’clock we reached our boats without any misadventure.”</p>
-
-<p>Captain Hiram Cox, the British resident at Rangoon in
-1796-7, describes the town of Re-nau-khyaung, or as he
-spells it, Ramanghong, meaning <i>the town through which
-flows a river of earth-oil</i>, as “of mean appearance; and
-several of its temples, of which there are great numbers,
-falling to ruins; the inhabitants, however,” he continues,
-“are well dressed, many of them with golden spiral ear
-ornaments.”<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Altogether the town or village, and its
-environs, are as bleak as bleak can be, if we may trust the
-description. We shall hereafter return to the consideration
-of the Petroleum trade as a source of revenue to the
-government.</p>
-
-<p>The most important place about this portion of the
-course of the Irawadi is Prome, a city which we shall hereafter
-have to mention as one of those celebrated in the
-ancient history of the country; we will therefore omit
-further notice of it here. Exclusive of the Delta of the
-Irawadi, to which we must now turn our attention, there
-is very little low land in the Burman territory. Like the
-Delta of the Nile it is exceedingly fruitful, and it produces
-abundant crops of rice. It is, too, the commercial highway
-of the land.</p>
-
-<p>Malcom, who travelled in the country, expresses his
-astonishment at the number of boats ever passing up and
-down the river. It would seem that the navigation is
-very tedious; for, according to the same traveller, the boats
-are generally from three to four months ascending from
-the Delta to the city of Ava.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Irawadi finally embouches into the Bay of Bengal
-by several mouths, of which the chief are, the Bassein
-river, the Dallah, the Chinabuckeer, and the Rangoon or
-Syriam river.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Saluen or Martaban river rises in the same range
-of mountain whence the Burampooter, the Irawadi, and
-the great Kamboja rivers originate. In the early part of
-its course, it is named Nou-Kiang by the Chinese, through
-whose territory it at first flows. It disembogues into the
-Gulf of Poolooghoon opposite the island of that name.</p>
-
-<p>The Kyan Duayn is a river which, rising near the sources
-of the Irawadi, traverses the Kubo valley, and falls into
-that river in lat. 21° 35´ N., long. 95° 10´ E.; forming several
-islands at the junction. The principal of these is Alakyun.</p>
-
-<p>The river Setang makes a grand appearance, as Malcom
-says, upon the map, still it is of little use, as its depth is
-only four feet, though at different places it has a depth of
-from ten to fifteen feet. It must at one time have been
-deeper and navigable, for the ancient capital of Tongho,
-in the kingdom of that name, is built upon it. There is a
-bore of three feet on the Setang. The other rivers of
-Burmah are of little consequence. There are but few
-lakes, and the most considerable will be noticed hereafter.</p>
-
-<p>The fruits of Burmah are very varied in their character,
-and though they surpass their neighbours in the article of
-timber, yet the fruit-trees are far inferior. A very complete
-list is given in Malcom’s comprehensive work, to which I
-must refer the reader.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The teak forests, whose produce
-forms no inconsiderable article in Burmese commerce, are
-situated in the province of Sarawadi, in the hilly mountainous
-district east and north-east of Rangoon. The forests
-in this part of Asia, like the woody and uncultivated parts
-of Hindostan, are extremely pestiferous, and even though
-the wood-cutters be a hardy and active race of men, on
-whom climate and suffering would seem to have little
-effect, yet they never attain to any considerable age, and
-are very short-lived.</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Wallich, on his visit to Burmah in 1826, collected
-specimens of upwards of sixteen thousand different sorts
-of trees and plants. I need only refer the reader to his
-learned and magnificent work for a description and classification
-of them.</p>
-
-<p>The mineral riches of the land, which are considerable,
-are not sufficiently attended to. The head-waters of the
-various rivers contain gold-dust, and from Bamoo, on the
-frontier of China, much gold has been obtained. Malcom<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
-suggests that want of enterprise and capital has alone prevented
-these sources of prosperity from being worked.
-Yes, it has been that curse! From the earliest ages they
-have laboured under it, and time seems not to have taught
-them the important lesson that all the world beside are
-learning and repeating every day,—the necessity of progress.
-Much of their gold is drawn from China, and their
-love for using it in gilding edifices resembles the taste
-of the Incas, who, richer in the metal, plated their temples
-with gold.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> What is not used for this purpose is employed
-in the setting of the jewels of the great, and as
-in Peru, remains in the hands of the Inca lords. It is
-rarely used as currency, and then in ingots.</p>
-
-<p>Notwithstanding that there is much silver elsewhere,
-the only mines worked are in Laos, and there even the
-mines are not wrought by the Burmese, but by natives of
-China and Laos, to the number of about a thousand. The
-estimated produce does not seem large, amounting annually
-to only one hundred thousand pounds, on which the contractors
-pay a tax of five thousand pounds.</p>
-
-<p>The diamonds are all small, and emeralds are wanting.
-Rubies are found in great quantities, however, at about
-five days’ journey from Ava, near the villages of Mo-gout
-and Kyat-pyen. Malcom saw one for which the owner
-asked no less than four pounds of pure gold. The king is
-reported to have some which weigh from one hundred and
-twenty to one hundred and fifty grains. Sapphires, too,
-abound. “Some have been obtained,” Malcom assures
-us, “weighing from three thousand to nearly four thousand
-grains.”<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Many other precious stones are to be found
-in this wealthy country. Much amber is found round the
-Hu-kong valley, on the Assam frontier. Iron, tin, lead,
-and many of those staples of commerce which form the
-real wealth and resources of every country, abound, and
-coal is to be found in the inland provinces.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Marble,
-and of the finest, also exists in the land; better than which
-there would seem to be none in the world. What might
-such a country be in the hands of an energetic and intelligent
-people!</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span></p>
-
-<p>I subjoin a translation of a description of the mines of
-precious stones in Kyat-pyen, from the original of Père
-Giuseppe d’Amato.<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> It gives a clearer and conciser
-account of the mines than I can meet with elsewhere, and
-I therefore offer it to the reader in an abridged form.</p>
-
-<p>“The territory of Kyat-pyen [written Chia-ppièn by
-d’Amato] is situated to the east, and a little to the south
-of the town of Mon-thá (lat. 22° 16´ N.), distant about
-seventy miles. It is surrounded by nine mountains. The
-soil is uneven and full of marshes, forming seventeen
-small lakes, each having a particular name. It is this soil
-which is so rich in mineral treasures. It should be
-noticed, however, that the dry ground alone is mined.
-The miners dig square wells, supporting the sides with
-piles and cross-pieces. These wells are sunk to the depth
-of fifteen or twenty cubits. When it is secure, the miner
-descends with a basket, which he fills with loose earth,
-the basket is drawn up, and the jewels are picked out and
-washed in the brooks in the neighbouring hills. They
-continue working the wells laterally till two meet, when
-the place is abandoned. There are very few accidents.
-The precious stones that are found there consist of rubies,
-sapphires, topazes, and other crystals. Many fabulous
-stories are related concerning the origin of the mines at
-Kyat-pyen.” An anecdote was told Amato, as he says,
-“by a person of the highest credit,” of two masses (<i>amas</i>)
-of rubies at Kyat-pyen. One weighed eighty <i>viss</i>.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>
-When the people were taking them to Ava to the king,
-a party of robbers attacked the convoy, and made off with
-the smaller one; the other, injured by fire, was brought
-to Ava.</p>
-
-<p>The animals of the country are very numerous. The
-domestic quadrupeds of the Burmans are the ox, the
-buffalo, the horse, and the elephant. The two first are
-very much used throughout the country. They are both
-of a very good species, and generally well kept. The ox
-is to them an expensive animal, as their religion forbids
-its use as food, and they have, therefore, no profitable
-manner of disposing of the disabled cattle. This, probably,
-led to the taming of the buffalo, an animal which has been
-in use among them from time immemorial. It is less<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
-expensive to rear, and is contented with coarser food.
-But it is not so valuable in some respects, for though
-stronger, it is not so hardy, and cannot endure long-continued
-exertion. The horse is never full-sized in
-Burmah, as in every Asiatic tropical country east of
-Bengal, and it somewhat resembles the Canadian pony.
-The animal is expensive, and rarely used except for the
-saddle. In some parts of the country it is almost unknown.</p>
-
-<p>The elephant, well named the Apis of the Buddhists
-by M. Dubois de Jancigny,<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> is now much more the
-object of royal luxury and ostentation than anything else,
-and I shall, when speaking of the religious ceremonies of
-the Burmans, again refer to the place it occupies in their
-estimation. It is only used in Laos as a beast of burden.</p>
-
-<p>Hogs, dogs, cats, besides asses, sheep, and goats,
-which last are but little known, are little cared for, and
-they are allowed to pursue their own paths unmolested.
-The camel, an animal, which as Mr. Crawfurd says, is
-“sufficiently well suited to the upper portions of the
-country,” is unknown to the Burmese.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
-
-<p>Wild animals of many descriptions abound in Burmah,
-still it is a remarkable fact, noticed by Crawfurd, that
-neither wolves, jackals, foxes, nor hyenas, are to be found
-in the country. Many species of winged game abound,
-as also hares.</p>
-
-<p>The Indo-Chinese nations are considered by Prichard<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
-to consist of various races, while Pickering<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> seems to
-be able to detect but two, the Malay, and, in an isolated
-position, the Telingan. It is therefore difficult with such
-contradictory evidence to arrive at the probable result.
-But as, without a slight sketch of this important subject,
-my work would fall under the just imputation of incompleteness,
-I shall venture to give some account of the
-races of Burmah, and I the rather take Prichard as my
-chief guide, as his research is the completer of the two,
-notwithstanding that Pickering has shown himself well
-able through his work to distinguish the Malay race from
-every other, in the most difficult and delicate cases. I
-shall not trouble the reader with any account of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
-adjacent races, but occupy myself solely with the principal
-nations under the Burman dominion. And first of
-the people of Pegu:<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> they inhabit the Delta of the
-Irawadi, and the low coast which terminates in the hilly
-country of the Burmans or Maramas. They are called by
-the Burmans, Talain; but their own name for themselves
-is Mân or Môn. The Pegu race, we shall see in the
-course of its history, was once very powerful, and its
-ascendancy remained for many years, and during the
-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the empire of Pegu
-is often spoken of in the Portuguese chronicles as powerful
-and magnificent. Their language is entirely different
-from that of the Burmese and Siamese, as Leyden
-judged,<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> and Low has since amply proved.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> In
-Low’s opinion, the Mân is the most original of the Indo-Chinese
-language. They use the Pali alphabet, and probably
-had it before the Burmans.</p>
-
-<p>The Karian race inhabits the borders and low plains in
-Bassein province, but do not present any salient points for
-consideration.</p>
-
-<p>The Maramas or Burmans inhabit the high lands above
-Pegu, where they created a powerful empire for themselves
-in very ancient times. They are some of that
-valiant Malay stock who subsequently colonized so large a
-portion of the globe, and passed by way of Polynesia to
-the American continent. They, like the Incas of Peru,
-boast a celestial origin; and the similarity of some of their
-institutions lead to no unfair presumption of their being
-of the same original family.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> They are the most extended
-race in the Burman empires, reaching from the
-frontiers of Laos and Siam westward to Arakhan.</p>
-
-<p>The country of Arakhan, which next claims our attention,
-and concludes our consideration of the races of
-Burmah, stretches along the eastern shore of the Gulf of
-Bengal, from about 21° to 18° of north latitude. Having
-in ancient times formed a portion of the empire of Magad’ha,
-they were for centuries connected with India.
-The Burmans themselves derive their origin from them; but
-this is only indirectly true. The solution of the problem
-remains yet to be told. The opinion of the Burmans regarding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span>
-the antiquity of the Rúkheng, or Arakhan dialect,
-is fully borne out by Dr. Leyden. The chief modifications
-it has undergone are traceable to the Pali.<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p>
-
-<p>The ethnology of the Burman empire is neither so intricate
-or so unsatisfactory as some others. There does
-not seem to have been a similar extent of change of race,
-and probably to that very circumstance do they owe the
-feebleness of character, which, however willingly we
-would omit seeing, does not fail to make itself conspicuous
-in a consideration of their prowess, social institutions, and
-advancement. The very fact of their quiescent state has
-debarred from progress, as the most mixed race is ever
-the most energetic. Witness our own, where so many
-various bloods have commingled, and formed a nation,
-which, emphatically speaking, is a progressive one, and
-now more than ever.</p>
-
-<p>The Burmans have not made the advancement they
-might have made. There has been sluggish, age-lasting
-improvement in their empire, and it has been the want of
-a stimulating and decisive energy alone that has kept
-them back. Simplicity forms, too, no inconsiderable part
-of the national character, and this, by leading them to
-accept various doctrines without examination—a quality
-usually observable in semi-civilised races—has not given
-them any reason to think and to look around. Like the
-American races, they proceeded to a certain point, and
-then improved but little.</p>
-
-<p>Colonel Symes, who was inclined to magnify the importance
-of the nation in every way, applied some remarks
-to them, which, however applicable now, were certainly
-not then. With those remarks I shall terminate this
-chapter, leaving their truth or falsehood to be discovered
-in the course of the work.</p>
-
-<p>“The Birmans,” observes he,<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> “are certainly rising
-fast in the scale of Oriental nations; and it is to be hoped
-that a long respite from foreign wars will give them leisure
-to improve their natural advantages. Knowledge increases
-with commerce; and as they are not shackled by
-any prejudices of castes restricted to hereditary occupations,
-or forbidden from participating with strangers in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
-every social bond, their advancement will, in all probability,
-be rapid. At present, so far from being in a state
-of intellectual darkness, although they have not explored
-the depths of science, nor reached to excellence in the
-finer arts, they yet have an undeniable claim to the character
-of a civilised and well-instructed people. Their
-laws are wise, and pregnant with sound morality; their
-police is better regulated than in most European countries;
-their natural disposition is friendly, and hospitable
-to strangers; and their manners rather expressive of
-manly candour than courteous dissimulation: the gradations
-of rank, and the respect due to station, are maintained
-with a scrupulosity which never relaxes. A knowledge
-of letters is so widely diffused that there are no
-mechanics, few of the peasantry, or even the common
-watermen (usually the most illiterate class), who cannot
-read and write in the vulgar tongue. Few, however, are
-versed in the more erudite volumes of science, which,
-containing many Shanscrit terms, and often written in the
-Pali text, are (like the Hindoo Shasters) above the comprehension
-of the multitude; but the feudal system,
-which cherishes ignorance, and renders man the property
-of man, still operates as a check to civilisation and improvement.
-This is a bar which gradually weakens as
-their acquaintance with the customs and manners of other
-nations extends; and unless the rage of civil discord be
-again excited, or some foreign power impose an alien
-yoke, the Birmans bid fair to be a prosperous, wealthy,
-and enlightened people.”</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="I_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</h4>
-
-<p>The king absolute—Instances of despotism—Titles—Form of government—Offices—The
-law courts—Their iniquity—Instances—The Book of the
-Oath epitomized—The oath—Laws—Police—Revenues—Petroleum—Family
-tax—Imports and exports—Exactions—Army—Equipments—Cowardice—March—The
-Invulnerables—Discipline—Military character—The
-white elephant—Description of an early traveller—Its high estimation—Treatment—Funeral.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>All writers are unanimous in the cry that there is no
-potentate upon earth equally despotic with the lord of
-Burmah. There is no disguise about the fact, and he
-openly asserts, in his titles, that he is lord, ruler, and sole
-possessor of the lives, persons, and property of his subjects.
-He advances and degrades; his word alone can
-promote a beggar to the highest rank, and his word can
-also utterly displace the proudest officer of his court. His
-people is a capacious storehouse, whence he obtains tools
-to work his will. As soon as any person becomes distinguished
-by his wealth or influence, then does he pay the
-penalty with his life. He is apprehended on some supposed
-crime, and is never heard of more. Every Burman
-is born the king’s slave, and it is an honour to the subject
-to be so called by his sovereign.</p>
-
-<p>Sangermano mentions that, in approaching the royal
-person, the petitioner or officer is to prostrate himself
-before him, clasping his hands together above his head.<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>
-The fact is curious, and I mention it here, as it presents a
-striking similarity to the act of homage to which the Inca
-race themselves were subjected in approaching the sacred
-person of the Child of the Sun.<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> They clasped their
-hands over their heads, and bore a burthen upon their
-backs. Now the usage is such here, for the manner of
-clasping the hands in the Burman court is typical of bearing
-a burthen, the actual presence of which is dispensed
-with.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span></p>
-
-<p>It is, however, an honour both to the institutor of the
-Burman law and the sovereign, who, though absolute,
-obeyed it, to mention that no married woman can be
-seized on by the emissaries of the king. This, of course,
-leads the Burmese to contract marriages very early, either
-actually or fictitiously.</p>
-
-<p>The property of persons who die without heirs is swept
-into the coffers of the state, and by law the property
-of unmarried foreigners is subject to the same regulation
-upon their death. Jetsome and flotsome belong to the
-king. These last provisions have not, however, been
-much enforced, in consequence of the urgent representations
-of the foreigners residing at Rangoon, Bassein, and
-other places. The king alone decides upon peace and war,
-and his call brings the whole population to the rescue.
-All serve, all are conscripts. “The only effectual restraint,”
-as Crawfurd remarks, “on the excesses of maladministration
-is the apprehension of insurrection.”</p>
-
-<p>However, notwithstanding his being acknowledged as
-absolute, he, like a present president in Europe, has two
-nominal councils,—a public one and a cabinet. But he is
-neither bound to abide by their advice, nor does he. His
-measures are predetermined, and should they prove unwilling
-to give an immediate and unconditional assent, he
-has been known to chase his ministers from his presence,
-with a drawn sword. Two instances are related of his
-rigour, which will suffice to show the capriciousness of the
-unrestrained Oriental.</p>
-
-<p>The first is related by Crawfurd.<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> “The workman
-who built the present palace committed some professional
-mistake in the construction of the spire. The king remonstrated
-with him, saying that it would not stand.
-The architect pertinaciously insisted upon its stability
-and sufficiency, and was committed to prison for contumacy.
-Shortly afterwards the spire fell in a thunderstorm,
-and about the same time accounts were received at
-court of the arrival of the British expedition; upon which
-the architect was sent for from prison, taken to the place
-of execution, and forthwith decapitated. This,” concludes
-the envoy, “although upon a small scale, is a fair example
-both of the despotism and superstition by which this
-people are borne down.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span></p>
-
-<p>The second instance, for the truth of which I would
-scarcely vouch, was reported to Malcom,<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> whence I
-quote it. “On a late occasion, for a very slight offence,
-he had forty of his highest officers laid on their faces in
-the public street, before the palace wall; kept for hours in
-a broiling sun, with a beam extended across their bodies.”
-This is scarcely credible, and I think Malcom’s informer
-must have been a Burmese Chartist, an Oriental Cuffey.
-However that traveller pithily observes, that he is “seldom
-allowed to know much of passing events, and particularly
-of the delinquencies of particular officers, who are
-ever ready to hush up accusations by a bribe to their immediate
-superior.”</p>
-
-<p>Many circumstances lead me to suspect, however, that
-the king has little real power, and that the officers reap the
-benefits of the acts of enormity which he commits at their
-instigation, or which they commit under the shadow of
-his responsibility. It has often been the case in the
-world’s varied history, and why not here? Facts will
-show.</p>
-
-<p>As a specimen of the pride of the Burmese government,
-I shall append the form of address, which an English envoy
-received with the recommendation that he should pronounce
-it before the king.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p>
-
-<p>“Placing above our heads the golden majesty of the
-Mighty Lord, the Possessor of the mines of rubies, amber,
-gold, silver, and all kinds of metal; of the Lord, under
-whose command are innumerable soldiers, generals, and
-captains; of the Lord, who is King of many countries and
-provinces, and Emperor over many Rulers and Princes,
-<i>who wait round the throne with the badges of his authority</i>;
-of the Lord, <i>who is adorned with the greatest power, wisdom,
-knowledge, prudence, foresight, &amp;c.</i>; of the Lord,
-who is rich in the possession of elephants, and horses,
-and in particular is the Lord of many White Elephants;
-of the Lord, who is the greatest of kings, <i>the most just
-and the most religious</i>, the master of life and death; <i>we
-his slaves</i> the Governor of Bengal, the officers and administrators
-of the Company, bowing and lowering our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
-heads under the sole of his royal golden foot, do present
-to him with the greatest veneration, this our humble
-petition.”</p>
-
-<p>I have, by my italics, pointed out the “richest” parts
-of this grandiose address, which, I think, requires no further
-comment. It may be as well to add, however, that
-the presence and attributes of the sovereign are always
-represented as golden.</p>
-
-<p>The form of the Burman administration may be thus
-briefly described. There is not here, as in other countries
-of the East, any official answering to the post of Vizier or
-Prime Minister. The place of such an officer is supplied
-by the councils mentioned above. The first or public
-council is the higher in rank, and it has received the name
-of Lut-d’hau or Lwat-d’hau. Its officers are four in
-number, and Sangermano adds four assistants as a staff,<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>
-which Crawfurd omits to mention.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> The ministers bear
-the official name of Wun-kri (Burthen-bearers great). It
-is now understood to signify figuratively any one who is
-responsible; but in the days when the future colonists of
-Peru left the land, there is not a doubt that it was literally
-applied to the officers. For in the first place the designation
-would be applied to them as constantly bearing burthens,
-being continually in the presence of the king; and
-then, far from being a term of contempt, it would be a
-designation of honour and consideration. Thus they were
-literally, and are figuratively, Bearers of the Great Burthens.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
-The questions of state are discussed by this
-body, and the decision is by a majority of voices. Its
-sittings are held within the precincts of the palace in a
-spacious hall. All the royal edicts and grants pass through
-this council, and require its sanction; in fact, though they
-are the king’s acts, yet his name never appears in them.
-The custom is somewhat similar to our own of never mentioning
-the sovereign directly by name in the houses of
-parliament. The king is occasionally himself present at
-their deliberations. The edicts of the council are written
-upon palm-leaves, and a style of extreme brevity is adopted.
-Indeed, Sangermano assures us that “the more concise it
-is, the more forcible and efficacious the sentence is considered.”
-Would that our legislators and lawyers with their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span>
-lengthy documents thought so! They may yet learn a
-lesson from barbarians.</p>
-
-<p>The proclamations and writings of the council all bear
-the device of a sabre, to intimate the strength and swiftness
-of the punishment awaiting the transgressors of its
-decrees. The assistants or deputies are called Wun-tauk
-(Burthen-proppers). The literal signification was equally
-in force in ages gone by. Beside the Wun-tauks there
-are from eight to ten secretaries, called Saré-d’haukri
-(Scribes-royal great).</p>
-
-<p>The second council, like the first, has deliberations with
-the king. But those of the Atwen-wun (Interior burthen-bearers)
-are private and preliminary to those of the Wunkri.
-They are considered to be inferior to the Wunkri, and
-yet they have a great deal of by-influence, from their position
-in the royal palace. The subjects of their deliberations
-are precisely similar to those of the Lut-d’hau, and they
-exercise the same judicial functions; and even now it is
-a question of some doubt as to which of the assemblies is
-in reality the higher. There are various officers attached
-to the Atwen-wun, as to the Wun-kri.</p>
-
-<p>The number four is retained in the next rank of officers.
-They are the four general commanders and surveyors of
-the northern, southern, eastern, and western parts of
-the empire respectively. Then follow many subordinate
-officers attached in various capacities to the administration.
-None of this numerous staff of officers receive any regular
-salary, but their payment somewhat resembles the
-system of <i>repartimientos</i> established in the Spanish
-colonies of America, being assignments of the lands and
-labour of certain numbers of the people. These are
-granted to officers of the executive governments, in the
-same way as the king of Persia assigned various cities and
-lands to Themistocles in more ancient times.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Towns
-and lands are also granted to the ladies of the king’s
-harem, and to the other numerous members of the royal
-family. The whole country is looked upon as crown property;
-and the waste and uncultivated parts are at the
-disposition of any one who will settle in them. The only
-duty incumbent on the settler is that he must inclose and
-cultivate it. If he do not improve the land within a certain
-period, it reverts to the Crown, and may be settled by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
-another. Strangely enough, this does not prevent the
-sale, inheritance, or leasing of land, which goes on just as
-in Europe, although, of course, contrary to law. The conditions
-of mortgage are simpler than with us; for the
-lender takes possession of the mortgaged estate, and he
-becomes the owner of it, if the borrowed amount be not
-returned before the expiration of three years.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>
-
-<p>In civil disputes the parties have the right to select
-their own judges, while criminal causes are tried before
-the chief governor of the town or village.<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> At first
-this system of administering justice would appear to be
-a fair and equitable plan, being apparently merely an
-agreement to refer the matter to the consideration of
-umpires. This is, however, not the case. The orders of
-government forbid this, but nevertheless the prohibition
-is not observed; the utmost corruption prevails, for any
-complainant goes to a sufficiently influential person in the
-neighbourhood, and for a bribe obtains a decision in his
-favour. Sangermano sarcastically remarks, “It may be
-easily conceived to what injustice and inconvenience this
-practice must necessarily lead.” The severest calamity
-that can befall any person is “to be put into justice.”
-There is no small degree of wit in this Burman phrase.</p>
-
-<p>Crawfurd mentions an instance of the strange proceeding
-of the Burman courts, which may be interesting.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
-
-<p>“In 1817, an old Burmese woman, in the service of a
-European gentleman, was cited before the Rung-d’hau, or
-court of justice, of Rangoon. Her master appeared on
-her behalf, and was informed that her offence consisted
-in having neglected to report a theft committed upon
-herself three years before, <i>by which the government officers
-were defrauded of the fees and profits which ought to have
-accrued from the investigation or trial</i>. On receiving this
-information, he was about to retire, in order to make
-arrangements to exonerate her, when he was seized by two
-messengers of the court, and informed, that by appearing
-in the business he had rendered himself responsible, and
-could not be released unless some other individual were
-left in pledge for him, until the old woman’s person were
-produced. A Burman lad, his servant, who accompanied
-him, was accordingly left in the room. In an hour he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
-returned with the accused, and found, that in the interval,
-the lad left in pledge had been put into the stocks, his
-ankles squeezed in them, and by this means, a little money
-which he had about his person, and a new handkerchief,
-extorted from him. The old woman was now put into
-the stocks in her turn, and detained there until all were
-paid, when she was discharged <i>without any investigation
-whatever into the theft</i>.”</p>
-
-<p>One would imagine that this circumstance was much
-more likely to have happened in our High Court of Chancery,
-under the “sharp practice” of a Dodson and Fogg.
-It seems to be a mutilated Burman version of one of our
-“great” institutions made into a matter of physical force
-by Malcom’s Oriental Chartist. I may here mention an
-affecting incident related by Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> and doubtlessly
-too true.</p>
-
-<p>A poor widow, who was hard pinched to pay the tax
-demanded of her, was obliged to sell her only daughter to
-obtain the sum. The money was received, and heavy at
-heart she returned home, and put it in a box in her house,
-intending to lament that night, and carry the money to
-her inexorable creditor in the morning. But the measure
-of her sorrows was not yet full. Some thieves broke
-into the house and stole the money. In the morning
-she discovered her loss, and this additional circumstance
-caused the bounds of her grief to flow even beyond that
-of silence, and sitting before her door she gave herself up
-to loud lamentations. As she was weeping, an emissary
-of the city magistrate passed by, and inquired into the
-cause of her sorrow. He, upon hearing the sad story,
-related the matter to his master. The poor creature
-was then summoned to the <i>court of justice</i>, and commanded
-to deliver up the thief. Of course this was impossible.
-She was detained in the stocks until she could
-scrape together money enough to satisfy the rapacity of
-the judge.</p>
-
-<p>Sometimes these affairs are very comical. The same
-author relates another, the circumstances of which are as
-follows:—</p>
-
-<p>A woman employed in cooking fish for dinner was
-called away for an instant. The cat, watching her opportunity,
-seized a half-roasted fish, and ran out of the house.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span>
-The woman immediately ran after the cat, exclaiming,
-“The cat has stolen my fish!” A few days afterwards she
-was summoned before the magistrate, who demanded the
-thief at her hands. It was of no use that she explained
-that the thief was a cat. The magistrate has nothing to
-do with that. His time was valuable, and the expenses of
-the court must be paid.</p>
-
-<p>The report of Captain Alves, cited in Crawfurd,<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>
-contains ample accounts of the court charges.</p>
-
-<p>How very similar the Burman law courts are to our
-own! The following extract from the good father’s work
-will show it:<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>—“In civil causes, lawsuits are terminated
-much more expeditiously than is generally the case in our
-part of the world, provided always that the litigants are
-not rich, for then the affair is extremely long, and <i>sometimes
-never concluded at all</i>. I was myself acquainted
-with two rich European merchants and ship-masters, who
-ruined themselves so completely by a lawsuit, that they
-became destitute of the common necessaries of life, and
-the lawsuit withal was not decided, nor will ever be.”
-Just like Jarndyce and Jarndyce,—the same costly affair
-everywhere!</p>
-
-<p>Witnesses, both in the civil and criminal causes, are
-sometimes examined upon oath, though not always. The
-oath is written in a small book of palm-leaves, and is held
-over the head of the witness. Foreigners, however, take
-their own oaths. The substance of the Book of Imprecations,
-or, as the Burmese call it, the Book of the Oath,
-is as follows:<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>False witnesses, who assert anything from passion,
-and not from love of truth,—witnesses who affirm that
-they have heard and seen what they have not heard or
-seen, may all such false witnesses be severely punished
-with death, by that God who, through the duration of
-400,100,000 worlds, has performed every species of good
-work, and exercised every virtue. I say, may God, who,
-after having acquired all knowledge and justice, obtained
-divinity, leaning upon the tree of Godama, may this God,
-with the Nat who guards him day and night, that is, the
-Assurâ Nat, and the giants, slay these false witnesses.</p>
-
-<p>[Here follows the invocation of many different Nats.]</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span></p>
-
-<p>May all those who, in consequence of bribery from
-either party, do not speak the truth, incur the eight
-dangers and the ten punishments. May they be infected
-with all sorts of diseases.</p>
-
-<p>Moreover, may they be destroyed by elephants, bitten
-and slain by serpents, killed and devoured by the devils
-and giants, the tigers, and other ferocious animals of the
-forest. May whoever asserts a falsehood be swallowed by
-the earth, may he perish by sudden death, may a thunderbolt
-from heaven slay him,—the thunderbolt which is one
-of the arms of the Nat Devà.</p>
-
-<p>May false witnesses die of bad diseases, be bitten by
-crocodiles, be drowned. May they become poor, hated
-of the king. May they have calumniating enemies, may
-they be driven away, may they become utterly wretched,
-may every one ill-treat them, and <i>raise lawsuits against
-them</i>.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> May they be killed with swords, lances, and every
-sort of weapon. May they be precipitated into the eight
-great hells and the 120 smaller ones. May they be tormented.
-May they be changed into dogs. And, if finally
-they become men, may they be slaves a thousand and ten
-thousand times. May all their undertakings, thoughts,
-and desires, ever remain as worthless as a heap of cotton
-burnt by the fire.</p>
-
-<p>Such is the fearful anathema held over the head of the
-witness. The oath that the witness himself pronounced
-is very curious, and being unique in its way, I shall insert
-it here.<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> The book of the oath is held over the deponent’s
-head, and he says:—</p>
-
-<p>“I will speak the truth. If I speak not the truth, may
-it be through the influence of the laws of demerit, viz.,
-passion, anger, folly, pride, false opinion, immodesty, hard
-heartedness, and scepticism, so that when I and my relations
-are on land, land animals, as tigers, elephants, buffaloes,
-poisonous serpents, scorpions, &amp;c., shall seize, crush,
-and bite us, so that we shall certainly die. Let the calamities
-occasioned by fire, water, rulers, thieves, and
-enemies oppress and destroy us, till we perish and come to
-utter destruction. Let us be subject to all the calamities
-that are within the body, and all that are without the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
-body. May we be seized with madness, dumbness, blindness,
-deafness, leprosy, and hydrophobia. May we be
-struck with thunderbolts and lightning, and come to
-sudden death. In the midst of not speaking truth may
-I be taken with vomiting clotted black blood, and suddenly
-die before the assembled people. When I am going
-by water, may the water Nats assault me, the boat be
-upset, and the property lost; and may alligators, porpoises,
-sharks, or other sea monsters, seize and crush me
-to death; and when I change worlds, may I not arrive
-among men or Nats, but suffer unmixed punishment and
-regret, in the utmost wretchedness, among the four states
-of punishment, Hell, Prita, Beasts, and Athurakai.</p>
-
-<p>“If I speak the truth, may I and my relations, through
-the influence of the ten laws of merit, and on account of
-the efficacy of truth, be freed from all calamities within
-and without the body; and may evils which have not yet
-come, be warded far away. May the ten calamities and
-five enemies also be kept far away. May the thunderbolts
-and lightning, the Nat of the waters, and all sea animals,
-love me, that I may be safe from them. May my prosperity
-increase like the rising sun and the waxing moon;
-and may the seven possessions, the seven laws, and the
-seven merits of the virtuous, be permanent in my
-person; and when I change worlds, may I not go to
-the four states of punishment, but attain the happiness
-of men and Nats, and realize merit, reward, and perfect
-calm.”</p>
-
-<p>The last term requires explanation. It is the Buddhistic
-state of extreme delight, called <i>nib’han</i>, or <i>nieban</i>. A
-Burman rarely takes the oath, for it is not only terrible
-but expensive, as the report of Captain Alves will
-show:<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>—</p>
-
-<table summary="Cost of taking the oath">
- <tr>
- <td>Administration of the oath</td>
- <td>ten ticals.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Messenger for holding the book</td>
- <td>one tical.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Two other messengers’ fees</td>
- <td>two ticals.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Recorders</td>
- <td>two ticals.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>Pickled tea used in the ceremony</td>
- <td>half a tical.</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p>The pickled tea, as it is called, is a rough, coarse tea,
-chewed at the conclusion of the ceremony, and without it
-no oath is binding.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span></p>
-
-<p>There is another way in which causes are decided on
-very rare and special occasions,—the trial by ordeal. This
-is either by water or melted lead. In the first instance,
-the plaintiff and defendant are made to walk into the
-water, and whichever can hold out longest under its surface
-is declared the winner. The other mode consists in
-putting the finger in boiling water or melted lead, and
-trying who can keep it in the longest. The stocks are a
-great torture in this country, for they are made to slide
-up and down, so that the head and shoulders touch the
-floor. Of the prisons, sad and disagreeable accounts are
-given, but they are very insecure.</p>
-
-<p>I may here remark, that it is an accepted truth, that the
-only use to be derived from the examination of the institutions
-of other countries, is that they may be compared
-by us with our own, and that they may serve as a standard
-whereby to measure the enlightenment to which we have
-attained. I hope, therefore, that I shall find some one
-willing to excuse me for having mentioned our “noble
-institution,” that “bulwark of our liberties,” the most
-High Court of Chancery, in the same page with the law
-courts of Burmah, where so much equity and moderation
-prevail. Because, of course, it is only the “rabble,” the
-“herd,” the “great unwashed,” that suffer, and these are
-of no account whatever in either nation, British or Burman,
-especially in the eyes of Secretaries at War.</p>
-
-<p>Having now ended my account of the Burmese law
-courts, I shall pass on to a totally different subject,—the
-Burmese law.</p>
-
-<p>The various codes of laws which are considered of
-authority are, according to Crawfurd,<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> the Shwe-men, or
-Golden Prince, the Wan-da-na, and the Damawilátha, to
-which may be added the Damasat or Damathat, a Burmese
-translation of the Institutes of Manu. In these
-law courts, however, all codes whatever are dead letters,
-for to none does any judge ever refer. Malcom
-observes:<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>—“As a great part of their income is derived
-from lawsuits, they [the rulers] generally encourage litigation.”</p>
-
-<p>The flight of a debtor does not relieve his family of the
-liability; but no wife can be obliged to pay the debts he
-has contracted during a former marriage. When a loan<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
-is entered upon, each of the securities is responsible for
-the whole amount, and the lender can force the first person
-to pay that he can catch. The property of insolvents
-must be equally shared among the creditors without preference.
-The eldest son inherits the arms, wardrobe,
-bed, and jewellery of his father; the rest of his property
-is divided into four equal shares, of which the widow has
-three, and the family, exclusive of the eldest son, take the
-remaining fourth.</p>
-
-<p>The different punishments for offences are these, increasing
-with the enormity of the crime:—Fines, the
-stocks, imprisonment, labour in chains, flogging, branding,
-maiming, pagoda slavery, and death. The last, which
-seldom occurs but for murder and treason, is inflicted by
-decapitation, drowning, or crucifixion. But killing slaves
-is not criminal, and is atoned by fines. A libel is punished
-by the infliction of the punishment corresponding to the
-crime unjustly charged upon the plaintiff by the libeller:
-however, if the truth of the charge be proven, it is not a
-libel. In our country, it is a well-known fact that the
-truth alone is a libel, a falsehood needing no refutation.
-Judgments, as in England, go by default of appearance,
-though that is no rule in Burman practice, whatever it
-maybe in theory.</p>
-
-<p>The husband has power to chastise his wife for misbehaviour,
-after repeated admonitions and remonstrances
-in the presence of witnesses. In the event of continued
-offences, he has the power to divorce her, without appeal.
-A woman whose husband has gone away with the army is
-at liberty to marry at the expiration of six years; if his
-object were business, she must wait seven years; and if
-he was sent on any religious mission, she must wait ten
-years. The slave-laws are very strict, yet favourable on
-the whole; but I should imagine that judge’s opinion
-settled the matter.</p>
-
-<p>Changing a landmark is heavily punished. Betting
-debts are recoverable from the loser, but not from any
-person in any way otherwise responsible. A person hurt
-in wrestling, or any other athletic exercise, cannot recover
-damages: but if he be mortally hurt, the other must pay
-the price of his body. An empty vehicle must give place
-before a full one; and when two loaded men meet, he that
-has the sun at his back must give way. The following
-value is set upon men, women, and children:—</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span></p>
-
-<table summary="Values of men, women and children">
- <tr>
- <th></th>
- <th></th>
- <th></th>
- <th></th>
- <th>£.</th>
- <th>s.</th>
- <th>d.</th>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>A new-born male infant</td>
- <td class="tdr">4</td>
- <td>ticals</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td class="tdr">0</td>
- <td class="tdr">10</td>
- <td class="tdr">0</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>A female infant</td>
- <td class="tdr">3</td>
- <td class="center">”</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td class="tdr">0</td>
- <td class="tdr">7</td>
- <td class="tdr">6</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>A boy</td>
- <td class="tdr">10</td>
- <td class="center">”</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td class="tdr">1</td>
- <td class="tdr">5</td>
- <td class="tdr">0</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>A girl</td>
- <td class="tdr">7</td>
- <td class="center">”</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td class="tdr">0</td>
- <td class="tdr">17</td>
- <td class="tdr">6</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>A young man</td>
- <td class="tdr">30</td>
- <td class="center">”</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td class="tdr">3</td>
- <td class="tdr">15</td>
- <td class="tdr">0</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>A young woman</td>
- <td class="tdr">35</td>
- <td class="center">”</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td class="tdr">4</td>
- <td class="tdr">2</td>
- <td class="tdr">6</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p>Rich persons pay in proportion to their wealth and
-importance. Of course the high officers of the administration
-thus become very valuable men, in one respect at
-least.</p>
-
-<p>The Burmese code, in its various aspects, seems most
-strangely inapposite for the land in which it is placed; or,
-it might be more correct to say, for the officers by whom
-it is dispensed. The police magistrate’s position is in
-Europe a responsible and disagreeable one; but the case
-is far otherwise in Burmah, and indeed in all Oriental
-governments having native ministers. For, though there
-may be amongst them some few scrupulous men, yet, as a
-whole, we cannot look upon the magisterial office as otherwise
-than an engine of extortion, and as a means whereby
-to turn the weaknesses of the human disposition to the
-best advantage. It is, however, not very remarkable that
-a country should exist with good laws and bad administrations,
-as it is not impossible for a nation to continue
-under the rule of obsolete ordinances and quibbling sinecurists.
-Many of the grievances are, however, chargeable
-on the inactive and unenergetic disposition of the people. I
-am not, however, prepared, with all this, to go the length
-of Crawfurd, who thus speaks:<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The police is as bad as possible; and it is notorious
-that in all times of which we can speak with certainly, the
-country has been overrun with pirates and robbers. Responsibility
-is shifted from one person to another, and a
-general ignorance and want of intelligence pervades every
-department.<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> It is a matter well known, however contrary
-to theory, that in consequence of this state of things
-even a royal order will often fail of commanding respect
-or attention at the distance of five short miles from the
-seat of government.”</p>
-
-<p>These are but broad, sweeping assertions, like those
-exactly contradictory remarks of Symes, quoted at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
-close of the last chapter; and such broad assertions must
-ever be received <i>cum grano salis</i>. A middle path between
-these two must be taken. The condition of the country
-is probably no worse, and no better, than in the neighbouring
-empire of China, where the same iniquitous system
-of bribery prevails amongst the magistracy, and
-where the actual amount of crime is not great in proportion
-to the population and extent of the country. The
-envoy of a government is not likely in the quick progress
-of his passage through the country, to be able to examine
-into the condition of the people impartially, and, as they
-are prepared to make the best or the worst show they can
-to the foreign ambassador, so, too, will the foreign ambassador
-take the best or the worst view of their character.</p>
-
-<p>That there is much crime is undeniable; but they are
-not monsters of iniquity, neither, on the other hand, are
-they angels of heaven. We must ever, in our judgment
-of uncivilised or semi-civilised races, be careful and lenient
-to a degree. They have not always the same advantages,
-and they are kept back by their rulers, ever ignorant and
-bigoted. Example, experience, and interest cause a nation
-to progress, not violence nor fanaticism. Witness the
-Turkish nation, formerly wild and brutish, now to be considered
-in every way as a civilised and generous nation.
-And this was brought about by the force of example and
-the energy of the ruler. We shall, in the history of Burmah,
-meet with a somewhat similar case in Alompra.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p>
-
-<p>Let us now turn to the revenues accruing to the government,
-and first of the earth-oil.</p>
-
-<p>The petroleum wells, once already described, are of
-immense value to the government as a source of revenue.
-The annual produce of the wells is, according to Crawfurd,<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>
-twenty-two millions of viss, each of 3⁶⁵⁄₁₀₀ pounds
-avoirdupois. The wells altogether occupy a space of about<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
-six square miles. Cox, who visited them early in 1797,
-says, that at the place where he stayed to examine the
-wells, there were about one hundred and eighty of them,
-and at the distance of four or five miles there were, he
-was told, three hundred and forty more.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> I cannot do
-better than subjoin some few of Crawfurd’s excellent
-remarks, in connection with his visit. He was put in
-possession of more correct data on which to found his
-calculation than his intelligent predecessor Captain Cox,
-and his observations are consequently of more authority.</p>
-
-<p>“The country here,” he says,<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> “is a series of sand-hills
-and ravines—the latter, torrents after a fall of rain,
-as we now experienced, and the former either covered
-with a very thin soil, or altogether bare. The trees,
-which were rather more numerous than we looked for, did
-not rise beyond twenty feet in height. The surface gave
-no indication that we could detect of the existence of the
-petroleum. On the spot which we reached, there were
-eight or ten wells, and we examined one of the best. The
-shaft was of a square form, and its dimensions about four
-feet to a side. It was formed by sinking a frame of wood,
-composed of beams of the <i>Mimosa catechu</i>, which affords a
-durable timber. Our conductor, the son of the Myosugi<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
-of the village, informed us that the wells were commonly
-from one hundred and forty to one hundred and sixty
-cubits deep, and that their greatest depth in any case was
-two hundred. He informed us that the one we were examining
-was the private property of his father—that it
-was considered very productive, and that its exact depth
-was one hundred and forty cubits. We measured it with
-a good lead-line, and ascertained its depth to be two hundred
-and ten feet, thus corresponding exactly with the
-report of our conductor—a matter which we did not look
-for, considering the extraordinary carelessness of the Burmans
-in all matters of this description. A pot of this oil
-was taken up, and a good thermometer being immediately
-plunged into it, indicated a temperature of ninety degrees.
-That of the air, when we left the ship an hour before, was
-eighty-two degrees. To make the experiment perfectly
-accurate, we ought to have brought a second thermometer
-along with us; but this was neglected. We looked into
-one or two of the wells, and could discern the bottom.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
-The liquid seemed as if boiling; but whether from the
-emission of gaseous fluids, or simply from the escape of
-the oil itself from the ground, we had no means of determining.
-The formation where the wells are sunk consisted
-of sand, loose sandstone, and blue clay. When a
-well is dug to a considerable extent, the labourers informed
-us that brown earth was occasionally found.... The petroleum
-itself, when first taken out of the well, is of a thin
-watery consistence, but thickens by keeping, and in the
-cold weather it coagulates. Its colour at all times is a dirty
-green, not much unlike that of stagnant water. It has a
-pungent aromatic odour, offensive to most people....
-The contents of the pot are deposited for a time in a
-cistern. Two persons are employed in raising the oil,
-making the whole number of persons engaged on each
-well only four. The oil is carried to the village or port in
-carts drawn by a pair of bullocks, each cart conveying
-from ten to fourteen pots, of ten viss each, or from 265 to
-371 pounds avoirdupois of the commodity.... The
-price, according to the demand, varies from four ticals of
-flowered silver to six ticals per 1,000 viss; which is from
-fivepence to sevenpence halfpenny per cwt.... Sesamum
-oil will cost at the same place not less than three
-hundred ticals for an equal weight; but it lasts longer,
-gives a better light, and is more agreeable than the petroleum,
-which in burning emits an immense quantity of
-black smoke, which soils every object near it.”</p>
-
-<p>The oil is much used, notwithstanding this last inconvenience,
-by the Burmans in their lamps; and besides
-this there is another important service which it renders
-them,—that of preserving their timber from destruction by
-insects, who detest it. How great must be such a blessing
-in a land where the detestable white ant commits its
-dreadful ravages!</p>
-
-<p>It is chiefly consumed in the country itself, where two-thirds
-of it is used for burning, thirty viss per annum
-being considered a moderate consumption for a family of
-about five or six persons. Mr. Crawfurd, during his short
-stay, collected some interesting statistical information on
-the subject of these mines, which I abridge from his
-work.<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p>
-
-<p>The number of boats waiting for cargoes of oil was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
-correctly taken, and found to amount to one hundred and
-eighty-three, of various sizes, some carrying only 1,000
-viss, and others 1,400. The average burthen of the vessels
-employed in this trade is about 4,000 viss. They complete
-their cargoes in fifteen days; they are, therefore, renewed
-twenty-four times in the year; the exportation of oil,
-according to this estimate, will, therefore, be 17,568,000
-viss. Deducting a third from this, used for other purposes
-than burning, and we have, at the annual consumption of
-thirty viss for a family of five and a half individuals, a
-population of 2,147,200.</p>
-
-<p>The actual daily produce of the wells is rather uncertain.
-It was stated to vary from thirty to five hundred,
-the average giving about 235 viss; the number of wells
-was sometimes given as low as fifty, and sometimes as
-high as four hundred.<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> The average made about 200,
-and, considering the extent of ground covered by the
-wells, about sixteen square miles, Mr. Crawfurd does not
-think this an exaggeration. This estimate would reduce
-the amount of the population somewhat, causing it to consist
-only of 2,066,721 persons.</p>
-
-<p>On Mr. Crawfurd’s return in December, he again visited
-the wells. His investigations did not materially affect his
-previous calculations, which, on the whole, we can but
-consider as the most satisfactory that, under circumstances,
-have yet been attainable. I close this rather
-extended account of the petroleum wells, by an extract
-from Crawfurd’s work, which I fancy is the best <i>finale</i>
-that can be imagined, viz., the duty levied on it by the
-Government:<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The celebrated petroleum wells afford, as I ascertained
-at Ava, a revenue to the king or his officers. The
-wells are private property, and belong hereditarily to
-about thirty-two individuals. A duty of five parts in a
-hundred is levied on the petroleum as it comes from the
-wells, and the amount realized upon it is said to be twenty-five
-thousand ticals per annum. No less than twenty
-thousand of this goes to contractors, collectors, or public
-officers; and the share of the state, or five thousand, was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
-assigned during our visits as a pension of one of the
-queens.”</p>
-
-<p>Truly, this does not look like rapacity on the part of
-the king! Who can tell what portion is legitimately the
-share of the officers of the Crown?</p>
-
-<p>The revenue of the Burman empire is a duty of ten per
-cent. upon all merchandise coming from abroad; of the
-produce of some of the mines in the Burman dominions;
-export duties; a family tax, and an excise on salt, fisheries,
-fruit-trees, rice, and, as before seen, on petroleum. Besides
-this, there is a supply of money continually coming
-in by the presents which the officers receive for the attainment
-of various favours. The latter, though of course
-wavering, forms a by no means inconsiderable portion of
-the royal income. The taxes are principally taken in
-kind, with the exception of the tax on families, which is
-usually demanded in specie.</p>
-
-<p>But even these form a very inconsiderable portion of
-the income of the Crown. Sangermano tells us very
-quaintly, “as he considers the property of his subjects as
-in reality belonging to himself, he therefore exacts from
-them anything he pleases; so that it may be said with
-truth, that the unfortunate Burmese labour in acquiring
-riches, not for themselves or their children, but merely to
-gratify the avarice of the emperor; as their possessions
-almost invariably find their way, sooner or later, into the
-royal treasury.”<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> We shall in the course of a few pages
-see in what manner this took place.</p>
-
-<p>It is, however, somewhat remarkable, as Crawfurd
-observes,<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> that “a direct tax on the land, according
-either to its extent or fertility, is not known to the Burmese.”
-This, though forming a source of much emolument
-in other Oriental countries, appears to be wholly unknown
-here. Its place is supplied by the family tax, above
-mentioned. This family, or more correctly property-tax, is
-confined to the Burmese, Talains (Peguers), and a few naturalized
-foreigners. An extract from Alves’s Report will show
-its operation.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> “The arbitrary assessments for various
-purposes, which were levied upon the Burmese and Talains,
-amounted annually, I am informed, to about 50,000 <i>ticals</i><a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
-on ordinary occasions, for the two townships of Bassein
-and Pantano. Bassein, the chief town of the province,
-was exempt from regular assessment, being subject to calls
-for the support of messengers or other public authorities
-from the capital, and for their travelling expenses. Pantano,
-and another district of the province, were exempt,
-as being assignments for the maintenance of their respective
-Myo-thugyis.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> I might probably have obtained information
-regarding the amount of these arbitrary cesses
-in the other townships; but the subject of inquiry was
-rather a delicate one, and might have led to the belief
-that its continuance was contemplated under British sway.
-Besides, the tax was an ever-fluctuating one; information
-regarding it not very readily given; and the purpose for
-which the money was often required, I was told, was too
-ludicrous to bear repetition to an Englishman. The
-amount for the other township may be inferred from the
-above, and was probably about 127,000 <i>ticals</i>. On extraordinary
-occasions there was no limit to exactions of both
-men and money. It does not appear that assessments
-could have been properly ordered for other than public
-purposes, or under instructions from court; although the
-amount might not always find its way into the treasury of
-the State, it ought to have been expended in the service of
-the State. The principle of this tax seems to be that of
-a property-tax. A town or village having to pay a certain
-sum, the heads of wards, or principal people of the village,
-were called together by the Myo-thu-gyi or Thu-gyi, and
-informed of their quota in men and money to be furnished,
-and they assessed the householders agreeably to their
-means, or supposed means,—some having to pay, say fifty
-<i>ticals</i>, others one, or even less. I have been informed
-that there are tolerably correct accounts of the means of
-each householder; but on such occasions poverty is often
-pleaded, and it too frequently happens that confinement
-and torture are resorted to before the collection is completed.
-The system is obviously open to the greatest
-abuses, and although it is not against these abuses that
-the people generally exclaim, it is evident this is the most
-vexatious of all parts of the Burmese administration; and
-its abolition or modification would have been most desirable,
-had the country been retained. All persons in public<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
-employ were exempt from this tax—also artificers, as they
-had to work without pay, when required for public purposes,
-or for the business of the local officers.<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Also
-the Mussulman and Chinese inhabitants at Bassein: the
-former, when required, being made to work as tailors;
-the latter, to manufacture gunpowder and fireworks. Both
-these classes, however, were compelled to make gunpowder,
-from the breaking out of the war until the arrival of the
-British armament at Bassein. There ought to have been
-no expense of collection, although it appears to have been
-perfectly understood, that the overplus exacted by the
-Thu-gyis on such occasions was their chief source of emolument.”</p>
-
-<p>The amount charged upon each family is in English
-money about twenty shillings and tenpence; and a family
-consisting of six persons, the taxation per head is about
-three shillings and fivepence. Besides this, however, there
-is much to be paid, which varies very considerably, and is
-applied to extraordinary uses.</p>
-
-<p>In some portions of Burmah a tax is levied upon fruit-trees,
-and a fixed price is set upon each species of tree.
-The tax, as usual, was exorbitant, though, as the envoy
-remarks, “it may be stated generally that the unsettled
-habits of the people, and the ignorance and unskilfulness
-of the tax-gatherer, contribute in practice to counterbalance,
-in some degree, the arbitrary and oppressive character
-of the government in theory.”<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> In Lower Pegu,
-a mango, a jack,<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> a cocoa-nut, and a mariam tree (a small
-kind of mango), paid each one-eighth of a tical (threepence
-three farthings) per annum. An areca and Palmyra palm
-paid a quarter of a tical, and a betel-vine one sixteenth.
-A tithe was levied in other places. Mr. Crawfurd was
-unable to ascertain what the total produce of the tax was.
-Indeed it is difficult to arrive at any determination in any
-of these cases, for they are all equally wanting in point
-of data.</p>
-
-<p>The import duties, as already stated, are one-tenth of
-the value of the articles imported, but the custom-house
-has the option of levying them in money or in kind. An
-instance of the vexation attending the latter system was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
-related to Mr. Crawfurd. It seems that on board some
-European vessel there was a small cable or hawser which
-was imported. The inspector was, I suppose, “entirely
-bothered;” for he knew not how to manage the matter.
-At last he settled it by cutting off a tithe, remarking, at
-the same time, that if it were not long enough for any
-other purpose, it would do to light the king’s cigar! The
-import duties on the land frontier of China amounted to
-40,000 <i>ticals</i> (about £5,000).</p>
-
-<p>The whole amount of royal revenue, from various
-sources, owing probably to the cheating system of the
-officers, is not more than £25,000 per annum, “an income,”
-as Crawfurd concludes, “far exceeded by that of
-many native subjects of the British possessions in India.”<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>
-
-<p>But the inhabitants of the land are subjected to many
-other grievances in the way of extortion, and, taking
-Sangermano for a guide, I shall enumerate some of these.
-The funds for building the public edifices and palaces,
-bridges, convents, and pagodas, are raised by extraordinary
-levies. Even if that were all, it might be sufferable;
-but when anything of this nature is required, the government
-officers extort three or four times as much as would
-suffice for the purpose. And just as the king acts in Ava,
-so do the governors of the other towns. The whole system
-of practical government in Ava is one gigantic mass of
-corruption and iniquity, and nothing but the total overthrow
-of the present government, and establishment of
-British supremacy, can rescue the unhappy people of
-Burmah. In Rangoon, however, as it is at the greatest
-distance from the government, these exactions are carried
-to the greatest excess. It is at that place that those
-enormities are committed, of which I have already mentioned
-a few instances. However, the dignitaries meet
-their reward; “for,” says the good Father Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>
-“sooner or later the news of their conduct reaches the court,
-they are stripped of their dignity, and sometimes, if their
-crimes be great, are put to death, and their property is
-confiscated for the use of the emperor. Generally, however,
-they save themselves at the expense of their riches,
-which are entirely consumed in presents to the wives,
-sons, and chief ministers of the emperor; and then they
-are frequently sent back to the same governments where<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span>
-they had practised their extortions, to heap up new treasures
-for new confiscations. Hence it may justly be
-inferred, that the rapacity of the emperor is not less than
-that of his mandarins; and that he does not care for the
-spoliation of his subjects, but rather encourages it, that
-he may thus always have means in his power to replenish
-his treasury.”</p>
-
-<p>In short we may conclude these “Sketches of Government”
-with the remark of the reviewer:<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> “The
-government is a despotism upon the model of that of
-China; the fiction of paternity in the person of the ruler
-being in both countries upheld. The emperor is the
-father of the state; each mandarin is the father of the
-province which he governs; and each magistrate, of whatever
-gradation, father of the subordinate department in
-which he presides.” We have seen how fatherly is the
-whole behaviour of the Burman rulers, and we may well
-agree with the reviewer, in pronouncing the fiction invented
-for the benefit of the <i>despot</i>, and not for the benefit
-of the <i>people</i>.</p>
-
-<p>There is no regular Burmese army.<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> When the king
-requires one, he fixes the number of soldiers necessary
-for the enterprise, and nominates the general who is to
-command them. The Lut-d’hau in the capital, and the
-Ion or Rondai of the provincial town, then send for a
-certain number more than absolutely mentioned by the
-king. These are brought together by a forced conscription,
-and the conduct of the officers who levy them not a little
-resembles that of the renowned and valiant Falstaff.
-Such persons as are unable to serve, or are rich enough
-to buy themselves off, do so, and the consequence is, that
-a rabble is assembled, without subordination or discipline,
-and consequently formidable only to the barbarian tribes
-on the frontiers, but totally unable to cope with the
-civilised forces of the Company. The money obtained
-from the Burmans who buy off is applied to the equipment
-of the army; “for the emperor,” Sangermano observes,
-“does not furnish anything but the arms, which
-must be well taken care of; and woe to the soldier who
-loses them.”<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> The whole male population between the
-ages of seventeen and sixty serve, and those with wives<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span>
-and families are ever preferred, as these last serve as
-hostages for their good behaviour. This forcible conscription
-partly induces unwillingness, and partly the natural
-cowardice of the peasantry. Crawfurd was informed by
-several Europeans, who were present at Rangoon when
-the troops were embarking for Junk Ceylon, and other
-parts of the Siamese coast, that they were often carried
-on board tied hands and feet, and this not in a few cases,
-but repeatedly, and in great numbers. What soldiers for
-our disciplined army to contend with, and what an insight
-into their military character this gives us, <i>if it be not an
-exaggeration</i>! And yet these cowards, forced into the
-service in this valiant way, caused the retreat of the
-British force at Ramoo in 1824! Perhaps their conduct
-is somewhat like that of our own sailors. There is, however,
-little doubt of their being an utterly despicable foe,
-though they will undergo the severest privations without
-a word. In time, however, and under judicious generalship,
-they might become very passable soldiers.</p>
-
-<p>“As soon as the order for marching arrives,” says
-Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> “the soldiers, leaving their sowing and
-reaping, and whatever occupation they may be engaged in,
-assemble instantly in different corps, and prepare themselves;
-and throwing their weapon over their shoulders
-like a lever, they hang from one end of it a mat or blanket
-to cover them at night, a provision of powder, and a little
-vessel for cooking; and from the other end, a provision of
-rice, of salt, and of Napè, a species of half-putrid, half-dried
-fish, pickled with salt. In this guise they travel to
-their place of destination, without transport-waggons,
-without tents, in their ordinary dress, merely carrying
-on their heads a piece of red cloth, the only distinctive
-badge of a Burmese soldier.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> About nine o’clock in the
-morning they begin to march, after having taken a short
-sleep, and cooked and eaten their rice, and Carè, a sort of
-stew eaten with the rice, of which that kind which is
-used by soldiers and travellers is generally made of herbs
-or leaves of trees, cooked in plain water, with a little
-Napè. He might then bivouac on the bare ground, without
-any protection from the night air, the dew, or even
-the rain; merely constructing a palisade of branches of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span>
-trees or thorns. Sometimes it happens that the expedition
-is deferred till the following year, and then the
-soldiers being arrived on the enemy’s confines are made
-to work in the rice-grounds, thus to furnish a store of
-that commodity for their provision.”</p>
-
-<p>This is the picturesque description left us by the missionary,
-and it is of the more value as we know it to come
-from an eye-witness. But in the Burmese army, as in the
-ancient Persian, there is a corps of several thousand men,
-known by the name of the Invulnerables. Major Snodgrass
-has given us an interesting sketch of this body of
-military; and it being short, finds a fitting place here.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p>
-
-<p>“They are distinguished by the short cut of their
-hair, and the peculiar manner in which they are tattooed,
-having the figures of elephants, tigers, and a great variety
-of ferocious animals, indelibly and even beautifully marked
-upon their arms and legs; but to the soldiers they were
-best known by having bits of gold, silver, and sometimes
-precious stones in their arms, probably introduced under
-the skin at an early age.</p>
-
-<p>“These men are considered by their countrymen as
-invulnerable; and from their foolish and absurd exposure
-of their persons to the fire of an enemy, they are either
-impressed with the same opinion, or find it necessary to
-show a marked contempt for danger, in support of their
-pretensions. In all the stockades and defences of the
-enemy, one or two of these heroes were generally found,
-whose duty it was to exhibit the war-dance of defiance
-upon the most exposed part of their defences, infusing
-courage and enthusiasm into the minds of their comrades,
-and affording much amusement to their enemies. The
-infatuated wretches, under the excitement of opium, too
-frequently continued the ludicrous exhibition, till they
-afforded convincing proof of the value of their claims to
-the title they assume.”</p>
-
-<p>The arms in use among the Burmese are clumsy two-handed
-sabres, named dàs, lances, bows, and matchlocks.
-A few cannon are managed by a corps of Christians in
-the service of the country. These Christians, in the time
-of Anaundoprà, amounted, with their wives and families,
-to about two thousand, being the descendants of the
-Portuguese transported from Syriam more than a century<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span>
-before. Their gunpowder they manufacture themselves,
-and Crawfurd pronounces it to be as bad as any prepared
-in the Orient.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Snodgrass,<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> Crawfurd, Wilson,
-and others, are unanimous in pronouncing the chief
-military talents of the Burmese to lie in field-works; yet,
-though their position was well selected and quickly occupied,
-the execution of their stockades, with a few exceptions,
-seems to be very inferior.</p>
-
-<p>After their conquest of Munipur they enrolled a small
-body of cavalry, which, however, has rarely proved
-effective, for the horses are of very inferior quality.</p>
-
-<p>The troops are subject to a rigorous discipline. The
-power of capital punishment is not vested only in the
-general, but the officer of any corps that happens to be
-somewhat distant from the main body, has the same
-liberty of punishing with death, and this without appeal,
-any soldier that he judges worthy of it. “The sword,”
-observes Sangermano, “is always hanging over the head
-of the soldier, and the slightest disposition to flight, or
-reluctance to advance, will infallibly bring it down upon
-him. But what above all,” continues the Father, “tends
-to hold the Burmese soldiery to their duty, is the dreadful
-execution that is done on the wives and children of
-those who desert. The arms and legs of these miserable
-victims are bound together with no more feeling than if
-they were brute beasts, and in this state they are shut up
-in cabins made of bamboo, and filled with combustible
-material, which are then set on fire by means of a train
-of gunpowder.”<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> The power of the king, however, is
-as great over his officers, as that of his officers over the
-common soldiers. “Woe to the commander,” exclaims
-the quaint old missionary, “woe to the commander who
-suffers himself to be worsted! The least he can expect is
-the loss of all his honours and dignities; but if there has
-been the slightest negligence on his part, his possessions
-and life must also be sacrificed to the anger of the emperor.”</p>
-
-<p>The iron rule of the king has caused a vast falling off
-in his subjects, who have withdrawn to Siam and to the
-British possessions in Bengal and Arakhan. The maxim
-of the government has been the saying of its king:—“We
-must hold down the Burmese by oppression, so that they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span>
-may never dare to meditate rebellion.” Another anecdote
-is related<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> of the same king, Men-ta-ra-gyee; and though
-it may be apocryphal, yet it shows the spirit of the age.
-Some one of his court represented to him that the incessant
-wars were materially reducing the number of his
-subjects; but the only reply vouchsafed by the inexorable
-monarch was, “It matters but little; for if all the men
-are killed, then we can enrol and arm the women.”</p>
-
-<p>The military character of the Burmese is well summed
-up by Snodgrass in the following terms:<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>—“When
-engaged in offensive warfare, which in their native quarrels
-has generally been the case, the Burmese is arrogant,
-bold, and daring; possessed of strength and activity
-superior to all his neighbours, and capable of enduring
-great fatigue, his movements are rapid, and his perseverance
-in overcoming obstacles almost irresistible: possessed,
-too, of superior science and ability in their peculiar
-system of fighting, he had seldom met his equal in the
-field, or even experienced serious resistance in the numerous
-conquests which of late years had been added to
-the empire, until the increasing arrogance and aggressions
-of his government brought him at last in contact with an
-enemy of a very different description from any he had yet
-contended with, and presented his military character in
-a different light, divested of the glare which victory and
-success had long shed around it.” Arrogant and daring,
-indeed, when the Burman name alone was sufficient to
-cause the wild tribes of the frontier to lay down their
-arms, and humbly beg for peace on any terms.</p>
-
-<p>Before closing this chapter, it were well to give some
-account of that celebrated appendage to Burman state, the
-white elephant. I shall here take occasion to introduce a
-description of them by an old traveller, the first Englishmen
-indeed who ever visited Burmah. It is given in
-Hakluyt’s collection of “Nauigations, Traffiques, and
-Discoueries.”<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p>
-
-<p>“And among the rest he hath foure white elephants,
-which are very strange and rare, for there is none other
-king that hath them but he; if any other king hath one,
-hee will send vnto him for it. When any of these white
-elephants is brought vnto the king, all the merchants in
-the city are commanded to see them, and to giue him a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span>
-present of halfe a ducat, which doth come to a great
-summe, for that there are many merchants in the city.
-After that you have given your present, you may come
-and see them at your pleasure, although they stand in the
-king’s house. This king, in his title, is called, the king
-of the white elephants.<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> If any other king haue one,
-and will not send it him, he will make warre with him for
-it, for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome
-than not to conquere him. They do very great seruice
-vnto these white elephants; euery one of them standeth
-in a house gilded with golde, and they doe feede in vessels
-of siluer and gilt. One of them, when he doth go to the
-riuer to be washed, as euery day they do, goeth under a
-canopy of clothe, of golde or of silke, carried ouer him by
-sixe or eight men, and eight or ten men goe before him,
-playing on drummes, shawmes, or other instruments:
-and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer,
-there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer
-basin, which is his office giuen him by the king. There is
-no such account made of any blacke elephant, be he neuer
-so great. And surely there be woonderfull faire and
-great, and some be nine cubites in height.”<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p>
-
-<p>Since the institution of the Burmese monarchy, its
-kings have ever been most desirous of having one of these
-white elephants in their possession, as they conceived it
-added additional strength to their arms, and good fortune
-to their administration. At the accession of Men-ta-ra-gyee
-there was no such animal in the royal stables, and
-he directed all his efforts to the satisfying of a natural
-desire to have one. His endeavours were crowned with
-success, for, in 1805, a female was caught at Lain, in the
-forests of Pegu. Sangermano gives the following account
-of its treatment and transportation to Amarapura.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p>
-
-<p>“Immediately upon its being captured, it was bound
-with cords covered with scarlet,<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> and the most considerable
-of the mandarins were deputed to attend it. A
-house, such as is occupied by the greatest ministers, was
-built for its reception; and numerous servants were appointed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span>
-to watch over its cleanliness, to carry to it every
-day the freshest herbs, which had first been washed with
-water, and to provide it with everything else that could
-contribute to its comfort. As the place where it was
-taken was infested with mosquitoes, a beautiful net of silk
-was made to protect it from them;<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> and to preserve it
-from all harm, mandarins and guards watched by it both
-day and night. No sooner was the news spread abroad
-that a white elephant had been taken, than immense multitudes
-of every age, sex, and condition flocked to behold
-it, not only from the neighbouring parts, but even from
-the most remote provinces.... At length the king gave
-orders for its transportation to Amarapura, and immediately
-two boats of teak wood were fastened together,
-and upon them was erected a superb pavilion, with a roof
-similar to that which covers the royal palaces. It was
-made perfectly impervious to the sun or rain, and draperies
-of silk embroidered in gold adorned it on every side.
-This splendid pavilion was towed up the river by three
-large and beautiful gilded vessels full of rowers.... The
-king and royal family frequently sent messengers, to bring
-tidings of its health, and make it rich presents in their
-name.... To honour its arrival in the city, a most splendid
-festival was ordered, which continued for three days, and
-was celebrated with music, dancing, and fireworks. The
-most costly presents continued daily to be brought to it
-by all the mandarins of the kingdom, and one is said to
-have offered a vase of gold weighing 480 ounces. But it
-is well known that these presents and the eagerness shown
-in bestowing them, were owing more to the avaricious
-policy of the king than to the veneration of his subjects<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span>
-towards the elephant, for all these golden utensils and
-ornaments found their way at last into the royal treasury.”</p>
-
-<p>A fit conclusion to so tremendous a piece of superstition
-and absurdity! Crawfurd, however, denies that the veneration
-paid to it was so great as reported; there is at any
-rate no question that the fortunate discoverer is well rewarded.
-The one now in the possession of the king of
-Ava was discovered by four villagers, who, in addition to
-rank, offices, title, and estates, each received the sum of
-two thousand five hundred ticals,—about £312 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p>
-
-<p>“At the death of the elephant,” continues Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>
-“as at that of an emperor, it is publicly forbidden, under
-heavy penalties, to assert that he is dead; it must only be
-said that he is departed, or has disappeared. As the one
-of which we have spoken was a female, its funeral was
-conducted in the form practised on the demise of a principal
-queen. The body was accordingly placed upon a
-funeral pile of sassafras, sandal, and other aromatic woods,
-then covered over with similar materials; and the pyre
-was set on fire with the aid of four immense gilt bellows
-placed at its angles. After three days, the principal mandarins
-came to gather the ashes and remnants of the
-bones, which they enshrined in a gilt and well-closed urn,
-and buried in the royal cemetery. Over the tomb was
-subsequently raised a superb mausoleum of a pyramidal
-shape, built of brick, but richly painted and gilt. Had
-the elephant been a male, it would have been interred
-with the ceremonial used for the sovereign.”</p>
-
-<p>The loss of the elephant was, however, soon supplied;
-for another was caught in 1806 near a place called Nibban,
-in Pegu, and the day that Sangermano quitted Rangoon
-for Europe, the first of October, it was expected at that
-place. It was the same one that Crawfurd saw in October,
-1826.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="I_CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</h4>
-
-<p>Cosmography—The Burman hells—Definition of a Nat by Hesiod—Buddha—Gaudama—His
-probable history—Buddhism—Priests—Temples—Curious
-cave near Prome—Monasteries—Ceremonies—Funeral—Concluding
-remarks.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The origin of the Burmese nation, like that of every
-other, is lost in the mists of antiquity. We know not
-whence we proceed, and the beginning and end of our
-being on this earth are alike wrapt in obscurity. But in
-addition to the unavoidable gloom that envelops the beginning
-of every nation, we have, amongst the Indian
-races, the additional uncertainty caused by a wild and incoherent
-cosmography, which, pervading the early portions
-of their national annals, renders it almost impossible to
-elicit any sort of narrative that would be satisfactory to
-the reader in an historical point of view. But, as everything
-connected with a nation and its belief, is interesting
-to the curious observer of mankind, it will be as well
-to listen to the wild and wondrous strain, the sounds of
-which still thrill and tremble upon the threshold of time.
-Here, then, is a short view of the Burmese cosmography,
-as a prelude to the ancient history of that country. We
-will listen to it from the mouth of Sangermano, one of
-the best and most modest of the exponents of Burmese
-antiquities.<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>
-
-<p>According to the Burmese sacred books, there are five
-species of atoms. The first is an invisible permeating
-fluid, distinguishable only by the superior order of genii
-called Nat. The second species is that which may be
-seen dancing in the gleam of a streak of sunlight. The
-third species consists of the dust raised by the motion
-of animals, and vehicles from the earth. The fourth<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span>
-comprises the gross particles which form the soil on
-which men live. And the fifth consists of those little
-grains which fall when writing with an iron pen upon a
-palm-leaf.</p>
-
-<p>These atoms are exactly proportioned to each other in
-the following way. Thirty-six atoms of the first make
-one of the second; thirty-six of the second make one of
-the third, and so on. Upon these proportions depends a
-strange system of measurement, which, carried on like
-the world-renowned calculation of the horse’s shoes and
-nails, astonishes us by its simplicity, and amuses us by its
-uselessness. It is as follows: “Seven atoms of the fifth
-and last species are equal in size to the head of a louse;
-seven such heads equal a grain of rice; seven grains of
-rice make an inch; twelve inches a palm, and two palms a
-cubit; seven cubits give one <i>ta</i>; twenty <i>ta</i> one <i>ussabà</i>;
-eighty <i>ussabà</i> one <i>gaut</i>; and four <i>gaut</i> a <i>juzenà</i>. Finally,
-a <i>juzenà</i> contains about six Burmese leagues, or 28,000
-cubits.”<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> The measure of time into homœopathical infinitesimals
-is equally absurd.</p>
-
-<p>The world, called Logha, which signifies alternate destruction
-and reproduction, is divided into three parts. It
-is not conceived by the Burmese to be spherical, but is
-imagined to be a circular plain somewhat elevated in the
-centre. The three parts into which the earth is divided
-are called the superior, where the Nat live; the middle,
-the residence of man; and the inferior, the place of subsequent
-retribution. The middle part is bounded on all
-sides by an impenetrable barrier of mountains, called
-Zacchiavalà, which rise 82,000 <i>juzenà</i> above the surface of
-the sea, and have an equal depth in the sea itself.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> “The
-diameter of this middle part is 1,203,400 <i>juzenà</i>, and its circumference
-is three times the diameter, its depth is 240,000
-<i>juzenà</i>. The half of this depth entirely consists of dust, the
-other half, or the lower part, is a hard compact stone, called
-sibapatavi. This enormous volume of dust and stone is
-supported by a double volume of water, under which is
-placed a double volume of air; and beyond this there is
-nothing but vacuity.”<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> Buchanan supplies some particulars<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span>
-here, omitted by Sangermano:—“Besides this
-earth of ours, it is imagined, that there are of the same
-form 10,100,000 others, which mutually touch in three
-points, forming between them a number of equilateral
-spaces, which, on account of the sun’s not reaching them,
-are filled with water intensely cold. The depth of these
-10,100,000 triangular spaces is 84,000 <i>juzenà</i>, and each of
-their sides is 3,000 <i>juzenà</i>, in length.”<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the centre of the middle system of the world, above
-the level of the sea, is a mountain called Miemmo or
-Mienmò, said to be the highest in the world, rising to the
-height of 84,000 <i>juzenà</i>, and having a similar depth in
-the sea. Buchanan-Hamilton tells us that the word signifies
-Mountain of Vision in Burmese.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> The plateau at
-the extreme height of Mienmò is 48,000 <i>juzenà</i> in diameter,
-with a circumference of three times that extent. Three
-enormous rubies support the whole mass, being themselves
-based on the great stone Silapatavi. The four sides of the
-mountain are respectively of silver, glass, gold, and ruby.
-Miemmo is surrounded by seven chains of hills, and seven
-rivers, called Sida, whose waters are so clear and limpid
-that the lightest piece of down stripped from a feather
-would sink to the bottom. These various rivers are of
-different heights and widths. Buchanan considers the
-word ‘sea’ as much more applicable to these waters; Sida,
-in the Arakhan dialect, having that signification.</p>
-
-<p>At the four cardinal points of Miemmo, in the midst of
-an immense sea, lie the four great islands which form the
-habitations of mankind. They are respectively in the
-forms of a half-moon, a full moon, a square, and a lozenge
-or trapezium. In the last of these, lying towards the
-south, opposite the ruby side of Miemmo, are situated
-the kingdom of Burmah, Siam, China, Ceylon, and the
-other places with which the Burmans are acquainted,
-together with many more with which nobody is acquainted.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>
-Besides these four great islands, there are
-two thousand small ones, whence, according to the Burman
-idea, the Europeans come. The seas are filled with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span>
-horrible monsters and terrible whirlpools; however, this
-is not the case in the small straits between the little
-islands and Zabudiba. With the other islands, on account
-of the horrors of the deep, it is impossible to hold any
-communication. At present, however, the Burmans are
-beginning to lose faith in their geography; and Buchanan
-always heard Britain spoken of in Amarapura as <i>Pyee-gye</i>,
-or the Great Kingdom.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p>
-
-<p>We have next to consider the nature of the living beings
-which, according to the Burmese, live in this world.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>
-They are divided into three classes: Chama, or generating
-beings; Rupa, or corporeal, but ungenerated and
-ungenerating beings; and Arupa, or spirits. These three
-classes are again subdivided into thirty-one species. The
-Chama contains eleven species, seven happy and four
-unhappy. One of the happy states is man, and the remaining
-six are of the Nats, corporeal beings in every
-respect superior to men. The four unhappy states are
-infernal states, into which the sinful are sent to expiate
-their crimes in torment for a season. These are called
-Apè. The Rupa contains sixteen <i>bon</i>, or states, as they
-are called, and the Arupa four.</p>
-
-<p>The doctrine of metempsychosis, or transmigration of
-souls, is admitted by the Burmans, but is not precisely of
-the same character with that of the Hindoos, or the improved
-system promulgated by Pythagoras. They maintain
-that the soul and body perish together, and that then
-a new body and soul are formed from the fragments, and
-that its nature agrees with the deservings of the individual.
-Thus every one gradually attains higher excellence,
-becoming successively a Nat, a Rupa, an Arupa, &amp;c., till
-at length the individual attains that high state of eternal
-calm known by the name of Nieban.</p>
-
-<p>This state of existence has been generally translated
-annihilation, and, as Crawfurd observes,<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> this misconception
-has thrown “an unmerited share of obloquy on
-the worship of Budd’ha.” Dr. Buchanan remarks, that
-the term is very inaccurately translated;<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> and Colebrooke
-was the first to give a correct definition of it, in an
-essay on the Philosophy of Indian Sectaries.<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> Sangermano’s
-definition I subjoin:—“This consists in an almost<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span>
-perpetual ecstasy, in which those who attain it are not
-only free from the troubles and miseries of life, from
-death, illness, and old age, but are abstracted from all
-sensation; they have no longer a thought or desire.”<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p>
-
-<p>Human life is continually on the decrease or the increase.
-At first men attained to an age which can only
-be conceived by this calculation. “It is said, that if it
-should rain continually for the space of three years over
-the whole world, which is 1,203,430 juzenà in diameter,
-the number of drops of rain fallen in this time would express
-the number of years that compose an assenchiè,”<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>
-the term implying the whole period. But the wickedness
-of man caused his life to be more and more limited, and
-it reached at length to ten years only. From that time it
-increased, on their becoming more virtuous, and again
-they lived an assenchiè. This increase and decrease is to
-be fulfilled sixty-four times before the destruction of the
-world. This variation is however limited to the inhabitants
-of Zabudiba. Space will not permit me to give
-the description I would of the northern island, where
-the Burman Utopia is placed. The philosophical inquirer
-will find it in Sangermano and Buchanan.</p>
-
-<p>The Nats, or genii, have their various seats in the intermediate
-space between Mienmò and the confines of the
-world, and live in different degrees of happiness and
-power. These abodes of the Nats are represented as very
-delightful, and it is thither that the devout Buddhist
-hopes to come. The four conditions of punishment are,
-degradation into beasts; Preitta, a state of sorrow resembling
-the Tartarus of the Hellenes; the Assurichè,
-almost identical with Preitta; and Niria, the actual hell
-of the Burmese.</p>
-
-<p>The transformation into beasts is reserved for those who
-do not keep a sufficient restraint over themselves, and
-who speak in a heedless and evil manner. Those who
-neglect to give alms, too, pass into this condition. An
-elephant lives sixty years, a horse thirty, an ox and a dog,
-ten, and upon this they base their calculations.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the second state of punishment, Preitta, the condemned
-are obliged to live upon disgusting filth, and
-inhabit sewers, cisterns, and tombs. Some wander naked
-through gloomy forests, making them re-echo with their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span>
-lamentations, exposed to storms, and fainting with hunger
-and thirst. Some plough the ground with a plough of
-fire; others feed on their own flesh and blood, and tear
-themselves with hooks; and some are tormented by fire.
-Misers, uncharitable persons, persons who give alms to the
-wrong Rahaans or priests, are condemned to Preitta.</p>
-
-<p>Assurichè is very like Preitta in its punishments, only
-every torment is here more acute and frightful. Quarrelsome
-persons, strikers with weapons, advancers and
-abettors of bad men, are sent thither.</p>
-
-<p>In the fourth hell, Niria, the sufferings are by fire and
-cold. It is situated in the midst of the great stone Silapatavi,
-and is divided into many hells. Here the worst of
-mankind are punished, and here sit the judges, selected
-from the dead, upon their peculiar expiation. The time of
-confinement in all these places is undecided, and very few,
-if any, are sentenced to eternal punishment. By good
-behaviour in all these places the sufferers may attain to
-the position of insects, and gradually rise through all gradations,
-and finally attain Nieban.<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> The crimes and
-their punishments are very whimsical, and some very
-horrid. They are given at length in Sangermano. However,
-a spirit of mercy runs through all their dogmas, and,
-as already observed, every one may regain his lost
-position, though it is this southern island that is the most
-favoured; for here only can the believer attain Nieban.
-The infidels only are condemned to eternal torment.</p>
-
-<p>I may conclude this account of the Burman cosmography
-with a few lines of the oldest writer on Hellenic
-philosophy, in which a very tolerable description of the
-nature of the Nat is given.</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0">When in the dark and dread abodes of earth,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">The men of earliest golden age were laid,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Their bones remained, but, soaring to the sky,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Their life-enduring souls fled far on high;</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Still hov’ring there above the realms of earth,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Still loving much the land that gave them birth,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">They kindly watch o’er the affairs of men.</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Spirits beneficent, clad in the filmy air,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">They take their rapid flight, and with a lib’ral hand,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Like kings, they scatter wealth and justice in their fatherland.<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></div>
- </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>It may easily be conceived, from what I have had occasion
-to mention, that the Burman chronology is as wild<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span>
-as any of the other Indian chronologies.<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> According to
-them, in every period (the age which intervenes between
-one time, when the life of man amounts to an assenchiè,
-and the next) there appears a royal being, who lives to an
-incalculable age, and assumes the title of Sumada. There
-have been eleven of these. The whole number of kings
-who have reigned since the last of these Sumadas to the age
-of Gaudama, is estimated at 334,569! The earliest date
-in Burmese to which we can give any credence, is the
-beginning of the epoch in which the period of Gaudama, or
-Gautama, falls, corresponding with <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 661. The date
-of the birth of Gaudama is said to be <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 626. He was
-the son of Thoke-daw-da-reh, king of Ma-ge-deh, the
-present province of Behar, in Hindustan. His mother’s
-name was Máhà-Maï, or the Great Maia, a coincidence
-which has led to his identification with the Hermes of the
-Hellenes, and the Thoth of the Egyptians. The new-born
-child was nursed and baptized by two incarnate deities
-called Esrur-Téngri and Hurmusta-Téngri, and received
-the name of Artashidi (Artasidd’hi); his divine origin
-and perfections were made known by the bowing of the
-idol, before which he was presented, according to the
-custom of his father’s family.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> He had lived in four
-hundred millions of worlds before his present appearance,
-and, like any other inhabitant of the world, had gradually
-worked his way up through the state of beasts,
-and had been in every condition of human life. He
-exclaimed, immediately upon his birth, “Now I am the
-noblest of men! This is the last time I shall ever be born!”
-When ten years of age he was placed under the care of
-a wise man, named Bahburemihbacshi, who instructed
-him in every kind of knowledge: however, he soon seems
-to have outstripped his teacher, for we learn that shortly
-afterwards he retaliated and taught the wise man fifty or
-sixty languages. At twenty he married, but either from
-the shrewishness of his wife, or some other cause, he
-expressed a desire to turn anchorite, assumed the name of
-Gaudama, and gave himself up to the contemplation of
-the Deity. But for some reason or other he had great
-difficulty in following up his wishes, and it was not until<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span>
-some strenuous attempts that he finally combated all the
-arguments of his antagonists. This is not the place to go
-into the numerous disputes concerning this person, and
-I shall content myself with presenting the reader with
-the remarks of a writer in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana.<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p>
-
-<p>“The Indian fable, therefore, may be assumed as the
-basis of the rest; and the truth, concealed under this mass
-of fiction, seems to be simply this: that a son of the
-king of Mágad’ha, whose rank and austerities had secured
-the veneration of his countrymen, had sense enough to
-perceive the absurdity of the Bráhmanical system, and
-ability enough to persuade his countrymen to adopt his.
-The success of his new doctrine was such, that at one
-period it had nearly suppressed the ancient faith of the
-Hindùs; but when events, which we cannot now trace,
-had re-established the authority of the Bráhmans, they
-showed that they were not behindhand in retaliation;
-the followers of Budd’ha were persecuted without mercy,
-and scarcely an individual of that faith can now be found
-in Hindustan. Some of the fugitives appear to have
-taken refuge in Ceylon, while others fled into the mountains
-of Tibet. From Ceylon they conveyed their doctrine
-to the eastern peninsula of India. From Tibet it
-travelled over Tátáry to the north and west, into China
-on the east, and from thence into Cochin-China and the
-other regions on the south, where it is only divided by a
-lofty chain of mountains from its kindred faith, imported
-from the south and west into the kingdoms of Ava and
-Siam.”</p>
-
-<p>He obtained Nieban, or died, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 543.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> At his death
-he advised that his relics and image should be worshipped
-and his law obeyed, until the appearance of the
-next Boodh or Budd’ha. This event is to take place
-in five or six thousand years. The ordinances of Gaudama
-are still in existence, although all the sayings of his
-three predecessors are lost. Gaudama’s laws were handed
-down by tradition until four hundred and fifty years after
-his obtaining Nieban, when they were written down in
-<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 94. The work, which is divided into three sections,
-having similar subdivisions, is called the Bedagat, and is
-written in Pali. The book in an entire state is rare,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span>
-though parts are not very scarce. The cosmography, of
-which I have given a specimen, is contained in them.</p>
-
-<p>The following hymns, translated by Csoma de Korös,
-will give a good idea of the Buddhistic ritual.<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p>
-
-<p><i>Priest.</i> “There has arisen the Illuminator of the world!
-the world’s Protector! the Maker of light! who gives
-eyes to the world, that is blind,—to cast away the burden
-of sin.”</p>
-
-<p><i>Congregation.</i> “Thou hast been victorious in the fight:
-thy aim is accomplished by thy moral excellence: thy
-virtues are perfect: Thou shalt satisfy men with good
-things.”</p>
-
-<p><i>P.</i> “Gotama (Sakhya) is without sin: He is out of the
-miry pit. He stands on dry ground.”</p>
-
-<p><i>C.</i> “Yes, He is out of the mire; and he will save other
-animate beings, that are carried off by the mighty stream.”</p>
-
-<p><i>P.</i> “The living world has long suffered the disease of
-corruption. The Prince of physicians is come to cure men
-from all diseases.”</p>
-
-<p><i>C.</i> “Protector of the world! by thy appearance all the
-mansions of distress shall be made empty. Henceforth,
-angels and men shall enjoy happiness,” &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>
-
-<p><i>P.</i> “To Thee, whose virtue is immaculate, whose understanding
-is pure and brilliant, who hast the thirty-two
-characteristic signs complete, and who hast memory of all
-things, with discernments and foreknowledge.”</p>
-
-<p><i>C.</i> “Reverence be to Thee: we adore Thee; bending
-our heads to our feet.”</p>
-
-<p><i>P.</i> “To Thee, who art clean and pure from all taint of
-sin; who art immaculate, and celebrated in the three
-worlds; who being possessed of the three kinds of science,
-givest to animated beings the eye to discern the three degrees
-of emancipation from sin.”</p>
-
-<p><i>C.</i> “Reverence be to Thee!”</p>
-
-<p><i>P.</i> “To Thee, who with tranquil mind clearest the
-troubles of evil times: who, with loving kindness, teachest
-all living things to walk in the path designed for them.”</p>
-
-<p><i>C.</i> “Reverence be to Thee!”</p>
-
-<p><i>P.</i> “Muni! (Sage!) whose heart is at rest, and who
-delightest to explain the doubts and perplexities of men:
-who hast suffered much for the good of living beings:
-Thy intention is pure! Thy practices are perfect!”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span></p>
-
-<p><i>C.</i> “Reverence be to Thee!”</p>
-
-<p><i>P.</i> “Teacher of the four truths; rejoice in salvation!
-who, being thyself free from sin, desirest to free the
-world from sin.”</p>
-
-<p><i>C.</i> “Reverence be to Thee!”</p>
-
-<p>Such is the strain in which the believers in Gaudama
-address their Saviour; and its similarity to the Roman
-Catholic services, noticed by so many writers, is extreme.
-Prinsep well assigns the origin of the legend of Prester
-John to the accounts which the early missionaries heard
-of the Dalai Lama of Tibet.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p>
-
-<p>The reformation which led to the establishment of
-Buddhism in the place of the ancient Hindū creed, was important
-in many respects, but in none so much as in the
-grand principle which it instilled into the minds of its
-votaries; the unity and indivisibility of the object of adoration,
-substituted for the gross polytheism of Hindūstan.
-But it has this fault, if it be a fault, that no clear conception
-of the object of adoration is presented in the place
-of the numerous divinities the creed displaces. Gaudama,
-like Confucius in China, is to be venerated, and
-not adored. The perfect Buddha whence Gaudama and his
-predecessors proceeded can alone be confided in. Even
-this, however, admits of some palliation. The vulgar, perhaps,
-could not understand, and certainly not appreciate,
-the mystery which the ministers of religion cherish and
-preserve. Consequently a scale has been instituted, like
-that in Tibet, for the capacity of the several classes of
-believers.</p>
-
-<p>The general principles of the practical creed have been
-thus summed up by Csoma de Korös:<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>1. To take refuge only with Buddha. 2. To be steadfast
-in the determination of aiming at the highest pitch
-of excellence, in order thus to arrive at the proper
-state of Nieban. 3. To be obedient and reverent
-toward Buddha. 4. To make pleasing offerings. 5. To
-glorify and exalt Buddha by music and singing, and
-constant praise. 6. To confess sin truly and humbly,
-with a fixed resolution to repent. 7. To wish well toward
-all. 8. To encourage the ministers of the faith in their
-mission.</p>
-
-<p>Teong-kha-pa, an eminent Buddhist reformer of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span>
-fourteenth century, defined the duty of the different
-classes of Buddhists in the following manner.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>
-
-<p>“Men of the lowest order of mind must believe that
-there is a God; and that there is a future life, in which
-they will receive the reward or punishment of their actions
-and conduct in this life.</p>
-
-<p>“Men of the middle degree of mental capacity must
-add to the above, the knowledge that all things in this
-world are perishable; that imperfection is a pain and degradation;
-and that deliverance from existence is a deliverance
-from pain, and, consequently, a final beatitude.</p>
-
-<p>“Men of the third, or highest order, must believe in
-further addition: that nothing exists, or will continue
-always, or cease absolutely, except through dependence
-on a causal connection, or concatenation. So will they
-arrive at the true knowledge of God.”</p>
-
-<p>“What is this,” exclaims Prinsep, enthusiastically,
-“but Christianity, wanting only the name of Christ as its
-preacher, and the Mosaic faith for its antecedent? It is
-these that the missionary must seek to add.”</p>
-
-<p>The foundation of Buddhism is certainty rotten, and yet
-we cannot deny that in its recognised principles, the religion
-is far from being so debasing as many others. Prejudice,
-that great foe to toleration and peace, has prevented
-the perception of this fact. Of course, the lamentable
-truth of the generally lax administration of every faith,
-is no less false with regard to Buddhism; and by the carelessness
-of its ministers, and indifference of the laymen,
-it is in as bad odour as any other faith. Thus much for
-Buddhism in general; now I shall proceed to give a short
-account of Burman Buddhism.</p>
-
-<p>Gaudama<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> declares himself God and Lord for 5,000
-years, during which time his ordinances must be kept.
-Gaudama declares himself the only true God, and states
-that there were many false gods of all descriptions. The
-doctrines of the false gods are called the laws of the six
-Deittì. Upon the appearance of Gaudama some renounced
-their errors, and others were conquered. The laws and
-ordinances of the Burmans are precisely similar to those
-which I mentioned in another place,<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> and therefore need<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span>
-not be repeated here. The observer of these commandments
-will finally become a great Nat or spirit. Besides
-the observation of these laws, there is merit in the deeds
-called Danà, and Bavanà. The first is charity to the priests,
-the second, the meditation of the three words Aneizz’a,
-Doechà, Anattà. The transgressors of the laws will be
-condemned to Niria, or one of the other places of punishment.
-In the course of 2,000 years the ordinances of
-Gaudama, 3,000 years having already elapsed, will no
-longer be binding, but another god will appear to give
-laws to the world.</p>
-
-<p>The images of Buddha or Gaudama are generally represented
-with a pleasant countenance; and, on the whole,
-his religion cannot be considered a severe one. “It
-unites,” as Dr. Buchanan Hamilton has remarked,<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> “the
-temporal promises of the Jewish, with the future rewards
-of the Christian dispensation; all its states of beatitude are
-represented in the glowing and attractive colouring of the
-Mohammedan paradise; and its various gradations of
-future punishment have the plausibility of purgatory; but
-its priests are not like those of the Roman Church, intrusted
-with the dangerous power of curtailing their duration.”<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>
-
-<p>At Pegu, the deserted capital of the kingdom of that
-name, there is a celebrated temple, which Symes has well
-described in the Asiatic Researches, in an elaborate article
-on the city of Pegu, and it will not be inappropriate
-to transfer the account to my own pages:<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The object in Pegu that most attracts and most
-merits notice is the temple of Shoe-ma-doo, or the <i>Golden
-Supreme</i>. This extraordinary edifice is built on a double
-terrace, one raised above another; the lower and greater
-terrace is above ten feet above the natural level of the
-ground; it is quadrangular. The upper and lesser terrace is
-of a like shape, raised about twenty feet above the lower
-terrace, or thirty above the level of the country. I judged
-a side of the lower terrace to be 1,391 feet, of the upper,
-684; the walls that sustained the sides of the terraces,
-both upper and lower, are in a state of ruin; they were
-formerly covered with plaster, wrought into various
-figures; the area of the lower is strewed with the fragments
-of small decayed buildings, but the upper is kept<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span>
-free from filth, and in tolerably good order.... These
-terraces are ascended by flights of stone steps, broken
-and neglected; on each side are dwellings of the Rahaans
-or priests, raised on timbers four or five feet from the
-ground; their houses consist only of a single hall—the
-wooden pillars that support them are turned with neatness,
-the roof is of tile, and the sides of sheathing-boards:
-there are a number of bare benches in every house, on
-which the Rahaans sleep—we saw no other furniture.</p>
-
-<p>“Shoemadoo is a pyramid, composed of brick, and plastered
-with fine shell-mortar, without excavation or aperture
-of any sort, octagonal at the base and spiral at top—each
-side of the base measures 162 feet; this immense
-breadth diminishes abruptly, and a similar building has
-not inaptly been compared to a large speaking-trumpet.</p>
-
-<p>“Six feet from the ground there is a wide ledge,
-which surrounds the base of the building, on the plane of
-which are fifty-seven small spires of equal size and equidistant;
-one of them measured twenty-seven feet in
-height, and forty in circumference at the bottom; on a
-higher ledge there is another row, consisting of fifty-three
-spires, of similar shape and measurement. A great variety
-of mouldings encircle the building, and ornaments,
-somewhat resembling the fleur-de-lys, surround what may
-be called the base of the spire; circular mouldings likewise
-gird this part to a considerable height, above which
-there are ornaments in stucco, not unlike the leaves of a
-Corinthian capital, and the whole is crowned by a <i>tee</i>, or
-umbrella of open iron-work, from which rises an iron rod
-with a gilded pennant. The <i>tee</i>, or umbrella, is to be
-seen on every sacred building in repair, that is of a spiral
-form. The raising and consecration of this last and indispensable
-appendage is an act of high religious solemnity,
-and a season of festivity and relaxation.... The circumference
-of the <i>tee</i> is fifty-six feet; it rests on an iron
-axis fixed in the building, and is further secured by large
-chains strongly riveted to the spire. Round the lower
-rim of the umbrella are appended a number of bells, of
-different sizes, which, agitated by the wind, make a continual
-jingling. The <i>tee</i> is gilt, and it is said to be the
-intention of the king to gild the whole of the spire; all
-the lesser pagodas are ornamented with proportionable
-umbrellas, of similar workmanship, which are likewise
-encircled by small bells. The extreme height of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span>
-building from the level of the country is 361 feet, and
-above the interior terrace 331 feet.”</p>
-
-<p>I have been thus particular in quoting this curious
-account, as I wish to impress upon my readers the necessity
-of comparing this place of worship with those described
-by myself in another place.<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p>
-
-<p>Crawfurd, the intelligent ambassador, who unfortunately
-looked with too sinister an eye upon the institutions of the
-Burmese, has given us an interesting description of the
-appurtenances of a temple, together with a few remarks
-upon their endowment, of which I present the reader with
-a condensed abstract, epitomizing but little:—</p>
-
-<p>“Close to our dwelling,” says the judicious observer,<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>
-“there was the neatest temple which I had yet seen in
-the country. It was quite unique, being entirely built of
-hewn sandstone. The workmanship was neat, but the
-polished stone was most absurdly disfigured by being
-daubed over with whitewash. The temple itself is a solid
-structure, at the base of a square form, each face measuring
-about eighty-eight feet. It is surrounded by a
-court, paved with large sandstone flags, and inclosed by a
-brick wall. At each corner of the area there is a large
-and handsome bell with an inscription. To the eastern
-face of the temple there are two open wooden sheds, each
-supported by thirty-eight pillars. These were among the
-richest things of the kind that I had seen in the country.
-The pillars, the carved work, the ceiling, the eaves, and a
-great part of the outer roof, were one blaze of gilding.
-In one of them only there was a good marble image of
-Gautama. Buildings of this description are called by the
-Burmans, Za-yat, or, in more correct orthography,<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
-Ja-rat.... On the west side of the temple there is a
-long, rudely-constructed wooden shed, where are deposited
-the offerings made by the king and his family to the
-temple. These consist of two objects only, state palanquins
-and figures of elephants.... The palanquins
-now alluded to are litters of immense size and weight,
-with two poles, and each requiring forty men to bear<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span>
-them. They are all richly gilt and carved, with a high
-wooden canopy over them. In each of those in the temple
-there was placed one or more large figures of Gautama or
-his disciples. The figures of elephants are about a foot
-and a half high, standing upon wooden pedestals....
-Why the gifts to this temple in particular consist of
-elephants, I was not able to learn.... On the river
-face of this temple there are two large houses of brick
-and mortar, of one story, with flat stone roofs, called
-Taik, by the Burmans, and purporting to be in imitation
-of European dwellings. These are also considered Za-yats,
-or caravanseras. They are comfortless places as can be,
-the interior being so occupied with stone pillars that there
-is hardly room to move about.... The guardian Nat
-of the temple now described, is Tha-kya-men, or, more
-correctly, Sa-kya-men, or the lord Sakya. He is, according
-to the Burmans, the second in power of the two
-kings of the Nats. Of this personage there is, in a small
-temple, a standing figure, in white marble, not however
-of a very good description, measuring not less than nine
-feet eleven inches high. The statue seems to be of one
-entire block.”</p>
-
-<p>This temple is named Aong-mre-lo-ka, a title signifying
-the “place of victory.”—It was built by King Men-ta-ra-gyi,
-in the year 1144 of the Burman era, or <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1782, in
-the second year of his reign. He was the fourth son of
-the energetic Alompra, the founder of the dynasty which
-still occupies the throne. Alompra was succeeded by his
-first and second brother, and by his nephew, Senku-sa,
-son of the latter. His uncle, however, conspired against
-him, raised the son of the elder brother, Maong-maong,
-to the regal dignity, who had been excluded from the
-throne, partly by reason of the law of succession, and
-partly by the ambition of his uncle. In a few days, however,
-he, after drowning Senku-sa, and probably disposing
-in a like manner of Maong-maong, assumed the government,
-and, in thanks to heaven for the success of his
-ambitious schemes, he built this temple on the spot
-whence he had commenced his successful agitation.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p>
-
-<p>I shall have occasion hereafter to return to the subject
-of the Burmese temples, in connection with the Golden
-Dagon temple at Rangoon; I shall, therefore, say no more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span>
-of them in this place. Two curious monuments, however,
-deserve mentioning, as they have evidently some connection
-with the ancient religion of Burmah. I shall again
-use the words of an eye-witness:<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“On the summit of a steep tongue of land I found a
-large circular opening, about fifty feet deep, caused by the
-earth having given way; there being no apparent reason
-for this, unless an excavation existed, I immediately descended
-into the valley, in hopes of finding an opening at
-the side of the hill. After a short search, I discovered
-three small brick arches, about four feet high, leading
-into the hill; having crept into one of these, I perceived,
-by a ray of light issuing from the aperture above, that
-there were several more passages branching off from the
-spot where I remained; and I therefore determined on returning
-at some future period with a lantern, to examine
-the cavern. On subsequently renewing my search, I
-found that after creeping along the passage from the arch
-for about five yards, the communication entered a small
-chamber, sufficiently high to enable me to stand erect,
-whence four other passages led off in different directions;
-and it was from one of these having given way that the
-chasm had been formed in the hill. As the quantity of
-earth requisite to fill up the passage could not have caused
-such a large hollow above, it may be concluded that a
-room of considerable dimensions must have existed there.
-Notwithstanding the annoyance I experienced from
-many bats, which were constantly flying about my face
-and lantern, and from the heat, which was very oppressive,
-I proceeded on my hands and knees down the other
-passages; but, after going a very short distance, was
-obliged to return, the earth having fallen and filled up the
-gallery so very much, that it did not seem prudent to
-proceed further, particularly as, from the closeness of the
-air, I might have been rather unpleasantly situated.”</p>
-
-<p>This same officer saw another such structure on the
-plain of Pagahm, among the ruins; but finding that it was
-used as a robber’s cavern, he did not explore it. From
-what he could see, it was larger, and in better repair.</p>
-
-<p>The priests of Burmah<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> are named Pongyees, meaning
-“great example,” or “great glory.” The Pali name,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span>
-“Rahan,” or “holy man,” once so much in use among
-them, is now almost obsolete. The office is not hereditary,
-for the Burmans are unshackled by castes; and, indeed, a
-priest may become a layman again, though after re-entering
-society he may not again assume the sacerdotal position.
-Thus the convents of Burmah serve as a place where an
-education superior to that usually obtained in the schools
-may be received, and the young man, not being bound by
-any vow, may return to the active scenes of life, and take
-military or political rank. If the youth find the peaceful
-pursuits of the convent more to his taste, he can remain,
-and become a priest. The system of the priesthood is
-not badly managed. The Burmans have no church-rates,
-and pluralism, not being worth anything, is, of course,
-unknown. The priests have no political influence, and are
-only consulted on ecclesiastical and literary matters; they
-live on the charity of their parishioners, and, on the
-whole, they do not appear to be badly off.</p>
-
-<p>The ritual, for which I must refer the reader to my frequently
-quoted authority Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> is very strict in
-regard to priests; that, however, is of no consequence,
-for in the foul and corrupted Burmese empire all these
-institutions have fallen into disrepute. The priests live
-as those of the convents of the middle ages did; and the
-similarity between the Roman Catholic and Buddhist
-ceremonies, so amply proved by MM. Huc and Gabet,<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>
-extends equally to the men.</p>
-
-<p>Their dress is of a yellow colour, and is formed by two
-cloths, which are so wrapped around them as to completely
-envelop them from the shoulders to the heels.
-Their heads are shaved, and to shade the bare poll from
-the burning sun, they carry a talipot or palmyra-leaf in
-their hands. In M. Dubois de Jancigny’s Indo-Chine,
-and in Malcom, there are plates of the dress, which convey
-a very tolerable idea of the look of a priest out walking.</p>
-
-<p>The priesthood of Burmah is divided into regular
-grades, like those of Europe. I shall quote the summary
-of Malcom in preference to any other.<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> “The highest
-functionary is the ‘<i>Tha-thena-byng</i>’, or archbishop. He
-resides at Ava, has jurisdiction over all the priests, and
-appoints the president of every monastery. He stands
-high at court, and is considered one of the great men of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span>
-the kingdom. Next to him are the <i>Ponghees</i>, strictly so
-called, one of whom presides in each monastery. Next
-are the <i>Oo-pe-zíns</i>, comprising those who have passed the
-noviciate, sustained a regular examination, and chosen the
-priesthood for life. Of this class are the teachers or professors
-in the monasteries. One of them is generally
-vice-president, and is most likely to succeed to the headship
-on the demise of the <i>Pongyee</i>. Both these orders
-are sometimes called <i>Rahans</i>, or <i>Yahans</i>. They are considered
-to understand religion so well as to think for
-themselves, and expound the law out of their own hearts,
-without being obliged to follow what they have read in
-books. Next are the <i>Ko-yen-ga-láy</i>, who have retired
-from the world, and wear the yellow cloth, but are not all
-seeking to pass the examination, and become <i>Oo-pe-zíns</i>.
-They have entered for an education, or a livelihood, or to
-gain a divorce, or for various objects; and many of such
-return annually to secular life. Many of this class remain
-for life without rising a grade. Those who remain five years
-honourably are called <i>Tay</i>, <i>i.e.</i> simply, <i>priests</i>; and those
-who remain twenty, are <i>Maha Tay</i>, <i>great</i> or <i>aged priests</i>.
-They might have become Ponghees at any stage of this
-period if their talents and acquirements had amounted to
-the required standard. By courtesy, all who wear the
-yellow cloth are called Ponghees.”</p>
-
-<p>In some parts of Burmah there are also nunneries,
-though the Bedagat neither authorizes nor requires them;
-indeed, manifestoes have been issued by several of the
-kings of Ava to prevent women under a certain age from
-entering these institutions.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> On the subject of the
-khyoums, however, I cannot do better than refer to the
-works of MM. Huc and Gabet, Mr. Prinsep, and others.</p>
-
-<p>The most interesting and most characteristic ceremony
-of these Burmese is the funeral of a priest, as it contains
-a mixture of solemnity and absurdity rarely to be met
-with anywhere. I shall proceed, therefore, to describe it.</p>
-
-<p>When a Burman priest dies, his body is embalmed.
-The process of embalming is conducted in the following
-manner. The body is opened, the intestines taken out,
-and the spaces filled with various descriptions of spices,
-the orifice being closed up again, and sewed together.
-After this the whole body is covered by a layer of wax, to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span>
-prevent the air from injuring it; over the wax is placed a
-layer of lac, together with some bituminous compound,
-and the whole is covered with leaf gold. The ceremony
-somewhat reminds one of the description given by Herodotus
-of ancient Egyptian embalming.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> The arms are laid
-across the breast of the body. The preparation of the
-body takes place at the house.<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p>
-
-<p>About a year afterward the body is removed to a house
-built expressly for such purposes, where it is kept until
-the other priests order it to be burnt. In this house the
-body is disposed upon a raised stage of bamboo and wood,
-and the house itself is ornamented with paper and leaf
-gold. By the stage, the coffin, overlaid with gold and
-painted with figures of death in various ways, was placed.
-In the courtyard of the house two four-wheel carriages
-await the time fixed for the burning, one being intended
-for the coffin, the other for the stage, with its apparatus.
-The carriage on which the corpse is placed has another
-stage built upon it, similar to the one in the house, with
-the difference of its being larger, and fixed upon an
-elephant in a kneeling posture.</p>
-
-<p>The people of the place have to prepare rockets and
-other fireworks, as well as images of animals to which the
-rockets are fixed. The images are then drawn through
-the streets and round the town; all the citizens, when the
-ceremonies are strictly observed, being compelled to
-assist. The procession opens with some flags; then a
-number of dancing girls and boys follow; after this the
-carriages with the figures, drawn by boys and bullocks;
-and on the occasion which Mr. Carey describes, there followed,
-by the express command of the governor, a quantity
-of young women “dancing and singing, with an
-older woman between each row to keep them in order.”
-Then came the principal persons of the place under
-umbrellas, a sign of rank, as in ancient Nineveh, and all
-modern Asiatic countries. Lastly, the procession was
-closed by men, dancing and singing in like manner.</p>
-
-<p>The images on the carriages are usually very large,
-much larger than life, and represented buffaloes, elephants,
-horses, and men. Each street attends its own
-carriage in the procession.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span></p>
-
-<p>The following day the townspeople are divided into two
-parties, and strange indeed must be the sight of the multitude.
-The carriage containing the corpse has four large
-cables attached to it, and the two parties of the townspeople
-pull against one another, and strive to draw away
-the carriage and its contents. This contest is continued
-till superior strength puts an end to it, or till the cable
-breaks, and the losing party tumble head over heels.</p>
-
-<p>The third day is spent in discharging the rockets. The
-figures were fixed on carriages, and the rocks were fastened
-to strong ropes by rattan loops, in such a manner
-that being passed between the legs of the animals, “so
-that when discharged, they, sliding on the ropes, ran
-along the ground.” In the evening there is another
-grand display of fireworks.</p>
-
-<p>The next day the corpse is burnt in a temporary house
-by small rockets, which, sliding down on to the coffins
-along ropes in rings of rattan, set the coffin on fire.
-Sometimes, as we are informed by Crawfurd,<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> the body
-is blown from a cannon to convey it more quickly to
-heaven!</p>
-
-<p>What can be said of such puerility and solemnity
-joined together? How melancholy is the aspect of such
-things, and what can we think of the moral or religious
-condition of a nation who made such seeming fun (for
-under what other term can a large portion of the ceremony
-be comprehended?) of the solemnest moment of
-existence, and that, too, in the burial of a minister of that
-God to whom, in humility and reverence, they lifted up
-their hearts in prayer. Very often, however, the most
-solemn and the most trivial are mingled in very remarkable
-proportions. We have one example of that, at
-least, in religion, nearer home.</p>
-
-<p>The Buddhist religion is remarkable in many points,
-but decidedly the most curious circumstance connected
-with it, is the vast numbers of believers which own its
-influence. That the religion is ancient, perhaps more
-ancient than any other form of eastern worship, except
-Brahmanism, can scarcely be doubted; but that it extended
-so far over the earth as some would have us believe, is
-scarcely credible. Reuben Burrow, a long time ago,
-called Stonehenge a Buddhist temple; and since then the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span>
-notion has been revived by Higgins in his Celtic Druids,
-as well as in another work.<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p>
-
-<p>Mr. Pococke, too, the author of India in Greece,
-would persuade us that the early Greeks were Buddhists,
-and that Pythagoras, correctly written (according to him)
-Buddha-gooroos (Buddha’s spiritual teacher), was a Buddhist
-missionary!</p>
-
-<p>However, let the religion be ancient or modern, in principle
-it is one of the best that man ever made for man.
-Mr. Malcom, from whom as a missionary one would of
-course expect rabid intolerance, bears testimony to this:—“There
-is scarcely a principle, or precept, in the Bedagat,
-which is not found in the Bible. Did the people but act
-up to its principles of peace and love, oppression and
-injury would be known no more within their borders. Its
-deeds of merit are in all cases either really beneficial to
-mankind, or harmless. It has no mythology of obscene
-and ferocious deities; no sanguinary or impure observances;
-no self-inflicted tortures; no tyrannizing priesthood;
-no confounding of right and wrong, by making
-certain iniquities laudable in worship. In its moral code,
-its descriptions of the purity and peace of the first ages,
-of the shortening of man’s life because of its sins, &amp;c., it
-seems to have followed genuine traditions. In almost
-every respect it seems to be the best religion which man
-has ever invented.”<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is true there is another side to the picture; but why
-should we turn the face to the wall, and expose the tattered
-back? Let us leave it as it is, but let us recollect that
-the ill side is there, and make the recollection atone for
-many faults in the character of the worshippers of
-Buddha.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="I_CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</h4>
-
-<p>Language—Literature—Manuscripts—The Aporazabon—Superstitions—Divination—The
-Deitton—Astronomy—Division of time.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Of a literature and language so little known as that of
-Burmah, a notice, of course, can but be brief. The few
-particulars with which we are acquainted, I will, however,
-offer to the reader.</p>
-
-<p>The sacred books are in a language usually called
-Pali, which denomination, Mr. Wilson contends, should
-only be applied to the character. He proposes that the
-name of the language should be Magadeh or Puncrit,
-corresponding to the terms Magari and Sanscrit. He
-informs us, also, that the language differs from Sanscrit in
-enunciation only, being softer, and liquifying all the
-harsh sounds.<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> With this language we have but little
-to do, as it is only the language of the priests, and not
-that of the whole population. A grammar of the Pali has
-been published at Colombo, with a vocabulary attached.<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Burman language is very different from the other
-Oriental languages. The character is very simple, and
-easily written. The vowels are eleven, and the consonants
-thirty-three, but the combinations are excessively
-numerous. All pure Burman words are monosyllabic, so
-pointing to a similar fountain-head as the Chinese; in
-process of time, however, polysyllables, derived from the
-Pali, have crept in, and given a somewhat different complexion
-to the language. Like some other languages, the
-number, person, mood, and tense, are formed by suffixes, a
-system of grammar much simpler than the difficult inflected
-languages. But the great difficulty is in the number
-of verbs, signifying the same thing with a very slight difference.
-Malcom well instances the verb <i>to wash</i>: “One<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span>
-is used for washing the face, another for washing the
-hands, another for washing linen in mere water, another
-for washing it with soap, another for washing dishes,
-&amp;c.”<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> The national Mavor is the “Them-bong-gyee,”
-a very ancient and complete work. The books published
-by Europeans on the subject are, a Dictionary of the
-Burman Language, with explanations in English; compiled
-from the MSS. of A. Judson, &amp;c. 8vo. Calcutta, 1826.
-Carey’s Burman Grammar; Serampore, 1815. Laner’s
-Burmese Dictionary; Calcutta, 1841. Latter’s Burman
-Grammar.</p>
-
-<p>“The rudiments of education,” observes Malcom,<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>
-“are widely diffused; and most men, even common labourers,
-learn to write and read a little. But few go
-beyond these attainments.” What a different picture
-does this present to the assertions of Lieutenant-Colonel
-Symes, who exalts the Burmans to such a pitch of mental
-cultivation. This is, however, in no slight degree owing
-to the character of their literature, which, however interesting
-to the observer of the rise of human civilisation,
-has nothing in it of permanent value to the people, as the
-account which I shall give of the Museum collection will
-amply show. I do not mean to say that they have not
-treatises on many subjects of science, and many interesting
-histories; but their books, for the most part, consist of
-ballads, legends of Gaudama, astrology, and cosmography;
-an idea of the value of which has already been given.</p>
-
-<p>The MSS. in the British Museum of which I shall first
-give an account, form the Tytler Collection, as it may be
-called, running from No. 10,548 to No. 10,572 of the
-Additional MSS., and was presented to the library by John
-Tytler, Esq., on the 9th July, 1836. Unfortunately, the
-Museum authorities are not acquainted with the contents
-of them; for which reasons the reader must be contented
-with the meagre account I can offer. The MSS., of which
-we have a magnificent collection in the British Museum, are
-written upon palm-leaves of fifteen to eighteen inches in
-length. The writing upon them looks more like a series
-of scratches with a fine-pointed instrument than anything
-else. They are written upon both sides, and two spaces
-are left, in order to admit of strings being passed through
-the volume to keep the leaves together. These strings<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span>
-fasten with wooden tags. Occasionally a large space is
-left unwritten upon, and a third of the leaf is only used.
-The book, when closed and fastened with tags, presents a
-singular appearance. It is outwardly divided into three
-divisions, of which the two outside are gilt, and the middle
-painted with a glistening, flary red. A pattern runs
-along the edge of the red portion. No. 10,548 contains, as
-nearly as I can judge, three hundred and twelve such leaves,
-forming a volume of about ten inches in thickness. The
-Museum carefully preserve these MSS. in a cardboard
-case, which prevents their being spoiled by dust and dirt.
-No. 10,550, a very thin MS., consisting of but eleven
-leaves, appears to contain astrological calculations. It is
-not nearly in such good preservation as the large one.</p>
-
-<p>The instrument used in writing upon these MSS. is
-sometimes (as one of those in the British Museum, presented
-by John Barlow Hay, Esq., in 1839) of brass, and
-is eighteen inches in length; it has a decorated top, and a
-very sharp point. The ink-pot used would appear to be
-somewhat deep, as the <i>stylus</i> is covered with ink for two
-or three inches.</p>
-
-<p>In one of the cases there are several gorgeous MSS.,
-one written on five palm-leaves of about the usual length,
-in the Burmese character (which differs somewhat from
-the Pali). It is written on a gold ground, and is adorned(?)
-with figures of Gaudama. The covers are of wood, and
-are ornamented. This MS. contains the first book of the
-Kammavâcâ.</p>
-
-<p>The second is on a silver ground, in the Burmese character,
-on palm-leaves, and was presented in 1771 by
-Mrs. Mead. There is another MS., in the same case, of
-the Kammavâcâ, the first and the fourth books. It is
-profusely gilded. The character is the square Pali. The
-Kammavâcâ is one of the most esteemed rituals of the
-Buddhist priesthood.</p>
-
-<p>The other manuscripts are not so fine as those I have
-mentioned, and present similar characteristics to the inferior
-sort that I have described above. It is much to be
-regretted that we have scarcely an Orientalist in England
-who can unfold to us the meaning of these MSS. Never,
-in any institution, was a richer bait held out to the scholar
-than at the Museum at the present time, and yet there
-are but one or two gentlemen capable of instructing us
-upon this interesting and important point. The Museum<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span>
-authorities themselves regret, with the rest of scholardom,
-that so large a portion of their Oriental collection is still
-a dead letter to them. If the present war be productive
-of no better result, let us hope that it will cause some one
-able to translate and comment on these MSS. to turn his
-attention to this subject, and give his researches to an
-expectant world.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p>
-
-<p>It may not be uninteresting to append a portion of a list,
-kindly placed at my disposal by Sir Frederick Madden, of
-some of the ascertained Burmese Buddhistic MSS., among
-the Additional MSS. in the British Museum. No. 18,753: A
-Burmese MS. containing the Sut Sîlakkham, a part of the
-second division, or Sutrapituka, of the Buddhistic Scriptures,
-translated from the Pali. No. 15,240. Burmese
-translation of a portion of the Kammavâcâ, or Kammavâchâ.
-This was presented by the earl of Enniskillen on
-the 10th July, 1844, and is written in dark brown
-letters, on an ivory plate about fifteen inches in length.
-No. 17,945: The Tîkâ Kavisâra Nissaza, a Burmese translation
-of a Pali commentary on a Buddhistic work called
-Kavi-Sara, or the Essence of the Poets. No. 17,700:
-Part of a Burmese translation of a Buddhistic legend.
-This MS. is bound in wood, profusely gilt. No. 17,699:
-A religious treatise in Burmese, on the different sorts of
-punishment in this life.</p>
-
-<p>“The original,” observes Buchanan,<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> “of most of the
-Burma books on law and religion is in the Pali, or Pale
-language, which, undoubtedly, is radically the same with
-the Sanscrit. I was assured at Amarapura that the Pali
-of Siam and Pegu differed considerably from that of the
-Burmas; and an intelligent native of Tavay, who had
-been at Cingala, or Candy, the present capital of Ceylon,
-and at the ruins of Anuradapura, the former capital,
-assured me that the Pali of that island was considerably
-different from that of Ava.</p>
-
-<p>“In many inscriptions, and in books of ceremony, such
-as the Kammua, the Pali language is written in a square
-character, somewhat resembling the Bengal Sanscrit, and
-called Magata. Of this a specimen may be seen in the
-description of the Borgian Museum by Paulinus.<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> But<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span>
-in general it is written in a round character, nearly resembling
-the Burmah letters. Of this kind is the specimen
-given by the accurate M. De la Loubère, and which
-some persons have rashly conceived to be the Burmah.
-There is no doubt, however, that all the different characters
-of India, both on the west and on the east of the
-Ganges, have been derived from a common source; and
-the Burmah writing on the whole appears to be the most
-distinct and beautiful.</p>
-
-<p>“In their more elegant books the Burmas write on
-sheets of ivory, or on very fine white palmira leaves. The
-ivory is stained black, and the margins are ornamented
-with gilding, while the characters are enamelled or gilded.
-On the palmira leaves the characters are in general of
-black enamel, and the ends of the leaves and margins are
-painted with flowers in various bright colours. In their
-more common books, the Burmas, with an iron style,
-engrave their writings on palmira leaves. A hole through
-both ends of each leaf, serves to connect the whole into a
-volume by means of two strings, which also pass through
-the two wooden boards that serve for binding. In the
-finer binding of these kind of books the boards are
-lacquered, the edges of the leaves cut smooth and gilded,
-and the title is written on the upper board; the two
-cords are, by a knot or jewel, secured at a little distance
-from the boards, so as to prevent the book from falling to
-pieces, but sufficiently distant to admit of the upper
-leaves being turned back, while the lower ones are read.
-The more elegant books are in general wrapped up in silk
-cloth, and bound round by a garter, in which the Burmas
-have the art to weave the title of the book.”</p>
-
-<p>Like the ancients, almost every Burman “carries with
-him a <i>parawaik</i>,<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> in which he keeps his accounts,
-copies songs till he can repeat them from memory, and
-takes memorandums of anything curious. It is on these
-<i>parawaiks</i> that the zares or writers, in all courts and
-public offices, take down the proceedings and orders of
-the superior officers, from thence copying such parts as
-are necessary into books of a more durable and elegant
-nature. The <i>parawaik</i> is made of one sheet of thick and
-strong paper blackened over. A good one may be about
-eight feet long and eighteen inches wide. It is folded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span>
-up somewhat like a fan, each fold or page being
-about six inches, and in length the whole breadth
-of the sheets. Thence, wherever the book is opened,
-whichever side is uppermost, no part of it can be rubbed
-but the two outer pages, and it only occupies a table
-one foot in width by eighteen inches long. The Burmas
-write on the <i>parawaik</i> with a pencil of steatites....
-When that which has been written on a <i>parawaik</i> becomes
-no longer useful, the pages are rubbed over with
-charcoal and the leaves of a species of dolichos; they are
-then clean as if new, and equally fit for the pencil.”<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p>
-
-<p>It will not be amiss to pursue the usual plan that I
-have proposed to myself, and in every practicable case to
-illustrate the literature of a nation by extracts from some
-one of its approved works. Fortunately, the missionary
-Sangermano has supplied me with the means of doing so,
-which would otherwise have failed. I cannot do better,
-therefore, than quote from that writer his account and
-extracts from one of their volumes. It will, I suppose,
-furnish as fair a specimen of their literature as any which
-can be offered.</p>
-
-<p>“Among these books,” says Sangermano, “the one
-called Aporazabon deserves to be placed the first; it is a
-species of romance, in which the principal character is
-Aporazà, an old minister, to whom the emperor, and
-several mandarins, put a number of questions on the
-science of government. To give my readers some idea of
-this work, I will here translate some extracts.<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p>
-
-<p>“One day the emperor asked Aporazà what he meant
-to do to render his kingdom flourishing and populous;
-the old minister replied, that, in the first place, he must
-have the success of all his subjects in their affairs at
-heart, as much as if they were his own. 2. He should
-diminish the taxes and ciochi. 3. In putting on imposts he
-should have regard to the means of his subjects. 4. He
-must be liberal. 5. He must frequently inquire into the
-affairs of his kingdom, and make himself fully acquainted
-with them. 6. He must love and esteem his good and
-faithful servants. 7. Finally, he should show courtesy and
-affability, both in his manners and words, to all persons.
-He ought, moreover, to take measures that the population
-of his kingdom is augmented, and that his government<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span>
-acquire honour and respect among foreign nations; he
-should not molest the rich, but, on the contrary, should
-encourage their industry and promote their interests; he
-should show a proper regard to his generals and ministers,
-who govern in the name of the emperor, for it is not
-seemly that they should be publicly disregarded and ill-treated;
-he should not despise prudent and careful men;
-and, finally, he should be just and moderate in exacting
-tributes, and should always proportion them to the products
-of agriculture and commerce. As a confirmation of
-this precept, he refers to the fruits of the earth, when
-eaten before they are ripe. ‘You see,’ he says, ‘that the
-fruits which are gathered ripe from the tree, are well-flavoured
-and pleasant to the taste; but when they are
-plucked before they have ripened, they are insipid, and
-sour, and bitter. Rice that is taken at its proper season
-is excellent food, but if it is collected before its time, it is
-devoid of substance and nutriment.’ He then advises
-the emperor not to shut up his kingdom; that is to say,
-that he ought to allow all foreign merchants a free
-entrance, to encourage their commerce, and make it
-flourish.... Another time, when two petty kings
-had declared war against each other, they both had
-recourse to the Burmese monarch for assistance. According
-to his custom, the emperor sent for Aporazà, who
-spoke thus on the occasion:—‘It once happened that two
-cocks of equal strength began fighting in the presence of
-a countryman; after continuing their combat for some
-time, they were so overcome by their exertions, that they
-were unable to do anything more, when the countryman
-sprang upon them, and made himself master of them
-both. Thus ought you, O king! to do at present. Let
-these two princes fight with each other till you see that
-their resources are exhausted, and then, pouncing upon
-them, seize upon their territories for yourself.’</p>
-
-<p>“A man of mean extraction was raised by the efforts of
-an old mandarin to the throne. But the mandarin afterwards
-became overbearing, and even tried to be in some
-measure the master of the emperor. The latter bore all
-this for some time, but at length, growing weary of this
-insolence, he determined to rid himself of his importunate
-minister. Wherefore, one day that he was surrounded
-by a number of his mandarins, among whom was the one
-who had raised him to the throne, he directed his discourse<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span>
-to him, and asked him what they do with the zen,
-which are erected round the pagodas, after the gilding
-and painting are finished, for which they were raised; for
-the zen is a scaffolding of bamboo, or thick cane, serving
-to support the gilders and painters of the pagodas. ‘They
-are taken down and carried away,’ replied the old mandarin,
-‘that they may not obstruct the view of the
-pagoda, or spoil its beauty.’</p>
-
-<p>“‘Just so,’ replied the monarch, ‘I have made use of
-you to ascend the throne, as the gilders and painters
-make use of the zen; but now that I am firmly seated in
-it, and am obeyed as emperor by all, and respected by
-all, you are become useless to me, or rather your presence
-only disturbs my peace.’ He then drove him from his
-palace, and sent him in banishment to a village. One
-day, while this mandarin was yet in banishment, a dreadful
-tempest arose; in the course of which, looking out
-into the country, he observed that the great trees, which
-resisted the force of the wind, were not bent, but broken
-or torn up by its fury; while the grass and the canes,
-yielding before the blast, returned to their original position
-the moment it was gone by. ‘Oh,’ said the mandarin,
-within himself, ‘if I had followed the example of
-these canes and this grass, I should not now be in so
-miserable a condition.’”</p>
-
-<p>Among a semi-civilised people (and look on them as we
-may, the Burmans are no more), superstition ever has a
-powerful, almost unassailable hold upon the public mind.
-The vague dread of future existence, the indefinable curiosity
-which tempts man to search, by his own endeavours,
-for the ultimate end of all his strivings on earth, is to be
-found more closely allied to a feeling of scientific appreciation
-among such a people than anywhere else. The
-imperfect comprehension of what is passing around, leads
-the untutored mind ever to trench on the supernatural
-world, of the existence of which he has an innate perception.
-But having no clear knowledge, unable perhaps to
-express his forebodings in a distinct and comprehensible
-manner, he runs to the priest, or the learned man, and,
-expecting a knowledge of futurity to be part of his
-learning, asks what the fate may be to which he is
-destined. The wise man, anxious to keep up a reputation
-for superior knowledge, invents something from the circumstances
-in which he knows the person to be placed.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span>
-Subsequently he systematizes and arranges these notions,
-connecting them with the stars, those high and wonderful
-lights that unceasingly pass on in an ever-determined
-cycle above our heads. Such would seem to have been
-the origin of astrology.</p>
-
-<p>Divination is universally credited by the Burmese, and
-Dr. Buchanan’s picture, so melancholy as showing to what
-extent priestcraft obtained among them in his time (and
-it is probably not much decreased in their estimation
-now), is too interesting to be omitted in this place:—</p>
-
-<p>“No person will commence the building of a house, a
-journey, or the most trifling undertaking, without consulting
-some man of skill to find a fortunate day or hour.
-Friday is a most unlucky day, on which no business must
-be commenced. I saw several men of some rank, who had
-got from the king small boxes of <i>theriac</i>, or something
-like it, and which they pretended would render them
-invulnerable. I was often asked for medicines that would
-render the body impenetrable to a sword or musket-ball,
-and on answering that I knew of none such, my medical
-skill was held in very low estimation. Indeed, every
-Burman doctor has at the end of his book some charms,
-and what are called magical squares of figures, which he
-copies, and gives to be worn by his patients. And although
-these squares are all of uneven numbers, and consequently
-of the easiest construction, yet the ignorant multitude
-repose great confidence in their virtue. Some men, whom
-we saw, had small bits of gold or jewels introduced under
-the skin of their arms, in order to render themselves
-invulnerable; and the tattooing on the legs and thighs of
-the Burma men they not only think ornamental, but a
-preservative against the bite of snakes.”<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p>
-
-<p>Cheiromancy and oneiromancy are in as great estimation
-as divination or amulets. With all their skill in
-astrology, which they practise to a great extent, they are
-very ignorant of astronomy, and Dr. Buchanan tells us,
-“Although they sometimes attempt to calculate eclipses,
-yet they pretend not to ascertain either the hour of their
-commencement or the extent of the obscuration.... It
-would indeed appear, from a treatise of Mr. Samuel
-Davis,<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> that the time of the full moon, and the duration
-of the eclipse, found by the rules given in the Surya<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span>
-Siddhanta, differ considerably from the truth; and that,
-although the rules given in the Siddhantá Rahasya, and
-other modern books, make a near approach, yet they are
-far from being correct; so that even the Brahmens of
-Hindustan are not much further advanced than those of
-Amarapura, notwithstanding the improvements they have
-introduced from time to time, perhaps as they were able
-gradually to procure a little better information from their
-conquerors, Mohammedans and Christians.”<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p>
-
-<p>Sangermano has a few remarks on the subject of the
-superstitions of the Burmese, that it would not be inappropriate
-to transfer to these pages.<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p>
-
-<p>“The Burmese possess a large volume containing a full
-account of all their superstitious observances, and of the
-different omens of good or evil fortune to be drawn from
-an immense number of objects,—as from the wood with
-which their houses are built, from their boats and carriages,
-from the aspects of the sun, moon, and planets,
-from the howling of dogs, and the singing of birds, &amp;c.,
-and also from the involuntary movements of the members
-of one’s own body. We will here translate some portions
-of this book, as specimens of the superstitions which
-paganism conducts to.</p>
-
-<p>“This book, which is called Deitton, in the treatise on
-the woods used in building, distinguishes various kinds.
-Such beams as are equally large at the top as at the
-bottom are called males; those which are thicker at the
-bottom than above are females; the neuters are those in
-which the middle is thickest; and when the greatest
-thickness is at the top, they are called giants; finally,
-when a piece of wood, on being cut, and falling to the
-ground, rebounds from its place, it is called monkey-wood.
-Whoever lives in a house made of male wood,
-will be happy in all places, and at all times, and in all
-circumstances; but if the wood of any person’s house be
-neuter, continual misery will be his lot; and if it be of
-the gigantic species, he will die. By dividing the two
-pieces of wood which form the stairs into ten compartments,
-and observing in which the knots occur, we may
-also learn a man’s fortune. If a knot be found in the
-first compartment, it is a sign that the master of the
-house will be honoured by princes; if in the second, that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span>
-he will abound in rice, and all kinds of provisions; but if
-there be one in the fourth division, then a son, or a
-nephew, or a slave, or an ox of the master will die; a
-knot in the sixth division is a sign of riches in oxen and
-buffaloes; but one in the eighth portends the death of his
-wife; and finally, one in the tenth, is an augury of great
-possessions in gold and silver, and such other valuables.</p>
-
-<p>“From the wood used in the construction of the
-houses, the Deitton passes to the holes in which the poles
-that support them are fixed; for if these be square, it is a
-sign of sickness; and divers other prognostics are drawn
-from the manner in which they are dug, and from the
-different substances that are met with in making them.
-Hence various rules are given for choosing a spot of
-ground for the foundation of houses.</p>
-
-<p>“The next sources of superstition are the boats and
-carriages; for from the knots that are in them, good or
-bad success is assigned to the possessors; as also from
-the different objects they meet with on their progresses
-on different days of the week.</p>
-
-<p>“All involuntary movements of the eyes, the head, or
-the forehead, are considered as indications of the lot of
-those in whom they are observed, as their happiness, or
-of the honours they will receive, or of a litigious disposition,”
-&amp;c.</p>
-
-<p>And again, a little after, our missionary continues:—</p>
-
-<p>“In the time of war, or during a law suit, there is a
-curious way of finding out the success to be expected.
-Three figures are made of cooked rice, one representing a
-lion, another an ox, and a third an elephant. These are
-exposed to the crows, and the augury is taken according
-to which is eaten. If they fall on the figure of the lion, it
-is a sign of victory; if they eat that of the ox, things will
-be made up by accommodation; but if they eat the elephant,
-then bad success is to be looked for.</p>
-
-<p>“When a dog carries any unclean thing to the top of
-a house, it is supposed that the master will become rich.
-If a hen lay her egg upon cotton, its master will become
-poor. If a person, who is going to conclude a law suit,
-meet on the road another carrying brooms or spades, the
-suit will be long, and in the end he will be deceived. If
-the wind should carry away any of the leaves of the
-betel, when, according to custom, it is being carried
-to the house of a newly-married woman, it is a sign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span>
-that the marriage will be unhappy, and that separation
-will ensue.</p>
-
-<p>“If in going to war, or to prosecute a law suit, a person
-meet with a fish, there will be no war, and the lawsuit
-will cease; if he see another catching a gnat, the
-mandarins will exact many presents, the client will be
-deceived, and the law suit a long one; if he meet any one
-carrying packages, then everything will succeed to his
-wishes; if he meet a serpent, the affair will be long; if a
-dog, or a female elephant, or a person playing on the
-instrument called zaun, a species of cymbal, all things
-will go well.”</p>
-
-<p>The good father mentions some more instances of a
-similar kind, and thus concludes:<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>—“But we should
-never finish, were we to extract all the follies of this book,
-for they are so numerous, and at the same time so inconsistent
-with common comfort, that, as one of our oldest
-missionaries has observed, if a man were to be entirely
-guided by it, he would not have a house to live in, nor a
-road to walk on, nor clothes to cover him, nor even rice
-for his food; and yet the blind and ignorant Burmese
-place the greatest faith in it, and endeavour to regulate
-their actions according to its directions.” I have not
-space to speak of all the various superstitious weaknesses
-which rule this people, or I would tell of the cheiromancy
-of the Burmans, their amulets and their love-philtres;
-for these, however, I must refer the reader to
-Sangermano.</p>
-
-<p>Burman astronomy is similar in most points to that of
-the Hindoos; but a short account of it, after Buchanan<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>
-and Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> will not be out of place here.</p>
-
-<p>They recognise eight planets, viz., the Sun, the Moon,
-Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and another
-named Rahu, which is invisible. Buchanan tells us that
-some one discovered in it the Georgium Sidus; but if its
-invisibility be taken into consideration, it is much more
-likely to be the recently discovered and lost planet Neptune.
-A description of it from the treatise of Buchanan,
-will, however, settle any doubts as to this star:<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The form of Rahu is thus described. His stature is
-48,000 juzana; the breadth of his breast 12,000; of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span>
-head, 900; of his forehead, his nostrils, and mouth, 300;
-the thickness of his fingers, 50 juzana; of his feet and
-hands, 200. When this monstrous and foul planet, who,
-like the others, is a Nat,<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> is inflamed with envy, at the
-brightness of the sun or moon, he descends into their
-path and devours, or rather takes them into his mouth;
-but he is soon obliged to spit them out, for if he retained
-them long, they would burst his head by the constant
-tendency which they have to pursue their course. At
-other times he covers them with his chin, or licks them
-with his immense tongue. In this manner the Burmah
-writings explain eclipses of the sun and moon, both total
-and partial, making the duration of the eclipse depend on
-the time that Rahu retains the planet in his mouth or
-under his chin. The Raháns say, that every three years
-Rahu attacks the sun, and every half-year the moon.
-The eclipses, however, are not always visible to the
-inhabitants of this southern island; but although they
-may be invisible here, they are not so to the inhabitants
-of the other islands, according as the sun and moon may
-be opposite to them at the time of the eclipse.”</p>
-
-<p>This will serve as a tolerably fair specimen of Burmese
-abstract astronomy; and as my limits preclude further
-remark, it will be well to go on to their division of time.</p>
-
-<p>“The Burmas,” remarks Dr. Buchanan,<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> “in whatever
-manner they may have obtained it, have the knowledge
-of a solar year, consisting of 365 days, and commencing
-on the 18th of April. Like most nations, they
-all use a week of seven days, named after the planets.
-Sunday, Ta-nayn-ga-nue; Monday, Ta-nayn-la; Tuesday,
-Ayn-ga; Wednesday, Boud-dha-hu; Thursday, Kia-sa-ba-da;
-Friday, Thouk-kia; Saturday, Tha-na.</p>
-
-<p>“The common year, however, of the Burmas, is
-lunar; and by this year are regulated their holidays and
-festivals. It is composed of twelve months, which alternately
-consist of thirty and twenty-nine days, as follows:—</p>
-
-<p><i>Of Thirty Days.</i></p>
-
-<ul>
-<li>1. Ta-goo.</li>
-<li>3. Na-miaung.</li>
-<li>5. Wag-goun.</li>
-<li>7. Sa-deen-giut.</li>
-<li>9. Na-to.</li>
-<li>11. Ta-bu-dua.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<p><i>Of Twenty-nine Days.</i></p>
-
-<ul>
-<li>2. Kas-soon.</li>
-<li>4. Wa-goo.</li>
-<li>6. Ta-da-lay.</li>
-<li>8. Ta-zaung-mo.</li>
-<li>10. Pya-zo.</li>
-<li>12. Ta-boun.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span></p>
-
-<p>“This being eleven days shorter than their solar year,
-in order to make the beginning of Ta-goo coincide with
-our 18th of April, the first day of their solar year, the
-Burmas every third year add an intercalary moon. This
-seems to have been the extent of chronological science in
-Hindustan, during the prevalence of the doctrine of
-Bouddha, as the Rahans will go no further. But it was
-soon discovered by the Brahmens, that this contrivance
-would not make the commencements of the lunar and
-solar years coincide. They, therefore, wish from time to
-time to introduce other intercalary moons, in order to
-make the festivals occur at the proper season. The present
-king, who is said to be a studious and intelligent
-prince, was convinced of the propriety of the Brahmens’
-advice, and persuaded the Rahans of the capital to add an
-intercalary moon during the year we were there. He
-had not, however, the same success in the more distant
-provinces; for, although very strong measures were taken
-at Rangoun, such as ordering the people for some days
-not to supply the Rahans with provisions, yet, in the end,
-the obstinacy of the clergy prevailed, and they celebrated
-a great festival a month earlier at Rangoun than was done
-at Amarapura. To this obstinacy the Rahans were, probably,
-in a great measure, instigated by a jealousy,
-which they, not without reason, entertain against such
-dangerous intruders as the Brahmens; and they were
-encouraged to persist by the ignorance of those about the
-king. Of this ignorance his majesty was very sensible,
-and was extremely desirous of procuring from Bengal
-some learned Brahmens, and proper books. None of
-those I saw in the empire could read Sanscrit, and all
-their books were in the common dialect of Bengal.</p>
-
-<p>“The 1st of October, 1795, was at Amarapura, Kiasabada,
-the 19th of Sadeengiut, in the year of the Burma
-æra 1157, so that the reckoning, at that place at least,
-agreed very well with the solar year; but I observed,
-that the Burmas in general, if not always, antedated by
-one day the four phases of the moon, which are their
-common holidays. I did not, however, learn, whether
-this proceeded from their being unable to ascertain the
-true time of the change of the moon, or if it was only an
-occasional circumstance, arising from some further contrivance
-used to bring the solar and lunar years to coincide.
-In the common reckoning of time the Burmas<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span>
-divide the moon into two parts, the light and the dark
-moon; the first contained the days, during which the
-moon is on the increase; and the second, those in which
-she is in the wane. Thus, for instance, the 14th of
-Sadeengiut is called the 14th of the light moon Sadeengiut;
-but the 16th is called the 1st of the dark moon
-Sadeengiut.</p>
-
-<p>“Whence the Burmans date their æra I could not from
-them learn. Joannes Moses, Akunwun or collector of
-the land-tax for the province of Pegu, the most intelligent
-man with whom we conversed, did not seem to know. He
-said that whenever the king thought the years of the æra
-too many, he changed it. The fact, however, I believe is,
-that this æra, commencing in our year 638, is that used by
-the astronomers of Siam, and from them, as a more
-polished nation, it has passed to the Burmas, whose pride
-hindered them from acknowledging the truth.”<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></p>
-
-<p>The common lunar year consists, however, only of
-twelve months; consequently they are obliged to add an
-intercalary month every three years, as the year is only
-three hundred and fifty-four days in length. Even this,
-however, does not supply all deficiencies, and the further
-rectifications are made by public proclamation. Their
-worship days are four every month, viz., at the new and
-the full moon, and half-way between these; so that sometimes
-the interval is seven days, and sometimes eight.
-Day and night are divided into four equal parts. At
-Rangoon, however, the European mode of reckoning the
-hours is much in use, and timepieces are not wholly unknown.<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="I_CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</h4>
-
-<p>Currency—Weights—Commerce—Ports—Teak-wood—Houses—Tanks—Dress—Food—Marriages—Childbirth—Funerals—Arts—Slavery—The
-drama—Chess—Games—Music—Fireworks.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Burmese have no coined money. At every payment
-the money is assayed and weighed, to ascertain its
-value. When a bargain is to be concluded, very often the
-seller asks to see the money the purchaser has to offer
-him. The circulating medium is lead, for small payments.
-Silver, however, is the standard, although gold is also in
-use; it is considered seventeen times as valuable as silver.
-The frequent assaying process that the money undergoes
-has given rise to a business; the persons following it are
-named Poë-za, and for a commission of two and a half
-per cent. they will assay the money. One per cent. is
-lost in the operation, so that if “that operation be repeated
-forty times, it follows that the original amount is wholly
-absorbed,—a fact which shows the enormous waste of the
-precious metals which attends this rude substitute for a
-currency.”<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p>
-
-<p>Of course, the value of money is continually fluctuating,
-and Crawfurd informs us, that the alloy in silver varies
-from two to twenty-five per cent.! “The finest gold,” he
-says, “in circulation is, according to this scale, of nine
-and three-quarters touch, or twenty-three and a quarter
-carats fine. Between this and that which is only twelve
-carats, or contains one-half alloy, is to be found in use
-almost every intermediate degree of fineness.”</p>
-
-<p>Malcom gives us the following scale of weights, which
-answers both for goods and money:<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>—</p>
-
-<table summary="Scale of weights">
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">2</td>
- <td>small ruays</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 large ruay</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 pice.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">4</td>
- <td>large ruays</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 bai or ruay</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 anna.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">2</td>
- <td>bais</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 moo</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>2 annas.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">2</td>
- <td>moos</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 mat</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>4 annas (62½ gr. troy).</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">4</td>
- <td>mats</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 kyat</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td>1 tical.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">100</td>
- <td>kyats</td>
- <td class="center">=</td>
- <td colspan="3">1 piakthah or vis (3⁶⁵⁄₁₀₀ lbs. avoird.).</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span></p>
-
-<p>The head-waters of most of the rivers, as before remarked,<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>
-yield gold; but gold washings are to be found
-in the Irawadi above Prome, and also near Rangoon.<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>
-“But the little gold,” says the missionary, “that is thus
-collected is far from being sufficient for the Burmese, who
-use great quantities of this metal, not only in their bracelets,
-earrings, and other ornaments, which persons of both
-sexes are accustomed to wear, but much more for gilding
-the convents of the Talapoins, the public porticoes, and
-particularly the pagodas, which, being exposed to the rain
-and the action of the air, soon lose their gilding, and are,
-therefore, continually requiring fresh gold to repair them.
-To supply this demand, gold is imported from the Malay
-coast, from China, and other places.”</p>
-
-<p>The silver is principally procured from the Chinese
-provinces of Yunnan, and the mines in Burmah are worked
-by natives of China. The only place in Burmah where
-silver-mines are worked is at Bor-twang, twelve days’
-journey from Bamoo.</p>
-
-<p>Burmah has considerable foreign trade. The natives
-carry on a communication for this purpose with Mergui
-and Chittagong, and occasionally with Calcutta, Penang,
-and Madras. Burmah has at present but two good harbours
-remaining, namely, Rangoon and Bassein. Both of
-these are good, but foreign vessels never go to the latter,
-notwithstanding the fact that it is the better of the two.<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>
-The port of Rangoon is the only one, therefore, of any
-consideration.</p>
-
-<p>The exports of Burmah are teak-wood, cotton, wax,
-cutch, sticklac, and ivory; also lead, copper, arsenic, tin,
-birds’ nests, amber, indigo, tobacco, honey, tamarinds,
-gnapee, or napé, gems, orpiment, &amp;c. The most considerable
-article of commerce, however, is the teak-wood. “Indeed,”
-says Sangermano, “it is for this wood, more than for
-anything else, that vessels of every nation come to Pegu
-from all parts of India. It is found also in Bombay, but in
-small quantities, and is excessively dear; whereas in Pegu
-and Ava there are such immense forests of it that it can
-be sold to as many ships as arrive, at a moderate price.
-This wood, while it does not quickly decay, is very easily
-wrought, and very light. Cases have occurred of ships
-made of it, and laden with it, which have been filled with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span>
-water, but yet did not sink. Hence, all the ships that
-come to Pegu return with cargoes of this wood, which is
-employed in common houses, but particularly in shipbuilding.
-Most of the ships that arrive in these ports are
-here careened and refitted; and there are, besides, two
-or three English and French shipbuilders established at
-Rangoon. One reason of this is the prohibition that
-exists of carrying the specie out of the empire. For, as
-merchants, after selling their cargo, and taking in another
-of teak-wood, generally have some money remaining in
-their hands, they are obliged to employ it in building a
-new ship. Though, perhaps, this is not the only motive
-for building vessels in Rangoon; but the quantity of teak
-and other kinds of wood with which the neighbouring
-forests abound, may also have a great influence in this
-way. If the port of Rangoon entices strangers to build
-ships there, it also obliges them to sail as soon as possible.
-For there is a species of worm bred in the waters of the
-river which penetrates into the interior of the wood, and
-eats it away in such a manner that the vessel is exposed to
-the greatest danger, since the holes formed by these
-worms being hidden, cannot easily be stopped up. They
-attack every species of wood except ebony and tamarind,
-which are so hard that they are used to make the mallets
-with which carpenters drive their chisels.”</p>
-
-<p>These facts, together with the difficulty of entering into
-the harbour, should be carefully considered by the rulers
-of the Company’s territories, and they must weigh the
-importance of the position against the fatal effects of the
-climate, and when they have the upper fertile territory of
-Ava almost within their grasp, they should not content
-themselves with the low flats of Pegu, as some of the
-public press have advised.</p>
-
-<p>Bassein, however, which has been lately captured,
-should be the principal port. That it is the better, is
-plainly to be seen from the fact of its having been so considered
-at an earlier period of the history of the country;
-and that the Company thought so, is plain from their first
-factories having been in that district.</p>
-
-<p>Burman domestic architecture presents many similarities
-with that of Polynesia, except in the temples, already
-described in a former chapter, where the difference is,
-however, very slight.<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> The houses are constructed of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span>
-timbers, and bamboos fastened with lighter pieces placed
-transversely. If strong posts are used, they are placed at
-distances of about seven feet, of coarse bamboo, and lighter
-ones are placed at closer intervals. Pillars made of brick
-or stone supporting a frame are never seen. The sides are
-usually covered with mats; but sometimes with thatch
-fastened by split canes. In the best houses even, the roofs
-are almost invariably of thatch wrought most skilfully, and
-forming a perfect security against both wind and rain, but
-sometimes they are made of thin tiles, turned up at one
-end.<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> The best kind of thatch is made of attap or denvice
-leaves, bent over canes, and attached by the same material;
-a cheaper kind is made of strong grass six or seven feet
-long. These overlap each other from twelve to eighteen
-inches, much in the same manner as our tiles: they cost
-very little and require renewing about every three years.</p>
-
-<p>The floors are elevated a few feet from the earth, which
-makes them more comfortable than the houses of Bengal,
-and to render them clean, and secure ventilation, they are
-made of split cane. Unfortunately, the crevices between
-the cane often invite carelessness, and dirty liquids are
-allowed to run through, and not unfrequently the space
-becomes filled with mud and vermin, particularly among
-the poorer classes. The doors and windows are merely
-of matting in bamboo frames; when not closed, they are
-propped up so as to form a shade. There are of course
-no chimneys. They cook in a sort of square box of earth.
-A house does not cost more than from sixty to a hundred
-rupees; many not nearly so much, and they may be put up
-in about three days. The houses have only one story.
-In some of the large towns the houses of the rich are
-built of wood with plank floors, and panelled doors and
-shutters, but neither lath, plaster, nor glass. The houses
-are infested with insects of various descriptions, also with
-lizards, but they are useful in destroying the former.</p>
-
-<p>The buildings not being of brick, the utmost precaution
-is taken against fire. The roofs of the houses are loosely
-thatched, and a long pile of bamboo, with a hook at the
-end, is provided in every dwelling to pull down the thatch,
-while another pole is placed ready with a grating at the
-end of it to put out the flame by means of pressure.</p>
-
-<p>But it is not only in houses and pagodas that the architectural<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span>
-skill of the Burmans displays itself. The nation,
-like the ancient Peruvians, also constructs tanks, which
-are of immense utility in fertilizing the country. One of
-these, at Montzoboo, the birthplace of Alompra, is a very
-handsome work. They have also a few bridges, one of
-which, at Ava, is very long, and which Malcom emphatically
-says, “I have not seen surpassed in India, and
-scarcely in Europe.”<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> The arrangement of the palace
-at Ava, it may not be inapposite to remark, is not unlike
-that of the ancient palaces of Nineveh, as brought to light
-by Mr. Layard, and restored by Mr. Ferguson.</p>
-
-<p>The Burmese dress is very simple. That of the men
-consists of a long piece of striped cotton or silk, folded
-round the middle, and flowing down to the feet. When
-they are not at work, this is loosed, and is thrown partly
-over the shoulder, covering the body in no ungraceful
-manner. It very closely resembles the modern Nubian
-dress. The higher classes add to this a jacket with
-sleeves, called <i>ingee</i>, of white muslin, or, occasionally,
-broadcloth or velvet, buttoning at the neck. The turban
-or <i>gounboung</i>, of muslin, is worn by every one. Their
-shoes or sandals are of wood, or cowhide covered with
-cloth and strapped on. These are only worn abroad.</p>
-
-<p>The women wear a <i>te-mine</i>, or petticoat, of cotton or
-silk. It is open in front; so that in walking the legs and
-a part of the thigh are exposed. But in the street, they
-wear a jacket like that of the men, and a mantle over it.</p>
-
-<p>Both sexes wear cylinders of gold, silver, horn-wood,
-marble, or paper in their ears. The fashionable diameter
-of the ear-hole is one inch. At the boring of a boy’s ears,
-a great festival is generally held, as it is considered equal
-to the assumption of the <i>toga virilis</i> among the ancient
-Romans; yet, the period of youth and dandyism gone
-by, they care no more for such a decoration, and usually
-use the ear-hole as a cigar-rack, or flower-stand. The
-hair is always well taken care of, and is anointed every
-day with sessamum oil. The men gather it in a bunch on
-the top of the head, like the North American Indians,
-while the women tie it into a knot behind. The use of
-betel, which at one time was very general, is now no
-longer so much consumed, and the practice of staining
-the teeth is not so universal.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span></p>
-
-<p>“The men of this nation,” says a good authority,<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>
-“have a singular custom of tattooing their thighs, which
-is done by wounding the skin, and then filling the wound
-with the juice of certain plants, which has the property of
-producing a black stain. Some, besides both their thighs,
-will also stain their legs of the same colours, and others
-paint them all over with representations of tigers, cats,
-and other animals. The origin of this custom, as well as
-of the immodest dress of the women, is said to have been
-the policy of a certain queen; who, observing that the
-men were deserting their wives, and giving themselves up
-to abominable vices, persuaded her husband to establish
-these customs by a royal order; that thus by disfiguring
-the men, and setting off the beauty of the women, the
-latter might regain the affections of their husbands.”</p>
-
-<p>In speaking of the military institutions of the Burmese,
-I quoted from Sangermano a passage in which the food of
-the soldiers was mentioned.<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> To the account then given,
-I have little to add here. The food of the people is mean
-and bad indeed; in fact, as they eat all kinds of reptiles
-and insects, we may very well agree with Malcom,<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> and
-call them omnivorous. They make two meals in a day,
-one at about nine in the morning, and the other at sunset.
-The rice, or whatever the dish may be, is placed on a
-wooden plate, raised upon a foot, and the eaters squat
-round it on the bare ground, or perchance on a few mats,
-using their fingers in the feast. Their usual beverage is
-water.</p>
-
-<p>The bed consists of a simple mat spread on the ground,
-and a small pillow, or piece of wood, precisely in the manner
-of the Polynesians. The rich occasionally have a low
-wooden bedstead and mattresses.</p>
-
-<p>Their mode of kissing is again like that of the Polynesians.
-Instead of touching the lips, they apply the
-mouth and nose to the cheek, and draw in the breath, and
-instead of saying, “Give me a kiss,” they say, “Give me
-a smell.” Children are carried astride the hips as in some
-other parts of India.</p>
-
-<p>When a young man has made his choice of a wife, he
-first sends some old persons to the father to propose the
-marriage. If the family and the girl are agreed to the
-match, the bridegroom immediately goes to the house of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span>
-father-in-law, and resides there for three years. At the
-expiration of that period, he may, if he choose, take his
-wife and reside somewhere else. The first night of the
-marriage is one of considerable hazard, for a large number
-of persons will collect together and throw stones and
-logs on to the roof of the house. Sangermano, on whose
-authority I mention the custom, could obtain no reason
-for it.<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p>
-
-<p>A strange practice attends the birth of a Burmese
-infant. “No sooner is the infant come to light, than an
-immense fire is lighted in the apartment, so large that a
-person can hardly approach it without experiencing considerable
-hurt. Yet the woman is stretched out before it;
-and obliged to support its action on her naked skin, which
-is often blistered from its effects as badly as if the fire had
-been actually made for this purpose. This treatment is
-persevered in for ten or fifteen days without intermission,
-at the end of which time, as it will be easily supposed,
-the poor woman is quite scorched or blackened.”<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p>
-
-<p>In their treatment of the sick, they are very absurd
-and unskilful, but at the same time, some of their remedies
-are good. Space will not permit me to speak of this subject,
-and I must refer to the copious accounts of Malcom,
-Sangermano, Crawfurd, and others.</p>
-
-<p>At the death of any one, the following ceremonies are
-observed.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> The body is immediately washed and laid
-in a white cloth, and visits of condolence are paid by the
-connections and friends. While the family give themselves
-up to lamentation, these friends perform the office
-of preparing the coffin, assembling the musicians, getting
-betel and lapech, the pickled tea, which is given to every
-one on the occasion. Then a great store of fruit, cotton
-cloths, and money is prepared for distribution among the
-priests and the poor. This is effected by means of a
-burial club, which, strangely enough, is one of the institutions
-of this singular country. The body is then kept a
-day or two, after which the procession is formed in the
-following manner. First, the alms destined for the priests
-and poor are carried along; next, come the baskets of
-betel and lapech, borne by female priests dressed in white.
-These are followed by a procession of priests, walking two
-and two. When there is music, it usually comes next.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span>
-Then the bier is carried along, borne by friends of the
-deceased. Immediately behind the bier comes the wives,
-children, and nearest relations, all dressed in white. The
-procession is closed by a concourse of people more or less
-connected with the departed person. Arrived at the place
-where the body is burnt, the senior priest delivers a sermon,
-consisting of reflections on the five secular commandments
-and the ten good works. At the conclusion of the
-sermon, the coffin is delivered to the burners of the dead,
-who set fire to it, while others distribute the alms to the
-priests and people. The burning, however, does not
-always take place. Persons that have been drowned, or
-have died of infectious diseases, are immediately interred.</p>
-
-<p>On the third day after the burning, the relations go to
-the place and collect the ashes, which are placed in an
-urn and buried, and a cenotaph is erected over the remains.
-All this time a festival is kept up at the house of
-the deceased. Readers are engaged, who read out poetry
-and history. Much feasting and drinking goes on, and
-this is all done to keep off the thoughts of their loss from
-the minds of the relations. On the ninth day the concluding
-feast to the priests is given, and all is over.</p>
-
-<p>The arts of the Burmese are very simple, as may be expected.<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>
-Their progress in them has been very small,
-chiefly on account “of the great simplicity of their dress
-and houses.” Every one builds his own house, and the
-females of the family can manufacture all the apparel that
-is required by the family. The silkworm is kept in Ava,
-and the products of the looms of that province, though
-susceptible of improvement, yet deserve high commendation
-for the strength of the material and brilliancy of the
-colours. Carving in wood, an art at which a semi-civilised
-nation generally soon arrives, has been brought to some
-degree of perfection; but painting, the kindred art, is
-here, as among all Oriental nations, in a very languishing
-condition. Lately, at a meeting of the Asiatic Society of
-Bengal, a very interesting picture by a Burmese artist was
-exhibited. Dr. A. Thomas, who presented it to the society,
-thus describes it:—“On one side of the picture is represented
-the royal palace and the royal monastery; the
-priests in their sacerdotal garb, the white elephant, &amp;c. &amp;c.
-are all shown. On the other side is a grand procession<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span>
-showing that a lad is about to enter into the order of
-priesthood.” In painting flowers the Burmese are not so
-bad, but, like the Chinese, they have very imperfect
-notions of drawing and perspective.</p>
-
-<p>The betel boxes and drinking-cups are exceedingly
-curious. They are formed of very fine basket-work of
-bamboo, covered with varnish, which is brought from
-China in very great quantities. An interesting account
-of their manufacture is given by Colonel Burney in the
-Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal; but the exact
-volume has escaped me. Working in gold, as among their
-kindred in America, the Incas and the Mexicans, has
-been perfected in no slight degree. In casting bells, too,
-no Oriental nations can compete with them.</p>
-
-<p>“Such are the principal arts,” concludes Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>
-“of the Burmese; and if they are in a low
-state, this must be attributed more to the destructive
-despotism of their government than to the want of genius
-or inclination of the people, for they have in reality a
-great talent in this way. It is the emperor, with his
-mandarins, who is the obstacle in the way of the industry
-of his subjects; for no sooner has any artist distinguished
-himself for his skill, than he is constrained to work for
-the emperor or his ministers, and this without any profit,
-farther than an uncertain patronage.”</p>
-
-<p>Can there be the least doubt in the mind of any unprejudiced
-person, that the British ought to annex the whole
-of Burmah, and so rescue the flocks that are bleeding
-under the ruffian claws of the official tigers? Remember
-Prome under British justice in the last war; and though,
-in every way, the Indian government is <i>de facto</i> a mild
-despotism, yet is not that better than the present state of
-things? Besides, it is our interest. If we do not get this
-country, some other nation will, and we want no European
-neighbours in the East.</p>
-
-<p>And this is a fitting place for an account of the treatment
-of slaves among the Burmese, a subject of no little
-importance to its future interests.</p>
-
-<p>Slavery is very general in Ava and the subdued provinces,
-and it has not yet been abolished in the territory
-ceded to the British in 1826.<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> It may be as well to
-mention this fact, as otherwise the British will get a character<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span>
-for inconsistency, and some one will plead, in extenuation
-of the African slave-trade, that though such
-efforts are made in the Atlantic, yet that in the tangible
-property of Britain, the provinces of Arakhan, Chittagong,
-Assam, and Tenasserim, the practice is not suppressed,
-notwithstanding that it might be effected with
-much more ease than in Africa, or on the Brazilian coast.
-Naturally, in so recent a possession, the measure cannot
-be immediately introduced; yet it would be well for
-the Company to think and act, as it is necessary to
-be consistent throughout, even if that were the only
-consideration.</p>
-
-<p>A slight slave-trade appears to be carried on upon the
-frontiers; and though the Burmans, with somewhat of a
-Jesuitical spirit, do not actually engage in it themselves,
-yet they do not hesitate to recognise and support it by
-purchasing the slaves thus kidnapped from home.</p>
-
-<p>Debtor slaves, Malcom tells us, are very numerous.
-When persons borrow, they mortgage themselves to their
-creditors till they can repay the money. In Burmah this
-is not done by any remuneration for the service thus rendered,
-but in our possessions it diminishes four pice
-per day. Their master can sell and chastise them,
-though he is restrained from ill-using them. However,
-when they can obtain the money, and tender it to their
-creditor, he is not at liberty to refuse the payment.</p>
-
-<p>The children of slaves are free; though this is more by
-usage than by the law. Under that, there would be some
-redemption-money to be paid. However, custom has
-ordained that both mother and child are free. Husbands
-have the power of selling their wives, or rather borrowing
-money upon them; and of course, unless the person so
-sold, or pawned, can obtain a sum equal to the amount
-borrowed, they are condemned to life-servitude.</p>
-
-<p>The condition of slaves, however, is little different
-from that of a free person. The estimation, too, in which
-they are held, is high, for they are, in a popular superstition,
-ranked with “a son, a nephew, and an ox;”
-and though the last of these appears somewhat ludicrous
-to the ear of an European, yet we must recollect
-that the religious value of an ox was high in the land,
-probably from the tinge of Brahminism with which the
-Burmans are dashed.</p>
-
-<p>It is interesting to compare the state of the slaves of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span>
-Burmah with the condition of the same class among the
-Visigoths, who may, in some respects, be looked upon as
-the Burmans of Europe. Prescott has given an able
-sketch in his “Ferdinand and Isabella:”<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The lot of the Visigothic slave was sufficiently hard.
-The oppressions which this unhappy race endured, were
-such as to lead Mr. Southey, in his excellent introduction
-to the ‘Chronicle of the Cid,’ to impute to their co-operation,
-in part, the easy conquest of the country by
-the Arabs. But, although the laws in relation to them
-seem to be taken up with determining their incapacities,
-rather than their privileges, it is probable that they
-secured to them, on the whole, quite as great a degree of
-civil consequence as was enjoyed by similar classes in the
-rest of Europe. By the Fuer Juzoo, the slave was
-allowed to acquire property for himself, and with it to
-purchase his own redemption.<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> A certain proportion
-of every man’s slaves were also required to bear arms,
-and to accompany their master to the field.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> But their
-relative rank is better ascertained by the amount of composition
-(that accurate measurement of civil rights with
-all the barbarians of the north) prescribed for any personal
-violence inflicted on them. Thus, by the Salic law,
-the life of a free Roman was estimated at only one-fifth of
-that of a Frank,<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> while, by the law of the Visigoths, the
-life of a slave was valued at half of that of a free man.<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>
-In the latter code, moreover, the master was prohibited,
-under the severe penalties of banishment and sequestration
-of property, from either maiming or murdering his
-own slave,<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> while, in other codes of the barbarians, the
-penalty was confined to similar trespasses on the slaves
-of another; and by the Salic law, no higher mulct was
-imposed for killing than for kidnapping a slave.<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> The
-legislation of the Visigoths, in those particulars, seems to
-have regarded this unhappy race as not merely a distinct
-species of property; it provided for their personal security,
-instead of limiting itself to the indemnification of
-their masters.”</p>
-
-<p>It is a curious circumstance that the malefactors, whose
-punishment has been commuted from death to slavery<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span>
-in the pagodas, are better off than the generality of the
-slave population; so that, in fact, there is not such indignity
-and misery in it as some authors have represented.
-The Mexicans, who formed some portions of their polity
-on a higher model, esteemed it an honour to serve in the
-temples of the gods. Let us now turn to a livelier theme—the
-Burman amusements.</p>
-
-<p>Symes, the energetic envoy, to whose work I have so
-often referred, gives the following curious description of a
-dramatic entertainment in Burmah:<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The solar year of the Birmans was now drawing to a
-close, and the three last days are usually spent by them
-in merriment and feasting. We were invited by the
-Maywoon to be present on the evening of the 10th of
-April, at the exhibition of a dramatic representation.</p>
-
-<p>“At a little before eight o’clock, the hour when the
-play was to commence, we proceeded to the house of
-the Maywoon, accompanied by Baba-Sheen, who, on all
-occasions, acted as master of the ceremonies. The theatre
-was the open court, splendidly illuminated by lamps and
-torches; the Maywoon and his lady sat in a projecting
-balcony of his house; we occupied seats below him, raised
-about two feet from the ground, and covered with carpets;
-a crowd of spectators were seated in a circle round
-the stage. The performance began immediately on our
-arrival, and far excelled any Indian drama that I had
-ever seen. The dialogue was spirited without rant, and
-the action animated without being extravagant; the
-dresses of the principal performers were showy and
-becoming. I was told that the best actors were natives
-of Siam, a nation which, though unable to contend with
-the Birmans and Peguers in war, have cultivated with
-more success the refined arts of peace. By way of interlude
-between the acts, a clownish buffoon entertained the
-audience with a recital of different passages; and by
-grimace, and frequent alterations of tone and countenance,
-extorted loud peals of laughter from the spectators. The
-Birmans seem to delight in mimickry, and are very
-expert in the practice, possessing uncommon versatility of
-countenance. An eminent practitioner of this art amused
-us with a specimen of his skill, at our own house, and, to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span>
-our no small astonishment, exhibited a masterly display
-of the passions in pantomimic looks and gestures; the
-transitions he made, from pain to pleasure; from joy to
-despair; from rage to madness; from laughter to tears:
-his expression of terror, and, above all, his look of idiotism,
-were performances of first-rate merit in their line;
-and we agreed in opinion, that had his fates decreed him
-to have been a native of Great Britain, his genius would
-have rivalled that of any modern comedian of the English
-stage.</p>
-
-<p>“The plot of the drama performed this evening, I
-understood, was taken from the sacred text of the Ramayam
-of Balmiec, a work of high authority amongst the
-Hindoos.<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> It represented the battles of the holy Ram
-and the impious Rahwaan, chief of the Ralkuss, or demons,
-to revenge the rape of Seeta, the wife of Ram, who was
-forcibly carried away by Rahwaan, and bound under the
-spells of enchantment. Vicissitudes of fortune took place
-during the performance, that seemed highly interesting
-to the audience. Ram was at length wounded by a
-poisoned arrow; the sages skilled in medicine consulted
-on his cure; they discovered, that on the mountain Indragurry
-grew a certain tree that produced a gum, which
-was a sovereign antidote against the deleterious effects of
-poison; but the distance was so great that none could be
-found to undertake the journey: at length, Honymaan,<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>
-leader of the army of apes, offered to go in quest of it.
-When he arrived at the place, being uncertain which was
-the tree, he took up half the mountain, and transported
-it with ease: thus was the cure of Ram happily effected,
-the enchantment was broken, and the piece ended with a
-dance and songs of triumph.”</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Buchanan gives us some farther particulars on this
-curious subject, which I subjoin:<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p>
-
-<p>“Although these entertainments, like the Italian opera,
-consist of music, dancing, and action, with a dialogue in
-recitative; yet we understood, that no part but the songs<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span>
-was previously composed. The subject is generally taken
-from some of the legends of their heroes, especially of
-Rama; and the several parts, songs, and actions, being
-assigned to the different performers, the recitative part or
-dialogue is left to each actor’s ingenuity. If, from the
-effects on the audience, we might judge of the merit of
-the performance, it must be very considerable, as some of
-the performers had the art of keeping the multitude in
-a roar. I often, however, suspected, that the audience
-were not difficult to please; for I frequently observed the
-Myoowun of Haynthawade (the man of high rank whom
-we most frequently saw), thrown into immoderate laughter
-by the most childish contrivances. These easterns are
-indeed a lively, merry people; and, like the former
-French, dance, laugh, and sing, in the midst of oppression
-and misfortune.”</p>
-
-<p>But by far the most lucid account that we have of the
-Burmese drama, is in one of the dramas themselves,
-which Mr. Smith has translated in the Journal of the
-Asiatic Society of Bengal; and he has added much to the
-value of the work by a few judicious observations, from
-which I present an extract to the reader:—</p>
-
-<p>“The Ramadzat (Ramahyana), and other ancient fabulous
-histories, form the groundwork of nearly all the
-favourite plays, the outline of the story being merely
-preserved, while the language of the play depends as
-much upon the fancy of the performer as the taste of the
-audience. Each company is presided over by a teacher
-or manager, who drills the actors in their tasks from
-rough notes, which contain only the songs and the substance
-of the parts assigned to each performer. In every
-play, without perhaps a single exception, the following
-characters are represented,—a king, a queen, a princess,
-a minister of state, a huntsman, and some kind of monster.<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>
-The female characters are usually personated
-by men, it being considered indecorous in a woman to
-appear as an actress. I have to plead as an apology for
-the unpolished style of this translation, the acknowledged
-difficulty of turning the dialogue of a play into a foreign
-dress; moreover, the original, which was written from
-the mouth of an actor, was imperfect and ill written. I
-believe there are books in the palace at Umeraporee, containing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span>
-the proper reading of all the approved plays, and
-the costumes of the characters, which are placed near the
-members of the royal family whenever they call their
-companies before them; but I have not been able to discover
-any work of this description here.”<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p>
-
-<p>Of the play given by Smith, I shall here offer an
-epitome:—The nine princesses of the silver mountain,
-which is separated from the abode of mortals by a triple
-barrier (the first, a belt of prickly cane; the second, a
-stream of liquid copper; and the third, a Beloo, or devil),
-gird on their enchanted zones, which give them the power
-of flying like birds, and visit a pleasant forest of the
-earth. While bathing, a huntsman snares the youngest
-with a magic noose, and carries her to the young prince
-of Pyentsa, who, on account of her beauty, makes her his
-chief queen, notwithstanding his recent marriage with
-the daughter of the head astrologer of the palace. During
-the princess’s absence, the astrologer takes the opportunity
-to misinterpret a dream, which the king calls upon
-him to explain, and declares that the evil spirit, who is
-exerting himself against the king’s power, is only to be
-appeased by the sacrifice of the beautiful Manauhurree.
-The princess’s mother, hearing of this, visits the lovely
-Manauhurree, and restores to her the enchanted zone,
-which had been picked up, and given to the old queen, by
-the huntsman. The princess immediately returns to the
-silver mountain, but on her way stops at the hermitage of
-a recluse, who lives on the borders of the forest, and
-gives him a ring and some drugs, by which the possessor
-of them can pass unharmed through the dangers of the
-barrier. The young prince having put an end to the
-war, returns, and finding his favourite queen gone, he
-instantly sets off to seek her. Being arrived at the forest,
-he dismisses his followers, visits the recluse, who gives
-him the ring and drugs; he then enters the frightful
-barrier, and, after many adventures, arrives at the city
-of the silver mountain, and makes known his presence to
-his beautiful bride, by dropping the ring into a vessel of
-water, which a damsel is conveying to the bath of the
-princess. The princess, on finding the ring, inquires of
-one of the damsels what has happened at the lake, who
-tells her, that they found a young spirit resting himself,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span>
-and that he assisted one of the maids to place the vessel
-of water on her head. The princess cries out, “Oh my
-husband, come and take me.” The king, her father,
-is angry that any mortal should presume to enter his
-country and claim his daughter, he makes him go through
-trials of riding elephants and horses, and shooting arrows,
-in which the prince acquits himself surprisingly, but the
-king insists on his selecting the little finger of Manauhurree
-from among those of her sisters, thrust through a
-screen; this he does by the assistance of the king of the
-Nats. Then, as in a European play, every one is made
-happy and comfortable.</p>
-
-<p>Perhaps, indeed, the game of chess does not methodically
-fall in immediately after the consideration of the
-drama, yet I cannot allow the Burman game, their chief
-sedentary amusement, to pass without notice. As their
-principal in-door game, indeed, it may not seem inopportune
-to place it here. The form of the chess-board, and
-the manner of arrangement, will be readily understood
-by the accompanying diagram:<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>—</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;">
-
-<img src="images/chessboard.jpg" width="700" height="350" alt="Chessboard" />
-
-<p class="caption">REFERENCES.</p>
-
-<table summary="Explanation of the diagram">
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">1</td>
- <td>Meng</td>
- <td>The king.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">2</td>
- <td>Chekoy</td>
- <td>Lieut.-General.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">3,3</td>
- <td>Rutha</td>
- <td>War chariot.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">4,4</td>
- <td>Chein</td>
- <td>Elephants.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">5,5</td>
- <td>Mhee</td>
- <td>Cavalry.</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="tdr">6,6,6,6,6,6,6,6</td>
- <td>Yein</td>
- <td>Foot soldiers.</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Burman name for chess is Chit-tha-reen, a name
-applied by them to the chief ruler, or leader of an army,
-or to war itself.</p>
-
-<p>The king has the same powers and moves as in our own
-game, except that there is no castling, and no stalemate.
-The <i>Chekoy</i>, or general, moves diagonally either way, in
-advance or retrograde, but only one move at a time. The
-<i>Rutha</i>, or war-chariot, has exactly the same moves and
-powers as our castle. The <i>Chein</i>, or elephants, have five<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span>
-distinct moves; diagonal in advance, both in fact diagonal
-retrograde; also, both ways, and direct forward; but in
-every case they are limited to one check or step at a
-move. The move direct in advance being only intended
-to alter the line of their operations, which gives them
-somewhat of the power of our queen. The <i>Mhee</i>, or
-cavalry, have exactly the same powers as our knights.
-The <i>Yein</i>, or foot-soldiers, have the same moves and
-powers as in the English game; they are, however, limited
-to one check or move at a time, and the right-hand
-pieces alone are susceptible of promotion to the rank of
-general, in the event of that piece being taken. It is not
-necessary, however, that they should have advanced to
-the last row of the adversary’s squares, but to that square
-which is in a diagonal line with the left-hand square in
-the last row of the adversary’s section; consequently, the
-right-hand pawn will have to advance four steps to ransom
-the Chekoy; the next, three; and so on to the fifth pawn,
-who has to make but one step.</p>
-
-<p>But notwithstanding this manner of disposing the
-forces, which is generally followed, the arrangement is
-quite arbitrary; and the player strengthens or exposes
-his wing according to his own judgment, and the proficiency
-of his adversary.</p>
-
-<p>“This liberty,” as Cox well observes, “added to the names
-and powers of the pieces, gives the Burmha game more
-the appearance of a real battle than any other game I
-know of. The powers of the Chein are well calculated
-for the defence of each other and the king, where most
-vulnerable; and the Rutha, or war-chariots, are certainly
-more analogous to an active state of warfare, than rooks
-or castles.”<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a></p>
-
-<p>There is a game played amongst them, called cognento.<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>
-It resembles very much the popular English
-game of knock’emdowns. They have also a kind of game
-of goose and cards of ivory, introduced from Siam. Football
-is very usual, and is played with much skill. The
-ball is hollow, and formed of split rattan, from six to ten
-inches in diameter. It is not struck alone with the instep,
-but with the head, shoulder, knee, elbow, heel, or sole of
-the foot. Malcom<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> thinks it has been introduced from
-China.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span></p>
-
-<p>Boxing and fighting-cocks are well known; and the
-latter is a favourite amusement with the youth of
-Burmah, as it used to be in England.</p>
-
-<p>The Burmese never dance themselves, but hire dancers,
-who make extraordinary efforts in their dancing. No
-figures are attempted, nor do women and men dance
-together; indeed, very few females dance at all; the men
-generally assuming the dress of women, and tying their
-hair in the manner of women. They cannot understand
-what the English dance for; they, in common with all
-Indians, wonder at it.</p>
-
-<p>The musical instruments are the <i>moung</i> or <i>gong</i>, struck
-with a mallet covered with leather; the <i>panma-gyee</i>, or
-large drum; the <i>tseing</i> or <i>boundaw</i>, is a collection of small
-drums, disposed within a frame in a circle. The size varies
-in every case. The player sits in the middle, and strikes
-them with his fingers. The <i>me-goum</i> or <i>me-kyong</i>, is a
-kind of guitar, played with the fingers. The <i>sonng</i> is a
-kind of harp. They have also a kind of violin, called
-<i>te-yau</i>, very disagreeable, with only two strings. The
-<i>kyay-wyng</i> is formed by a number of gongs, of different
-sizes, struck with small sticks, very pleasant of sound.
-There are also two or three kinds of wind-instruments,
-but very inferior in tone.</p>
-
-<p>Malcom<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> remarks it as a curious fact, that the Burmese
-are totally ignorant of whistling.</p>
-
-<p>In making fireworks, the Burmese display great ingenuity,
-and their delight is immense at a well-made
-rocket. Sangermano tells us,<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> that “when the great
-rockets are let off, if these fireworks ascend straight up
-into the air without bursting or running obliquely, the
-makers of them burst out into the wildest shouts and
-songs, and dance about with the most extravagant contortions,
-like real madmen.”</p>
-
-<p>We will leave them shouting, and turn to the ancient
-history of the country.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="I_CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</h4>
-
-<p>Ancient history—Pegue—Character of the Burmese—Concluding
-reflections.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The ancient history of Burmah differs in one remarkable
-particular from that of almost every other Oriental
-nation. The historiographers, except where they have
-been led into speaking of Gaudama and his wondrous
-career, in effect, present a more coherent chronology than
-is offered by any other Eastern historians. The simple,
-almost ungarnished tale of their doings in the country,
-present self-evident proofs of its truthfulness. The reigns
-of the kings none of them exceed the limits of probability,
-and what is more, they are shorter than usual,
-which shows in every way that there was no desire to
-magnify the doings of their sovereigns. We find the
-kings of this early period doing just what the kings of the
-present dynasty have been doing, and there is no undue
-disguise of facts; though now and then (as in the narrative
-of the two blind princes of Sagaing) there is a dash
-of the marvellous; yet one cannot help wondering at the
-extraordinary simplicity that pervades the whole narrative
-given by the Burmese historians.</p>
-
-<p>All that the Burmese know of their emigration from
-India, and of the founding and history of the ancient city
-of Tagoung, is to be found in the third volume of the
-Chronicles of the Kings of Ava. Here is an abstract of
-the tale.<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p>
-
-<p>Many years before the appearance of Gaudama, a king
-of Kanthalatt (Oude) and Pínjalarít (a kingdom in the Punjab),
-being desirous of a connection by marriage with the
-king of Kauliya, sent to him to demand a daughter; but
-receiving a refusal on the grounds of inferiority of caste,
-he declared war, and destroyed several cities governed by
-the Tháki family. These cities were afterwards rebuilt, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span>
-the Tháki line re-established; but one of the Tháki race
-of kings, Abhírájá, the king of Kappilawot, emigrated
-with his troops and followers from Central India, and
-came and built Tagoung, which was then also styled
-Thengat-the-ratha, and Thengat-the-nago. The place had
-been inhabited before, during the period of the three preceding
-Buddhas. In the time of Kekkuthan it was called
-Thanthaya-púra; in that of Gounágoun, Ratha-púra; and
-in that of Katthaba, Thendwé. On the death of King
-Abhírájá, his two sons, Kan Yázágyee and Kan Yázangay,
-disputed the throne, but agreed by the advice of
-their respective officers to let the question be decided in
-this way; that each should construct a large building on
-the same night, and he whose building should be found completed
-by the morning, should take the throne. The younger
-brother used planks and bamboos only, and covered the
-whole with cloth, to which, by a coat of whitewash, he
-gave the appearance of a finished building. At dawn of
-day, Kan Yázágyee, the elder brother, seeing the other’s
-being completed, collected his troops and followers, and
-came down the Irawadi. He then ascended the Khyendwen,
-and established himself for six months at Kule<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>
-Toungnyo, calling it Yázágyo, and sent his son, Moodootseitta,
-to be king over the Thoonaparan Pyoos,
-Kanyan, and Thet, who then occupied the territory between
-Pegu, Arakhan, and Pagan, and had applied to him
-for a prince. Kan Yázágyee then built the city Kyoukpadoung
-to the east of the Guttshapanadee, and resided
-there for twenty-four years. From thence he went and
-took possession of the city of Diniawadee, or Arakhan,
-which had originally been founded by a King Mayayoo,
-and having constructed fortifications, a palace, &amp;c., took
-up his residence there.</p>
-
-<p>The younger brother, Kan Yázangay, took possession
-of his father’s throne at Tagoung, and was followed successively
-by thirty-three kings, the last of whom was
-Bheinnaka Yázá. During this monarch’s reign, the
-Chinese and Tartars, from the country of Tsein, in the
-empire of Gandalareet, attacked and burnt Tagoung. The
-king and his followers retired up the Malí river, and
-shortly afterwards died. His people then divided themselves
-into three portions, one of which established the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span>
-nineteen Shan states. A second portion allied themselves
-with the Thunaparanta kingdom, composed of the people
-of Ranyan and Thet, who were governed by Múdutseitta
-and other kings of the Tháki race. The last remained
-near the Malí river, under the command of Nága Zein,
-the last king’s principal wife.</p>
-
-<p>About this time Gaudama appeared in Central India. In
-that part of Hindustan, also, a dispute arose between
-King Pethanadí Kauthala of Thawotta<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> and Maha Nansa
-of Kappílawot. The dispute originated in a matter of
-marriage again. Pathanadí had sent an embassy to Maha
-Nama for one of his daughters. Nama, however, sent him
-the daughter of a slave girl instead. She was received,
-and had a son, Prince Wit’hat’hoopa. When he had
-grown, he went to see his relations in Kappílawot, and
-then first learned the indignity which had been put upon
-his father. Gaudama stopped his army three times in its
-passage to Kappílawot, but let him do as he pleased the
-fourth time, when he took ample vengeance on the perfidious
-Maha Nama, and he destroyed Kappílawot and
-two other cities in the country of Thekka, which, not
-improbably, is the present Dekkan.</p>
-
-<p>This caused another dispersion of the Tháki race, and
-we find that Daza Yázá<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> established himself at Tagoung,
-carrying with him the name of his city, Pínjalárit; he
-assumed the title of Thado Zaboodipa Daza Yázá, which
-may be translated Emperor Daza, king of Zaboodipa, the
-name, as we have seen,<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> of the southern island in the
-Burmese cosmography. Thus he aspired to the government
-of the world, for Zaboodipa was to the Burmese
-the whole world. He founded, also, the city of Pagan.
-Seventeen kings of his race reigned over Tagoung. “None
-of these kings,” says Colonel Burney, “reigned long, the
-country having been much molested by evil spirits, monsters,
-and serpents.... In the fortieth year after Gaudama’s
-death, whilst Thado Maha Yázá, the seventeenth
-king of Tagoung, was reigning, an immense wild boar
-appeared, and committed great destruction in his country.
-The crown prince went forth against the animal, and pursued
-it for several days, until he overtook and killed it
-near Prome, and then finding himself so far from home,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span>
-he determined on remaining where he was as a hermit....
-Through the recommendation of the hermit prince of
-Tagoung, the Queen Nan Khan married one of his
-nephews, Maha Thavibawa, who became king of the Pyús,
-and established the Prome or Thare Khettara empire, sixty
-years after Gaudama’s death, 484 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>”</p>
-
-<p>A curious account of the origin of the name Thare
-Khettara is given by Symes,<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> in whose words I shall
-relate the legend. “It is related, that a favourite female
-slave of Tutebongmangee, or the Mighty Sovereign with
-three eyes, importuned her lord for a gift of some ground;
-and being asked of what extent, replied in similar terms
-with the crafty and amorous Elisa, when she projected the
-site of ancient Carthage. Her request was granted, and
-she used the same artifice. The resemblance of the stories
-is curious.” It is, however, met with in many parts of
-the world. Thare Khettara signifies single skin. Symes
-is mistaken, however, in the town; it is Issay Mew, six
-leagues from Prome.</p>
-
-<p>Upon the fall of the empire of Prome, Thamauddarit
-transferred the government to Pagahm, then an inconsiderable
-place. A young man named Tsaudí destroyed
-the wild animals of the neighbourhood, and in recompense
-for this important service he was offered the succession
-by the king. This, however, he refused, making his
-former instructor king in his stead; but on the old man’s
-decease he assumed the sovereignty, in the year 89 of the
-Pagan æra, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 167. This youth, however, was of the
-royal race of Tagoung.</p>
-
-<p>In the sixth volume of the Chronicles of Ava, further
-mention is made of Tagoung. We there find it granted to
-Yahula by Theehapade, <i>alias</i> Menbyouk. Yahula assumed
-the title of Thado-Men-bya; he was afterwards driven
-from his government by the invading Shan tribes, in the
-Burmese year 725, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1363. However, he subsequently
-retrieved his fortunes, and in 726 (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1364), he founded
-the city of Ava, and established the line of the kings of
-Ava which has lasted to our times.</p>
-
-<p>“The great point,” concludes Burney,<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> “with the
-Burmese historians is to show that their sovereigns are
-lineally descended from the Thakí race of kings, and are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span>
-‘Children of the Sun;’<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> and for this purpose the genealogy
-of even Alompra, the founder of the present dynasty,
-is ingeniously traced up to the king of Pagan, Prome,
-and Tagoung.”</p>
-
-<p>The internal history of Burmah, up to the sixteenth
-century, is not illustrated by any other documents than
-the native;<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> but about this time Fitch visited the
-country, and his descriptions show that the state was on
-much the same footing as at present. At this period the
-Burmans first conquered the Peguans, and had almost
-subdued Siam. But at the close of the seventeenth century
-the Peguans rose, and in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1753 carried the Burman
-king captive to Pegu. But, like the Persians under
-the Mede governments, the proud Burmans rose, and
-Alompra, whose adventures will be discussed in the next
-chapter, beat the Peguans, and restored the Burmans to
-their ancient supremacy.</p>
-
-<p>Of modern Pegu, or Pegue, the following account by
-Symes may be interesting:—</p>
-
-<p>“The extent of ancient Pegue may still be accurately
-traced by the ruins of the ditch and walls that surrounded
-it; from these it appears to have been a quadrangle, each
-side measuring nearly a mile and a half; in several places
-the ditch is choked up by rubbish that has been cast into
-it, and the falling of its own banks; sufficient, however, still
-remains to show that it was once no contemptible defence;
-the breadth I judged to be about sixty yards, and the
-depth ten or twelve feet; in some parts of it there is
-water, but in no considerable quantity. I was informed,
-that when the ditch was in repair, the water seldom, in
-the hottest season, sunk below the depth of four feet. An
-injudicious <i>fausse-braie</i>, thirty feet wide, did not add to
-the security of the fortress.</p>
-
-<p>“The fragments of the wall likewise evince that this
-was a work of magnitude and labour; it is not easy to
-ascertain precisely what was its height, but we conjectured
-it at least thirty feet, and in breadth, at the base, not less
-than forty. It is composed of brick, badly cemented with
-clay mortar. Small equidistant bastions, about three
-hundred yards asunder, are still discoverable; and there<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span>
-had been a parapet of masonry; but the whole is in a state
-so ruinous, and so covered with weeds and briars, as to
-leave very imperfect vestiges of its former strength.</p>
-
-<p>“In the centre of each face of the fort there is a gateway
-about thirty feet wide, and these gateways were the
-principal entrances. The passage across the ditch is over
-a causeway raised on a mound of earth, that serves as a
-bridge, and was formerly defended by a retrenchment, of
-which there are now no traces.</p>
-
-<p>“It is impossible to conceive a more striking picture of
-fallen grandeur and the desolating hand of war, than the
-inside of these walls displays.... The temples, or praws,
-which are very numerous, were the only buildings that
-escaped the fury of the conqueror; and of these the great
-pyramid of Shoemadoo has alone been reverenced and
-kept in repair.”<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></p>
-
-<p>About the time when Symes visited Pegu, active exertions
-were being made to conciliate the Peguers, or Taliens,
-as the Burmans always called them; and we may
-well agree with the energetic traveller, that “no act of
-the Burman government is more likely to reconcile the
-Peguers to the Burman yoke than the restoration of their
-ancient place of abode, and the preservation and embellishment
-of the temple of Shoemadoo.”<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> The government
-were fully sensible of this, and the commands of his
-Burman majesty went forth, that the governor of Rangoon
-should transfer the provincial seat of government to the
-imperial city of Pegu. Notwithstanding these commands,
-the superior position of Rangoon will ever cause
-it to remain the more considerable of the two. Even to
-this day, as it was at the period of Symes’s visit in 1795,
-the city of Pegu is chiefly inhabited by Râhwans, or
-priests, <i>attachés</i> of the provincial government, and poor
-Peguese families, who greedily availed themselves of the
-king’s permission to colonise their deserted, though once
-magnificent metropolis. Symes estimates the population
-as not exceeding seven thousand. Melancholy fate of the
-once proud and glorious capital!</p>
-
-<p>Modern Pegu is built on the ruins of the ancient city,
-and occupies about half its area. “It is fenced round by
-a stockade from ten to twelve feet high; on the north and
-east side it borders on the old wall. The plane of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span>
-town is not yet filled with houses, but a number of new
-ones are building. There is one main street running east
-and west, crossed at right angles by two smaller streets
-not yet finished. At each extremity of the principal
-street there is a gate in the stockade, which is shut early
-in the evening; and after that time, entrance during the
-night is confined to a wicket. Each of these gates is
-defended by a wretched piece of ordnance, and a few
-musketeers, who never post sentinels, and are usually
-asleep in an adjoining shed. There are two inferior gates
-on the north and south sides of the stockade.”<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p>
-
-<p>The character of the Burmese, on which we must here
-say a few words, has its good points as well as its bad.
-“It differs,” according to the testimony of one who knew
-them well,<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> “in many points from that of the Hindus
-and other East-Indians. They are more lively, active,
-and industrious, and though fond of repose, are seldom
-idle when there is an inducement for exertion. When
-such inducement offers, they exhibit not only great
-strength, but courage and perseverance, and often accomplish
-what we should think scarcely possible. But these
-valuable traits are rendered nearly useless by the want of
-a higher grade of civilisation. The poorest classes, furnished
-by a happy climate with all necessaries, at the
-price of only occasional labour, and the few who are above
-that necessity, find no proper pursuits to fill up their
-leisure. Books are too scarce to enable them to improve
-by reading, and games grow wearisome.... Folly and
-sensuality find gratification almost without effort, and
-without expenditure. Sloth, then, must be the repose of
-the poor, and the business of the rich.... Thus, life is
-wasted in the profitless alternation of sensual ease, rude
-drudgery, and native sport. No elements exist for the
-improvement of posterity, and successive generations pass
-like the crops upon their fields. Were there but a disposition
-to improve the mind, and distribute benefits,
-what majesty of piety might we not hope to see in a
-country so favoured with the means of subsistence, and
-so cheap in its modes of living! Instead of the many
-objects of an American’s ambition, and the unceasing
-anxiety to amass property, the Burman sets a limit to his
-desires, and when that is reached, gives himself to repose<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span>
-and enjoyment. Instead of wearing himself out in
-endeavours to equal or surpass his neighbour in dress,
-food, furniture, or house, he easily attains the customary
-standard, beyond which he seldom desires to go.”</p>
-
-<p>One hardly knows whether to call this “incorrigible
-idleness”<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> or no. It is certainly the same fatal constitution
-of character, or force of circumstances, which has
-ever conspired to prevent the Irish from rising in the
-scale of nations. But these are not the only similarities
-between the dispositions of the two nations. It is perfectly
-fair to call the Burmese the Irish of the East.</p>
-
-<p>Yet they go beyond that nation in many of its worst
-characteristics. Servility, the inevitable consequence of
-despotism, prevails amongst them to a frightful extent,
-overcoming, in many instances, the sense of right implanted
-in their bosoms as men. “Indeed,” says an
-excellent authority,<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> “every Burman considers himself
-a slave, not merely before the emperor and the mandarins,
-but before any one who is his superior, either
-in age or possessions. Hence he never speaks of himself
-to them in the first person, but always makes use of the
-word Chiundò, that is, your slave. While asking for a
-favour from the emperor, the mandarins, or any respectable
-person, he will go through so many humiliations
-and adorations, that one would imagine he was in the
-presence of a god. Even if he is desirous of obtaining
-something from one who is his equal, he will bow, and go
-on his knees, and adore him, and raise up his hands, &amp;c.”
-Yet gratitude is a virtue of great rarity. There is no
-such phrase in the language as, “I thank you.” The
-statements of Sangermano contrast strangely with those,
-I think, of Crawfurd, whose remarks tend to the conclusion,
-that they never ask a favour. They consider that it
-is a favour to you to be allowed to gain merit by giving
-them something. This is not improbable. We learn,
-however, from others, that they will occasionally acknowledge
-an obligation by observing, “It is a favour.”</p>
-
-<p>Slavishness naturally leads to the remainder of the
-catalogue of mean vices. One of their principal precepts
-forbids lying; but there is no ordinance so universally
-disregarded. A person who tells the truth is considered
-a good sort of person, but a fool, and incapable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span>
-of managing his own affairs.<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> Inseparable from untruthfulness
-is dissimulation and deceit. They practise
-these, also, to perfection.</p>
-
-<p>“But, as every rule will have its exceptions,” says the
-Jesuit, “it is not to be supposed that the Burmese have
-not some good qualities, and that estimable persons may
-not be found amongst them. Indeed, there are some
-persons, whose affability, courtesy and benevolence, gratitude,
-and other virtues, contrast strongly with the vices
-of their countrymen. There are instances on record of
-shipwrecks on their coasts, when the sufferers have been
-relieved in the villages, and treated with a generous hospitality,
-which they would probably not have experienced
-in many Christian countries.”<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p>
-
-<p>Yes, let the faults of the Burmese be as they will! let
-them be bad in every respect! we cannot, will not, imagine
-these faults to be so deeply rooted, that a moderate and
-equitable government could not tear them up and destroy
-them. It is the corrupt administration, the merciless
-never-ending chancery-like avarice of the officials, that
-turns their hearts to stone, and makes them callous, and
-servile, and tyrannical. When the British army were at
-Prome, in 1825, when the Burmese tasted the blessings
-of Anglo-Indian justice, they showed as kindly a spirit as
-any could have done. It was shameful that the kindly
-Peguers should have been so deserted at the critical time,
-and that they should have borne what the English army
-could not be made to feel. We <i>must</i> liberate these people,
-we must wrest the sceptre from the palsied grasp of the
-cruel Burman kings, even though we retain it ourselves.
-Then will the blessings of civilisation, and the peaceful
-arts that elevate man, extend a gentle sway over this
-misguided and persecuted nation.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span></p>
-
-<h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK_II">BOOK II.<br />
-<span class="smaller">BURMAN HISTORY.</span></h3>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1687-1760.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Alompra, the liberator of Burmah.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>We may safely say with Symes, even at the present
-time, that “there are no countries on the habitable globe,
-where the arts of civilised life are understood, of which
-we have so limited a knowledge, as of those that lie
-between the British possessions in India and the empire
-of China.”<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> And though of late years this knowledge
-has been materially increased, yet much remains to be
-told, much valuable information to be collected, ere we
-can boast of a full and true acquaintance with the country
-of Burmah and its capabilities. In the preceding pages,
-an attempt has been made (I am myself aware, how imperfectly
-and unsatisfactorily), to give a short account of
-what we actually know of the state of civilisation in which
-they live: in the following chapters, it will be attempted
-to present the reader with an account of the historical
-events that have passed in the Burman peninsula, from the
-rise of Alompra, the first king of any consequence, and
-the founder of the reigning dynasty, to the present time.
-I must here impress the fact of the meagreness of our
-knowledge of Burman history upon the reader, in order
-that he may not be disappointed.</p>
-
-<p>The geography of Ptolemy indicates the position of
-Burmah only by Aurea Regio, Argentea Regio, and Aurea<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span>
-Chersonesus. The only inference to be drawn from these
-facts, together with that of Ptolemy distinguishing several
-places as <i>Emporia</i>, is, that which Symes draws, that there
-was trade to those parts of Burmah and the Peninsula of
-Malacca at an early period.</p>
-
-<p>Our knowledge of the commercial relations of the ancients
-with India has lately been extended by an interesting
-discovery made on the coast of Malabar, of Roman
-gold coins from Augustus downward.<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p>
-
-<p>Early in the sixteenth century we find the Portuguese
-masters of Malacca, and it is from them only that we can
-learn anything concerning the habits of the nations then,
-as now, inhabiting that region. But so meagre and so
-overlaid with fiction are their accounts, that it would be
-useless to take up time and space in recounting their
-marvellous histories.</p>
-
-<p>The Burmans, though formerly subject to the king of
-Pegu, became afterward masters of Ava, and caused
-a revolution in Pegu about the middle of the sixteenth
-century.... The Portuguese assisted the Burmans
-against the Peguers, and if we may believe Pinto, performed
-prodigies of valour. But their influence rapidly
-declined in Burmah and Arakhan; and on the ascendancy
-of the Dutch being established, they rapidly sunk into
-insignificance and contempt. The English and Dutch
-appear both to have had settlements in Burmah in the
-beginning of the seventeenth century; but on the misconduct
-of the settlers, they were banished from Ava, and no
-European of any nation was permitted to enter the country.
-In 1687, however, we find the English at Syriam
-and Negrais, trading rather as private adventurers, than
-as on the part of the India Company. On the latter
-island, however, the government of Fort St. George had
-established a settlement. But men and money were
-wanting, and the colony seemed to have languished on,
-just keeping, as it were, above high-water mark.</p>
-
-<p>About the year 1740, the Peguers in the provinces of
-Dalla, Martaban, Tongo, and Prome, raised the standard
-of revolt, and the nation being split into factions, a civil
-war ensued. In 1744, the British factory in Syriam was
-destroyed, and thus an almost fatal blow was given to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span>
-commercial interests at stake in the country. The war
-lasted long, and was doubtful enough in its character, till
-the Peguers, by obtaining some indifferent arms from a
-few Europeans still in the country, gained some advantages
-over the Burmans, and pursuing their victorious
-career, they invested the city of Ava in 1752. It soon
-surrendered, for the Burmese were sick at heart, and
-utterly discouraged. The king, whose name, according
-to Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> was Chioekmen, though Symes states
-it to have been Dweepdee,<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> was seized, and, together
-with the whole court, carried to Pegu, where, after receiving
-kind treatment for some time, he was barbarously
-murdered, after witnessing the slaughter of all his wives.
-Two of his sons, however, escaped into Siam, where they
-were kindly received.</p>
-
-<p>Bonna Della, or Beinga Della, king of Pegu, assured of
-the tranquillity of the country under his administration,
-returned to Pegu, leaving Apporaza in the government
-of the capital of Burmah. For some time everything
-seemed at peace, and all seemed to submit to the new
-government with a good grace; but the lull was only the
-temporary calm that precedes a furious tempest. The
-avenger of Burman independence was about to arise, and
-tumble the now victorious king of Pegu from his triumphal
-chariot!</p>
-
-<p>The chieftain of Moutzoboo, a small place about twelve
-miles from the river, had given his allegiance, but he
-brooded over the wrongs of this race.<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> He felt that the
-Peguers were as dirt under the feet of the Burmans; and
-it is not to be doubted, that he foresaw in a rebellion
-some advantage to himself. He was ambitious, and resolved
-to set all on the cast of a die. His name, Aoingzaya
-(jaya), was a good omen to him;<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> and we may well
-conceive that the resolute chief counted on the aid of the
-divinity, since we find him assuming the style or regal
-name of Alaong-B’hura, or “The Vowed to Buddha.”<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>
-Like Charles Edward Stuart, he seemed to resolve on
-victory or a death, devoted to the God of his country.</p>
-
-<p>When Beinga Della reached Pegu, he caused a proclamation
-to be made throughout his territories, in which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span>
-he set forth in grandiloquent, and insolent expressions,
-the results of his campaigns. The proclamation, couched
-in the most odious and contemptuous words, increased
-the hatred of the Burmans, and caused them to long the
-more for the hour of vengeance.</p>
-
-<p>Alompra, or Alaong-B’hura, had at this time about a
-hundred followers on whom he could depend body and
-soul. Upon hearing of the proclamation, he judged that
-it was a favourable juncture for operation; he, therefore,
-in his capacity of governor of Moutzoboo, strengthened
-the stockade surrounding the town, and conducted everything
-so well, that he never caused any suspicion in the
-minds of the Peguers. Indeed, their attention and force
-was concentrated on the Burmese frontier, in order to
-oppose and destroy any force collected by the sons of
-Chioekmen. It may readily be understood, therefore,
-that the fifty Peguers at Moutzoboo, were easily overpowered
-and despatched by Alompra and his adherents.
-Probably he availed himself of some act of oppression or
-licentiousness on the part of the careless soldiery, and
-attacked them when least expected. Not a man escaped.</p>
-
-<p>Alompra now showed himself to be as dexterous a politician,
-as he was prompt in action. Immediately after
-this event, he wrote to Apporaza in the most humble
-terms, expressing the greatest sorrow for the unhappy
-occurrences that had taken place at Moutzoboo, representing
-it as a provoked affair wholly unlooked for, and
-as transitory as it was violent in its effects. It is even
-probable that he urged upon the governor of Ava to investigate
-the matter, in order that his attachment to the
-government of Pegu might be made more apparent. In
-conclusion, he expressed himself individually obliged to the
-governor for his forbearance, and professed himself an adherent
-of Beinga Della. This epistle had the desired effect.
-Alompra’s only object had been to gain time, and in this
-he perfectly succeeded. Apporaza, deceived by his humility,
-took no immediate measures against him, and even
-quitted Ava, leaving the government in the hands of his
-nephew, Dotachew, with orders to keep Alompra in strict
-confinement, when, in fact, the Peguers should be able to
-secure his person.</p>
-
-<p>The troop which had been detached for the arrest of
-Alompra was considerably astonished at finding their
-entrance into Moutzoboo disputed. The gates of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span>
-stockade were closed, and on their demanding an entry,
-they were only laughed at and defied. What could they
-do? They were ill-armed, and ill-provisioned; their discipline
-was lax; their cause rotten. If they opposed the
-Burmans, there was little hope of success; and if they ran
-away, the dreadful fate which their wives and children
-would suffer stared them in the face.<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p>
-
-<p>Under these circumstances it was plain to them that
-they could only try the issue of a battle. These thoughts
-may have passed in quick succession through their minds;
-and while they were yet uncertain, Alompra and his
-gallant band burst into the midst, and attacked them
-furiously with missiles, swords, and spears. The affrighted
-Peguers, scarcely acquainted with the power of the clumsy
-muskets they had with them, though most probably they
-had none or but few of these, feeling that now, indeed, the
-Devoted to Buddha and his desperate irresistible band
-were upon them, threw away their arms and fled; Alompra
-and the rest pursuing them on their way for two
-miles and more. The number of the Peguers thus routed
-are estimated at about one thousand. How fearful must
-the contest have appeared to the victory-drunken soldiers!
-The Burmese host seeming tenfold the number
-in the gray dawn of the morning, came down like an
-avalanche upon them, and swept all away whom it did
-not destroy.</p>
-
-<p>After an irregular pursuit for some distance, Alompra
-returned to his fortress, aware of the danger of trusting
-himself too near to a less panic-struck population.
-Arrived at that place, he addressed a few words to his
-comrades, telling them that they had now cast their fortunes
-together, and that he and they were in as great
-danger; he called upon them all for assistance, and he
-invited the Burman towns in the neighbourhood to assist
-him in the glorious work he had begun so auspiciously.
-The Burmans were scarcely disposed to lend a willing ear
-to his exhortations, yet some places gave in their adhesion
-to his government.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the first decisive combat that was to change
-the fortunes of Burmah.</p>
-
-<p>Dotachew, with the characteristic irresolution of a deputy,
-seems to have procrastinated frightfully. Probably<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span>
-he was a young man, utterly unacquainted with the art of
-war, and placed in the responsible position he occupied by
-his uncle, merely that the important office should not go
-out of the family; possibly, his very inefficiency, by the
-strange contradiction that always pervades a court, led to
-his promotion; at all events he was utterly unfit for his
-business, and at this time, when a few energetic measures
-would have crushed the rebellion at once, he was peculiarly
-unfitted by his disposition for this important duty.
-He was uncertain whether it would be more advisable to
-march against Alompra with the forces at his command,
-not exceeding three thousand, or to wait for reinforcements
-from Prome; the third course was to retreat, or
-rather, in this case, to run away. I have not space to
-enter into a discussion of which the most advisable measure
-would have been; yet had he set lustily forward, and
-cheered his men by a good example, he would have led
-them on to a certain, though perhaps not easy, victory.
-However, he neither marched forward, or waited at Ava;
-but discretion seeming to be the better portion of his
-valour, he ran away, and, terrified at the reports, no
-doubt exaggerated in every way, of the growing power of
-the enemy, he never stopped till he reached Pegu, toward
-the latter end of the autumn in the year 1753. Alompra
-meanwhile advanced on Ava, and, assisted by the enslaved
-Burmans in the capital, took the city, and put the few
-Peguers who had not pursued the valiant fortunes of
-Dotachew, to death. Alompra, however, hearing that the
-Peguese governor had fled, did not personally conduct
-the operations at Ava, but deputed this to his second
-son, Shembuan, himself remaining, or returning to
-Moutzoboo.</p>
-
-<p>Thus matters remained until Beinga Della, the king of
-Pegu, afraid of losing the frontier provinces of Prome,
-Keounzeik and Tambouterra, assembled a large army at
-Syriam under the generalship of Apporaza. This force
-departed up the Irawadi, in the month of January, 1754.
-Both France and England had established factories at
-Syriam again, at this time; and, as the English leaned
-toward the Burman side, that was sufficient reason for the
-French to espouse the cause of Beinga Della. However,
-all their aid was secret, and until their neighbourhood
-became the seat of war, they did not proceed to active
-measures.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span></p>
-
-<p>Apporaza, over whom a species of fatality seemed to
-hang, had again chosen a most improper and unfortunate
-season for commencing operations. He proceeded with
-extreme difficulty up the river, and, while his troops were
-exhausting their strength amid the marshes of the Irawadi,
-the Burmans were preparing for the worst, and, having
-possession of a fine country, felt little uneasiness at the
-approach of the jaded Peguers. No opposition was made
-to Apporaza, until he arrived near Ava itself, where straggling
-parties of the Burmans began to harass his army.
-When near enough to the fort, he sent a message to
-Shembuan, calling upon him to surrender, in which case
-his life would be spared; but vengeance of the most frightful
-kind was in store for him if he resisted. Shembuan,
-well knowing what value was to be attached to the professions
-of Apporaza, merely replied, “that he would defend
-his post to the last extremity.”</p>
-
-<p>Apporaza, not willing to waste time in a fruitless siege,
-determined to throw some cold water on the Burman
-cause, and particularly on the garrison of Ava, by accomplishing
-something elsewhere. He thus hoped to restore
-the drooping spirits of his men, among whom sickness and
-labour had spread a sad confusion. Therefore he quitted
-his position at Ava, to oppose Alompra, who had collected
-a tremendous force at Keoum-meouin, both soldiers and
-war-boats. Here again, though this was decidedly the
-most obstinately-contested battle, the Peguers gave way,
-and a report spreading that Shembuan was coming to
-attack their rear, they fled hastily. Shembuan presently
-did come, and the two armies pursued the luckless Peguers
-for many miles, thus gaining another great and important
-victory.</p>
-
-<p>Yet the Peguers were not discouraged. Preparations
-were made to send forth another army to meet the fate of
-that which Apporaza had led to death, not victory. Furthermore,
-the Peguers showed themselves devoid of all
-political sagacity, in taking a measure at this critical time
-which could not fail to seal the doom of his party. I said
-before, that the old king of Burmah was among the
-Peguers, and had received kind treatment; now, they
-completely changed their tactics, charged him with a conspiracy,
-a charge probably not without foundation; implicated
-numbers of the Burman nobility in the neighbourhood,
-and agreed upon a simultaneous slaughter of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span>
-obnoxious persons. Accordingly, on the 13th of October,
-the Peguers rose, and first torturing and slaughtering the
-court of Chioekmen, drowned him in a sack, and proceeded
-to the slaughter of the principal Burmans. The measure
-was not without its effects. The Burmans of Prome,
-Donabew, and the remaining border provinces, retaliated,
-and deserted to Alompra.</p>
-
-<p>But events were passing in his court of no little significance.
-The eldest son of the deposed king had joined
-Alompra with a large force of the Quois or Yoos tribe inhabiting
-the country of Muddora, east of Ava. But the
-prince, not having brains enough to see that Alompra was
-fighting for himself, and not for any prince, as arrogantly
-as imprudently assumed the style and title of king.
-However Alompra would not brook two kings in Burmah,
-and the prince, soon seeing his mistake, fled to Siam.
-Alompra, enraged that the pseudo-king had escaped,
-slaughtered above a thousand of the Quois tribe, under
-pretence of a conspiracy.</p>
-
-<p>Beinga Della, in the beginning of 1755, marched from
-Pegu upon the city of Prome, then occupied by a garrison
-of Burmans. Here, however, he met with no degree
-of success, and when Meinlaw Tzezo, the commander
-sent by Alompra to relieve the town, approached, they
-had not the sense to engage him in open fight. After a
-little skirmishing, therefore, he eluded them, and threw
-himself into the place.</p>
-
-<p>Forty days passed without the Peguers gaining any advantage,
-yet they prolonged the siege of Prome with no
-little obstinacy. But Alompra, with one of those tremendous
-marches for which he was so celebrated, soon came
-rushing down upon them, sweeping away men, stockades,
-war-boats, and everything else. Yet considerable bravery
-was exhibited in the naval portion of the battle. “Instead
-of his ineffectual fire from ill-directed musketry,”
-says Symes,<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> “the boats closed, and the highest personal
-prowess was evinced on both sides; knives, spears, and
-swords, were their weapons; after a long and bloody contest,
-victory declared for the Burmans, whilst the vanquished
-Peguers sought safety in a precipitate flight.”</p>
-
-<p>This defeat spread consternation and horror throughout
-the Peguese part of the population, and while the Burmans<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span>
-hailed the approaching change, the others fled in all
-directions. It was not any transitory panic, like many of
-those which had taken place before, but an enduring terror,
-which relaxed both their mental and bodily strength,
-and drove them from their homes, and they wandered,
-Orestes-like, through the land, not daring to lay their
-heads anywhere, for they knew not when the enemy would
-be upon them.</p>
-
-<p>No wonder, then, if a reconnoitring party of the Burmese
-discovered, on the 17th of February, 1756, that
-Bassein was utterly deserted by the Peguese population.
-The Burmese that were in the place joined Alompra’s
-standard, and the populous emporium of Bassein was left
-to the English, who still remained under Captain Baker in
-their factory. On the 23rd, the Burman force returned,
-and marched up to the British post. Captain Baker received
-them peacefully, and claimed protection for the servants
-and property of the India Company, which was
-granted him. After remaining a short while, and burning
-the remainder of the town, they retired to Kioukioungee,
-a town on the opposite side of the river Bassein.</p>
-
-<p>From this time to the 13th March, nothing of much
-consequence occurred; but on that day Alompra, seeing
-the advantages likely to result from an alliance with England,
-sent a deputation to Captain Baker with a letter for
-Mr. Brooke, the head of the factories, then resident at
-Negrais. On the return of the captain with an order
-from Mr. Brooke that the deputies should accompany
-him to Negrais, the Burmans went to that place to transact
-the business. The objects of the embassy were not
-settled until the 26th, when the deputies and Captain
-Baker went back to Bassein. But what was their astonishment
-to find it in the hands of the Peguers, who had
-occupied the place three thousand strong. The captain
-was therefore obliged to send back the deputies to Negrais.
-By the 23rd of April, however, the district was
-again in the hands of the Burmans, as Alompra had again
-engaged and defeated Apporaza, at Synyangong.</p>
-
-<p>The deputies now returned to Bassein, at which place
-they arrived on the 3rd of June, leaving it again on the
-5th for Dagon, as Rangoon was then called, where Alompra
-was then staying.</p>
-
-<p>“The French and English factories at Syriam were at
-this time in a state of rivalry, such as might be expected<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span>
-from the spirit of national emulation, and the avidity of
-traders on a narrow scale; the situation of both became
-at this juncture highly critical; danger approached, from
-which they could not hope to be entirely exempt. It was
-not to be expected that they would be suffered to remain
-in neutral tranquillity, indifferent spectators of so serious
-a contest: it therefore became necessary to adopt some
-decided line of conduct, in order to avoid being considered
-as a common enemy, whilst the contending powers seemed
-equally anxious to attack them. In this difficult situation,
-neither the French nor the English seem to have acted
-with policy or candour; and the imprudence of certain
-individuals finally involved others, as well as themselves,
-in fatal consequences.</p>
-
-<p>“Monsieur Bourno, the chief of the French factory, in
-the interest of the Peguers, but apprehensive of the
-power, and dreading the success of the Birmans,<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> had
-recourse to dissimulation, and endeavoured to steer a
-middle course. Under pretence of occupying a station
-where he could more effectually aid the Peguers, he embarked
-on board a French ship, and with two other vessels
-belonging to his nation, dropped down from Syriam,
-and moored in the stream of the Rangoon river. Finding,
-soon after, that Alompra was likely to be victorious, he
-determined, if possible, to secure an interest in that
-quarter. With this intent he quitted his ship, accompanied
-by two of his countrymen, and proceeded in a boat
-to Dagon, where Alompra received him with marks of
-distinction and kindness; but on the second day after
-the departure of M. Bourno, the officer whom he left in
-charge of the ship during his absence, in concert with a
-missionary who had long resided at the factory, either
-impelled by fear, or prevailed upon by some secret influence,
-weighed anchor suddenly, and returned to the
-Peguers at Syriam, without permission from his commander,
-or even advising him of his intention.</p>
-
-<p>“So extraordinary a step surprised Alompra exceedingly;
-he taxed Bourno with deceit; the Frenchman protested
-his own innocence, and argued the improbability of
-his assenting to any such measure whilst he remained in
-the Birman camp. He sent an order to his officers to
-return immediately; an injunction that was disregarded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span>
-by them, under plea of their commander being a prisoner.
-He then requested leave from Alompra to go in person,
-and bring back the ship; to this the king consented, on
-condition of leaving one of his attendants (Savine, a
-youth) as a hostage for his certain return.</p>
-
-<p>“From the procedure of Mr. Brooke, resident at
-Negrais, in his reception of the Birman deputies, and the
-aid of military stores sent by him to the Birmans, the
-English, when it became necessary to avow the side they
-meant to espouse, seem to have declared explicitly for the
-Birmans; and this principle was adopted not only by
-the resident at Negrais, but also by the factory at Syriam.
-The <i>Hunter</i> schooner, belonging to the India Company;
-the <i>Elizabeth</i>, a country ship, commanded by Captain
-Swain; and two other vessels, left Syriam in the month of
-May, and joined the Birmans at Dagon. In the beginning
-of June the Company’s snow <i>Arcot</i>, bound to Negrais,
-commanded by a Captain Jackson, and having on board
-Mr. Whitehill, a gentleman in the service of the East-India
-Company, proceeding to Negrais in an official capacity,
-put into the Rangoon river through stress of weather.
-A boat that had been sent in to fetch a pilot returned with
-an account of the state of affairs; and brought a letter
-and an invitation from Alompra to Captain Jackson, to
-carry his vessel up to Dagon, promising him every aid that
-the place afforded. On the 6th of June the <i>Arcot</i> reached
-Dagon, and Mr. Whitehill went on shore to pay his respects
-to the Birman king, by whom he was received in a
-manner that gave no apparent cause for complaint....
-Until the arrival of the <i>Arcot</i>, with Mr. Jackson and Mr.
-Whitehill, no subject of offence seems to have been given
-to the English by the Birmans.”<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p>
-
-<p>Apporaza had about this time returned to Syriam, and
-assumed the command of the Peguese army. He saw,
-with sorrow and disgust, that the English were turning to
-the side of the usurper, and he attempted a diversion in
-favour of his master by a negotiation with Captain Jackson.
-This gentleman listened readily to the representations
-of the general, and he attempted in every way to
-cause a breach between Alompra and the British. That
-his endeavours met with some success may be judged by
-the fact, that when, a short time after, the Peguers made<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span>
-an attack upon Dagon, the English ships maintained a
-strict neutrality, though they allowed the Peguers to be
-beaten back. The Burmans became somewhat suspicious,
-still the assurances of friendship, and the promises of
-assistance, lulled them to rest again. Alompra quitted
-the district,—a sufficient guarantee for his trust in the
-English; and after quelling the insurrection raised by the
-prince on the Siamese frontier, he does not appear to have
-returned to Dagon. Meinla-Meingoun was appointed
-commander of the army.</p>
-
-<p>About this time the English commenced a correspondence
-with the Peguers, and concerted an attack with them
-in which they would assist them. Thus were the Peguers
-to be assisted by both the European fleets! “Confiding
-in their new allies, and assured of victory, the war-boats
-of the Peguers during the night dropped down the Pegue
-river, and, with the French ships, moored in the stream of
-the Irawadi, waiting the return of tide to carry them to
-Rangoon. Dawn of day discovered them to the Birmans,
-whose general immediately sent for the English gentlemen,
-to consult on the best means of defence. At this
-interview the Birmans candidly acquainted Mr. Whitehill
-how ill satisfied they were with the conduct of the English
-commanders during the late action, and desired a promise
-of more effective assistance on the present occasion. Mr.
-Whitehill replied, that without the Company’s orders he
-was not authorized to commence hostilities on any nation;
-but if the Peguers fired on the English ships, it would be
-considered as an act of aggression, and resented accordingly.
-How much it is to be lamented,” exclaims Symes,
-“that such prudent and equitable principles were not
-better observed! the departure from them affixed a stain
-on the national honour, which the lapse of more than forty
-years has not been able to expunge.”<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p>
-
-<p>The forces of the Peguers were two large French ships,
-an armed snow, and two hundred teilee, or war-boats. In
-the afternoon, when within cannon-shot, the French ships
-came to anchor, and commenced cannonading the Burmese
-fleet, which, to shelter itself from the fire and the
-galling musketry from the Peguese boats, had pulled into a
-creek, under a grove of mango-trees, whence the fire was
-returned. They had here, too, raised a kind of fortification,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span>
-with a battery of a few ship cannon, which, from the
-awkwardness of the gunners, were of little use. “At this
-juncture,” continues Symes,<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> “the English ships <i>Hunter</i>,
-<i>Arcot</i>, and <i>Elizabeth</i> commenced a fire on the Birman
-fleet. Thus assailed by unexpected foes, the Birmans
-were obliged to abandon their boats, and take shelter in
-the grove. Had the Peguers improved the critical opportunity,
-and pursued their advantage with resolution, this
-action might have retrieved their declining interests, and
-restored them to the possession of the lower provinces.
-In vain the Europeans persuaded them to attempt the
-capture of the Birman fleet; too timid to expose themselves
-to a close discharge of musketry from the grove,
-they were contented with the <i>éclat</i> of having compelled
-the enemy to retreat from their boats, and the rest of the
-day was spent in distant random firing. During the night
-the English ships removed out of the reach of small-arms,
-two men being killed on board the <i>Arcot</i>. The Peguers
-kept their situation for some days, during which much
-irregular skirmishing passed; when, having exhausted
-their ammunition without advancing their cause, the
-Peguers thought fit to return to Syriam, accompanied by
-the English and French ships, leaving the Birmans in
-possession of the fortified grove, and the lines of the
-newly-projected town.”</p>
-
-<p>On the arrival of the English, Apporaza, who seems to
-have been well aware of the utility of such allies, received
-them with every mark of kindness, and wrote to Mr.
-Brooke at Negrais, offering him various advantages if he
-would enter into a compact with them. Mr. Brooke, disguising
-the feelings of vexation that he must have felt
-at the conduct of his officers, returned a courteous and
-friendly answer, but required the presence of Mr. Whitehill
-and the English vessels. Accordingly, that gentleman,
-escorted by twenty war-boats, quitted Syriam, and
-arrived at Negrais on the 26th of August. He was
-followed by the <i>Hunter</i> schooner, and the <i>Arcot</i> only
-remained behind, as it had to undergo some repairs before
-being seaworthy. All this time Mr. Brooke was continuing
-his negotiations with Alompra, and he despatched Captain
-Baker and Lieutenant North to the king. These gentlemen
-proceeded up the river but slowly, the torrent being<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span>
-swollen and rapid. Above Prome they met a detachment
-of Burman troops proceeding to Dagon and the newly-founded
-city of Rangoon. Captain Baker had an interview
-with the chief, who was sanguine as to the result of
-the war. The meeting was embarrassing on both sides;
-on the part of Captain Baker, because he had the strange
-occurrences connected with the English vessels to account
-for; and on the part of the Burman general, as he was
-certain of the power and influence of the English, and
-totally ignorant of their intentions. Captain Baker had
-the farther misfortune to lose his colleague, Lieutenant
-North, who died of dysentery a day or two after continuing
-his journey. On the 8th of September, however,
-he reached Ava, the former metropolis, where he was
-civilly received by the governor. On the 16th he was
-summoned to Moutzoboo, to attend on the Golden Foot,
-for Alompra had now assumed the titles of the empire,
-as well as the emoluments.</p>
-
-<p>The interview was a characteristic one on both sides.
-The king, with all the pride of an Eastern potentate
-elevated to the throne by his own endeavours, swelled with
-arrogance and vaunted of his successes. He justly censured
-the duplicity, real or apparent, of the English at
-Dagon, reminding the envoy that he had treated them
-kindly during his stay; he said that it was far from
-grateful thus to break all the promises that had been made.</p>
-
-<p>Captain Baker replied with expressions of regret; he
-solemnly declared that Mr. Brooke knew nothing of the
-affair, had been very angry at its occurrence, and that
-the hostile movement was utterly unauthorized by the
-English resident. Alompra listened with attention and
-seeming satisfaction. So ended the first audience.</p>
-
-<p>At a subsequent meeting, permission was granted by
-the king for the erection of factories at Dagon and Bassein;
-but the English never are satisfied, and therefore Captain
-Baker pressed his majesty to cede the island of Negrais.
-Strange it is, that, when, but a few days previously, the
-Burman cause had been totally deserted by the English,
-yet, upon the strength of a few paltry professions, the
-Burmese were supposed to have had sufficient confidence
-in them, as to lead to the surrender of an island of some
-little extent, commanding the finest port in the dominions
-of Alompra. However, the king showed policy, too; for
-he neither granted nor denied their request, but left it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span>
-for future decision. Baker was then dismissed, and re-embarked
-for Negrais on the 29th of September.</p>
-
-<p>During this time, the Peguers had attempted the capture
-of the Burman post at Dagon, with the assistance of
-the <i>Arcot</i>, and two other English ships. Ten thousand Peguers
-marched round by land, and three hundred war-boats,
-together with a French vessel, accompanied the English
-ships. They were again repulsed by the Burmans, who,
-probably under European direction, constructed fire-rafts,
-by which the French ship was placed in great peril. The
-land-forces, weakened by their own numbers, and deprived
-of the co-operation of the fleet, retreated, and
-“never dared to hazard another enterprise.”<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p>
-
-<p>But the Peguers were to suffer more. The Devoted to
-Buddha was coming, and who could stand against his
-bands? He attacked the fort of Syriam by land and
-water, and choosing the time of ebb-tide, when the
-French ship was aground, he attacked it with gun-boats.
-Upon this, Bourno desired to change sides again, and sent
-a letter to Alompra, offering fresh terms of accommodation.
-But the Peguers suspected him of treachery, and
-removed him and his adherents into the fort of Syriam,
-leaving the factory and vessel deserted. These Alompra
-immediately seized, and he now let famine and disease do
-its work in the over-crowded place, and never quitted his
-position until the month of July, 1756. The Peguers
-were gradually lulled into security, and Alompra seized a
-favourable opportunity, made a vigorous assault upon the
-place, and, though most of the garrison escaped, he made
-all the Europeans prisoners.</p>
-
-<p>“It has already appeared to have been the determined
-policy of the French to espouse the cause of the Peguers;
-and had succours from Pondicherry arrived before the
-state of things became too desperate, affairs would probably
-have worn a different aspect, and the Peguers
-obtained such an addition to their strength, as would have
-enabled them to conclude a peace on advantageous terms.
-But assistance in war, to be effectual, must be timely;
-unless applied while the scales hang nearly even, it often
-comes too late, and is found not only to be useless, but
-even productive of deeper disappointment. In the present
-case, the French brought those supplies of which the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span>
-Peguers had long buoyed themselves with hopes, at the
-unfortunate moment when the communication was cut
-off, when no relief could be conveyed to them, and all
-prospect of retrieving their disastrous fortunes had completely
-vanished.</p>
-
-<p>“Mons. Dupleix, governor of Pondicherry, a man whose
-comprehensive mind perceived with clearness whatever
-could benefit his nation at this juncture, deeply engaged
-in the important contest that was ultimately to determine
-the sovereignty of the East, being aware of the consequence
-of maintaining an influence in Pegu,<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> had, notwithstanding
-the exigencies of his own situation, equipped
-two ships, the <i>Galathié</i> and <i>Diligent</i>, vessels of force,
-well manned and armed, and sent them, with a supply of
-military stores, to the assistance of the Peguers.”<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></p>
-
-<p>The <i>Galathié</i> speedily arrived off the Burmese coast,
-but in consequence of mistaking the mouth of the Setang
-for that of the Rangoon embouchement, it did not get
-there in time. Alompra’s spies, however, had already
-informed him of the approach of the inimical vessel, and
-when the captain sent up a boat for a pilot, it was seized.
-Alompra, then, after forcing Bourno to write a letter,
-encouraging the <i>Galathié</i> to come up the river, sent it
-with a pilot. Unfortunately for the French commander,
-he fell into the trap, and on arriving at Rangoon, he first
-learned in what position he was placed, and how fatal the
-matter had been to him. The <i>Galathié</i> was then seized,
-the arms and ammunition brought on shore, and the
-papers proved that these supplies were intended for
-the Peguers.<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> Alompra, upon being assured of this
-treachery, ordered the instant execution of Bourno, Martine,
-and the rest of the French prisoners. “This sanguinary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span>
-mandate,” concludes Symes,<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> “was obeyed
-with unrelenting promptitude; a few seamen and Lascars
-alone escaped, and these were preserved for no other
-purpose than to be rendered of use in the further prosecution
-of the war, and survived but to experience all the
-miseries of hopeless bondage.”</p>
-
-<p>The <i>Diligent</i> was more fortunate. A storm had compelled
-her to take shelter at the Nicobar islands, where
-she was obliged to remain some time. Adverse reports
-spread quickly, and the captain soon heard the sad fate
-of his countrymen, and he returned to Pondicherry with
-the evil tidings. The time had now passed, and Peguese
-supremacy and French ascendancy in Burmah might be
-numbered among the past events of history.</p>
-
-<p>It is strange, with the savage character that the man ever
-bore, that the French were the only victims on this occasion;
-and it certainly argues more in favour of his justice
-than almost any action of his life. Policy, too, prevented
-him from offending the English at the time, though it is
-useless to disguise the fact, that they deserved quite as
-much, and even more than the French. The measures of
-Bourno had been infinitely more decided than those of the
-English, and an open enemy is ever more of a friend than
-a treacherous, creeping friend. But the tragedy was not
-at an end.</p>
-
-<p>Though the fall of Syriam “had determined the fate of
-the Peguers,” yet they did not wholly give up hope. I
-have already in a former chapter given a description of
-the capital of Pegu,<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> which I need not therefore repeat;
-but still the following passage from Symes will prove of
-use in comprehending the details of the siege:<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“Situated on an extensive plain, Pegue was surrounded
-with a high and solid wall, flanked by small towers, and
-strengthened on each face by demi-bastions, equidistant;
-a broad ditch contained about three feet depth of water;
-wells or reservoirs supplied the town; the stupendous
-pagoda of Shoemadoo,<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> nearly centrical, built on an
-artificial eminence, and inclosed by a substantial wall of
-brick, served as a citadel, and afforded an enlarged view
-of the adjacent country. The extent, however, of the
-works, the troops necessary to defend them, and the number
-of inhabitants within the walls, operated to the disadvantage<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span>
-of the besieged, and aggravated the distresses
-they were shortly to endure.”</p>
-
-<p>For Alompra, evidently perceiving the excellence of the
-plan pursued at Syriam in reducing his foes, again determined
-to await the natural course of events, and let starvation
-do its work in the ranks of the enemy. The siege
-of Pegu by Alompra is not dissimilar to the siege of
-Mexico by Cortés, and indeed, the whole progress of the
-movements of Alompra are worthy of comparison with the
-acts of the conqueror of Mexico. Alike indomitable in
-character, energetic and swift in action, and fitfully cruel,
-though not insensible to the gentler voice of remonstrance,
-they stand as nearly side by side, as the semi-civilised,
-impulsive, and naturally politic Oriental, and the sternly
-educated, calculating, though rapidly acting European
-can. This is not the place for such a discussion, or many
-interesting coincidences might doubtless be elicited from a
-comparison of both their lives.</p>
-
-<p>As the Mexicans could look down from their <i>teocalli</i>,
-and behold the relentless band of Spain around their
-walls, so could the Peguers look from the pagoda of Shoemadoo,
-and behold the natural foes of their race waiting
-without, like sheriff’s officers, until the beleaguered were
-too weak to hold the door against the besiegers. Meinla-Mein-goung
-was sent with a powerful detachment to commence
-the circumvallation of the town, and in a few days
-the Devoted to Buddha followed with the remainder of the
-army, and “sat down before the city,” in the month of
-January, 1757.</p>
-
-<p>For two months the Burmans persevered in this plan,
-and, ever vigilant, allowed none to escape. The immense
-multitude of Peguers, though but a small remnant of the
-nation, caused want to be soon felt; discontent and mutiny
-were the consequence of the scarcity of provision, and it
-seemed as if the nation would fly to arms against itself.
-The danger of open revolt became every day more imminent.
-The royal family and officers looked wistfully and
-anxiously from the pagodas, watching for the first intimation
-of any movement among their relentless besiegers.
-But it was all in vain. At this juncture, Beinga Della
-summoned an assembly of all the family and chiefs of any
-consequence. Apporaza, the king’s brother; Chouparea,
-his son-in-law and nephew; and a general named Talabaan,
-were among the principal persons in the assembly. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span>
-king, after laying before them the utter hopelessness of
-resistance; after reminding them of the differences existing
-between parties in the streets of Pegu itself; after
-calling upon them to avoid, by the best means in their
-power, the dreadful consequences of still stubbornly prolonging
-their own sufferings, and feeding the rage of their
-enemies, advised a timely submission, and offered to present
-his unmarried daughter to Alompra as a means of
-deprecating his anger. Such an act of homage, he concluded,
-was the only way he perceived of turning away
-the resentment of the Burman conqueror.</p>
-
-<p>All heard this proposition with sorrow; but there was
-nothing for it but to acquiesce. One chief present, however,
-ventured to remonstrate, and this was the valiant
-general Talabaan. He rose, and inveighing bitterly
-against such a course, reprobated the idea of submission;
-he concluded a short but comprehensive speech, “with an
-offer to sally forth at the head of six hundred chosen followers,
-and either raise the siege, and procure an honourable
-peace, or perish in the attempt; provided, in the
-event of success, the king would promise to bestow on him
-his daughter as the reward of valour”<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>—for Talabaan
-secretly loved the maiden.</p>
-
-<p>The king assented to these terms, believing that Talabaan
-would also perform what he had so well planned, and
-the council was dismissed. Apporaza, however, always
-indirectly or directly the cause of misfortune, having
-grown envious of the growing influence of Talabaan,
-worked upon the king’s mind, representing that an alliance
-with Alompra was far more glorious than an alliance with
-such a pitiful, low-born personage as Talabaan. Overcome
-by the artful representations of Apporaza, seconded by
-the other chiefs, the king rescinded his assent. At this,
-Talabaan, disgusted with the ingratitude of Beinga Della,
-assembled a few faithful attendants, sallied forth from
-the city, and forced his way through the midst of the
-Burmans. He then escaped to the Setang river, which he
-crossed, and then marched to his family estate of Mondimaa
-or Martaban.</p>
-
-<p>After the secession of Talabaan, the former measure
-proposed by the king of Pegu was carried out. Arrangements
-were made between the rival monarchs, and Beinga<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span>
-Della was reinstated in his position as king of Pegu, being,
-however, subject to the king of Ava.</p>
-
-<p>“Some days elapsed in festive ceremonies, during which
-both the besiegers and the besieged had frequent and
-almost uninterrupted intercourse; the guards on both sides
-relaxed in their vigilance, and small parties of Birmans
-found their way into the city, whilst the Peguers visited
-the Birman camp without molestation or inquiry. Alompra,
-who, it appears, had little intention of adhering to the
-recent compact, privately introduced bodies of armed men,
-with directions to secrete themselves within the city, until
-their services should be required; arms and ammunition
-were also conveyed and lodged in places of concealment.
-Matters, however, were not managed with such circumspection
-as to prevent discovery; Chouparea, the king’s
-nephew, received intimation of the meditated treachery;
-he instantly ordered the gates of the city to be closed,
-and having found out the repositories where the weapons
-were lodged, and detected many Birmans in disguise, he
-gave directions to put to death every man of that nation
-who should be found within the walls, and opened a fire
-upon such part of the Birman camp as was most exposed
-to the artillery of the fort.</p>
-
-<p>“Hostilities now recommenced with exasperated fury;
-Apporaza with his royal niece were detained in the Birman
-camp; the uncle under close confinement, whilst the lady
-was consigned to the guardians of the female apartments.
-The Peguers having gained no accession to their strength,
-and added little to their stores, during the short interval
-of tranquillity, were not in a better condition than before
-to resist the enemy. The Birmans observed the system
-of warfare which they at first adopted; so that in six
-weeks, famine had again reduced the garrison to a deplorable
-state of wretchedness and want; the most loathsome
-reptiles were eagerly sought after and devoured, and the
-clamours of the soldiers could no longer be appeased. A
-few secret hoards of grain were by chance discovered, and
-many more were suspected to exist; the crowd thronged
-tumultuously round the quarters of Chouparea, on whom,
-after the secession of Talabaan, and the imprisonment of
-Apporaza, the care of defending the fortress entirely devolved.
-In order to silence and satisfy those whom he
-could not restrain, he ordered a general search for grain,
-and granted permission to the soldiers forcibly to enter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span>
-whatever houses fell under suspicion. This license was
-diligently improved, and the house of a near relation of
-the king was discovered to contain more grain than either
-the present situation of affairs or his own wants could
-justify. The deposit was demanded, and as resolutely
-refused. The crowd, authorized by the permission of
-Chouparea, proceeded to take by violence what was not to
-be obtained by entreaty; a riot ensued, in which some
-lives were lost, and the prince was at length obliged to
-abandon his house. Repairing to the royal residence, he
-uttered violent invectives against Chouparea, whom he
-accused to the king of harbouring an intention to deprive
-his sovereign of life, and seize upon the imperial throne;
-and advised his majesty rather to throw himself on the
-generosity of the besiegers, and obtain the best terms
-practicable, than hazard the danger to which his person
-and kingdom were exposed from the perfidy of a faithless
-and powerful subject. The king, whose imbecility seems
-to have equalled his ill fortune, lent an ear to the complaints
-of a man stimulated by sudden rage and personal
-jealousy: the unhappy and distracted monarch resolved
-to pursue his counsel; but being too timid openly to avow
-his weakness and suspicion, he sent secret proposals to
-Alompra to surrender the city to him, stipulating for life
-alone, and leaving the rest to the discretion of the conqueror.
-According to the plan agreed on, the Birmans
-advanced to the gates, which were immediately deserted;
-the Peguers fled in the utmost panic; many escaped in the
-confusion; the Pegue king was made prisoner and the city
-given up to indiscriminate plunder.”<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p>
-
-<p>An affecting episode in the fate of the Peguese monarchy
-was, however, yet to come. Talabaan, it will be
-recollected, had fled to Martaban, where his family resided.
-This chief was as obnoxious to Alompra as any
-one of the Peguese party. His influence was too great to
-admit of his being spared or forgotten. Therefore, after
-the reduction of Pegu, and the submission of all the country
-around, he marched to Martaban with a considerable
-force. With the few adherents which still clung to the
-Peguese general, resistance was absurd; he therefore fled
-to the woods, thinking that against him alone would the
-resentment of Alompra be directed. Those that remained<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span>
-were seized by the king, and the unfortunate Talabaan
-heard in his retreat, that if he himself did not surrender,
-the innocent members of his family would be sacrificed to
-the fury of the conqueror. All personal feelings of fear
-now faded from his bosom; he thought no longer of the
-vengeance that awaited him, but surrendering himself a
-voluntary prisoner, he thus preserved the dear relations
-“whom he loved more than life.” Alompra was so much
-struck with the unexpected heroism of the outcast, that he
-pardoned him, and subsequently raised him to a high
-position in his court.</p>
-
-<p>At this time the settlement of Negrais was in a critical
-position. The actors there had changed, and a Mr.
-Newton had succeeded Captain Howe, resident of the
-East-India Company, upon Mr. Brooke’s retirement. To
-this gentleman Alompra sent a message, requiring his
-presence at Prome. Mr. Newton deputed Ensign Lyster
-thither. The envoy left Negrais on the 27th of June,
-1757, and proceeded to Bassein, where he had to await
-the arrival of Antonio, a native interpreter descended
-from a Portuguese family. On the 13th of July, he was
-again <i>en route</i>, and on the 23rd he met Alompra on the
-Irawadi. He immediately had an audience, which led, as
-all first audiences do, to nothing. On the 29th, the king
-halted at Myan-aong, where a second audience took
-place. Alompra again adverted to the English treachery
-of Dagon, and, presenting some gifts of little value, in
-return for the presents from Negrais, he left the remainder
-to be settled between Lyster, Antonio, and the
-Acka-woon, or governor of the port of Bassein. After
-some boggling on both sides, the island of Negrais was
-ceded to the India Company in perpetuity, together with
-a piece of ground opposite Bassein, for a factory. The
-Company were to give arms and military stores in return,
-and aid against the king of Tavoy. This treaty, the
-result of bribery, according to Symes,<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> received the
-sanction of the king. On the 22nd of August, 1757,
-formal possession was taken by Ensign Lyster.</p>
-
-<p>After these events had taken place, Alompra returned
-to Moutzoboo, the capital of the kingdom, and commenced
-an expedition against the inhabitants of Cassay;
-but he soon returned to the south, on learning that the
-Peguers had again revolted.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span></p>
-
-<p>Many of that nation had fled across the frontier of
-Siam, whence they now returned in great force, defeated
-Namdeoda, the Burmese general, and recaptured Rangoon,
-Dalla, and Syriam. But upon Alompra’s dread
-approach, the fortune of war changed. Namdeoda returned,
-retook the towns, and after a severe engagement,
-again overthrew the Peguese force.</p>
-
-<p>At this time, Whitehill, who supposed his treacherous
-deeds forgotten, went to Rangoon with a small vessel, laden
-with such things as were fitted for the trade to that port.
-But Alompra had not forgotten him. His vessel was seized,
-and he himself was sent to Prome, where he met the king
-returning from Moutzoboo. Alompra, probably to allay
-all suspicions on the part of the English as to the desperate
-game he was about to play, spared Mr. Whitehill’s
-life, though he made him pay a heavy ransom, and confiscated
-his vessel. He was afterwards allowed to return to
-Negrais in a Dutch ship. At this time, unhappily for
-Negrais, Captain Newton returned to Bengal, taking with
-him all the available force. He arrived in Calcutta on
-the 14th of May, 1759.</p>
-
-<p>The Armenians, the Jews of the East, ever envious
-and suspicious of the progress of the colonies under
-European administration, looked with an evil eye upon
-the settlement of Negrais. Among those at that port,
-Coja Pochas and Coja Gregory, were particularly hostile
-to the English. In Laveene, the French youth left by
-Bourno as a hostage, and who had found favour in Alompra’s
-eyes, Coja Gregory found a fitting instrument to
-execute the plot that he had contrived for the ruin of
-English prosperity in Burmah. Whether Alompra knew
-of the affair long before, is uncertain; but it is to be inferred
-from the tenor of his actions, that he did not, when
-it came to his knowledge, condemn it.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. Southby, to whom the government of Bengal had
-committed the care of the colony, disembarked from the
-<i>Victoria</i> snow, on the 4th of October, 1759. The <i>Shaftesbury</i>
-East-Indiaman was also in harbour, having put
-in for water. Antonio, the Portuguese-Burman interpreter,
-came down to receive Southby, and was treated
-well by Mr. Hope, at that time in charge of Negrais, as well
-as by the new resident. Antonio’s errand was, of course, to
-superintend the conspiracy that was about to burst on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span>
-heads of the devoted Englishmen; but the pretext was to
-deliver a letter from Alompra.</p>
-
-<p>“The address and secrecy with which the intended
-massacre was concerted, gave no room for taking any precaution.
-Antonio, who had paid a visit to Mr. Southby
-on the morning of the 6th, was invited by him to dinner
-on the same day, at a temporary building belonging to
-the English. Whilst the entertainment was serving up,
-the treacherous guest withdrew. At that instant a
-number of armed Birmans rushed into the room, and put
-Messrs. Southby and Hope to death. This transaction
-took place in an upper apartment. Messrs. Robertson
-and Briggs happened to be below with eight Europeans of
-inferior note; a separate attack was made on these by
-another set of assassins, in which five Europeans were
-slain; the rest, with Mr. Robertson and Mr. Briggs, shut
-themselves in a godown, or storeroom, where they continued
-on the defensive until the afternoon, when, receiving
-a solemn assurance that their lives should be spared,
-they surrendered, and experienced the utmost brutality
-of treatment from the murderers. Mr. Briggs being
-wounded, and unable to move with the alertness required
-of him, was knocked down, and a period put to his sufferings,
-by having a spear run through his body; the rest
-were escorted to the water-side, where Antonio, who had
-retired when the massacre commenced, was waiting with
-a boat to receive them. This fellow had the humanity to
-unchain the prisoners, and pursued his journey with them
-to Dagon or Rangoon, where he expected to find the king,
-and, doubtless, to receive a reward for the meritorious
-part he had acted.</p>
-
-<p>“A midshipman, of the crew of the <i>Shaftesbury</i>, was
-about to enter the house when the slaughter commenced;
-but on hearing the cries of his countrymen, and perceiving
-the danger, he fled to the water-side, wounded by a spear
-that was cast at him in his retreat. The <i>Shaftesbury’s</i>
-pinnace brought away the midshipman, with several
-black people belonging to the settlement; the fury of the
-murderers being indiscriminately levelled against Europeans
-and their Indian attendants. The long-boat also,
-that had brought on shore some of Mr. Southby’s baggage,
-was fortunate enough to push off before the Birmans
-could get possession of her, and letting the ensign fly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span>
-with the union downwards, gave intimation to the ship,
-by that token, of some unexpected mischance.”<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the whole of this diabolical affair, Laveene, the young
-Frenchman, was actively engaged. The battery being
-seized, was turned by him against the <i>Shaftesbury</i>, and
-the action continued the whole day. Next morning the
-Burmese renewed their fire, but the <i>Shaftesbury</i> had
-hauled beyond the range of shot, and the <i>Victoria</i> followed
-her example.</p>
-
-<p>“That Gregory, the Armenian, was the principal instigator,
-is a fact of which no native of the country, who
-remembers the transaction, entertains the smallest doubts,
-as well as that Laveene was the principal agent and instrument
-of execution. It is said that the former accused
-Mr. Hope, who commanded after the departure of Lieutenant
-Newton, of having supplied the Peguers with provisions,
-and sold to them four or five hundred muskets;
-that he had taken pains to instil into his majesty’s mind a
-persuasion, that the English were a designing and dangerous
-people; who, having acquired Indian territory,
-first by fraud, and afterwards by violence, meditated the
-practice of similar treachery upon them; and only waited
-a fit opportunity to wrest from him his empire, and
-enslave his subjects, as they had recently done in the
-instance of the unsuspecting and abused Mogul. He also
-added, that the governor of Negrais prevented vessels
-from going up to Bassein, by which the royal revenue
-was defrauded. These arguments, whether groundless or
-founded, were sufficiently plausible to produce the desired
-effect; and there is but too much reason to think that
-some provocation had been given, though, perhaps, of a
-trivial nature, and certainly not sufficient to warrant a
-step unjustifiable by every law, human and divine.”<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>
-That Alompra had some share in the matter, can hardly
-be doubted. He had received too many crosses from the
-English during his conquest of Burmah, to forget. Besides,
-the heart of the Oriental despot always rankles with envy
-and pride. He looked for an opportunity to make the
-English feel his vengeance, and he seized it. Undoubtedly,
-the Portuguese and Frenchman had not forgotten
-the massacre of their own nations; and the latter, invested
-with a little brief authority, did the most that his
-spiteful heart could do.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span></p>
-
-<p>This event forms the last one of any consequence in the
-life of Alompra, the liberator and conqueror of Burmah
-and Pegu. The conquest of Tavoy shed a brief light upon
-this portion of his career, and feeling certain of success,
-he determined to let the Siamese feel his strength; and
-he thought to have vengeance for the assistance that
-country had given to the Peguese, during his reduction of
-their power. He therefore sent an expedition against
-Mergui, and on the taking of that place, the army proceeded
-against Tenasserim, which soon yielded to the
-victorious Burmese.</p>
-
-<p>He now determined to march against Bangkok, the
-capital of Siam, and thus complete the conquest of the
-peninsula. However, disease overtook him; the Devoted to
-Buddha, who had been a victor in a hundred battles, now
-succumbed to a single arm; but it was the arm of death,
-the strong force that assails every conqueror. Alompra,
-though he perceived that his end was drawing near, did
-not lose his presence of mind, but ordered a countermarch
-to his own country, that his arms might not be sullied by
-a defeat. But he expired about the 15th of May, 1760,
-when within two days’ march of Martaban.</p>
-
-<p>The following sketch of his character, by Symes, will
-form a fitting conclusion to this chapter:—</p>
-
-<p>“Considering the limited progress that the Birmans
-had yet made in arts that refine, and science that tends to
-expand the human mind, Alompra, whether viewed in the
-light of a politician or a soldier, is undoubtedly entitled to
-respect. The wisdom of his councils secured what his
-valour had acquired; he was not more eager for conquest,
-than attentive to the improvement of his territories and
-the prosperity of his people; he issued a severe edict
-against gambling, and prohibited the use of spirituous
-liquors throughout his dominions; he reformed the
-rhooms or courts of justice; he abridged the power of
-magistrates, and forbade them to decide at their private
-houses on criminal causes, or on property where
-the amount exceeded a specified sum; every process of
-importance was decided in public, and every decree registered.
-His reign was short, but vigorous; and had his
-life been prolonged, it is probable that his country would
-at this day have been farther advanced in national refinement
-and the liberal arts.</p>
-
-<p>“Alompra did not live to complete his fiftieth year:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span>
-his person, strong and well proportioned, exceeded the
-middle size; his features were coarse, his complexion
-dark, and his countenance saturnine; and there was a
-dignity in his deportment that became his high station.
-In his temper, he is said to have been prone to anger; in
-revenge, implacable; and in punishing faults, remorseless
-and severe. The latter part of his character may, perhaps,
-have arisen as much from the necessities of his
-situation as from a disposition by nature cruel. He who
-acquires a throne by an act of individual boldness, is commonly
-obliged to maintain it by terror: the right of
-assumption is guarded with more jealousy than that of
-prescription. If we except the last act of severity towards
-the English settlers, his conduct, on most occasions,
-seemed to be marked by moderation and forbearance;
-even in that one disgraceful instance, he appeared to have
-been instigated by the persuasions of others, rather than
-by the dictates of a vindictive mind; and it is manifest,
-from the expressions of his successor on a public occasion,
-that it never was his intention to consign the innocent,
-with the supposed guilty, to the same indiscriminate and
-sanguinary fate.</p>
-
-<p>“Be the private character of Alompra what it may, his
-heroic actions give him an indisputable claim to no mean
-rank among the most distinguished personages in the
-page of history. His firmness emancipated a whole nation
-from servitude, and, inspired by his bravery, the oppressed,
-in their turn, subdued their oppressors. Like the deliverer
-of Sweden, with his gallant band of Dalecarlians, he fought
-for that which experience tells us rouses the human
-breast above every other stimulant to deeds of daring
-valour. Private injuries, personal animosities, commercial
-emulation, wars of regal policy, are petty provocations
-compared to that which animates the resentment of a
-people whose liberties are assailed, whose right to govern
-themselves is wrested from them, and who are forced to
-bend beneath the tyranny of a foreign yoke.”<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1760-1819.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Anaundopra—Zempiuscien—Chengaza—Paongoza—Men-ta-ra-gyee.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>When the political history of a country commences
-with one bright and shining event, it is hardly possible to
-make the continuation of its career otherwise than “stale,
-flat, and unprofitable.” How true this is, was amply
-proved by Prescott, in the case of Mexico and Peru, when
-with all the magical charm of his eloquent pen, he failed
-to give the History of Peru the same attractive feature
-that he had presented in Mexico. If it were impossible
-then for a master-hand like his, to invest the fluctuating
-events of the civil wars of Peru with the graces of
-romance, how difficult will it be for me to do the same by
-those of Burmah!</p>
-
-<p>The great event of Burman history, the elevation of
-Alompra to the regal or imperial dignity, overshadows all
-the subsequent occurrences in that history, although, considered
-by themselves, they form not the least interesting
-episodes of Oriental story. I shall endeavour, in the following
-pages, to present them, as they are, to the reader,
-begging him to bear in mind the first sentence of this
-chapter.</p>
-
-<p>Alompra, on his death-bed, left the succession unsettled,
-though, according to Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> he had stipulated
-for the successive administration of his seven sons. Whether
-this was really the case, is impossible to say; but the
-eldest brother seems to have ascended the throne without
-dispute. His name was Anaundopra; but, as Symes
-observes, “neither the mandates of law, nor the claims
-of equity, can curb the career of restless ambition;”<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> and
-as it had proved insufficient to restrain the father, it was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span>
-insufficient to restrain the son. Thembuan, or Zempiuscien,
-whom we have seen in the government of Ava,
-raised a revolt against his brother’s administration. But
-he had not the solid talent of his father, and his claims
-were scarcely recognised by his immediate followers; consequently
-it is not very extraordinary that his rebellion
-fell to the ground. He hastened to give in his submission,
-and his brother appears to have been forgiving
-enough, for he was soon restored to favour.</p>
-
-<p>But the flame of rebellion and revolution was kindled.
-It wanted but little to fan it into a formidable sheet of
-fire. During the absence of Zempiuscien at Moutzoboo,
-the general Meinla Nuttoon, marching through the lower
-country, raised the standard of revolt, and seizing upon
-Tongho, marched upon Ava, which, intimidated by the
-force attached to his interests, immediately surrendered.
-It were foreign to my purpose to give a detailed account
-of this insurrection. I will only say, that it required
-all the strength of the king to quell it. The siege
-of Ava was protracted for seven months, as Nuttoon
-expected assistance from Siam.</p>
-
-<p>“These expectations were not realized. Supplies from
-the country failed, and want began to make ravages
-within the walls, although the magazines, which at the
-commencement of the siege were full, had been husbanded
-with the utmost economy. Discontent is ever the concomitant
-of distress. The governor of Mayah Oun, who
-had embraced Nuttoon’s fortune, deserted from the fort.
-Flying to Mayah Oun, he collected his adherents; but not
-being able to resist the royal forces, they set fire to the
-town, and betook themselves to the woods and jungles,
-whence they afterwards withdrew to the eastern provinces,
-where the authority of the Birman monarch was
-yet scarcely recognised. The rebels had likewise evacuated
-the fort of Tongho. Towards the end of the year,
-the garrison in Ava was reduced to the greatest extremity,
-and their numbers diminished above one-half by sickness,
-famine, and desertion. In this helpless state, without any
-chance of relief, Nuttoon made his escape from the fort
-in disguise; but had proceeded only the distance of two
-days’ journey, when he was discovered by some peasants,
-and brought back in fetters. The fort of Ava fell shortly
-afterwards by the flight of its commandant. Such of their
-unfortunate adherents as could not effect their escape,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span>
-were without mercy put to death. Nuttoon, likewise, suffered
-the doom of a traitor.”<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a></p>
-
-<p>This was, however, not all. Another revolt was raised
-by the viceroy of Tongho, an uncle of the king’s. However,
-Anaundopra marched to Tongho, and took the place
-after a siege of three months, and, according to Sangermano,<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>
-put him to death. Symes, however, informs us,
-that he was kept a close prisoner in the fort of Ava till
-his death.<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p>
-
-<p>Talabaan, too, raised a rebellion, which was, however,
-very soon ended by the seizure and execution of that
-general. “So long as that monarch [Alompra] lived, he
-conducted himself like a dutiful servant: the death of his
-sovereign, however, cancelled in Talabaan’s breast the
-bonds of duty and gratitude, and, though faithful to the
-father, he took the earliest opportunity to revolt against
-the son.”<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> In March, 1764, the king breathed his last,
-of the same scrofulous complaint that killed his father,
-leaving behind an infant son named Momien. The numerous
-rebellions against his government would lead us
-to expect immense strictness in his character; but he is
-represented as only severe in matters of religion; except
-in this particular, his administration was forbearing and
-moderate. The insurrections were more probably induced
-by the double reason of ambition on the part of the
-revolution, and by the necessary restraint which follows
-the unlicensed liberties of war. The people were accustomed
-to feel themselves masters of all, and now, the
-turbulent and unsettled reign of Alompra having closed,
-they chafed and bit at the cord like irascible dogs.</p>
-
-<p>Zempiuscien, as the nearest relation to the infant
-monarch, became regent of Burmah, though the authority of
-the child was probably never recognised, either by regent
-or people. After some time, indeed, he openly assumed
-the crown, and, at the petition of a sister of Alompra,
-sent Momien to the priests, instead of murdering him,
-as he intended. His reign was warlike, and marked
-with many rebellions and revolutions, which, though
-raging for the moment, had no effect beyond the fury of
-the moment. The principal event and shame of his life,
-cannot be better told than in the words of Symes.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span></p>
-
-<p>“Whatever respect the glory of conquest, and the
-wisdom of a well-regulated government, might attach to
-the reign of Shembuan, it must be wholly obscured by
-the cruelty exercised on the present occasion [the taking
-of Rangoon from the Peguers, who had again rebelled]
-towards his royal prisoner, the unhappy king of Pegue;
-and this, too, like a more recent and equally inhuman regicide,<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>
-in a nation professing Christianity and enlightened
-by science, was perpetrated under the mockery of
-justice. Shembuan, not content with exhibiting to the
-humbled Peguers their venerable, and yet venerated
-monarch, bound in fetters, and bowed down with years
-and anguish, resolved to take away his life, and render
-the disgrace still deeper, by exposing him as a public
-malefactor, to suffer under the stroke of the public executioner....
-The process of law in Birman courts of
-justice, is conducted with as much formality as in any
-country on earth. Beinga Della was brought before the
-judges of the Rhoom, among whom the Maywoon of Pegue
-presided. The late king of Pegue was there accused of
-having been privy to, and instrumental in exciting the
-late rebellion. Depositions of several witnesses, supposed
-to be suborned, were taken; the prisoner denied the
-charge; but his fate being determined on, his plea availed
-him nothing. He was found guilty; and the proceedings,
-according to custom, were laid before the king, who
-passed sentence of death, and accompanied it by an order
-for speedy execution. In conformity with this cruel mandate,
-on the 7th of the increasing moon, in the month
-of Taboung,<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> the aged victim was led in public procession
-through an insulting population, to a place called
-Awabock, three miles without the city, where he met his
-doom with fortitude, and had no distinction paid him
-above the meanest criminal, except that all the municipal
-officers attended in their robes of ceremony to witness his
-last moments.”</p>
-
-<p>The death of Beinga Della preceded his own by but a
-short space of time, for Zempiuscien, or Shembuan, died
-in the spring of 1776.</p>
-
-<p>His son and successor, Zinguza or Chenguza, presented
-very different traits of character to those of any of Alompra’s
-dynasty. He plunged into the wildest excesses of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span>
-debauchery, and left the government to the maladministration
-of a corrupt court. This proved fatal to him. The
-excesses of king and ministers did not pass by unheeded.
-Momien, his cousin, had not forgotten that he had an
-equal right to the throne, and the disgusting murder
-committed on the queen, afforded a pretext for revolt. A
-conspiracy had been formed by one of Alompra’s brothers,
-Men-ta-ra-gyee, the queen’s father, and one of the
-ministers whom Chenguza had insulted; Momien was used
-as a tool to elevate Men-ta-ra-gyee to the throne. This
-young man,<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> “taking advantage of his [Chenguza’s] absence,
-advanced by night to Ava, in company with about
-forty inhabitants of a village called Pongà, and without
-experiencing any resistance, made himself master of the
-palace. Upon which the youth of Ava, and the neighbouring
-places, came eagerly to be enrolled, and take up
-arms in favour of the new king; who, in the space of five
-days, was in possession of the person and kingdom of
-Zinguzà. But the usurper, whose name was Paongozà,
-from the long abode he had made in Paongà, by these
-rapid and successful advances, only served as a means to
-Badonsachen [the former name of Men-ta-ra-gyee], the
-reigning sovereign, to mount upon the throne. For
-scarcely had he taken possession of the palace, than he
-called together all his uncles and made them an offer of the
-kingdom; saying, that according to the dispositions of
-Alompra, to them it belonged. But they suspected this
-ingenuous declaration of Paongozà to be nothing more
-than a malicious contrivance to pry into their secret
-thoughts, and upon their accepting his offers, to give him
-a pretence for their destruction; and therefore not only
-declined to receive it, but declared themselves, by drinking
-the water of the oath, his subjects and vassals....
-Paongozà then raised them to their former state, and
-restored all the honours whereof they had been deprived
-by Zinguzà. But they, a few days later, took that by
-force, which, when peacefully offered, they had not dared
-to accept. For on the 10th of February, 1782, they suddenly
-entered the palace, seized Paongozà, and placed on
-the throne Badonsachen, third<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> son of Alompra. He,
-according to custom, caused the deposed monarch to be
-thrown into the river, calling him in scorn the king of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span>
-seven days.<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> Paongozà at the time of his death,
-had only reached his twentieth year. On the following
-day the unfortunate Zinguzà underwent the
-same fate, in his twenty-sixth year; and all his queens
-and concubines, holding their babes in their arms, were
-burnt alive.”</p>
-
-<p>The particulars of the taking of Zinguzà by Momien, or
-Moung-Moung, are as follows:<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>Chenguza had gone to Keoptaloum, a place on the
-banks of the Irawadi, about thirty miles from Ava, to
-celebrate a festival. As he was never regular in his time
-of going in or out, no one could tell when he would
-return; indeed, he was often late. Having obtained a
-royal dress, Momien presented himself at the portal shoedogaa,
-and demanded admission. But the haste of the
-conspirators betrayed them to the sentinel, who, opening
-the wicket, and then attempting to close, called out,
-“Treason!” However, it was too late, the guards were
-cut down, and the gate thrown open to the assailants.
-These, together with a body of men placed in ambuscade,
-occupied all the approaches to the palace, and kept it in a
-complete state of blockade. The various court officials,
-on the approach of the rebels, shut themselves up within
-the inclosures of the palace. Consternation and fright
-prevailed through the city all the night; the assailants
-were expected to attack them, but, in conformity with
-the Eastern and American custom, they did not attack
-the place till the morning, when they then blew open one
-of the palace-gates. They were gallantly met, however, by
-the guard, commanded by an Armenian, named Gabriel,
-who caused no small havoc among them, by three discharges
-of artillery from the guns on the top of the gate.
-However, the conspirators were too strong, or the defenders
-too uncertain as to whom they might be contending
-with, to withstand them long. Gabriel was killed
-by the thrust of a spear, and then his party fled. Thus
-Momien obtained a speedy and decisive victory, little
-dreaming of the speedy fate that awaited him!</p>
-
-<p>Chenguza was now proclaimed an outlaw, and an armed
-force was detached to arrest him. But he had received
-timely notice of the fall of his administration, and, leaving<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span>
-all his court behind, escaped to Chagaing, were he was
-immediately besieged. Chenguza at first thought of defending
-himself; but finding that he was deserted by
-those on whom he placed his chief reliance, after a resistance
-of four days the resolution failed, and he determined
-on flying to the Cassay country, there to throw himself on
-the protection of the Munnipoora Raja. This intention
-he privately communicated to his mother, the widow of
-Shembuan Praw, who resided in his palace in the city of
-Ava. Instead of encouraging her son to persevere in so
-pusillanimous a resolve, she earnestly dissuaded him
-from flight; urging that it was far more glorious to die
-even by ignoble hands, within the precincts of his own
-palace, than to preserve life under the ignominious character
-of a mendicant fed by strangers, and indebted for a
-precarious asylum to a petty potentate. Chenguza yielded
-to his mother’s counsel, and preferring death to a disgraceful
-exile, caused a small boat to be privately prepared, and
-kept in readiness at the gaut or landing-place; disguising
-himself in the habit of a private gentleman, and attended
-only by two menials, he left Chagaing by break of
-day and embarking, rowed towards Ava, on the opposite
-shore. When the boat approached the principal
-gaut, at the foot of the walls, he was challenged by the
-sentinels on duty; no longer desirous of concealing himself,
-he called out in a loud voice, that he was “Chenguza
-Namdogy-yeng Praw;—Chenguza, lawful lord of the
-palace.” A conduct at once so unexpected and so resolute,
-struck the guards with astonishment, who, either overawed
-by his presence, or at a loss how to act for want of
-instructions, suffered him to proceed unmolested; the
-crowd, also, that so extraordinary a circumstance had by
-this time brought together, respectfully made way for
-him to pass. Scarcely had he reached the gate of the
-outer court of the palace, when he was met by the Attawoon,
-father of the princess whom he had so inhumanly
-slain; Chenguza, on perceiving him, exclaimed, “Traitor,
-I am come to take possession of my right, and wreak
-vengeance on mine enemies!” The Attawoon instantly
-snatched a sabre from an attendant officer, and at
-one stroke cut the unhappy Chenguza through the
-bowels, and laid him breathless at his feet. No person
-was found to prevent or avenge his death; he fell unlamented,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span>
-as he had lived despised.<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> Such was the end
-of a monarch, accelerated, probably, by his own daring,
-which we cannot call heroism, but desperate madness.</p>
-
-<p>Men-ta-ra-gyee, in the forty-fourth year of his age, at a
-period of life at which men have generally acquired stability
-of character and estimation, ascended the throne of
-his father, the Devoted to Buddha, whose spirit seems to
-have lived on in the bosoms of some of his families. But
-this king, under the fatal curse that seems to give the
-race of Alompra no rest, had no quieter reign than any of
-his predecessors. “Kings,” observes the ingenious writer
-Symes, “have other enemies to guard against, than
-avowed foes or rival competitors; the wild maniac
-or fanatical enthusiast, often under the influence of
-frenzy, directs the poignard to the breasts of monarchs.
-The Birman king had but a short time enjoyed the
-crown, when he had nearly been deprived of his life and
-diadem by a person of this description. Magoung, a low-born
-man, unconnected with, and it is said, without the
-privacy of any person of condition, who had always been
-remarkable for the regularity of his actions, and a gloomy
-cast of thought, had influence enough to form a confederacy
-of one hundred men as visionary and desperate
-as himself. This troop bound themselves in secrecy and
-fidelity to each other by an oath; their object was to take
-away the life of the king; but to answer what end, or
-whom they designed to elevate, is not ascertained. These
-desperadoes, headed by Magoung, at daybreak in the
-morning, made an attack on the palace. The customary
-guard over the king’s dwelling consists of seven hundred,
-who are well appointed and kept about on duty. Notwithstanding
-that, the attempt had nearly succeeded:
-bearing down the sentinels, they penetrated into the interior
-court, and the king escaped, from the casual circumstance
-of being in the range of apartments belonging
-to the women, which he was least accustomed to frequent.
-His guards, who at first shrunk from the fury of the
-onset, quickly rallied; their courage and numbers overpowered
-the assassins; and Magoung was slain, with all
-his associates, within the precincts of the palace.”<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p>
-
-<p>Another insurrection speedily followed. A fisherman
-of the name of Natchien, a Peguer of Rangoon, proclaimed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span>
-himself the deliverer of the Peguers, and called upon that
-nation to rise against the Burmans. He succeeded in
-raising a tumult, in which some of the officials of the
-Rhoom were slain; however, the matter was soon put
-down by the Peter Laurie of the town, and an examination
-implicated some five hundred of the inhabitants of
-Rangoon, who were executed. This was the last attempt
-made by the Peguers to throw off the Burman yoke.
-From this time forward his actions seem to have been
-offensive rather than defensive. In 1783 he commenced a
-war with the independent kingdom of Arakhan, which he
-subdued, and added to his dominions. In 1786 he made
-an incursion into Siam, and secured himself in the possession
-of Tavoy and Mergui. In 1810 he fitted out an
-enterprise against Junk Ceylon, an island belonging to
-the Siamese, and to which they were all so unwilling to
-go.<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> But from this place he was subsequently expelled
-by the enemy, and many of the Burmans were sent to
-Bangkok as slaves. This king, after a long, glorious, and
-cruel reign, of which a considerable part was directed
-against the priests, expired in his eighty-first year, at the
-beginning of 1819.</p>
-
-<p>It may here be not uninteresting to give some account
-of the city of Ava, the capital of Burmah, whence the
-kingdom has sometimes been so called.<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> It lies in lat.
-21° 50’N., long. 96° E., and was made the capital of the
-country for the third time in 1822. The original name
-of the place is Augwa, corrupted in Awa and Ava; but in
-public writings it is always named Ratnapura, the City of
-Gems. Montmorency has given a description of the place,
-which I epitomize.</p>
-
-<p>The city of Ava is surrounded by a brick wall fifteen
-and a half feet high, and ten feet thick; there are innumerable
-embrasures at about the distance of five feet from
-each other. The south and west faces of the town are defended
-by a deep and rapid torrent, called the Myit-tha,
-leading from the Myit-ngé, which is not fordable. On the
-east the Myit-ngé forms a considerable part of the defence.
-The Irawadi, opposite Sagaing and Ava, is 1,094 yards
-broad. The circumference of Ava is about five and a half
-miles, excluding the suburbs. “In general,” says Crawfurd,
-“the houses are mere huts, thatched with grass.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span>
-Some of the dwellings of the chiefs are constructed of
-planks, and tiled, and there are probably in all not half a
-dozen houses constructed of brick and mortar. Poor as
-the houses are, they are thinly scattered over the extensive
-area of the place, and some large quarters are, indeed,
-wholly destitute of habitations, and mere neglected commons.
-Including one large one in the suburb, lying between
-the town and the little river, there are eleven markets
-or bazaars, composed as usual of thatched huts or sheds:
-the three largest are called Je-kyo, Sara-wadi, and Shan-ze.”<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>
-The temples are very numerous, and present a
-gorgeous appearance from a distance, “far from being
-realized,” according to Crawfurd, “on a closer examination.
-Some of the principal of these may be enumerated:
-the largest of all is called Lo-ga-thar-bu, and consists of
-two portions, or rather two distinct temples; one in the
-ancient, and the other in the modern form. In the former
-there is an image of Gautama, in the common sitting
-posture, of enormous magnitude. Colonel Symes imagined
-this statue to be a block of marble; but this is a
-mistake, for it is composed of sandstone. A second very
-large temple is called Angava Sé-kong; and a third, Ph’ra-l’ha,
-or ‘the beautiful.’ A fourth temple, of great celebrity,
-is named Maong-Ratna. This is the one in which
-the public officers of the government take, with great formality,
-the oath of allegiance. A fifth temple is named
-Maha-mrat-muni; I inspected an addition which was
-made to this temple a short time before our arrival. It
-was merely a Zayat or chapel, and chiefly constructed of
-wood: it, however, exceeded in splendour everything we
-had seen without the palace. The roof was supported by
-a vast number of pillars: these, as well as the ceilings,
-were richly gilt throughout. The person, at whose expense
-all this was done, was a Burman merchant, or
-rather broker, from whom we learnt that the cost was
-forty thousand ticals, about £5,000 sterling. When the
-building was completed, he respectfully presented it to
-his majesty, not <i>daring</i> to take to himself the whole
-merit of so pious an undertaking.”<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> The reader may
-bear in mind the similarity between these temples and
-those of the Peruvians.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1760-1824.</span></h4>
-
-<p>British intercourse with Ava—Alves’s mission—Symes’s mission—Canning—King
-Nun-Sun—Rise of the Burman war—Its origin in official aggression—Evacuation
-of Cachar.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>We must now return somewhat upon our steps, to
-observe the changes which had taken place in European
-relations with the native kings. We have to look back to
-the time of the decease of Alompra. Doubtless, had the
-English force in Burmah been adequate to the execution
-of such a measure, ample revenge would have been taken,
-or rather, ample satisfaction would have been enforced,
-for the brutal massacre of the English at Negrais: but
-their means were not up to the mark. “Perhaps, also,”
-as Symes remarks, “they were not ignorant that a
-discussion of the causes might only produce useless
-explanations: a conjecture that is, in some degree, corroborated
-by there being no steps taken at any subsequent
-period when the British superiority in Asia had crushed
-all rivalry, to vindicate the national honour, and chastise
-the perpetrators of the cruelty.”<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Most probably, however,
-the English government was sensible that the part
-their countrymen had acted had been a treacherous one,
-and that it would not do to have it thrown in their faces,
-as it undoubtedly would have been. In this case the
-French would have succeeded in their darling scheme of
-shaking the importance of the English in the country, for
-the accomplishment of which they have never in any way
-omitted any opportunity, supporting their plans also by
-that form of assertion, which admits of contradiction, but
-can never be disproved: and a like system of falsehood
-had been pursued by the English.</p>
-
-<p>It was, however, necessary to make some appeal in
-behalf of the remaining Europeans, and Captain Alves,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span>
-who had brought the sad news to Bengal, was the man
-selected for the negotiation. He was charged with letters,
-which, while they show little desire to uphold the dignity
-of England, yet manifest a praiseworthy and heartfelt
-interest in the fate of the British. They were signed
-by Mr. Holwell, the governor of Bengal, and Mr. Pigot,
-the governor of Madras. The letter of the latter gentleman,
-indeed, was of a more independent character, “and
-intimated expectation that the murderers of the English
-settlers should be brought to punishment; a requisition
-that was little attended to, and which the British government
-of India never manifested any inclination to enforce.”<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p>
-
-<p>Captain Alves sailed from Madras with these letters on
-the 10th of May, 1760. He did not steer direct for
-Negrais, but addressed a letter to Gregory the Armenian,
-then Ackawoon of Rangoon, whom it was desirable to
-conciliate, and after exaggerating his influence at court,
-he entreated his good offices in behalf of the captives.
-With these letters a present of some value was sent. On
-the 5th of June, he arrived at Diamond Island, near
-Negrais, when he reconnoitred the disposition of the
-natives. However, his fears were removed, and he landed.
-Upon this, Antony came down, and was received with
-hypocritical cordiality by Alves, and the interpreter tried
-all he could to prevent his being considered guilty. In
-a short time he received a letter from Mungai Narrataw,
-one of the royal family, inviting him to Rangoon; he
-thought it politic to go thither, and arrived on the 5th of
-August. There seemed to be little objection to the release
-of the prisoners, and Mr. Robertson was permitted to
-accompany Captain Alves to Bassein. Meanwhile, Gregory
-the Armenian returned, bearing a letter from Anaundopra,
-or Namdogee-Praw. “In the translation, which
-Gregory, as interpreter, delivered to Captain Alves, the
-crafty Armenian introduced passages favourable to himself,
-attributing the obtainment of any attention to his
-intercession; these interpolations were fabricated, as the
-imperial mandate did not even mention the name of
-Gregory.”<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> Accordingly, on the 22nd of August, Alves
-took his departure from Bassein, and, though much annoyed
-by the officials, he arrived at Chagaing, the then<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span>
-capital, on the 22nd of September, without any important
-event occurring in the interim.</p>
-
-<p>On the 23rd, Alves had an audience with the king.
-His majesty seemed surprised that the English should
-desire any satisfaction for the punishment which had been
-dealt out against the Company’s servants in consequence
-of their own ill behaviour. At the same time he regretted
-the accident which had involved Mr. Southby in their
-fate, yet it was unavoidable; “for,” said the king, “I
-suppose you have seen that in this country, in the wet
-season, there grows so much useless grass and weeds in
-the fields, that in dry weather we are forced to burn them
-to clear the ground: it sometimes happens that there are
-salubrious herbs amongst these noxious weeds and grass,
-which, as they cannot easily be distinguished, are indiscriminately
-consumed with the others; thus it happened
-to be the new governor’s lot.”<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> To the other demands,
-regarding restitution of property, a decided refusal was
-returned, except as regarded the Company’s goods; but the
-release of the British prisoners was acceded to. “Having
-given an order for the release of all English subjects that
-were prisoners in his dominions, he desired that two of
-the most prudent should remain to take care of the timbers,
-and reside at Persaim,<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> where he consented to give
-the Company a grant of as much ground as they might have
-occasion to occupy, under the stipulation that their chief
-settlement should be at Persaim, and not at Negrais. He
-assigned as a reason, that at Negrais they would be exposed
-to the depredations of the French, or any other
-nation with whom the English might be at war, without a
-possibility of his <i>extending that protection to them that he
-wished</i>: but of which they could always have <i>the full
-benefit</i> at Persaim.”<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> But at the same time he stipulated
-for an equivalent in arms and other goods, which
-were <i>conditionally</i> promised him.</p>
-
-<p>Falsehood and treachery rarely go unrewarded. And
-be it ever so well disguised, some hook <i>will</i> tear a hole
-in the garment and show the nakedness beneath. Suddenly,
-the interpreter Gregory was discovered in his
-plans, and his punishment was quick, just, and severe;
-indeed, he nearly lost his life.</p>
-
-<p>The transactions concluded, Captain Alves at length<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span>
-left Chagaing for Persaim; and leaving Messrs. Robertson
-and Helass at that place, he proceeded to Rangoon,
-whence he returned by the 14th of November. Having
-completed his mission, he then sailed for Bengal, which
-he reached before the end of the year. From this time
-down to 1795, under the administration of Men-ta-ra-gyee,
-nothing of importance occurred in the colony. And here
-I cannot do better than offer a few remarks of Mr.
-Macfarlane, the historian of British India, already
-referred to:—</p>
-
-<p>“Ava and the Burmese empire either held a direct
-sovereignty or exercised control over nearly one-half of
-the vast regions described in maps as India beyond the
-Ganges.... By a series of conquests they had overthrown
-all the adjacent nations, and had advanced their frontier
-to the shores of the Bay of Bengal, and close to the limits
-of the Company’s territories. They proved but troublesome
-and encroaching neighbours. During Lord Wellesley’s
-administration, in 1799, when the mass of the
-Anglo-Indian army was engaged in the last war against
-Tippoo Sultaun, the Burmese made frequent attacks, and
-were very troublesome on our then weak eastern frontier.<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>
-As exclusive and anti-social as the Chinese, and
-quite as proud and insolent in their bearing towards
-foreign envoys, and foreigners of all classes, it was difficult
-to establish any intercourse with them, or to obtain,
-by pacific representations, any redress of grievances.
-Their government, too, was subject to frequent and sanguinary
-revolutions, insurrections, and rebellions; one
-tyrant being murdered, and succeeded by another.”<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p>
-
-<p>In 1795, Symes was deputed to the arrogant Men-ta-ra-gyee,
-to remonstrate against the incursions of the
-Burmese troops. “In 1795,” says Macfarlane, “a Burmese
-army of five thousand men pursued three rebellious
-chiefs, or, as they termed them (and as they might
-be), robbers, right into the English district of Chittagong.
-A strong detachment was sent from Calcutta to
-oppose these Burmese; but the officer in command had
-orders to negotiate—not to fight. After some tedious
-negotiations, which ought not to have been allowed to
-occupy a single hour, the violators of our frontier condescended
-to agree to retire; and they retired, accordingly,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span>
-into their own country. Nor was this all. These three
-men, who had taken refuge in our territories, were subsequently
-given up to the Burmese, and two out of the
-three were put to death with atrocious tortures.”<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>
-Little, however, came of the colonel’s embassy, “except,”
-as our historian goes on to remark,<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> “a very interesting
-book of travels.” In the year 1809, a French ship
-attacked a small island belonging to the Burmese, and the
-Golden Foot, not understanding the difference between
-French and English,<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> sent a sort of mission to Calcutta
-to expostulate against the proceeding, and to demand
-satisfaction. As this seemed to open the door of the
-jealously-guarded court of Ava to some diplomatic intercourse,
-Lord Minto despatched Lieutenant Canning on
-an embassy. This officer reached Rangoon; and the
-king of Ava, from the midst of his white elephants,
-decreed that the Englishman should be allowed to proceed
-to the capital, in all safety and honour; but the incursions
-into the Company’s territory at Chittagong of a
-predatory tribe of Burmese, called the Mughs, and other
-untoward events, broke off an intercourse which never
-could have promised any very satisfactory result. Both
-our embassies to Ava appear to have been capital mistakes,
-for they exhibited to a semi-barbarous and vain-glorious
-people a number of Englishmen in a very
-humiliating condition, and in the attitude of supplicants.</p>
-
-<p>“Lieutenant Canning returned to Calcutta, and
-disputes continued to occur on the frontiers of Chittagong
-and Tippera. As they were not met by bayonets,
-the Burmese grew more and more audacious; and at the
-time when Lord Minto gave up his authority in India to
-the earl of Moira, the King of the World and the Lord of
-the White Elephants was threatening to march with
-forty thousand soldier-pilgrims, from Ava to Benares.”</p>
-
-<p>We will now return to the history of the Burmese
-monarchy. At the death of Men-ta-ra-gyee, his
-grandson, Nun-Sun, “The Enjoyer of the Palace,” ascended<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span>
-the throne. His father, the heir-apparent, was
-the idol of the people, but an early death had deprived
-him of the crown to which he was so justly entitled. Out
-of policy, Men-ta-ra-gyee, some of whose acts had contributed
-to render unpopular, adopted Nun-Sun, his son,
-to the exclusion of the rest of the family. The history of
-this prince is thus given by Malcom:<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“He was married in early life to a daughter of his
-uncle, the Mekaru prince; but one of his inferior wives,
-daughter of a comparatively humble officer, early acquired
-great ascendancy over his mind, and on his coming to the
-throne, was publicly crowned by his side. On the same
-day the proper queen was sent out of the palace, and now
-lives in obscurity. His plan for securing the succession
-shows that he was aware that even the late king’s will
-would not secure him from powerful opposition. The
-king’s death was kept secret for some days, and the
-interval employed to station a multitude of adherents in
-different parts of the city, to prevent any gatherings. On
-announcing the demise, the ceremony of burning was
-forthwith performed in the palace-yard, at which he
-appeared as king, with the queen by his side, under the
-white umbrella, and at once took upon himself all the
-functions of royalty. Several suspected princes were soon
-after executed, and many others deprived of all their
-estates.... Two years after his accession, the king resolved
-to restore the seat of government to Ava. To this
-he was induced, partly from the great superiority of the
-latter location; partly from the devastation of a fire
-which burnt a great part of Umerapoora, with the principal
-public buildings; partly from a desire to create a
-more splendid palace; and partly (perhaps, not least) from
-the ill omen of a vulture lighting on the royal spire.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>
-The greater part of his time, for two years, was spent at
-Ava, in temporary buildings, and superintending in person
-the erection of a palace, twice the size of the old one, and
-other important buildings. During this period, many
-citizens, especially those who had been burnt out, and
-numbers of the court, settled in the new city, and the
-place became populous. On completing the palace
-(February, 1824), the king returned to Umerapoora, and,
-after brilliant parting festivities, came from thence with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span>
-great pomp and ceremony, attended by the various
-governors, Chobwant, and highest officers. The procession,
-in which the white elephant, decorated with gold
-and gems, was conspicuous, displayed the glories of the
-kingdom, and great rejoicings pervaded all ranks.”</p>
-
-<p>It was at this time that the portentous omens that had
-menaced the Burman monarchy found a corroboration in
-truth; the glow of enmity, never to be extinguished
-even in the hearts of civilised men, fanned by the breath
-of presumption, had burnt into a flame that scorched and
-scared the weaker party. We must stay awhile to consider
-the causes, and which led to the appeal to arms in
-1824.</p>
-
-<p>It may be imagined that an outbreak of some kind was
-far from being unexpected on the part of the Anglo-Indian
-government. There were two interests striving
-against each other and the world—or rather the Indian
-world—within the territories of Burmah. The first of
-these, creating more apparent commotion and less real
-damage, was the struggle between the dog-like royal
-family for the bone-like tiara; the second, more dangerous
-and more concealed, was the envious and avaricious
-passions of the nobles, or more properly, the
-officials employed by the Burmese government to defeat
-its wishes and objects; a task which the officials of every
-administration seldom fail to perform to the complete dissatisfaction
-of all parties. This has been the true cause
-of many disturbances in Burmah; and I am compelled to
-dissent in some degree from that feeling which causes
-Professor Wilson to say, that, “animated by the reaction,
-which suddenly elevated the Burmans from a subjugated
-and humiliated people, into conquerors and sovereigns,
-the era of their ambition may be dated from the recovery
-of their political independence; and their liberation from
-the temporary yoke of the Peguers was the prelude to
-their conquest of all the surrounding realms.”<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> This
-might be very true of the immediate successors of the
-great Alompra; but the power of the dignitaries had, by
-the time or which we now speak, risen to a very great
-pitch, which insensibly overawed and restrained the
-holder of the diadem, whoever he might be; and though,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span>
-indeed, the “vigorous despotism” of Men-ta-ra-gyee might
-temporarily set at defiance this incomprehensible power,
-yet under the government of Nun-sun, the distant
-viceroys first, and gradually the less remote officers, resumed
-their former powerful position. And though they
-acted in subordination to the crown, and showed a species
-of heroism in defending its interests, yet they had raised
-the storm; and it was for them, they knew, to battle with
-it, and uphold that single bond, the destruction of which
-would have been totally ruinous to them.</p>
-
-<p>The organized forays into our territory of Chittagong
-hardly assumed any definite form until the end of 1823.
-“The Burmans,” says Professor Wilson, “claimed the
-right of levying a toll upon all boats entering the mouth
-of the river, although upon the British side; and on one
-occasion, in January, 1823, a boat laden with rice, having
-entered the river on the west or British side of the
-channel, was challenged by an armed Burman boat, which
-demanded duty. As the demand was unprecedented, the
-Mugs, who were British subjects, demurred payment; on
-which the Burmans fired upon them, killed the manjhee,
-or steersman, and then retired. This outrage was followed
-by reports of the assemblage of armed men on the
-Burman side of the river, for the purpose of destroying
-the villages on the British territory; and in order to
-provide against such a contingency, as well as to prevent
-the repetition of any aggression upon the boats trafficking
-on the Company’s side of the river, the military guard
-at Tek-naf, or the mouth of the Naf, was strengthened
-from twenty to fifty men, of whom a few were posted on
-the adjoining island of Shapurí; a small islet or sandbank
-at the mouth of the river on the British side, and
-only separated from the mainland by a narrow channel,
-which was fordable at low water.”<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a></p>
-
-<p>This act attracted the attention of the Arakhan viceroy,
-who thereupon demanded its unconditional surrender,
-claiming it as the property of the Burmese government.
-This was certainly untrue; and the existence of many
-documents and facts, favourable to the British claims,
-caused the resident to propose a friendly discussion of the
-matter. The fruitless negotiation met an almost decisive
-blow on the 24th of September, when one thousand<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span>
-Burmans landed and overpowered the British force,
-“killing three and wounding four of the sipahees stationed
-there.”</p>
-
-<p>“In order, however,” observes Wilson, “to avoid till
-the last possible moment the necessity of hostilities, the
-government of Bengal, although determined to assert
-their just pretensions, resolved to afford to the court of
-Ava an opportunity of avoiding any collision. With this
-intent, they resolved to consider the forcible occupation of
-Shapurí as the act of the local authorities alone [as, in
-the first case, it probably was], and addressed a declaration
-to the Burman government, recapitulating the past
-occurrences, and calling upon the court of Ava to disavow
-its officers in Arakan. The declaration was forwarded by
-ship to Rangoon, with a letter addressed to the viceroy of
-Pegu. The tone of this despatch was that of firmness,
-though of moderation; but when rendered into the Burmese
-language, it may, probably, have failed to convey
-the resolved and conciliatory spirit by which it was dictated,
-as subsequent information, of the most authentic
-character, established the fact of its having been misunderstood
-as a pusillanimous attempt to deprecate the
-resentment of the Burmese; and it was triumphantly
-appealed to at the court of Ava as a proof that the British
-government of India was reluctant to enter upon the contest,
-because it was conscious of possessing neither courage
-nor resources to engage in it with any prospect of success;
-it had no other effect, therefore, than that of confirming
-the court of Ava in their confident expectation of
-reannexing the eastern provinces of Bengal to the empire,
-if not of expelling the English from India altogether.”<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>
-However, the British reoccupied Shapurí, and stockaded
-themselves in that post, while, in retaliation, the Burmese
-seized upon the master and officers of the Company’s
-vessel <i>Sophia</i>, and sent them up the country.</p>
-
-<p>To continue the story in the words of Macfarlane, who
-has here ably epitomized the history of Wilson:—“More
-and more confirmed in their idea that we were afraid,
-from four thousand to five thousand Burmese and Asamese
-advanced from Asam into the province of Cachar,
-and began to stockade themselves at a post within five
-miles of the town of Sylhet, and only two hundred and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span>
-twenty-six miles from Calcutta. Major Newton, the
-officer commanding on the Sylhet frontier, concentrated
-his detachment and marched against the invaders. It
-was at daybreak on the 17th of January, 1824, that he
-came in sight of their stockade and of a village adjoining,
-of which they had taken possession. The Burmese in the
-village presently gave way, but those in the stockades
-made a resolute resistance, and were not driven out until
-they had lost about one hundred men, and had killed six
-of our sepoys. They then fled to the hills. Shortly after
-this action, Mr. Scott, our commissioner, arrived at
-Sylhet, and from that point he advanced to Bhadrapoor,
-in order to maintain a more ready communication with
-the Burmese authorities. On the 31st of January, Mr.
-Scott received a message from the Burmese general, who
-justified his advance into Cachar, and declared that he
-had orders to follow and apprehend certain persons
-wherever they might take refuge. In reply, this Burmese
-general, who held the chief command in Asam, was told
-that he must not disturb the frontiers of the Company,
-nor interfere in the affairs of its allies; and that the Burmese
-invaders must evacuate Cachar, or the forces of the
-British government would be compelled to advance both
-into Cachar and Asam. To this communication no answer
-was received.</p>
-
-<p>“It was clearly the object of the Burmese to procrastinate
-the negotiations until they had strengthened themselves
-in the advanced positions they had occupied. The
-rajah of Synteea, who had been imperiously summoned
-to the Burmese camp, and commanded to prostrate himself
-before the shadow of the Golden Foot, threw himself
-upon the British government for protection; and various
-native chiefs, whose territories lay between the frontiers
-of the Burmese empire and the frontiers of the British
-dominions, called loudly for English aid. Thus, the
-south-east frontier of Bengal had in fact been kept in
-constant dread and danger of invasion for more than a
-year, while the adjoining and friendly territories had
-been exposed to the destructive inroads and the overbearing
-insolence of the Burmese and Asamese, for many
-years.</p>
-
-<p>“Major Newton did not follow the Burmese he had
-routed, but, after driving them from their stockade, he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span>
-returned to Sylhet, and withdrew the whole of his force
-from Cachar. Almost as soon as the major was within
-his own frontier, the Burmese advanced again into the
-country from which he had driven them, and stockaded
-some stronger positions. They were joined by another
-considerable force, while another detachment, 2,000 strong,
-collected in their rear, as a reserve, or column of support.
-Still advancing, and stockading as they advanced, the main
-body of the Burmese pushed their stockades on the north
-bank of the river Surma, to within 1,000 yards of the
-British post at Bhadrapoor. Captain Johnstone, who
-commanded at that post, had but a very small force with
-him, yet he succeeded in dislodging the invaders from
-their unfinished works at the point of the bayonet, and in
-driving them beyond the Surma. This was on the 13th
-of February. On the following day, Lieutenant-Colonel
-Bowen joined, and took the command over Captain Johnstone,
-and instantly marched in pursuit of the retreating
-enemy. They were found stockading themselves in a
-strong position on the opposite bank of the Jelingha.
-As soon as our troops were over, and had fixed their
-bayonets, the Burmese cleared out of their stockade, and
-fled to the hills. But there was another division of the army
-of the Lord of the White Elephant, which had stockaded a
-much stronger position at Doodpatlee, where their front
-was covered by the Surma river, and their rear rested
-on steep hills. The exposed face of this intrenchment
-was defended by a deep ditch, about fourteen feet
-wide; a strong fence of bamboo spikes ran along the
-outer edge of the ditch, and the approach on the land
-side was through jungle and high grass. Lieutenant-Colonel
-Bowen, however, marched against this formidable
-stockade, and attacked it. The Burmese remained passive
-till our troops advanced to the bamboo spikes, when they
-poured upon them a destructive and well-maintained fire,
-which completely checked their advance, although they
-kept their ground. When Lieutenant Armstrong had
-been killed, and four other officers wounded, and about
-150 of our sepoys killed or wounded, Bowen called off
-the attacking party, and retired to Jatrapoor, at a short
-distance. On the 27th of February, Colonel Innes joined
-the force at Jatrapoor, with four guns and a battalion of
-fresh troops, and assumed the command. But, in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span>
-mean while, the Burmese had retreated from their formidable
-position, and retired into their own country,
-evacuating the whole of Cachar.”<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such was the origin and early progress of a war fated
-to be most disastrous to all parties concerned in it. We
-must not introduce so great a man as the Maha Bundoola
-at the close of a chapter; so we end it here.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1824.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Bundoola—Retreat of Captain Noton—Defeat at Ramoo—Repulse of the
-Burmans—Burmese account of the War—Rangoon expedition—Description
-of Rangoon.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Maha Men-gyee Bundoola, the Burman general, was
-one of the best of the subjects of the monarch of Ava.
-He owed his proud position, not to the empty promoting
-system of a European court, but, like an adventurer in a
-brave and warlike country, he rose from the ranks, and,
-pioneer-like, cut away the overhanging branches between
-himself and his honourable goal. Such a change of fortune
-is not uncommon in Oriental countries; but it is
-uncommon to find little court favour at work in his
-elevation. He had fought and received honour and solid
-pudding, yet he had an end to expect, and the culminating
-point of his fame had now arrived, and cab-like, he would
-have to take care of the post at the corner. That post
-was the Anglo-Indian army, and he hazarded himself
-upon the chance of overthrowing it, with what success will
-afterwards be seen.</p>
-
-<p>“It has been already noticed,” says Wilson,<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> “that
-a large Burman force had been assembled in Arakan,
-under the command of the chief military officer of the
-state of Ava, Maha Men-gyee Bundoola, an officer who
-enjoyed a high reputation, and the entire confidence of
-the court, and who had been one of the most strenuous
-advisers of the war; in the full confidence that it would
-add a vast accession of power to his country, and glory to
-himself. His head-quarters were established at Arakan,
-where, probably, from ten to twelve thousand Burmans
-were assembled. Early in May, a division of this force
-crossed the Naf, and advanced to Rutnapullung, about
-fourteen miles south from Ramoo, where they took up<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span>
-their position, and gradually concentrated their force to
-the extent of about eight thousand men, under the command
-of the four rajas of Arakan, Ramree, Sandaway, and
-Cheduba, assisted by four of the inferior members of the
-royal council, or atwenwoons, and acting under the orders
-of Bundoola, who remained at Arakan.</p>
-
-<p>“Upon information being received of the Burmans
-having appeared, advancing upon Rutnapullung, Captain
-Noton moved from Ramoo with the whole of his disposable
-force, to ascertain the strength and objects of the
-enemy. On arriving near their position, upon some hills
-on the left of the road, in which the Burmans had stockaded
-themselves, they opened a smart fire upon the detachment,
-which, however, cleared the hills, and formed
-upon a plain beyond them. In consequence, however, of
-the mismanagement of the elephant-drivers, and the want
-of artillery details, the guns accompanying the division
-could not be brought into action; and as without them it
-was not possible to make any impression on the enemy,
-Captain Noton judged it prudent to return to his station
-at Ramoo, where he was joined by three companies of
-the 40th native infantry, making his whole force about
-one thousand strong, of whom less than half were regulars.
-With these, Captain Noton determined to await at
-Ramoo the approach of the Burmans, until the arrival of
-reinforcements from Chittagong.”</p>
-
-<p>In this the captain was most decidedly wrong. It was
-not only injudicious to retreat before the barbarian Burmans,
-but it was reprehensible on his part to give them so
-much encouragement and breathing-time. The Burmans
-always looked upon the English as “wild foreigners,” and
-despised them on account of their creeping, sneaking
-policy. The first impression made on their minds by the
-unresented massacre of Negrais was not forgotten; and
-the mission of Alves, Symes, Cox, and Canning, with their
-undecided, un-English measures, had added to form the
-contempt with which they had learnt to regard the Anglo-Indian
-government into a tangible shape. These considerations,
-joined with the natural arrogance of a semi-civilised
-race, with the advantage of a victorious general,
-with the indecision of a British officer, all tended to prepare
-the Burmese for the victory which was soon to grace
-their arms. But, in recounting the events at Ramoo, it
-must ever be remembered, that the day was lost rather<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span>
-by British indecision, than gained by Burman valour.
-Indeed, up to this time, it is remarkable to what extent
-snail policy had obtained among the Indian authorities;
-and how, partly from want of accurate information,
-partly from this mean and truckling spirit, the Anglo-Indian
-government had lost consequence in the eyes of
-the king of Ava. Undoubtedly, the overcharged work of
-Colonel Symes had led to an incorrect estimate of the
-resources of the country; it is well, however, that I shall
-hardly have occasion to return to this, for soon I shall
-have to record—welcome task!—the daring scheme of Lord
-Amherst’s administration, and its successful, though less
-fortunate, accomplishment, by Sir Archibald Campbell. To
-continue the narrative in the words of the Professor:<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“On the morning of the 13th of May, the enemy advanced
-from the south, and occupied, as they arrived, the
-hills east of Ramoo, being separated from the British force
-by the Ramoo river. On the evening of the 14th, they
-made a demonstration of crossing the river, but were prevented
-by the fire from the two six-pounders with the
-detachment. On the morning of the 15th, however, they
-effected their purpose, and crossed the river upon the left
-of the detachment, when they advanced, and took possession
-of a tank; surrounded, as usual, with tanks in this
-situation, by a high embankment, which protected them
-from the fire of their opponents.” However, the captain,
-who saw the necessity of action, soon took up a favourable
-position, and “a sharp fire was kept up on the Burmans
-as they crossed the plain to the tank; but they
-availed themselves with such dexterity of every kind of
-cover, and so expeditiously entrenched themselves, that it
-was much less effective than was to have been expected.”
-Honour is certainly due to the officers and men so perilously
-situated; and it gives us satisfactory proof that
-Captain Noton’s previous retreat was not caused by want
-of courage, but by an indecision, as unaccountable as it
-was finally disastrous.</p>
-
-<p>The Professor proceeds:—“On the morning of the
-17th, the enemy’s trenches were advanced within twelve
-paces of the picquets, and a heavy and destructive fire was
-kept up by them. At about nine <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, the provincials
-and Muglevy abandoned the tank entrusted to their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span>
-defence, and it was immediately occupied by the enemy.
-The position being now untenable, a retreat was ordered,
-and effected with some regularity for a short distance.
-The increasing numbers and audacity of the pursuers, and
-the activity of a small body of horse attached to their
-force, by whom the men that fell off from the main body
-were instantly cut to pieces, filled the troops with an ungovernable
-panic, which rendered the exertions of their
-officers to preserve order unavailing. These efforts, however,
-were persisted in until the arrival of the party at a
-rivulet, when the detachment dispersed; and the siphahis,
-throwing away their arms and accoutrements, plunged
-promiscuously into the water. In the retreat, Captains
-Noton, Trueman, and Pringle, Lieutenant Grigg, Ensign
-Bennet, and Assistant-surgeon Maysmore, were killed.
-The other officers engaged, Lieutenants Scott, Campbell,
-and Codrington, made their escape; but the two former
-were wounded: the loss in men was not ascertained, as
-many of them found their way, after some interval and
-in small numbers, to Chittagong: according to official
-returns, between six hundred and eight hundred had
-reached Chittagong by the 23rd of May; so that the whole
-loss, in killed and taken, did not exceed, probably, two
-hundred and fifty.”<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> This was, however, enough to
-arouse the slumbering ire in British hearts. Colonels
-Shapland and James speedily revenged the death of the
-captain, whose imprudence had cost him so much, and
-whose courage and endurance had availed him so little;
-soon the Burmese lost their temporary advantage, and
-never were they to regain it. At the end of July the
-enemy fled from all their positions on the Naf.</p>
-
-<p>The campaign was also speedily terminated in the provinces
-of Cachar, and the Burmese were much weakened
-in all their attempts upon the Anglo-Indian army.</p>
-
-<p>“We have thus terminated the first period of the system
-of defensive operations,” observes the Professor, “and
-shall now proceed to the more important enterprises of an
-offensive war, to which those we have noticed were wholly
-subordinate. The results of the operations described
-were of a mixed description, but such as to leave no question
-of the issue of the contest. In Asam a considerable
-advance had been made. In Kachar, also, a forward position<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span>
-had been maintained; although the nature of the
-country, the state of the weather, and the insufficiency of
-the force, prevented the campaign from closing with the
-success with which it had begun. The disaster at Ramoo,
-although it might have been avoided, perhaps, by a more
-decided conduct on the part of the officer commanding,
-and would certainly have been prevented by greater
-promptitude than was shown on the despatch of the expected
-reinforcements, reflected no imputation upon the
-courage of the regular troops, and, except in the serious
-loss of life, was wholly destitute of any important consequences.
-In all these situations the Burmas had displayed
-neither personal intrepidity nor military skill. Their
-whole system of warfare resolved itself into a series of
-intrenchments, which they threw up with great readiness
-and ingenuity. Behind these defences, they sometimes
-displayed considerable steadiness and courage; but as
-they studiously avoided individual exposure, they were
-but little formidable in the field as soldiers. Neither was
-much to be apprehended from the generalship that suffered
-the victory of Ramoo to pass away, without making
-the slightest demonstration of a purpose to improve a
-crisis of such splendid promises, and which restricted
-the fruits of a battle gained to the construction of a
-stockade.”<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></p>
-
-<p>There is certainly nothing which better shows the little
-real self-reliance possessed by the Burmese than the idle
-manner in which they neglected to pursue an advantage.
-One thing must, however, be always borne in mind, that
-up to this time they had always been engaged with
-energies whose fate might be decided by a single skirmish,
-or one complete rout. They had yet to learn how
-persevering the efforts of a civilised state are in war.
-They had now indeed met their masters, and were about
-to feel their inferiority; for the Indian government at
-Calcutta were already carrying out an excellent and well-conceived
-idea, the history of the progress of which it is
-now my office to relate. But first, it were not inapposite
-to listen to the following account of the Burmese war by
-the Burmese themselves; it will afford some amusement,
-though its strict truth cannot fail to be somewhat
-doubted. “In the years 1186 and 1187,” according to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span>
-the Royal Historiographer, “the Kula-pyee, or white
-strangers of the West, fastened a quarrel upon the Lord
-of the Golden Palace. They landed at Rangoon, took
-that place at Prome, and were permitted to advance as far
-as Yandabo; for the king, from motives of piety and
-regard to life, made no effort whatever to oppose them.
-The strangers had spent vast sums of money in their
-enterprise; and by the time they reached Yandabo, their
-resources were exhausted, and they were in great distress.
-They petitioned the king, who, in his clemency and
-generosity, sent them large sums of money to pay their
-expenses back, and ordered them out of the country.”<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p>
-
-<p>Ere I proceed to give the English account, I think it
-right to let the Burmans speak for themselves; and therefore
-I have placed this before the serious history, just as,
-at Richardson’s, a comic song, by way of a <i>bonne bouche</i>,
-is placed before the deep tragedy, “Just a-goin’ to
-begin.”</p>
-
-<p>Some little time before the operations in Cachar were
-brought to a temporary close, Lord Amherst conceived
-the idea of diverting the attention of the Burmese from
-our possessions to their own, and of turning what had
-hitherto been a defensive war, on the part of the English,
-into an offensive one. Accordingly, after a formal declaration
-of war, and the promulgation of an address containing
-the details of the origin of the quarrel, the court
-commenced active preparations for an expedition into the
-enemy’s territory. The idea was a good one, and it was
-nobly pursued; yet, though it was successful in its ultimate
-object, it unfortunately cost the government more
-than its proceeds in land can possibly repay for many
-years. The military resources of the Burmese were infinitely
-over-estimated, while the facilities for obtaining
-food and proper housing for the troops were also totally
-unknown, except from the work of Symes, who evidently
-caused the whole mischief, as far as the inadequate outfit
-was concerned. The consequences of his hasty views
-ought to be a warning to all travellers in countries so
-little known as Burmah was then, and, indeed, in many
-points is now. Symes sacrificed truth for the sake of
-making an agreeable and amusing book, which it is to be
-hoped no one else will do.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span></p>
-
-<p>“The British government was driven into that war by
-the insolence and aggressions of the court of Ava, intoxicated
-with the uninterrupted success which had
-attended all its schemes of aggrandisement from the days
-of Alompra. The most ambitious of our governors-general
-had entertained no views of conquest in that
-quarter. Lord Hastings had anxiously staved off the
-contest, at the close of his administration, by a political
-artifice. But Lord Amherst, the most moderate and
-pacific, was compelled to add vast provinces, covered for
-the most part with trackless forests, miserably under-peopled,
-unhealthy, and far beyond our natural boundaries,
-to our already enormous empire. In this case
-there was everything to dissuade from appropriation. It
-was known that the climate of one of the provinces was
-equally deadly to our European and our native troops;
-it was known that many years must elapse before any of
-them could support their own indispensable establishments;
-but there was no escape. It was absolutely
-necessary to interpose sufficient barriers between our
-peaceable subjects, on a frontier where it was impossible
-to maintain large military establishments, and their barbarous
-neighbours; to provide places of refuge for the
-reluctant tributaries, or half-conquered subjects of the
-Burmese, from whom we had received cordial assistance
-during the war; and, not less, to inflict upon Ava a chastisement,
-the smart of which might protect us from
-future encroachment and annoyance.”<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></p>
-
-<p>The plan to be pursued in this campaign was to be as
-follows:—Rangoon, the great trading city, was to be the
-point assailed in the first instance. This place had its
-advantages as being the principal maritime (if it may so be
-called) place in the Burmese dominions; it was also
-remote from the scene of war, that is, not remote enough
-to admit of the army remaining where it was in Arakhan,
-and a fresh levy being made for the defence of the coast:
-the harbour was likewise good; and there the advantages
-ceased. These manifest good qualities, in the eyes of the
-attacking army, were counterbalanced by the extreme
-unhealthiness of the place, the difficulty of obtaining food
-there; a disadvantage, however, with which the Indian
-authorities were not acquainted; and the additional<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span>
-nuisance of the Irawadi not being navigable at the time
-of the year selected for the expedition. Upon the acquirement
-of Rangoon, the movements of the army were to
-depend very much upon circumstances, but an advance
-was to be attempted in any case. The soldiers for the enterprise
-were to be levied both in the presidency of Bengal
-and in that of Madras; and the forces were to unite in
-the harbour of Port Cornwallis, at the Great Andaman
-Island, whence the whole squadron was to proceed to
-Rangoon, under the general command of Sir Archibald
-Campbell.</p>
-
-<p>The observations of an able historian will prove of no
-little interest:—“The difficulty of collecting a sufficient
-force for a maritime expedition from Bengal, owing to the
-repugnance which the saphahis entertain to embarking on
-board vessels, where their prejudices expose them to many
-real privations, had early led to a communication with
-the presidency of Fort Saint George, where there existed
-no domestic call for a large force, and where the native
-troops were ready to undertake the voyage without reluctance.
-The views of the Supreme Government were
-promptly met by Sir Thomas Munro, the governor of
-Madras, and a considerable force was speedily equipped.
-The like activity pervaded the measures of the Bengal
-authorities, and by the beginning of April the whole was
-ready for sea.</p>
-
-<p>“The period of the year at which this expedition was
-fitted out was recommended by various considerations of
-local or political weight. Agreeably to the information
-of all nautical men, a more favourable season for navigating
-the coast to the eastward could not be selected; and
-from the account given by those who had visited Ava, it
-appeared that the expedition, upon arriving at Rangoon,
-would be able to proceed into the interior without delay;
-the rising of the river, and the prevalence of a southeasterly
-wind, rendering June or July the most eligible
-months for an enterprise, which could only be effected by
-water conveyance, by which it was asserted that a sufficient
-force might be conveyed to Amarapura, the capital,
-in the course of a month or five weeks. That no time
-should be lost in compelling the Burmas to act upon the
-defensive was also apparent; as, by the extent of their
-preparations in Arakan, Asam, and Kachar, they were
-evidently manifesting a design, to invade the frontier with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span>
-a force that would require the concentration of a large
-body of troops for the protection of the British provinces,
-in situations where mountains, streams, and forests,
-could not fail to exercise a destructive influence upon the
-physical energies of the officers and men, and would
-necessarily prevent the full development of the military
-resources of the state. To have remained throughout the
-rains, therefore, wholly on the defensive, would have been
-attended, it was thought, with a greater expense, and,
-under ordinary circumstances, with a greater sacrifice of
-lives than an aggressive movement, as well as with some
-compromise of national reputation. The armament,
-therefore, was equipped at once, and was not slow in
-realizing some of the chief advantages expected from its
-operations.”<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Bengal contingent amounted in all to 2,175
-men, consisting of two regiments, the second battalion
-of the 20th (now 40th) native infantry, and two companies
-of artillery; that of Madras was much greater,
-and amounted to 9,300 men, making together the somewhat
-formidable number of 11,475 men, of whom nearly
-5,000 were Europeans. In addition to the transports,
-there was a Bengal flotilla of twenty gun-brigs and
-rowing-boats, each carrying an eighteen-pounder. The
-ships in attendance were H.M.’s sloops <i>Larne</i>, Captain
-Marryatt, and <i>Sophia</i>, Captain Reeves; some Company’s
-cruisers, and the <i>Diana</i> steam-boat. In the Madras
-division were comprised H.M.’s ship <i>Liffey</i>, Commodore
-Grant; the <i>Slaney</i> sloop of war, and a number
-of transports and other vessels. Most of these arrived
-at Port Cornwallis about the 4th of May, and the next
-day the whole fleet set sail for Rangoon, and arrived
-off the mouth of that river on the 9th, and anchored
-within the bar on the following morning; the vessels
-then proceeded with the flood to the town of Rangoon,
-situated at about twenty-eight miles from the sea, and
-thus ably described by a visitor.</p>
-
-<p>“Built on the left bank of the river, by the great
-Alompra, in commemoration of his victories, Yangoon,
-or Rangoon, offers but a very poor sample of Burman
-opulence. Its shape is oval, and round the town is
-a wooden stockade, formed of teak piles, driven a few<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span>
-feet into the ground, and in some places twenty feet high.
-The tops of these are joined by beams transversely
-placed, and at every four feet is an embrasure on the
-summit of the walls, which gives it a good deal the
-appearance of an ancient fortification. A wet ditch protects
-the town on three sides, the other is on the bank of the
-river.</p>
-
-<p>“The interior consists of four principal streets, intersecting
-each at right angles, on the sides of which are
-ranged, with a tolerable degree of regularity, the huts
-of the inhabitants. These are solely built with mats and
-bamboos, not a nail being employed in their formation:
-they are raised invariably two or three feet from the
-ground, or rather swamp, in which Rangoon is situated,
-thereby allowing a free passage for the water with which
-the town is inundated after a shower, and at the same time
-affording shelter to fowls, ducks, pigs, and pariah dogs,
-an assemblage which, added to the inmates of the house,
-place it on a par with an Irish hovel. The few brick
-houses to be seen are the property of foreigners, who are
-not restricted in the choice of materials for building,
-whereas the Burmans are, on the supposition that were
-they to build brick houses, they might become points of
-resistance against the government. But even these buildings
-are erected so very badly, that they have more the
-appearance of prisons than habitations. Strong iron bars
-usurp the place of windows, and the only communication
-between the upper and lower stories is by means of wooden
-steps placed outside. Only two wooden houses existed
-much superior to the rest, and these were the palace of
-the Maywoon, and the Rondaye, or Hall of Justice. The
-former of these, an old dilapidated building, would have
-been discreditable as a barn in England, and the latter
-was as bad.... Two miles north of Rangoon, on the
-highest point of a low range of hills, stands the stupendous
-pagoda, called the Shoe Dagon Prah, or Golden
-Dagon.... It is encircled by two brick terraces, one
-above the other; and on the summit rises the splendid
-pagoda, covered with gilding, and dazzling the eyes by
-the reflection of the rays of the sun. The ascent to the
-upper terrace is by a flight of stone steps, protected from
-the weather by an ornamented roof. The sides are defended
-by a balustrade, representing a huge crocodile, the
-jaws of which are supported by two colossal figures of a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span>
-male and female Pulloo, or evil genius, who, with clubs in
-their hands, are emblematically supposed to be guarding
-the entrance of the temple. On the steps the Burmans
-had placed two guns, to enfilade the road; and, when I
-first saw this spot, two British soldiers were mounting
-guard over them, and gave an indescribable interest to
-the scene: it seemed so extraordinary to view our arms
-thus domineering amidst all the emblems and idols of
-idolatry, that, by a stretch of fancy, I could almost suppose
-I saw the green monsters viewing with anger and
-humiliation the profanation of their sanctuaries.</p>
-
-<p>“After ascending the steps, which are very dark, you
-suddenly pass through a small gate, and emerge into the
-upper terrace, where the great pagoda, at about fifty yards’
-distance, rears its lofty head in perfect splendour. This
-immense octagonal gilt-based monument is surrounded by
-a vast number of smaller pagodas, griffins, sphinxes, and
-images of the Burman deities. The height of the tee,<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>
-three hundred and thirty-six feet from the terrace, and
-the elegance with which this enormous mass is built,
-combine to render it one of the grandest and most curious
-sights a stranger can notice. From the base it assumes
-the form of a ball or dome, and then gracefully tapers to
-a point of considerable height, the summit of which is
-surmounted by a tee, or umbrella, of open iron-work,
-from whence are suspended a number of small bells,
-which are set in motion by the slightest breeze, and
-produce a confused though not unpleasant sound. The
-pagoda is quite solid, and has been increased to its
-present bulk by repeated coverings of brick, the work of
-different kings, who, in pursuance of the national superstitions,
-imagined that, by so doing, they were performing
-meritorious acts of devotion.... Facing each of the cardinal
-points, and united with the pagoda, are small temples
-of carved wood, filled with colossal images of Gaudma.
-The eastern temple—or, as we call it, the golden—is a
-very pretty edifice. The style of building a good deal
-resembles the Chinese; it is three stories high, and is
-surmounted by a small spire, bearing a tee; the cornices
-are covered in the most beautiful manner, and with a
-variety and neatness of conception scarcely to be surpassed;
-and the whole is supported by a number of gilt<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span>
-pillars.... Round the foot of the pagoda are ranged
-innumerable small stone pillars, intended to support
-lamps on days of rejoicing; and in their vicinity are
-large stone and wooden vases, meant for the purpose
-of receiving the rice and other offerings made by the
-pious.”<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such is Rangoon and its great temple, and the reader
-will feel, as Major Snodgrass says, that after “we had
-been so much accustomed to hear Rangoon spoken of as
-a place of great trade and commercial importance, that
-we could not fail to feel disappointed at its mean and
-poor appearance. We had talked,” continues the gallant
-author, “of its custom-house, its dock-yards, and its
-harbour, until our imaginations led us to anticipate, if
-not splendour, at least some visible signs of a flourishing
-commercial city; but however humble our expectations
-might have been, they must still have fallen short of the
-miserable and desolate picture which the place presented
-when first occupied by the British troops.”<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a></p>
-
-<p>An unpardonable piece of Vandalism was attempted
-by the English, during their stay at this place. In the
-temple there was and is a great bell, famous for its inscription,
-and this bell the English endeavoured to ship
-for Calcutta; however, they were frustrated by the heeling
-over of the boat in which it was being conveyed to the
-ship; the bell sunk to the bottom, but was subsequently
-raised and replaced. There is no extenuation for such a
-wanton violation of any place of worship; and though it
-may be excusable, and indeed proper, to preserve works of
-ancient art in museums, yet it was grossly wrong to take
-advantage of a victory, to shock the religious feelings of a
-people, however far from the truth they may be according
-to Christian ideas. The action was as reprehensible as
-the stealing system of that most miserable of all mean
-pretenders, Napoleon; indeed, it was more so, for the
-bell was not even an ornament.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1824.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Arrival at Rangoon—Taking of that town—Position of the troops—State
-of the neighbourhood—Confidence of the king of Ava—Attack of
-Joazong—Burmese embassy—Capture of Kemendine—Reinforcements
-from Madras—Sickness of the army—Endurance of the British soldier.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The country on the way to Rangoon is very flat, and
-consequently the vessels were easily seen coming up the
-river; and they did not escape the rayhoon of the city.
-So unusual a number of vessels (they were forty-five in
-all) could not fail to arouse some dormant ideas of harm
-in the minds of the treacherous officials. At the time of
-their descrial, the principal European inhabitants were
-assembled at the house of Mr. Sarkies, an Armenian merchant,
-where they were going to dine. The rayhoon
-immediately sent for them, and demanded what the ships
-were. The reply was, that there were some expected, and
-that these were probably them. As the number of vessels
-was, however, continually increasing, the governor
-was not satisfied, and he seized the equally ignorant
-Europeans, and threatened their immediate execution.
-He also sent notice of his intention to Sir Archibald
-Campbell, who declared his determination of destroying
-the town altogether if the governor carried his menace
-into effect.<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> Upon this the captives were chained and
-confined in different places.</p>
-
-<p>The <i>Liffey</i> was the first to arrive opposite the king’s
-quay, where a weak battery was planted, and it anchored
-at that place about twelve o’clock in the forenoon; the
-other ships took their places in different ways, so as to
-command the whole neighbourhood. I shall continue in
-the words of an eye-witness:—</p>
-
-<p>“Having furled sails and beat to quarters, a pause of
-some minutes ensued, during which not a shot was fired;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span>
-on our side, humanity forbade that we should be the first
-aggressors upon an almost defenceless town, containing,
-as we supposed, a large population of unarmed and inoffensive
-people; besides, the proclamations and assurances
-of protection which had been sent on shore the preceding
-day led us to hope that an offer of capitulation would still
-be made.”<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> However, all the Burmans did was to pour
-a feeble, ill-sustained fire into the <i>Liffey</i>, which, returning
-it with tremendous force, forced away the natives.</p>
-
-<p>Upon landing, after the second broadside, the author of
-Two Years in Ava informs us that “three men lying dead,
-and the broken gun-carriages, were the only vestiges of
-the injury done by the fire from the frigate. The town was
-completely deserted. It seemed indeed incredible whither
-the inhabitants could have fled to within such a short
-space of time; and, as night was coming on, we could not
-proceed in search of them; the troops, therefore, remained
-in and about the town, and the next morning were placed
-in positions, in two lines, resting on the Great Pagoda and
-the town. On entering the terrace of the Great Pagoda,
-the advanced guard discovered in a miserable dark cell
-four of the European residents at Rangoon, who were
-ironed, and had been otherwise maltreated; the others
-had been released by us the evening before; so that we
-had now the satisfaction of knowing that none of our
-countrymen were subjected to the cruelty of the Burman
-chieftains.”<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p>
-
-<p>After taking possession of the place, proclamations were
-immediately sent out among the inhabitants through a
-few stragglers, assuring the townspeople of protection, in
-the hope of inducing them to return. “The strictest
-orders were issued to prevent plunder, and a Burman
-having claimed several head of cattle which had been
-seized for the use of the army, they were immediately
-restored, in order to prove the sincerity of our protestations;
-but none of the inhabitants availed themselves
-of our offers, and we understood that the officers of
-government were driving the women and children into
-the interior, as hostages for the good conduct of the
-men.”<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p>
-
-<p>The soldiers while at Rangoon were billeted in a long<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span>
-street which leads from the Dagon Pagoda to Rangoon,
-and in this exposed situation, without fresh supplies, they
-had to await the arrival of information regarding the
-position assumed by the Burmese government. Space
-will not permit me to refer to the many anxieties which
-had to be considered in regard to the present position of
-our troops, but the reader will find them amply discussed
-in Snodgrass;<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> however, I shall lay before the reader a
-few remarks of that gentleman, which will amply show
-the many difficulties which beset the army.</p>
-
-<p>“The enemy’s troops and new-raised levies were gradually
-collecting in our front from all parts of the kingdom;
-a cordon was speedily formed around our cantonments,
-capable, indeed, of being forced at every point,
-but possessing, in a remarkable degree, all the qualities
-requisite for harassing and wearing out in fruitless exertions
-the strength and energies of European or Indian
-troops. Hid from our crew on every side in the darkness
-of a deep, and, to regular bodies, impenetrable forest,
-far beyond which the inhabitants and all the cattle of the
-Rangoon district had been driven, the Burmese chiefs
-carried on their operation and matured their future
-schemes with vigilance, secrecy, and activity. Neither
-rumour nor intelligence of what was passing within his
-posts ever reached us. Beyond the invisible line which
-circumscribed our position, all was mystery or vague conjecture.<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>....
-To form a correct idea of the difficulties which
-opposed the progress of the invading army, even had it
-been provided with land-carriage and landed at the fine
-season of the year, it is necessary to make some allusion
-to the natural obstacles which the country presented, and
-to the mode of warfare generally practised by the Burmese.
-Henzawaddy, or the province of Rangoon, is a
-delta, formed by the mouths of the Irrawaddy, and, with
-the exception of some considerable plains of rice-grounds,
-is covered by a thick and tenacious jungle, interspersed
-by numerous creeks and rivers, from whose wooded banks
-an enemy may, unseen and unexposed, render their passage
-difficult and destructive.</p>
-
-<p>“Roads, or anything deserving that name, are wholly
-unknown in the lower provinces. Footpaths, indeed, lead
-through the woods in every direction, but requiring great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span>
-toil and labour to render them applicable to military purposes:
-they are impassable during the rains, and are only
-known and frequented by the Carian tribes, who cultivate
-the lands, are exempt from military service, and may be
-considered as the slaves of the soil, living in wretched
-hamlets by themselves, heavily taxed and oppressed by
-the Burmese authorities, by whom they are treated as
-altogether an inferior race of beings from their countrymen
-of Pegu.... The Burmese, in their usual mode of
-warfare, rarely meet their enemy in the open field. Instructed
-and trained from their youth in the formation
-and defence of stockades, in which they display great
-skill and judgment, their wars have been for many years
-a series of conquests: every late attempt of the neighbouring
-nations to check their victorious career had
-failed, and the Burmese government, at the time of our
-landing at Rangoon, had subdued and incorporated into
-their overgrown empire all the petty states by which it
-was surrounded, and stood confessedly feared and respected
-even by the Chinese, as a powerful and warlike
-nation. When opposed to our small but disciplined body
-of men, it may easily be conceived with how much more
-care and caution the system to which they owed their
-fame and reputation as soldiers was pursued—constructing
-their defences in the most difficult and inaccessible recesses
-of the jungle, from which, by constant predatory inroads
-and nightly attacks, they vainly imagined they would
-ultimately drive us from their country.”<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p>
-
-<p>The confidence which the king of Ava had in his own
-military resources is amply shown in a speech reported
-by Snodgrass.<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> “As to Rangoon,” said the king, “I
-will take such measures as will prevent the English from
-even disturbing the women of the town in cooking
-their rice.” This speech, however, only lends additional
-force to the remark of the Edinburgh Reviewer, that “the
-Burmese are much too arrogant even to attempt to improve
-themselves; and such as their rabble of soldiery is
-now, such it will be found fifty years hence—utterly unable
-to stand for a moment against British troops, even
-when protected by stockades.”<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> The events at present
-passing in the kingdom of Ava are but a practical demonstration<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span>
-of the truth of this assertion. However, such
-preparations as could be made were completed. Armies
-were stockaded in all directions near Rangoon, nor was
-the river at all neglected. The boatmen, an enterprising
-and brave part of the community, all attached to the royal
-interests, were soon in readiness, and a respectable kind
-of fleet covered the waters of the Irawadi.</p>
-
-<p>Nothing of consequence occurred for some days. Some
-boats, sent up by Sir A. Campbell to gather intelligence as
-to the force and resources of the Burmese, were fired upon
-on the 15th May, near the village of Kemendine, and to
-prevent the recurrence of such an event, a body of men
-were embarked in order to drive the enemy from that
-place. Accordingly, after some little skirmishing and the
-loss of some men and officers, the detachment succeeded
-in their endeavours. Afterward, however, the Burmese
-returned, and annoyed the Anglo-Indian army very much
-by attempting to set the fleet on fire. “Our shipping,”
-says an eye-witness, “were now daily and nightly exposed
-to a great deal of danger and annoyance from an engine
-of destruction much confided in by our invisible enemy,
-and which, if properly managed, might have caused us
-much injury. This was a large raft formed of pieces of
-wood and beams tied together, but loosely, so that if it
-came athwart a ship’s bows, it would swing round and
-encircle her. On this were placed every sort of firewood,
-and other combustibles, such as jars of petroleum or earth
-oil, which, rising in a flame, created a tremendous blaze,
-and as this raft extended across the river, it often threatened
-to burn a great portion of our fleet. Rafts of this
-description were chiefly launched from Kemendine, where
-the greater number of them were constructed; but fortunately
-the river made a bend a little above the anchorage,
-and the current running strong towards the opposite shore,
-the rafts were not unfrequently grounded, and thus rendered
-useless; whilst, on the other hand, the precautions
-adopted by our naval officers of anchoring a number of
-beams across the river, in most instances effectually arrested
-those unwieldy masses in their descent towards
-Rangoon.”<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a></p>
-
-<p>During this time the confidence of the Burmese had
-increased, and on the 27th they actually advanced within<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span>
-sight of the picquets, and sat down. This was observed
-by Major Snodgrass, who, desirous of knowing whether
-they were merely stragglers, or part of any considerable
-body, immediately pursued them. He and his men found
-their way, however, stopped by a small stockade stretching
-right across the road. After a few shots, the British
-party, only twenty-two in number, charged the work, and
-carried it. The natives, sixty in number, immediately fled.
-The success which had attended this movement determined
-Sir Archibald Campbell in his resolution to attempt
-a reconnoissance in person; a measure that was put into
-execution the next morning. On arriving at the stockade
-just mentioned, it was found reoccupied by the Burmese,
-who were repairing it with great rapidity. However, on
-perceiving the troops, they immediately fled. The same
-thing took place at a bridge beyond the village of Kokein,
-“and,” observes Snodgrass, “at every turn of the road,
-breastworks and half-finished stockades, hastily abandoned,
-proved that so early a visit was neither anticipated nor
-provided for.”<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a></p>
-
-<p>“Our troops,” says the author of Two Years in Ava,<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>
-“continued advancing in echellon, the light company of
-the thirty-eighth on the left skirting the jungle; the
-grenadiers in the centre, on the plain; and the thirteenth
-on the right: when, at a sudden turn, the light company
-observed a stockade about a hundred yards distant, having
-a ravine full of water in front of it. A dead silence
-pervaded the work; and Captain Piper, instantly forming
-his men in line, charged up to the stockade, and through
-the ravine without firing a shot. When we were within
-about thirty yards, the Burmans gave a most terrific yell,
-accompanied by beating of drums, tom-toms, and other
-instruments, and opened a sharp and well-directed fire, by
-which we suffered severely. As the enemy was covered
-by a thick palisade, with loopholes, we saw not a man;
-and even if we had, our fire could not have proved serviceable,
-as not a single musket would go off, in consequence
-of the wet; whereas the Burmans were protected from
-the weather by sheds, and consequently their arms were
-uninjured. On arriving at the foot of the work, after
-forcing the way through a capital abatis, the entrance was
-found barred up; and the height of the work, and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span>
-want of ladders, preventing escalading, the men were for
-some time, therefore, exposed to the assaults of the enemy,
-who threw out spears, and tried every effort to drive us
-off. They were unavailing: the passage was forced, and
-the troops rushed on with the bayonet. Finding this face
-of the work carried, a number of Burmans rushed with
-their spears to the opposite side, and there awaited the
-approach of the assailants; but a section dashing at them
-with the bayonets, annihilated almost the whole....
-Evening was now coming on fast, we were encumbered
-with between thirty and forty wounded, without any
-means of carrying them, except the officers’ horses, and
-three or four doolies;<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> and Sir A. Campbell, therefore,
-determined on returning without attacking a small stockade
-a little farther on, having first made a forward movement
-with his troops to see whether the Burman line,
-which was still drawn up, would await our approach. It
-fell back as we advanced, and we then, after burning the
-two stockades of Joazong, recommenced the march home.”
-In this action several officers were severely, some mortally,
-wounded. On the Burmese side the loss was about four
-hundred. The commander on the native side was the former
-Rayhoon of Rangoon, a man of talent and experience.
-The enemy retired from the field during the night, after
-digging up and horribly mutilating the bodies of two soldiers
-who had fallen there the day before!</p>
-
-<p>The unexpected results of the skirmish opened the
-eyes of the Burmese commanders to the inefficacy of their
-system of warfare. Feeling their inferiority, and wishing
-to gain time for altering and strengthening their defences,
-the Burmese sent two ambassadors to the English camp.
-This was on the 9th June. Major Snodgrass thus describes
-the whole interview:<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The principal personage of the two, who had formerly
-been governor of Bassein, was a stout, elderly man, dressed
-in a long scarlet robe, with a red handkerchief tied round
-his head, in the usual Burman style. His companion,
-although dressed more plainly, had much more intelligence
-in his countenance; and notwithstanding his assumed
-indifference and humble demeanour, it soon became<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span>
-evident that to him the management of the interview was
-intrusted, though his colleague treated him in every respect
-as an inferior.</p>
-
-<p>“The two chiefs, having entered the house, sat down
-with all the ease and familiarity of old friends; neither
-constraint nor any symptom of fear appeared about either;
-they paid their compliments to the British officers, and
-made their remarks on what they saw with the utmost
-freedom and good-humour. The elder chief then opened
-the subject of their mission, with the question, ‘Why
-are you come here with ships and soldiers?’ accompanied
-with many professions of the good faith, sincerity, and
-friendly disposition of the Burmese government. The
-causes of the war and the redress that was demanded
-were again fully explained to them. The consequences of
-the line of conduct pursued by their generals, in preventing
-all communication with the court, was also pointed
-out, and they were brought to acknowledge that a free
-and unreserved discussion of the points at issue could
-alone avert the evils and calamities with which their country
-was threatened. Still they would neither confess that
-the former remonstrances of the Indian government had
-reached their king, nor enter into any arrangement for
-removing the barrier they had placed in the way of negotiation,
-but urged, with every argument they could think
-of, that a few days’ delay might be granted, to enable them
-to confer with an officer of high rank then at some distance
-up the river: they were, however, given to understand,
-that delay and procrastination formed no part of
-our system, and that the war would be vigorously prosecuted,
-until the king of Ava thought proper to send officers
-with full authority to enter upon a treaty with the British
-commissioners.</p>
-
-<p>“The elder chief, who had loudly proclaimed his love of
-peace, continued chewing his betel-nut with much composure,
-receiving the intimation of a continuance of hostilities
-with more of the air and coolness of a soldier who considered
-war as his trade, than became the pacific character
-he assumed; while his more shrewd companion vainly
-endeavoured to conceal his vexation at the unpleasant termination
-of their mission, and unexpected failure of their
-arts and protestations. But although the visit had evidently
-been planned for no other purpose than that of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span>
-gaining time, the chiefs did not object to carry with them
-to their camp a declaration of the terms upon which peace
-would still be restored; and that they might take their
-departure with a better grace, expressed their intention of
-repeating their visit in the course of a few days, for the
-purpose of opening a direct communication between the
-British general and the Burmese ministers. The elder
-chief, again alluding to his being no warrior, hoped that
-the ships had strict orders not to fire upon him; but while
-he said so, in stepping into his boat, there was a contemptuous
-smile upon his own face and the countenances
-of his men, that had more of defiance than entreaty in
-it.”</p>
-
-<p>The next morning (June 10th) the British intentions
-regarding Kemendine were put into execution. A breach
-was soon made in the teak-wood stockade by the cannon,
-and a column of English and Indian troops stormed the
-place. Major Sale, with his detachment, had some hot
-work, for the place at which he entered was full of men,
-who defended themselves with the bravery of despair.
-Thirty of the Anglo-Indians fell, though for them one
-hundred and sixty Burmese perished. Even when this
-place was taken, little had been accomplished, as the principal
-stockade, about half a mile distant, had yet to be
-besieged. “We lost no time,” says an eye-witness, and
-actor in the affair, “in advancing to it; and in order
-completely to hem the Burmahs in, the flotilla was sent up
-the river, beyond the works, so as to prevent their escaping
-by water; whilst the land force proceeded through
-the jungle. The left of our line rested on the river, and
-the right was moving round the north of the stockade;
-thus completing a semicircle; when it was discovered
-that, in addition to the main work, two smaller ones
-existed further up, which it was impossible for us with
-our force to surround; a space of two hundred yards was
-therefore unavoidably left between our right and the
-river, it being exposed to the fire of both stockades.
-Night had already approached; the rain began to pour
-without intermission, and neither men nor officers were
-sheltered from it, or had any cover, not even of great
-coats. The night we passed in this situation was such as
-may easily be imagined.... The shouts of the Burmahs
-had a curious effect, much heightened by the wild scenery<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span>
-of the dark, gloomy forest which surrounded us; first, a
-low murmur might be heard, rising as it were gradually
-in tone, and followed by the wild and loud huzza of thousands
-of voices; then, again, all was silence, save now
-and then a straggling shot or challenge from our own
-sentries; and soon after, another peal of voices would
-resound through the trees. This they continued all
-night; but towards morning the yells became fainter and
-fainter, and at daybreak they totally ceased.”<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the morning, operations were resumed; and on the
-storming parties advancing to the capture, they found, to
-their astonishment, that the enemy had decamped! Possession
-was immediately taken, and a regiment left in
-garrison, while the rest returned to cantonments, very
-much irritated by the loss of their opponents. Five pieces
-of cannon were found in the inclosure, and numbers of
-jinjals. Outside the upper gate lay a gilt chattah or
-umbrella of rank, and some distance beyond, the body of
-the elder chief, who had visited the English camp.</p>
-
-<p>Major Wahab and Brigadier McCreagh returned
-from Cheduba and Negrais about this time, having accomplished
-the purpose for which they were detached.
-The capture of these places had not been completed without
-some loss and considerable slaughter. Cheduba was
-expected to have proved of some use, but it was found
-that, with the exception of a few buffaloes, the supplies
-were not of any utility. About this time also, the force was
-augmented by the 89th British regiment from Madras.</p>
-
-<p>The effects of heavy work in the swamps now began to
-be seen in the fatal form of disease among the Anglo-Indian
-troops. “Constantly exposed to the vicissitudes
-of a tropical climate, and exhausted by the necessity of
-unintermitted exertion, it need not be a matter of surprise
-that sickness now began to thin the ranks and
-impair the energies of the invaders. No rank was exempt
-from the operation of these causes; and many officers,
-amongst whom were the senior naval officer, Captain
-Marryat; the political commissioner, Major Canning;
-and the Commander-in-Chief himself, were attacked with
-fever, during the month of June. Amongst the privates,
-the Europeans especially, the sickness incident to fatigue<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span>
-and exposure was aggravated by the defective quantity
-and quality of the provisions which had been supplied for
-their use. Relying upon the reported facility of obtaining
-cattle and vegetables at Rangoon, it had not been
-thought necessary to embark stores for protracted consumption
-on board the transports from Calcutta, and the
-Madras troops landed with a still more limited stock. As
-soon as the deficiency was ascertained, arrangements were
-made to remedy it; but in the mean time, before supplies
-could reach Rangoon, the troops were dependent for food
-upon salt meat, much of which was in a state of putrescence,
-and biscuit, in an equally repulsive condition, under
-the decomposing influence of heat and moisture. The
-want of sufficient and wholesome food enhanced the evil
-effects of the damp soil and atmosphere, and of the malaria
-from the decaying vegetable matter of the surrounding
-forests, and the hospitals were rapidly filled with
-sick, beyond the means available of medical treatment.
-Fever and dysentery were the principal maladies, and were
-no more than the ordinary consequences of local causes;
-but the scurvy and hospital gangrene, which also made
-their appearance, were ascribable as much to depraved
-habits and inadequate nourishment as to fatigue and exposure.
-They were also latterly, in some degree, the consequences
-of extreme exhaustion, forming a peculiar feature
-of the prevailing fever, which bore an epidemic type,
-and which had been felt with equal severity in Bengal.
-The fatal operation of these causes was enhanced by their
-continuance; and towards the end of the rainy season,
-scarcely three thousand men were fit for active duty. The
-arrival of adequate supplies, and more especially the
-change in the monsoon, restored the troops to a more
-healthy condition.”<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is, however, worthy of especial notice, that though
-the army wanted provisions, health, and strength, their
-natural energy did not fail. In the midst of a crowd of
-foes, whose numerous force and equipments were alike
-unknown to the English soldier, his constitutional dominance
-of will flagged not at all, but seemed rather to
-become stronger, the more great the odds grew against it.
-Indeed, one of the authorities I have quoted tells us, that
-there went a feeling abroad among the Burmese, that it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span>
-was of no use to contend with an English soldier; for, if
-the arm he had grasped the top of the stockade with
-were chopped, he never was disconcerted, but immediately
-applied the other; even then they were at disadvantage,
-for the skill of the British doctors was so great,
-that they could replace the severed limbs upon the trunk;
-and for this reason diligent search was always made on
-the field after the battle, for these legs and arms!</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1824.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Encounters with the Burmese—Capture of Kumeroot—Taking of Syriam—Storming
-of Dalla—Conquest of Tenasserim province—The Invulnerables.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>From the time of the taking of the stockades at Kemendine,
-little of moment occurred up to the 1st of July.
-About noon on that day the Burmans came out in great
-force upon the regiments under Majors Dennie and Frith,
-which were deputed to explore the jungle in front of the
-Great Pagoda. Then, just as ants flock out of their holes
-on being disturbed, the Burmese burst forth in every
-direction, shouting wildly at the same time. They were
-gallantly opposed by Major Frith’s troops. “A column
-of three thousand of the enemy now advanced from the
-jungle into the plain, directing their march on Puzendoon,
-where we had a post; another body moved towards our
-lines, and began skirmishing with a sepoy picket; and a
-large force was also seen moving to the right. This was
-evidently meant as an attack on our position; but it would
-seem that their courage failed them at the moment for
-action, as they contented themselves with burning a few
-houses at Puzendoon.”<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> Upon their being driven back,
-they entered Dalla opposite Rangoon, whence, however,
-they were driven, though Lieutenant Isaack, 8th Madras
-N.I., the commanding officer, was shot. Vengeance was,
-however, more than sufficiently taken in the destruction
-of the place. Thekia Woongyee, the originator of this
-plan of attack, met with a sad disgrace in his recall, while
-Thamba Woongyee was deputed to the command of the
-army in his place. The ex-general, fearful of a still more
-dreadful fate should he return to the court, retired to
-the neighbourhood of Pegu.</p>
-
-<p>The new general showed himself an able tactician, by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span>
-seizing upon one of the most impracticable and difficult
-positions in the vicinage, at a place called Kummeroot,
-five miles from the Shoe-Dagon Pagoda. This place it
-was highly necessary should be captured, and accordingly,
-on the 8th of July, the enterprise was determined upon.
-The following account, by an eye-witness, is the best that
-has been given us:<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“There were two roads leading from the Pagoda in the
-direction we wished to pursue, one a mere footpath, the
-other passable for guns. General Macbean preferred the
-former, and left his artillery behind. The enemy not
-expecting us by this path, we marched through the jungle
-for three miles without seeing a soul, although in the wood
-to our left voices could be distinctly heard, and also the
-sound of the axe falling on trees, which they were felling
-to erect their fortifications; but after marching this
-distance, two stockades were descried a few yards in
-advance. The general instantly halted, to enable the
-troops, which were marching in single file (and consequently
-occupied a great length of ground), to form
-column, during which time we could observe small parties
-of Burmahs, armed with muskets, coming from the opposite
-wood to reinforce the stockades. Firing, also, was
-heard to the left, which indicated that Sir Archibald
-Campbell was engaged; and General Macbean, therefore,
-made his dispositions for an attack. Brigadier McCreagh,
-with five hundred men from his Majesty’s 13th and 38th
-regiments, commanded by Majors Sale and Frith, were
-formed in a column of subdivisions, and with unloaded
-muskets and fixed bayonets directed to advance on the
-work. This movement was effected with so much rapidity,
-order, and regularity, that to be in possession of this
-stockade, and moving on to attack the next, was the affair
-of a moment. The second was abandoned on the approach
-of the column, and we then discovered, in a large plain
-backed by the jungle, a succession of stockades, amounting
-in all to seven. This did not deter the troops from escalading
-and capturing a third stockade, and then rushing
-on to the largest: there the column experienced some loss,
-in consequence of the delay in bringing up the scaling-ladders
-through the muddy paddy-fields; but when they
-arrived, the work was assaulted at all points.... The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span>
-panic that now took place among the Burmahs can scarcely
-be described; rushing in crowds towards the only gate
-through which they might escape, they completely choked
-it up: others then attempted to climb over the walls, but
-were mowed down by our shot, and those at the gate
-were falling by dozens. Some became quite desperate,
-and with their long, dishevelled black hair streaming over
-their shoulders, and giving them the most ferocious appearance,
-seized their swords with both hands, and dashed
-on the bayonets of the soldiers, where they met with that
-death which they seemed alternately to fear and despise;
-whilst others hid themselves in the trenches, full of water,
-and there lay motionless, feigning to be dead. The carnage
-was very great, at least five hundred men being slain
-in the main stockade, and amongst them was Thumba
-Woonghee.” He, contrary to the usual system of the
-Burman chiefs, had endeavoured to instil courage into the
-hearts of his men by his own example. However, nothing
-could avail before the iron soldiers of the British general.</p>
-
-<p>On the part of Sir Archibald Campbell, too, the movement
-had been singularly successful. He took the other
-water path, and proceeded, with a division of about eight
-hundred men, to ascend the river to the place where the
-Lyne river and the Rangoon embouchment flow together. At
-this point they found the Burmese had strongly intrenched
-themselves. The main stockade was on the tongue of
-land at the confluence of the waters, while the two others,
-evidently constructed with an eye to position, were situated
-on the two banks of the Rangoon river, about eight hundred
-yards from the principal fortification. But cannon,
-and good cannon particularly, can make a breach in any
-fortification so exposed to fire from the river, and the day
-was lost for the Burmese. The broadside of the <i>Larne</i>
-frigate, supported by the boats and some other vessels
-under the command of Captain Marryat, covered the
-landing of the troops, who immediately took the first
-stockade; this was followed by the immediate capture of
-the second, and the principal one was abandoned! So
-much for Burmese self-reliance!</p>
-
-<p>The only force now remaining near Rangoon was that
-under the former rayhoon of that place, who hovered
-about in the neighbourhood of Kykloo. All the other
-Burmese detachments had fled to the general rendezvous
-of the enemy at Donabew, a place some distance up the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span>
-river Irawadi. But as it was necessary that peace should
-be restored everywhere in the vicinity of the British
-army, in order that the poor villagers should not be afraid
-of returning, Sir A. Campbell determined to scatter them,
-and send them to swell the panic-stricken force at Donabew.
-Accordingly, on the 19th of July he despatched
-twelve hundred men by land to that place, whilst, with
-another division of half that number, he himself went up
-thither by the Puzendoon creek. However, little came of
-it; the land army found it impossible to proceed, and so
-returned, while the only result at which the other party
-arrived was the liberation of some of the unoffending
-families of the forced conscripts in the Burmese army.
-A feeling of confidence, however, seems to have sprung
-up in the bosoms of the peasantry, who now gradually
-returned home, and even, we are told, saluted the military
-as they passed.</p>
-
-<p>The first act which is worthy of mention in August is
-the dislodgment of the Burmese force in Syriam. The
-matter was rendered necessary, it would appear, for the
-same reason that had caused the assault and capture of
-Kemendine, viz., the annoyance to which our vessels
-were exposed from the fire-rafts that the natives placed
-such great reliance in, but which, in reality, were rather
-annoying than dangerous. It was enough that men were
-obliged to be on duty to arrest their progress, and strand
-them. The object of Sir Archibald was to spare these
-men, who, though enfeebled by disease, yet were bravely
-bearing up against it. Accordingly, six hundred men,
-drafted from the 41st, the Madras European, and the
-12th Madras N.I., under the command of Brigadier Smelt,
-were embarked for Syriam, Sir Archibald, it must not be
-forgotten, accompanying them.</p>
-
-<p>The old Portuguese factory, of which mention has been
-made in a previous chapter, was found to have been converted
-into a Burmese fortification; the breaches made in
-former times by the united efforts of Burmese, Peguers,
-Portuguese, and English, were repaired by teak-wood
-palisades, and the old guns, rusty and ill cast, were remounted
-upon the ramparts.</p>
-
-<p>The Anglo-Indian army was received with a brisk fire,
-but, as usual, the Burmese stayed not to await the results
-of their exertions, but fled to a pagoda some distance off,
-whither they were followed by a detachment under<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span>
-Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly. Here, again, although the place
-was fortified and turned into a battery, the Burmese fled
-away, after discharging the contents of the guns somewhere
-in the direction of the British. Enough had been done
-in previous encounters to show the perseverance of the
-English, and so, as every one does, they supposed that
-they were invincible, because they had at first conquered.</p>
-
-<p>It seemed, however, that even the preliminary campaign
-of the British army was never to come to an end,
-and that, although the enemy was ever being beaten, the
-Burmese did not even now despair of wearying out the
-British, and by keeping them engaged at the threshold of
-their land, they hoped to have time to secure the key,
-and lock the door in their faces. Therefore, no sooner
-had operations been satisfactory concluded at Syriam,
-than Sir A. Campbell heard of disturbances at Dalla,
-caused by the orders of the court for a general conscription.
-Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, with a detachment of
-four hundred men, was sent thither to quiet the province.
-Upon coming near to Dalla creek, they found two
-stockades, one on either bank, which it was necessary to
-storm. The mud clogged the movements of the troops
-to some extent, and entailed, by the delay, some loss
-upon the British. However, as was ever the case, the
-intrenchments were in possession of the troops immediately;
-for the Burmese fled before the English again.
-Their policy seems all to have been thrown overboard,
-and it is only on the assumption of each body of the
-enemy encountering us only once, that I can reconcile the
-idea of this continual fear to my mind.<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a></p>
-
-<p>“In the impossibility,” says Professor Wilson, “that
-existed of engaging in any active operations in the direction
-of Ava, it was judged advisable to employ part of
-the force in reducing some of the maritime provinces of
-the Burman kingdom. The district of Tenasserim, comprising
-the divisions of Tavoy and Mergui, was that
-selected for attack, as containing a valuable tract of sea-coast,
-as well as being likely to afford supplies of cattle
-and grain. Accordingly, an expedition was detached
-against those places, consisting of details of his Majesty’s
-89th and the 7th Madras native infantry, with several<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span>
-cruisers and gun-brigs, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel
-Miles. They sailed from Rangoon on the 20th of
-August, and reached the mouth of the river leading to
-Tavoy on the 1st of September: some difficulty occurred
-in working up the river, in consequence of which the
-vessels arrived off the town only on the eighth. A conspiracy
-amongst the garrison facilitated the capture of
-the place; the second in command making the Maiwoon
-and his family prisoners, delivered them to the British
-officer, and the town was occupied without opposition.
-At Mergui, whither the armament next proceeded, and
-where it arrived on the 6th of October, a more effective
-resistance was offered: a heavy fire was opened from the
-batteries of the town, which was returned by the cruisers
-with such effect as to silence it in about an hour. The
-troops then landed, and after wading through miry
-ground, between the river and a strong stockade which
-defended the town, and being exposed to a brisk fire
-from the enemy, they advanced to the stockade, and escaladed
-it in the most gallant style. The enemy fled. The
-town, when first occupied, was deserted; but the people
-soon returned, and both here and at Tavoy showed
-themselves perfectly indifferent to the change of authorities.
-After leaving a sufficient garrison of the native
-troops, and part of the flotilla, Colonel Miles returned
-with the European portion of his division to Rangoon, in
-November, in time to take a part in the more important
-operations about to recur.”<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a></p>
-
-<p>We, too, must now go back to Rangoon, or we shall
-miss the sight of some wondrous strange animals, which the
-Golden Foot sent down from his capital far away, to
-oppose and strike terror into the unabashed invaders.
-These were the far-famed Invulnerables, to which corps I
-have already alluded;<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> and I cannot now do better than
-introduce themselves and their deeds to the readers, in
-the spirited narrative of Mr. Macfarlane.<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a></p>
-
-<p>“The Lord of the White Elephant now sent his two
-brothers, the prince of Tonghoo and the prince of Sarrawaddy,
-with a whole host of astrologers, and a corps of
-‘Invulnerables,’ to join the army, and to direct the
-future operations of the war. The astrologers were to fix<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span>
-the lucky moments for attacking: the Invulnerables had
-some points of resemblance to the Turkish Delhis; they
-were the desperadoes or madmen of the army, and their
-madness was kept up by enormous doses of opium. The
-corps of Invulnerables consisted of several thousand men,
-divided into classes; the most select band of all being
-called the King’s Invulnerables. The prince of Tonghoo
-established his head-quarters at Pegu, and the prince of
-Sarrawaddy took post at Donoopeu, upon the great river,
-about sixty miles from Rangoon.</p>
-
-<p>“In the beginning of August, the prince of Sarrawaddy
-sent down a force to occupy a strong post at the mouth of
-the Pegu river, a few miles below Rangoon, giving his
-people strict orders to block the channel of the river in
-our rear, that not one of the ‘wild foreigners,’ or ‘captive
-strangers,’ might escape the punishment that was
-about to overtake them. Sir Archibald Campbell presently
-detached a small corps, under Brigadier Smelt, to
-dislodge Sarrawaddy’s warriors. Our land-troops were
-brought to a stand-still, when within musket-shot of the
-place, by a deep and impassable creek; but a party of
-sailors from his Majesty’s ship <i>Larne</i>, under Captain
-Marryat, threw a bridge over the creek; and soon as the
-column of attack pushed forward, the enemy began to
-fly, leaving eight guns and a quantity of ammunition in
-their stockade. A strong pagoda, with a numerous garrison,
-and with cannons pointing down every approach,
-was next carried with equal facility. Other ports on the
-rivers and creeks were successively and successfully attacked.
-Such of the enemy as had had any experience of
-our way of fighting seldom stopped to fight in their
-stockades, but a new set of people from the interior made
-a good stand in a succession of stockades on one of the
-rivers, and cost us the loss of a good many brave men.
-These affairs of posts were very numerous.</p>
-
-<p>“At last the astrologers told the prince of Sarrawaddy
-that the stars had told them that the moment was come
-for a decisive action; and on the night of the 30th of
-August, a body of the King’s Invulnerables promised to
-attack and carry the Great or Golden Dagon Pagoda, in
-order that the princes, and the sages and pious men in
-their train, might celebrate the usual annual festival in
-the sacred place—a place now crowded, not with Bouges,
-but with English grenadiers. And, true so far to their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span>
-promise, the Invulnerables, at the hour of midnight,
-rushed in a compact body from the jungle under
-the pagoda, armed with swords and muskets. A small
-picquet, thrown out in our front, retired in slow and
-steady order, skirmishing with the Invulnerables until
-they reached the flight of steps leading from the road
-up to the pagoda. The moon was gone down, and the
-night was so dark that the Burmese could be distinguished
-only by a few glimmering lanterns in the
-front; but their noise and clamour, their threats and
-imprecations upon the impious strangers, if they did not
-immediately evacuate the sacred temple, proved their
-number to be very great. In a dense column, they rolled
-along the narrow pathway leading to the northern gate of
-the pagoda, wherein all seemed as silent as the grave.
-But, hark! the muskets crash, the cannons roar along the
-ramparts of the British posts, drowning the tumult of the
-advancing column; and see—see by the flash of our guns,
-the column reels back, the Invulnerables fall mortally
-wounded, and the rest turn their backs on the holy
-place, and run with frantic speed for the recovery of the
-jungle. Invulnerables ventured no more near any of our
-posts. But the dysentery broke out among our troops,
-killing many of them, and reducing more to a most
-emaciated and enfeebled state. Scarcely three thousand
-duty soldiers were left to guard our line. Floating hospitals
-were established at the mouth of the river; bread
-was now furnished in sufficient quantities, but nothing,
-except change of season or of climate, could restore the
-sufferers to health. Mergui and Tavoy, portions of our
-recent conquests on the sea-coast, were represented by the
-medical officers who visited them as admirable convalescent
-stations; and thither a number of the people were
-sent, and with the most beneficial result.”</p>
-
-<p>Thus will the personification of plain, blunt valour ever
-overcome such as have no real courage, and are upheld
-only by superstition and credulity.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1824-1825.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Battle of Kykloo—Thantabain—Maha Bundoola—Successes of the British—Discomfiture
-of Maha Bundoola—Campbell marches into the interior—Arrival
-at Donabew—Repulse—Death of Bundoola—Capture of
-Donabew.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>October began very inauspiciously. Colonel Smith,
-with about eight hundred men, was detached against
-Kykloo on the 5th, and at Tadaghee he was successful
-against a stockade. It was not until he had reached
-this place that he found the enemy was much stronger
-than was suspected. The colonel immediately applied for
-reinforcements, but he obtained only native troops and
-two Europeans. Two howitzers were sent with the
-Madras troop, which increased the number of cannon to
-four. With this force, inadequate enough to anything
-effectual, Smith arrived before the Burmese stockades at
-Kykloo on the 7th of October.</p>
-
-<p>The breastworks, which impeded the attack of the principal
-fortifications, were soon in the hands of the British.
-The principal stronghold was an intrenchment, with a
-fortified pagoda. Major Wahab was placed in charge of
-the storming party. Captain Wilson was directed to
-assault the stockades in flank; and a division of the 28th
-native infantry was to carry the pagoda; and Colonel
-Smith took charge of a reserve parity, to act wherever it
-was most needed.</p>
-
-<p>On the advance of Major Wahab, a volley was fired
-from the pagoda; but the stockaded Burmese, who
-seemed to have been superhumanly cunning <i>for Burmese</i>,
-waited until certain destruction might be dealt from their
-position, when they commenced firing with the greatest
-precision. Major Wahab and his men were obliged to
-lie flat on the ground to avoid the peppering. Like ill-fortune
-attended the efforts of all the other divisions, and
-on a retreat being sounded, the men took to flight. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span>
-loss on this occasion was twenty-one killed, and seventy-four
-wounded. However, this reverse was counterbalanced
-by the success of Major Evans, at Thantabain,
-where the first minister of state, the Kyee Woongyee, was
-posted. After skirmishing with the war-boats on the
-river, the detachment arrived opposite the village, which,
-after a brisk fire, soon surrendered on the 8th of October.
-Next morning the principal stockade was attacked, and
-carried without any opposition. The Burmese having
-always carried off their dead, it was impossible to find out
-how many were killed in the encounter; but the place
-was riddled with shot, and a bungalow in the centre
-almost destroyed. The detachment returned home without
-the loss of a man.</p>
-
-<p>Brigadier M’Creagh, too, speedily returned to the
-charge at Kykloo, and finding the place, he went on, and
-after doing much damage, he returned to Kykloo and
-Rangoon. “On their advance,” we are told, “they [the
-soldiers] had an opportunity of witnessing the barbarous
-character of the enemy, many of the bodies of the sipahis
-and pioneers, who fell in the former attack, having been
-fastened to the trunks of trees, and mutilated by imbecile
-and savage exasperation.”<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p>
-
-<p>In such operations as these, many months passed away.
-Every successive encounter with the British troops gave
-the Burmese an additional hint that they must tax their
-energies to the utmost in order to bring about a tolerable
-issue. It might now be seen that the choicest troops of
-the empire must be opposed to the British invaders who
-had so coolly taken up their quarters among them; and
-in the secrecy with which they summoned Bundoola, the
-great general of the age, in their estimation, from Arakhan,
-they showed much diplomatic genius; for ere Sir A.
-Campbell knew he was coming, he was at Donabew, and
-actively employed in concentrating all the available force
-of Burmah and Laos. It was about the end of August
-when he left Arakhan, and in November everything was
-prepared for a vigorous effort. “No pains nor expense
-were spared to equip this favourite general for the field,
-and by the approach of the season for active exertions, it
-was estimated that fifty thousand men were collected for
-the advance upon Rangoon, who were to exterminate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span>
-the invaders, or carry them captives to the capital, where
-the chiefs were already calculating on the number of
-slaves who were, from their source of supply, to swell
-their train. Reports of the return of the Arakhan army
-soon reached Rangoon, but some period elapsed before any
-certainty of its movements was obtained. By the end of
-November, an intercepted despatch from Bundoola, to the
-governor of Martaban,<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> removed all doubt, and announced
-the departure of the former from Prome, at the
-head of a formidable host. His advance was hailed with
-delight, and preparations were made immediately for his
-reception.”<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> Gradually and slowly the Burmese posts
-were stretched close to Rangoon, Dalla, Kemendine, the
-Shoo Dagon to Puzendown creek, and no opposition was
-offered to their operations. By the end of December
-their careful and costly preparations were completed. On
-our part there was little fear. Determination was the ruling
-sentiment in every bosom, and extraneously there was also
-no want of protection by fortifications and shipping.</p>
-
-<p>The enemy commenced by attacking Kemendine on the
-1st of December, but were repulsed by Major Yates, and
-Captain Ryers, of H.M.S. <i>Sophia</i>; and though throughout
-an aggressive skirmishing was carried on, fatiguing our
-troops considerably, yet the advantage remained on our
-side. Fire-rafts, sent down in great numbers, had no
-effect, as our seamen were on the look-out.</p>
-
-<p>From the 1st to the 5th constant sallies were made
-under able commanders, and many of the posts regained
-from the enemy. The Burmese showed no want of activity,
-yet, as a recent writer observes, “little harm was effected
-by this show of activity; but as the Burman force could no
-longer be permitted to harass the troops with impunity,
-and it was not impossible for them to escape from the consequences
-of a defeat, the commander-in-chief resolved to
-become the assailant, and terminate the expectations in
-which they had hitherto been permitted to indulge.”<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>
-Now, at length, had the time arrived when the primary
-intentions of the general might be carried out,—now, indeed,
-was that grand, resistless march to begin which finds<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span>
-no parallel in the history of any nation of modern times
-save our own. Sallies were continually made,—the men
-spared no nerve,—the officers no thought,—all was bent
-upon the grand idea of driving the enemy’s vast army
-back into me heart of the land whence it had come. First,
-the Burmese posts at Puzendown were taken <i>au point de
-l’épée</i> by Majors Sale and Walker, the latter of whom
-fell during the contest,—then the division at Dalla was
-routed by Lieut.-Colonel Farrier and Lieut.-Colonel Parlby.
-Maha Bundoola himself began to be afraid of the redoubtable
-“foreigners,” and retired from the active direction of
-the battle-field, giving up the executive command to Maha
-Thilwa, formerly governor of Asam, who stockaded his
-troops four miles to the north at Kokein. Emissaries
-were now set at work to destroy Rangoon by fire, and
-half of it was burnt, including the official quarter of the
-Madras commissariat. It became necessary to dislodge
-this body, and it was accordingly done under the direction
-of General Campbell. In fifteen minutes the strong
-stockades were in the possession of the British, and thus
-fifteen hundred determined men put to the rout twenty
-thousand—for such, it appeared, was the enemy’s force—with
-only the loss of eighteen killed, though many were
-wounded. During these engagements the greatest terror
-was excited by the <i>Diana</i> steam-packet, by the aid of
-which many war-boats were captured. “The Burmans,”
-concludes Wilson, “no longer dared attempt offensive
-operations, but restricted themselves to the defence of
-their positions along the river; and the road was now open
-to the British army, which, agreeably to the policy that
-had been enjoined by the events of the war, prepared to
-dictate the terms of peace, if necessary, within the walls
-of the capital.”<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p>
-
-<p>Maha Bundoola was so dispirited by the events of the
-last few days, that he retreated to Donabew again, and
-concentrated his forces at that place. His proud heart
-was broken, however, and he began to treat with the
-British residents at Rangoon; however, he would not
-make any direct advance to the officials, with whom alone<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span>
-a formal peace could be concluded. It was intimated to
-him that he should pursue such a course, but he returned
-no answer to the letter, probably feeling reassured by an
-accession of forces. The country being now clear, it appeared
-to Sir A. Campbell that an immediate advance
-should be made into the interior; and the arrival of
-H. M.’s 47th and some other reinforcements placed him
-in a position of being able to do so without fear of losing
-anything behind him. On the 11th of February, after the
-dispersion of the Burmese garrison in the fort of Syriam,
-the army was at liberty to move. All fear of insurrection
-on the part of the conquered provinces was at an end, as
-the Peguers, the principal inhabitants of the district, had
-deserted to the side of the British.</p>
-
-<p>The preliminary movement of the army was the dislodgment
-of the advanced guard of the native army at
-Thantabain, which was effectually done by Colonel Godwin.
-This done, the army began its march in three divisions;
-one, under General Campbell himself, was to proceed
-by land, and left Rangoon on the 13th of February,
-1825; the next went by water up the Irawadi, on the
-16th; and the third, under the command of Major Sale,
-set out for Bassein, which it was proposed first to occupy,
-on the 17th. Brigadier M’Creagh stayed in garrison with
-the reserve of feeble or invalid men.</p>
-
-<p>The water-column, after having taken and destroyed
-several stockades in its way, arrived before Donabew on
-the 6th of March; Brigadier-General Cotton immediately
-summoned the garrison to surrender, a summons which
-was of course useless. A party was then sent to reconnoitre;
-and though the Burmese poured a heavy fire upon
-our men, a complete knowledge of the neighbourhood
-was gained.</p>
-
-<p>“The fortified post of Donabew was of considerable
-extent and breadth, situated on the right bank of the
-Irawadi, and commanding its whole channel. The main-work
-was a stockade parallelogram of one thousand by
-seven hundred yards, which was a little withdrawn from
-the bed of the river, on a bank rising above its level. The
-river face mounted fifty pieces of ordnance, of various
-sizes. The approach to the main structure from the
-south was defended by two outworks, one about four
-hundred yards lower down the river, and another about
-three hundred yards below it. Each was constructed of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span>
-square beams of timber, provided with platforms, and
-pierced for cannon, and was strengthened by an exterior
-fosse, the outer edge of which was guarded with sharp-pointed
-timbers, planted obliquely, and a thick abatis of
-felled trees and brushwood. The lowest outwork was a
-square of about two hundred yards, with a pagoda in the
-centre; the highest, of an irregular shape, running along
-the bank of a rivulet flowing into the main stream; both
-works were occupied with strong parties of the enemy.”<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>
-The first stockade was attacked by the six hundred men
-yet at General Cotton’s disposal (the rest being in garrison,
-or with the flotilla), and was gained by the loss of
-twenty of our men. The faithless Burmese fled, leaving
-two hundred and eighty of their comrades in the hands of
-the enemy. But at the second stockade, a determined
-resistance met the fatigued troops, already clogged and
-weakened by the care of the numerous prisoners. A
-destructive fire was opened on them, and the only safe
-course was in flight, or, as it is named to “ears polite,”
-in a retreat. General Cotton, therefore, receded to Yoong-yoon,
-where he awaited the answer to his account of the
-proceedings from General Campbell, who, in the mean
-time, had arrived at Yuadit, twenty-six miles above
-Tharawa. That answer was delivered by the general
-himself, who joined Cotton before Donabew by the 27th
-of March, after much vexation and toil.<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> Operations
-were immediately commenced; and notwithstanding
-numerous sorties (on one occasion, Bundoola himself
-headed his seventeen elephants and infantry), they advanced
-their works, and fatal were the effects of the
-mortars and bombs that were thrown into the thickly-peopled
-inclosure. The feeling of fear grew strong with
-the Burmese; and on the evening of the 31st, a soldier
-brought a laconic letter from Bundoola, couched in these
-terms:—“In war we find each other’s force; the two
-countries are at war for nothing, and we know not each
-other’s minds!”<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> It seemed from what the soldier
-knew of the matter, which was very little, that the Burmese
-general desired peace. Very doubtful is the authenticity
-of this letter, when compared with the spirited<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span>
-reply seat to General Willoughby Cotton’s summons of
-surrender. “We are each fighting for our country, and
-you will find me as steady in defending mine, as you in
-maintaining the honour of yours. If you wish to see
-Donabew, come as friends, and I will show it you. If
-you come as enemies, <span class="smcap">Land</span>!”<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a></p>
-
-<p>On the 1st of April the batteries opened, and by the
-2nd the enemy had decamped. It was discovered that
-Bundoola had met his death on the preceding day, by the
-bursting of a shell. All the courage of the Burmese warriors
-had fled with his departing spirit. The greatest
-general, since the golden days of Alompra, the devoted to
-Buddha; he had won his way to the most responsible
-position in the king’s service, only to be singled out, as it
-were, by some supernatural power, as the victim of the
-fireballs of the persevering islanders of the far-off ocean.
-No wonder, then, that the superstitious Burmese, on
-beholding the fate of their commander, gave themselves
-up for lost. What a mysterious power the English
-seemed to have of singling out the head of their army,
-and destroying him! So they fled, and the British
-became masters of Donabew, where they found much
-welcome supply of corn and military stores. Notwithstanding
-the momentary panic of the Avan government,
-it soon regained its customary arrogance. The <i>Edinburgh
-Review</i> has some remarks, which, though rather
-premature for our progress in the history, I shall here
-introduce.</p>
-
-<p>“But blood and treasure might be still more unprofitably
-expended. The ignorance and arrogance of the court
-of Ava are almost beyond occidental credence. When
-its favourite general, Bundoola, invaded Chittagong, our
-southernmost district, at the commencement of the last
-war, he brought with him golden fetters to bind Lord
-Amherst withal; and had orders, after he had taken Calcutta,
-to march on to take London! Defeat after defeat
-seemed to produce little sobering effect upon the drunkenness
-of Indo-Chinese pride; the officers who were flying
-before our army in its advance upon the capital, and who
-must have felt the utter hopelessness of the contest, were
-obliged, as their intercepted letters vouched, to account in
-the most absurd manner for their inability to stop us; and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span>
-the unfortunate wretch who commanded the troops that
-made the last stand against us, at a place called Pagahm
-Mew, was trampled to death by elephants on his return
-with the news of his defeat. It was not until our army
-arrived within three days’ march of the capital that the
-king’s eyes appeared to be opened to any rational sense of
-his perilous situation; and there was evidence enough,
-before we evacuated the country, that the effect even of
-such severe discipline as the exaction of a million sterling
-towards the expenses of the war, and the cession of some
-of his most valued provinces, was not likely to be permanent.”<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a></p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span></p>
-
-<h4 class="nobreak" id="II_CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.<br />
-<span class="smaller">1825-1826.</span></h4>
-
-<p>Arrival at Prome—Prome under English rule—Re-assembly of the Burmese
-armies—Negotiations for peace—Battle of Meaday—Melloon—Yandabo—Treaty
-of peace.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The general did not tarry long at Donabew, but pushed
-forward toward Prome, where the rainy season was to be
-passed. On his way to that place, he was joined at Tharawa
-by McCreagh’s reserve column from Rangoon, and
-the united forces pushed forward for Prome. The charm
-was now broken, and as the British lines advanced, the
-prince of Tharawadi, at the head of the opposing army,
-fell back, and, though strong in numbers, offered no resistance
-to the progress of the Anglo-Indian army. Prome
-was reached by the 25th of April, and taken without one
-round of firing. The indecisive conduct of the prince
-seems to have arisen partly from a wish to negotiate a
-peace, which was attempted at Turriss Miu, a few miles
-below Prome. A native soldier came to the camp with a
-letter from two of the Atwenwoons, proposing an accommodation;
-but Sir A. Campbell replied, that at all events
-he should advance to Prome: and though another letter
-was received from the Atwenwoons, he continued in his
-resolve. Luckily for him, he arrived in time to save the
-place from being stripped of all the necessaries of life, in
-the same manner as the towns he had before passed had
-been served. On hearing of the arrival of Campbell,
-Prince Tharawadi left for Ava, to insist upon a peace
-being concluded.</p>
-
-<p>The British had only just arrived in time to stand the
-change of the seasons in this place,—a more favourable
-spot than the lower country for that purpose. Previous
-to the setting in of the rainy season, the thermometer
-had risen in the shade to 110°, but the nights were still
-cool, and the climate was not unhealthy. The monsoon
-brought its ordinary effects upon the condition of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span>
-European troops, who, though suffering much less severely
-than at Rangoon, lost almost one-seventh of their
-number between June and October; the native troops
-were much more exempt, although not wholly free, from
-disease. Although the level of the country was higher
-than in the coast districts, yet the site of the town
-was so low as to be under water at the rise of the river,
-and to the east extended for many miles a plain laid out
-principally in rice-cultivation; south of the town was a
-range of low hills, crowned by the principal pagodas,
-and thither some of the troops were removed, when the
-suburbs in which they had been quartered were found
-liable to sudden inundations; supplies were in some
-abundance, and there was comparatively little demand for
-the active services of the force; it seems probable, therefore,
-that much of the disease that still prevailed was the
-consequence of previous exposure and exhaustion, although
-ascribable in some measure to the effects of climate and of
-ill-selected quarters for the troops.<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a></p>
-
-<p>It were almost beyond the limits of this volume to enlarge
-upon the prosperous state of Prome under British
-rule, and Mr. Mac Farlane’s able sketch will compensate in
-every way for my own shortcomings. In speaking of an
-excursion made by Colonel Graham, partly for forage, and
-partly to calm the fears of the natives themselves, the
-historian of India continues:<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>—“Almost immediately
-after their return, the persecuted and dislodged inhabitants
-of the town poured in from every quarter, some from the
-woods, bringing their families, their cattle, their waggons,
-and other property; and some escaped from the military
-escorts and disjointed corps of the king’s fugitive army.
-Food and covering were given to the starving and naked;
-and those who had houses and property were secured in
-the possession of them. Our British soldiers assisted
-them in rebuilding their wooden houses and their bamboo
-huts, and in a very short time Prome had risen from its
-ashes, a greater town than it had been before the war. As
-the people were punctually paid for whatever they brought,
-plentiful bazaars were soon established, and our soldiers
-lived in comfort and abundance, and unmolested ease;
-while the ill-conducted armies of the king of Ava, unpaid,
-unsupplied, and driven up the country, were left to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span>
-alternative of starvation or dispersion. The towns and
-districts in our rear followed the example of the provincial
-capital, and the banks of the Irawadi below Prome were
-soon enlivened by the presence of a contented people.
-An excellent depôt was soon formed at Prome, with supplies
-sufficient not only for the rainy season, but for the
-long campaign which possibly might follow. The plains
-which our soldiers had traversed on their advance up the
-country without seeing a single bullock were again covered
-with numerous herds; from every pathway of the deep
-and extensive forests, which cover far more than half of
-the country, droves of the finest oxen—the oxen of Pegu
-—now issued daily. The menthagoes, or hereditary headmen
-of the districts and chief towns, tendered their allegiance,
-and were restored to their municipal functions by
-the British generals. A state of desolation and anarchy
-once more gave way to order and plenty; and from Rangoon
-to Prome, from Bassein to Martaban, all classes of
-natives not only contributed their aid in collecting such
-supplies as the country afforded, but readily lent their
-services in facilitating the equipment and movement of
-military detachments.<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> The only anxiety which the
-people seemed to find was, that the English would leave
-them, and give them back to their old masters.”</p>
-
-<p>It was now the rainy season, and the operations of both
-parties were, to a certain extent, suspended. Little was
-done by the British, and the Burmese made no preparations
-against any hostile aggression on our part. The
-only event that at all did away with the tedium of the
-period was the discomfiture of the Thekia Wungyee at
-Old Pegu, where the Taliens, who trusted (a sad reliance,
-as it afterwards was found) in the British assistance
-towards the hoped-for object of the recovery of their
-independence, rose, and seized as many of the officers
-of his detachment as they could secure; one chief of
-importance was amongst them,—the Thekia Wungyee
-himself escaping. Their prize they brought to Rangoon,
-and delivered to Brigadier Smith.</p>
-
-<p>The successes of the British naturally created the
-utmost dismay at the metropolis; but the native arrogance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span>
-of the people, so common in a semi-civilised race, soon
-caused the usual lofty tone to be assumed, and generals
-stepped forward, willing to risk a combat with the British
-army, or pay the hard penalty that awaited an unsuccessful
-commander. This man was the Pagahm Wungyee,
-a chief of no little consequence and considerable vanity.
-A leader found, it was necessary to get an army,—a far
-more difficult task. It may easily be conceived, that the
-forces levied in a hasty manner, and without any attention
-as to their courage, could not be very formidable; and so,
-indeed, it proved on <i>reconnoissance</i>.</p>
-
-<p>But war costs money, as Sir A. Campbell found, and he
-was now fully sensible of the fact, that little was to be regained
-from the enemy. Therefore, he gave the Burmese
-government another opportunity of coming to a peaceful
-conclusion, by means of a letter addressed to the prince
-of Tharawadi, and borne by a servant of that person, who
-had come under English protection to Prome. However,
-it was totally unavailing; no answer was received, and
-therefore the hostile preparations of the king of Ava were
-continued; and to facilitate these, the commander-in-chief
-went down to Rangoon in the <i>Diana</i>, and did not return
-till the 2nd of August. It was satisfactory to find that,
-in the lower provinces, “a state of desolation and anarchy
-once more gave way to order and plenty; and from Bassein
-to Martaban, and Rangoon to Prome, every class of
-natives not only contributed their aid to collect such
-supplies as the country could afford, but readily lent their
-services to the equipment and march of military detachments.”<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a></p>
-
-<p>Soon after, intelligence was received of the approach
-of the mighty armament of Burmah, amounting to
-40,000 men (so it was said), under the command of
-Memia-Bo, a brother of the king himself. There were
-also 12,000 at Tongho, under the prince of Tongho.
-General Cotton was sent to reconnoitre their force, which
-he discovered at Meaday, on the 15th, on the west bank
-of the river. Our forces, it may be observed, amounted
-to but 3,000 men, though 2,000 more were daily expected.
-The preparations at Meaday were very energetic, and the
-force amounted to 16,000 men, at the lowest estimate.</p>
-
-<p>At this juncture, a letter of Sir A. Campbell took effect<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span>
-on the Burmese, and on the 6th September, a boat
-arrived at Prome, with a flag of truce, and two commissioners
-presented a reply from the general of the Burmese
-army. Accounts differ as to the terms of the letter, but
-Wilson is decidedly the best authority; and according to
-him, the letter was proud and unconciliating, yet a wish
-was expressed in it for a lasting peace. “Sir Archibald
-Campbell lost no time in sending two British officers to
-Meaday, to offer an armistice, and to propose a meeting
-of commissioners from the two armies. The Burmese
-prime minister tried hard to delay the meeting. It was
-found necessary to allow a delay of nearly two weeks, the
-Wongees protesting that they must wait until full powers
-arrived from their court. The Keewongee, or prime
-minister, agreed to be one of the commissioners, and it
-was finally settled that the meeting should take place at a
-spot midway between the two armies, and that each party
-should be accompanied by 600 men, the rank of the
-Keewongee not permitting him to move with a smaller
-escort.”<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a></p>
-
-<p>It seemed, however, impossible to come to any determination
-with this uncivilised, changeable race. On discussing
-matters, on our demanding compensation, there
-was much hesitation, and, at last, when the armistice was
-on the point of expiring, the Wungyee sent these words
-to Sir A. Campbell:—</p>
-
-<p>“If you wish for peace, you may go away; but if you
-ask either for money or territory, no friendship can exist
-between us. This is Burmese custom.”</p>
-
-<p>It is, indeed, Burmese custom! Nothing is to be
-obtained from them without force; not that they do not
-feel the demand just, but because they will hold doggedly
-to what they can get, though it benefit them not, nay,
-even if it be hurtful.</p>
-
-<p>“The court of Ava,” observes Wilson, “indignant at
-the idea of conceding an inch of territory, or submitting
-to what, in oriental politics, is held a mark of excessive
-humiliation, payment of any pecuniary indemnification,
-breathed nothing but defiance, and determined instantly
-to prosecute the war.”<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> It was then that, on the numerous
-incursions of the Burmese, the definite reply
-was returned to the British commander-in-chief, proving<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span>
-that, after all, the advances made by the Burmese were
-only made to gain time.</p>
-
-<p>The gallant general now determined to advance boldly
-on the enemy. His forces now amounted to 5,000 men,
-of whom 3,000 were British. Up to the 1st of December,
-operations were rather unfavourable than otherwise; on
-that day, however, fickle fortune again turned over to the
-English side. I shall give the events of the day in the
-words of Wilson:<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a></p>
-
-<p>“Leaving four regiments of native infantry for the
-defence of Prome, General Campbell marched, early on
-the morning of the 1st of December, against the enemy’s
-left, while the flotilla, under Sir James Brisbane, and the
-26th Madras native infantry, acting in co-operation, by a
-cannonade of the works upon the river, diverted the
-attention of the centre from the real attack.</p>
-
-<p>“Upon reaching the Nawine river, at the village of
-Zeonke, the force was divided into two columns. The
-right, under Brigadier-General Cotton, formed of his
-Majesty’s 41st and 89th regiments, and the 18th and
-28th native infantry, proceeding along the left bank of
-the river, came in front of the enemy’s intrenchments,
-consisting of a series of stockades, covered on either flank
-by thick jungle, and by the river in the rear, and defended
-by a considerable force, of whom 8,000 were Shans, or
-people of Laos, under their native chiefs. The post was
-immediately stormed. The attack was led by Lieutenant-Colonel
-Godwin, with the advanced guard of the right
-column, and the stockades were carried in less than ten
-minutes. The enemy left three hundred dead, including
-their general, Maha Nemyo, and all their stores and ammunition,
-and a considerable quantify of arms were taken.
-The left column, under the commander-in-chief, composed
-of his Majesty’s 13th, 38th, 47th, and 87th regiments, and
-38th Madras infantry, which had crossed the Nawine
-river lower down, came up as the fugitives were crossing,
-and completed the dispersion of the Burman army.</p>
-
-<p>“Following up the advantage thus gained, General
-Campbell determined to attack the Kyee Woongyee in his
-position, without delay. His force accordingly marched
-back to Zeonke, where they bivouacked for the night,
-and resumed their march on the following morning at
-daybreak. The nature of the country admitted of no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span>
-approach to the enemy’s defences upon the hills, except in
-front, and that by a narrow pathway, accessible to but a
-limited number of men in line. Their posts at the foot of
-the hills were more readily assailable, and from these
-they were speedily driven; but the attack of the heights
-was a more formidable task, as the narrow road by which
-they were approached was commanded by the enemy’s
-artillery and breastworks, numerously manned. After
-some impression had been apparently made by the artillery
-and rockets, the first Bengal brigade, consisting of
-H.M.’s 13th and 38th regiments, advanced to the storm,
-supported on the right by six companies of H.M.’s 87th.
-They made good their ascent, in spite of the heavy fire
-they encountered, and to which scarcely a shot was returned;
-and when they had gained the summit, they
-drove the enemy from hill to hill, until they had cleared
-the whole of the formidable and extensive intrenchments.
-These brilliant advantages were not gained without loss;
-and in the affair of the 1st, Lieutenants Sutherland and
-Gossip, of H.M.’s 41st, and Ensign Campbell, of the royal
-regiment, were killed; and Lieutenant Proctor, of H.M.’s
-38th; Lieutenant Baylee, of the 87th; and Captain Dawson,
-of H.M.’s ship <i>Arachne</i>, in that of the second. The
-division under General Cotton, which had made a circuitous
-march to take the enemy in flank, was unable to
-make its way through the jungle to bear part in the engagement.
-On the 5th a detachment from it proceeded
-across the river, and drove the right wing of the enemy,
-not only from their post upon the river, but from a strong
-stockade about half a mile in the interior, completely
-manned and mounting guns. The enemy were dispersed
-with severe loss in killed and prisoners, and their defences
-were set on fire.”</p>
-
-<p>No time was now lost in advancing upon the retreating
-army. On the 9th of December the march of the British
-columns began, and their path lay along “dismal
-swamps,” and jungles, which, overrun with every kind of
-reeds and elephant-grass, presented a dreary and dispiriting
-aspect to the troops. Indeed, the effect of the
-marshy country was soon felt on the army, for on the
-12th the cholera broke out among the troops, and, according
-to Lieutenant-Colonel Tulloch,<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> nearly two regiments
-were placed in an unfit condition for action. At Meaday
-the sight was sad enough. “Within and among the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span>
-stockades,” says Mac Farlane,<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> “the ground was strewed
-with dead and dying Burmese lying promiscuously together,
-the victims of wounds, of disease, or of want. Several
-large gibbets stood about the stockade, each bearing the
-mouldering remains of three or four crucified Burmese,
-who had been thus barbarously put to death for having
-wandered from their posts in search of food, or for having
-followed the example of their chiefs in flying from the
-enemy.”<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a></p>
-
-<p>I must pass briefly over subsequent events. Conferences
-for the purpose of settling a peace were sought
-and obtained by the Burmese; but the negotiations came
-to nothing. It seemed that all feelings of any kind had
-left them. They neither sought to conclude a peace, nor,
-on the other hand, did they prepare for contesting the
-advance of the army on the capital. At last, after much
-deliberation and little determination, a treaty of peace was
-concluded by commissioners appointed for that purpose,
-through the intervention of a priest. However, after all,
-it never reached the king for his ratification. “During
-the conferences,” however, “the Burman commissioners
-repeatedly declared their being furnished with full powers,
-and their firm persuasion, that whatever they agreed to,
-the king would ratify; they expressed their entire satisfaction
-with the spirit in which the negotiations had been
-conducted by the British commissioners, and their gratification
-at the prospect of a speedy renewal of friendly
-relations; they made no secret of their motives, and frankly
-and unreservedly admitted that the king had been ruined
-by the war, that the resources of the country were
-exhausted, and that the road to Ava was open to the
-British army. There appears every reason to credit their
-assertions, and all who had an opportunity of exercising
-personal observation were impressed with this conviction,
-that the negotiators were honest.”<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> I cannot,
-however, but point out to the reader that there appears
-to be a singular dash of cunning in their confessions.
-The king was ruined, at least so they said; thus it was
-useless ever to require money for expenses. Otherwise,
-there seems to be simplicity enough.</p>
-
-<p>Still the war was not at an end. The treaty was not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span>
-ratified; nor destined to be. Time was asked, and repeatedly
-granted; but treachery was found to be at work
-again in the Burman hearts. They felt no peace with the
-wild foreigners. At last they were told, that on their
-withdrawing from Melloon by the morning of the 20th,
-and their passage to Ava, hostilities would not be recommenced.
-But they refused; therefore they received intimation
-of an attack on the 18th. “Batteries were accordingly
-erected with such expedition,” says Wilson, “that
-by ten the next morning, eight and twenty pieces of ordnance
-were in position on points presenting more than a
-mile on the eastern bank of the Irawadi, which corresponded
-with the enemy’s line of defence on the opposite
-shore; nor had the Burmas been idle, having, in the
-course of the night, thrown up additional defences of considerable
-strength and extent, and well adapted to the
-purposes for which they were constructed.”<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a></p>
-
-<p>The heavy cannonade which ensued, soon drove away
-the fickle Burmese, and crowned the British armies with
-success. It is to be observed, that the rapidity and precision
-of the English movements insured our success.
-Here was it discovered that the treaty had not been sent
-to Ava at all, and when a note was sent by the British to
-the chief commissioner, informing him that the treaty had
-been left behind and would be restored, that official replied,
-that a large sum of money had also been left behind,
-which he likewise hoped would be refunded. The whole
-show of negotiation was a blind for hostile preparations
-of no avail, as it was afterwards found.</p>
-
-<p>“By this time,” says Mr. Mac Farlane,<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> “the Golden
-Face was completely clouded with despair. Every hope
-and every promise had failed; every day fixed upon by
-his star-gazers as a lucky day had turned out an unlucky
-day; and all his astrologers and soothsayers had proved
-themselves to be but cheats and liars. Sir Archibald
-assured the two envoys that he was desirous of peace,
-and that his terms would vary very little from those
-which had been offered and accepted by the Wongees at
-Melloon. He furnished them with a statement of his
-terms, and promised not to pass Pagahm-mew for twelve
-days. On the following morning, the 1st of February,
-1826, the two delegates quitted the English camp to
-return to Ava, the American missionary being sanguine<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span>
-in his expectations of returning in a few days with cash,
-and a treaty of peace, duly signed by the king. Yet, in
-truth, his Burmese majesty was still undecided, and, in
-the course of two or three days, it became known in the
-British camp that he was displaying a determination to
-try the fortune of war once more ere he submitted. He
-was probably encouraged herein by a knowledge of the
-smallness of the force with which Sir Archibald Campbell
-was advancing upon his capital, and by the intelligence
-received of the defeat of a weak British detachment,
-before the strong stockade of Zitoung, in Pegu, where
-the commanding officer, Colonel Conroy, and another
-officer, were killed, and several wounded, and where the
-loss in men was very heavy for so small a force.</p>
-
-<p>“Sir Archibald Campbell continued his advance. On
-approaching Pagahm-mew, a town about a hundred miles
-above Melloon, he obtained positive information that a
-levy of 40,000 men had been ordered; that the Golden
-Foot had bestowed upon his new army the flattering
-appellation of ‘Retrievers of the King’s Glory,’ and that
-this army had been placed under the command of a
-savage warrior, styled Nee Woon-Breen, which has been,
-variously translated as ‘Prince of Darkness,’ ‘King of
-Hell,’ and ‘Prince of the setting Sun.’</p>
-
-<p>“Upon the 8th of February, when within a few days’
-march of Pagahm-mew, Sir Archibald ascertained that
-the Retrievers of the King’s Glory and the Prince of
-Darkness were prepared to meet him under the walls of
-that city.</p>
-
-<p>“On the 9th, the British column moved forward in order
-of attack, being much reduced by the absence of two
-brigades, and considerably under 2,000 fighting men. The
-advanced guard was met in the jungle by strong bodies
-of skirmishers; and, after maintaining a running fight for
-several miles, the column debouched in the open country,
-and there discovered the Burmese army, from 16,000 to
-20,000 strong, drawn up in an inverted crescent, the wings
-of which threatened the little body of assailants on both
-their flanks. But Sir Archibald pushed boldly forward upon
-the point for their centre, threw the whole weight of his
-column, broke and shattered it in the twinkling of an eye,
-and left the unconnected wings severed from each other.
-The Retrievers of the King’s Glory did not fight so well
-as those who had been accused of forfeiting his majesty’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span>
-glory: they all fled, as fast as their legs could carry them,
-to a second line of redoubts and stockades, close under
-the walls of Pagahm-mew; but the British column followed
-them so closely, that they had little time for rallying in
-those works; and as soon as a few English bayonets got
-within the stockades, all the Burmese went off screaming
-like a scared flock of wild geese. Hundreds jumped into
-the river to escape their assailants, and perished in the
-water; and, with the exception of 2,000 or 3,000 men,
-the whole army dispersed upon the spot:” and from
-this time no opposition was offered to the British. The
-Burmese were now wearied out; their resources, as it has
-been observed, were exhausted, their spirit broken, and
-while the court felt that resistance was impossible, the
-nobles individually saw that the Company was a better
-ally than the sovereign of Ava; yet it was still attempted
-to gain some advantage, and inactive despair, succeeded
-by active flight, showed the English what the general
-sentiment of the Burmese nation was. As a means, however,
-of gaining some little advantage, the European
-prisoners were retained in custody by the nation; but at
-Yandabo it chanced that our troops caught sight of several
-of the captives, and their misery caused the troops to be
-more anxious than ever for vengeance upon the Burmese
-government. The two or three prisoners held out as a
-bait by the Burmese monarch, were not of much avail.
-The same sum of twenty-five lacs of rupees was demanded,
-and the Burmans had to pay; shuffling was of no use.</p>
-
-<p>“After halting two or three days at Pagahm,” says
-Wilson,<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> “General Campbell resumed his march, which
-now seemed likely to conduct him to the capital of Ava.
-There, one feeling alone prevailed, and although various
-reports were thrown out, at one time of the intention of
-the king to defend the city to the last extremity, and at
-another to protract the war by flying to the mountains,
-these purposes, if ever conceived, originated in the anxiety
-of the moment, and were never seriously entertained.
-The king and his ministers felt that they were in the
-power of the British; and their only anxiety was that the
-personal dignity and security of the sovereign should not
-be violated. It was with as much satisfaction as astonishment,
-therefore, that they learned from Mr. Price, on his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span>
-return from Ava, that the British commissioners sought
-to impose no severer terms than those which had been
-stipulated in the treaty of Melloon. To these there was
-now no hesitation to accede, although a lurking suspicion
-was still entertained that the invaders would not rest
-satisfied with the conditions they professed to impose.
-With a mixture of fear and trust, Mr. Price was again
-despatched to the British camp to signify the consent of
-the Burman court to the terms of peace; and Mr. Sandford
-was now set wholly at liberty, and allowed to accompany
-the negotiator to rejoin his countrymen. These
-gentlemen returned to camp on the 13th of February;
-but as the envoy had brought no official ratification of the
-treaty, Sir A. Campbell declined suspending his march
-until it should be received.”</p>
-
-<p>Thus, at Yandabo the British were met by the returning
-envoy bearing the money, and the rest of the required
-despatches. On the 26th of February, the memorable
-treaty of Yandabo was drawn out, and by it British
-ascendancy in the farther peninsula of India fully
-established.</p>
-
-<p>In order that the reader may be fully acquainted with
-the bearings of our negotiations at Yandabo, I shall here
-give the treaty <i>in extenso</i>, from a late official document.<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Treaty of Peace</span> between the Honourable East-India
-Company on the one part, and his Majesty the
-king of Ava on the other, settled by Major-General Sir
-Archibald Campbell, K.C.B. and K.C.T.S., commanding
-the expedition, and senior commissioner in Pegu and Ava;
-Thomas Campbell Robertson, Esquire, civil commissioner
-in Pegu and Ava; and Henry Ducie Chads, Esquire
-(captain), commanding his Britannic Majesty’s and the
-Honourable Company’s naval force on the Irrawaddy
-river, on the part of the Honourable Company; and by
-Mengyee-Maha-Men-Klah-Kyan-Ten Woongyee, Lord of
-Lay-Kaeng, on the part of the king of Ava; who
-have each communicated to the other their full powers;
-agreed to and executed at Yandaboo, in the kingdom of
-Ava, on the 24th day of February, in the year of our
-Lord 1826, corresponding with the fourth day of the
-decrease of the moon Taboung, in the year 1187, Mandina
-era:—</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span></p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article I.</span>—There shall be perpetual peace and
-friendship between the Honourable Company, on the one
-part, and His Majesty the King of Ava on the other.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article II.</span>—His Majesty the King of Ava renounces
-all claims upon, and will abstain from all future interference
-with, the Principality of Assam and its dependencies,
-and also with the contiguous petty states of
-Cachar and Jyntia. With regard to Munipore, it is
-stipulated, that should Ghumbheer Singh desire to return
-to that country, he shall be recognised by the King of
-Ava as rajah thereof.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article III.</span>—To prevent all future disputes respecting
-the boundary-line between the two great nations,
-the British Government will retain the conquered
-provinces of Arracan, including the four divisions of
-Arracan, Ramree, Cheduba, and Sandowey, and His
-Majesty the King of Ava cedes all rights thereto. The
-Annonpeeteetonmien, or Arracan Mountains (known in
-Arracan by the name of Yeornabourg or Pokhengloung
-range), will henceforth form the boundary between the
-two great nations on that side. Any doubts regarding the
-said line of demarcation will be settled by Commissioners
-appointed by the respective Governments for that purpose,
-such Commissioners from both powers to be of suitable
-and corresponding rank.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article IV.</span>—His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to
-the British Government the conquered Provinces of Yeh,
-Tavoy, Mergui, and Tenasserim, with the islands and
-dependencies thereunto appertaining, taking the Saluen
-River as the line of demarcation on the frontier. Any
-doubts regarding their boundaries will be settled as specified
-in the concluding part of Article III.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article V.</span>—In proof of the sincere disposition of
-the Burmese Government to maintain the relations of
-peace and amity between the nations, and as part indemnification
-to the British Government for the expenses of the
-war, His Majesty the King of Ava agrees to pay the sum
-of one crore of rupees.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article VI.</span>—No person whatever, whether native
-or foreign, is hereafter to be molested by either party, on
-account of the part which he may have taken, or have
-been compelled to take, in the present war.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article VII.</span>—In order to cultivate and improve the
-relations of amity and peace hereby established between<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span>
-the two Governments, it is agreed that accredited Ministers,
-retaining an escort or safeguard of fifty men, from
-each, shall reside at the Durbar of the other, who shall
-be permitted to purchase, or to build a suitable place of
-residence, of permanent materials, and a Commercial
-Treaty, upon principles of reciprocal advantage, will be
-entered into by the two High Contracting powers.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article VIII.</span>—All public and private debts contracted
-by either Government, or by the subjects of either
-Government, with the other previous to the war, to be
-recognised and liquidated upon the same principles of
-honour and good faith as if hostilities had not taken
-place between the two nations; and no advantage shall be
-taken by either party of the period that may have elapsed
-since the debts were incurred, or in consequence of the
-war; and, according to the universal Law of Nations, it
-is further stipulated, that the property of all British subjects
-who may die in the dominions of his Majesty the
-King of Ava shall, in the absence of legal heirs, be placed
-in the hands of the British Resident or Consul in the said
-dominions, who will dispose of the same according to the
-tenour of the British law. In like manner, the property
-of Burmese subjects, dying under the same circumstances
-in any part of the British dominions, shall be made over
-to the Minister or other authority delegated by his Burmese
-Majesty to the Supreme Government of India.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article IX.</span>—The King of Ava will abolish all exactions
-upon British ships or vessels in Burman ports, that
-are not required from Burman ships or vessels in British
-ports: nor shall ships or vessels, the property of British
-subjects, whether European or Indian, entering the Rangoon
-river, or other Burman ports, be required to land
-their guns or unship their rudders, or do any other act
-not required of Burmese ships or vessels in British ports.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article X.</span>—The good and faithful ally of the British
-Government, his Majesty the King of Siam, having
-taken a part in the present war, will, to the fullest extent,
-as far as regards his Majesty and his subjects, be included
-in the above treaty.</p>
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Article XI.</span>—This treaty to be ratified by the Burmese
-authorities competent in the like cases, and the
-ratification to be accompanied by all British, whether
-European or native (American), and other prisoners, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span>
-will be delivered over to the British Commissioners; the
-British Commissioners, on their part, engaging that the
-said treaty shall be ratified by the Right Honourable the
-Governor-General in Council, and the ratification shall be
-delivered to his Majesty the King of Ava in four months,
-or sooner if possible; and all the Burmese prisoners shall,
-in like manner, be delivered over to their own Government
-as soon as they arrive from Bengal.”</p>
-
-<p>Subsequently, the following article was added:—</p>
-
-<p>“The British Commissioners being most anxiously desirous
-to manifest the sincerity of their wish for peace,
-and to make the immediate execution of the fifth article
-of this treaty as little irksome or inconvenient as possible
-to His Majesty the King of Ava, consent to the following
-arrangements, with respect to the division of the sum
-total, as specified in the article before referred to, into
-instalments; viz., upon the payment of twenty-five lacs of
-rupees, or one-fourth of the sum total (the other articles
-of the treaty being executed), the army will retire to
-Rangoon; upon the further payment of a similar sum at
-that place, within one hundred days from this date, with
-the proviso as above, the army will evacuate the dominions
-of His Majesty the King of Ava, with the least
-possible delay; leaving the remaining moiety of the sum
-total to be paid by equal annual instalments in two years,
-from this 24th day of February, 1826, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, through the
-Consul, or Resident in Ava, or Pegu, on the part of the
-Honourable the East-India Company.”</p>
-
-<p>Since the conclusion of this treaty, little has occurred
-in the kingdom of general interest, as far as we are concerned,
-until the recent war. From the year 1826 to our own
-day, revolution has overthrown revolution, and the same
-spirit is at work at present as in the days of the creator of
-Burmese importance, Alompra, with this difference, that
-while at that period the turbulent elements disturbing the
-peace of the peninsula could in some measure be controlled,
-as there was a man of consummate talent and
-great power capable of so doing, there is now no one; and
-further, that if we do not annex the country, there is not a
-doubt, but that we shall find a disadvantage in not having
-done so. In the first place, the trade with the country
-will be destroyed by the hardness of the officials; and,
-secondly, it has not been forgotten by the Peguese, that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span>
-we foully betrayed them in 1827. They are now giving
-us another trial: let us show that we are worthy of
-confidence.</p>
-
-<p>I shall now close this sketch of the fortunes of the
-Burmese nation with a few remarks made during a former
-crisis by an Edinburgh reviewer, as they will, no doubt,
-be found somewhat applicable to the present time:<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>—</p>
-
-<p>“The difficulty of dealing with inflated barbarians, and
-of resisting the constant provocation to chastise them, not
-merely into civility, but into the due observance of their
-federal obligations, and the necessary restraint of the
-plundering propensities of their subjects upon our borders,
-is extreme.</p>
-
-<p>“Yet the dire necessity of entering upon another war
-with such enemies must be contemplated with unmixed
-dislike. There is nothing, either of honour or profit, to
-be gained; and the process, from the nature of the
-country, and the remoteness of its vital parts from the
-stations of our troops, must always be tedious and expensive.
-The seat and strength of the government is fixed
-almost at the upper extremity of the long valley of the
-Irrawaddy. The capital is six or seven hundred miles
-from the sea. The lower part of the valley is a pestilential
-swamp during a considerable portion of the year.
-Though the shorter route to the capital, over the Arracan
-mountains, would unquestionably be taken by our main
-army, the expense of transporting a considerable body of
-troops, with an adequate supply, not only of military
-appurtenances, but of provisions (for the Burmese proved,
-to our cost, in the last war, that they could effectually
-sweep the country of all resources), through such wildernesses,
-and by such mere footpaths, would necessarily be
-great. These were the circumstances which, joined with
-much ignorance and carelessness, rendered the last war
-so tedious and costly.”</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<div class="footnotes">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> Judson, in Documents, pp. 223, 229.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> Or Dr. Buchanan. See his paper in the Edinburgh Philosophical
-Journal, vol. ii. p. 99 sqq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> Penny Cyclopædia, vol. iv, p. 435 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Penny Cyclopædia, vol. iv. p. 437.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Embassy to Ava, vol. ii. p. 227 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Embassy to Ava, vol. iii. p. 233 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Near Amarapura, however, Symes observed a man in a plantation
-using a wheel to a well. See his Ava, vol. ii. p. 87, small edition.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 127 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> Malcom, Travels in South-Eastern Asia, vol. i. p. 96 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 173 sqq.; and Wallich, <i>Plantæ Rariores</i>, &amp;c.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Prescott’s Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. p. 101-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 167.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> See Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. iv. p. 704. On
-the Further Discovery of Coalbeds in Assam, by Capt. F. Jenkins; also
-vol. viii. p. 385. The existence of coal has, however, been disputed.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. ii. p. 75 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> The <i>viss</i> is equal to 3½ pounds. The Burmese word is <i>peik-tha</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> Japon, Indo-Chine, et Ceylan, par M. Dubois de Jancigny, p. 236.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Crawfurd’s Ava, vol. ii. p. 222, to whom I am mainly indebted.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, vol. iv. p. 499.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Races of Man, p. 137. See his Ethnological map.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Prichard, vol. iv. p. 506.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Asiat. Res. vol. x. p. 240.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Low’s Grammar of the T’hay.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> See my remarks in Buckley’s Great Cities of the Ancient World,
-p. 369.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> In concluding this subject, allow me to refer the reader to some
-useful observations on Ethnology by Dr. Prichard, in the Admiralty
-Manual of Scientific Inquiry, edited by Sir John Herschel, p. 423-444.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Embassy to Ava, vol. i. p. 286 sq.; later edition, vol. i. p. 148.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Sangermano’s Description of the Burmese Empire, p. 58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Prescott, Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. p. 80.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 137 and note.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Malcom, Travels, vol. i. p. 249.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> My immediate authority is Sangermano, p. 60. This most lucid and
-interesting account of the Burmese empire, containing more than its title
-imports, deserves the most earnest attention of the historian. Compiled
-from Burmese documents, it bears the highest worth in itself.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Sangermano, p. 64.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 137.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> In accordance with my suggestions at p. 16 of this work.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Thucydides, lib. i. c. 138.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 262.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Sangermano, p. 66.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 149 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Page 74.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Ava, vol. ii. pp. 152-156.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Sangermano, p. 67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> My authority is, as usual, the excellent Sangermano, p. 68.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> This shows how the Burmans fear <i>justice</i>. How deeply seated is
-this disorder, and who can unseat and drive it away?</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> I am indebted to Malcom, vol. i. p. 256, and others.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Report on Bassein.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 156.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Travels, vol. i. p. 256.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 157.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> This is remarkably applicable to a certain European nation.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> I should not have ventured to say as much as this, had I not found
-myself corroborated by Dr. Buchanan Hamilton. His remark is as follows:—“I
-should certainly have been silent, had I thought that Captain
-Symes or Mr. Wood’s inquiries on these subjects had prepared them to
-give their opinions with advantage. But I imagine that this has not been
-the case; and I hope the information I here give may be of use to professional
-men.”—MS. in the British Museum, Additional MS. No. 13,872.
-In the same collection of papers on Ava are a number of communications
-from Symes to the Marquis of Wellesley, in the course of his second embassy.
-It is but fair to add, that these letters appear written under more
-just impressions than his printed journal was.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 206.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Residence in Ava, p. 134.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Embassy to Ava, vol. i. p. 93 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Governor or chief man.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 98 sq. See also Cox, Residence in Ava, pp. 37-45.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Cox, on the contrary, was informed that there were five hundred
-and twenty wells: this, however, is ably shown to be impossible by Crawfurd,
-not by snappish contradiction, but by calculation. The captain was,
-evidently, misinformed.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 178.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Sangermano, p. 171.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 162.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Alves, quoted in Ava, vol. ii. pp. 167-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> A tical is worth about two shillings and sixpence. This would be
-£6,250.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> See Wilson’s Documents of the Burmese War, Appendix, p. xliv.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> But, after all, this cannot be considered as other than the substitution
-of a light or heavy, as the case might be, personal service for a tax in
-kind or specie. The tax was taken in labour; that is all the difference.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Crawfurd, vol. ii. p. 175.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> See Malcom, vol. i. p. 174.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 186.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Page 75.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> Edinburgh Review, No. xliv. p. 354, Jan. 1814.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> I am chiefly indebted to Sangermano, pp. 76-9; and Crawfurd,
-vol. ii. pp. 157-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Page 77.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Description, p. 77.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Now, however, the soldiers have attempted to get into uniform, and
-wear belts and conical cases of tin, to resemble the English cap.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Snodgrass, Narrative of the Burmese War, pp. 64 and 65. We shall
-hereafter return to these excellent “soldiers and gentlemen.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 160.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Burmese War, p. 21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Description, p. 78.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Sangermano, p. 79.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Burmese War, p. 205.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Ralph Fitch, in Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 259. London, 1599.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> See p. 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> I have preferred to give the spelling of the black-letter folio, as it is
-not very corrupt, and lends additional quaintness to the writer’s remarks.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Page 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> This intimated that the elephant was the divine ruler of the other
-animals, and the scarlet borla of the Peruvian Inca was bound upon its
-temples.—Prescott, Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. p. 44.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> Herodotus has recorded the fact of the fishermen of Egypt hanging
-their nets around them to keep off the mosquitoes.—Herod. ii. c. 95.</p>
-
-<p>The following remarks, for which I am indebted to my friend the Rev.
-J. G. Wood, M.A., will, I am sure, interest the reader:—</p>
-
-<p>“The same precautions are taken now. The fisherman plants a pole,
-usually his fishing-pole, upright in the ground, and disposes his net over
-it so as to form a kind of tent. Under this he sleeps securely, as no flies
-dare pass through the meshes of a net, even were they an inch wide. This
-may be proved by stretching a series of crossed threads across an open
-window. No flies will venture to pass through the spaces, as they
-evidently take the net for the toils of some overgrown spider. Should,
-however, a gauze curtain be drawn across the window, and a small hole
-made in it, plenty of flies will creep through. By thus stretching a net, it
-is possible, even in the heat of summer, to enjoy the full benefit of the
-fresh air, and yet to have the satisfaction of knowing that your winged
-foes are buzzing outside in useless anxiety. There must be no cross light,
-or the flies do not appear to see the net.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Crawfurd, vol. i. p. 247.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Description, p. 63.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Description of the Burmese Empire. Compiled from native documents,
-by the Rev. Father Sangermano. Translated from his MS. by
-W. Tandy. Published at Rome in 1833, in the invaluable series of the
-Oriental Translation Committee. I have abridged the lengthy details in
-the work of the father.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Sangermano, Description, p. 2. See Buchanan, Asiatic Researches,
-vol. vi. p. 168. The latter tells us that these measures are not used in
-Burmah. Who can wonder at it?</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Strange this is; but at the same time it displays a species of physical
-and mechanical knowledge which we should hardly have expected in these
-legends.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Sangermano, p. 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> Buchanan, Asiat. Res. vol. vi. p. 175.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> As. Res. vol. vi. p. 175 n. He adds that it would seem to be identical
-with the Meru Paravada of the Brahmins.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> The eastern island is named Pioppavideha; the western, Amaragoga;
-the northern, Unchegru; and the southern, Zabudiba. The tree
-of Godama (mentioned in a former chapter, p. 23) is the <i>Ficus religiosa</i>,
-the Bŏdhĕ-bayn.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> As. Res. vol. vi. p. 178.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Sangermano, p. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Ava, vol. ii. Appendix, No. xi. p. 140.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> As. Res. vol. vi. p. 180.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Trans. R. A. S. vol. i. p. 566.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> Description, p. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Page 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Sangermano, p. 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> See Sangermano and Malcom, vol. i. pp. 289-294.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Hesiod, Op. et Dies, lib. i. vv. 120-125. The above must rather be
-called a paraphrase than a strict version.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> I have partly availed myself of the able summary of Crawfurd,
-vol. ii. p. 274 sq.; as well as Malcom, vol. i. p. 287 sq.; and Sangermano,
-p. 80 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Encyclopædia Metropolitana, vol. iii. Miscellaneous, p. 55.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Vol. iii. p. 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Prinsep’s Tibet, Tartary, and Mongolia, p. 136 and 162 n.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> My immediate authority is Prinsep, in Tibet, &amp;c. pp. 142-144.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Tibet, Tartary, and Mongolia, p. 145.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Prinsep, p. 167.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> I quote Prinsep’s summary, p. 168.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Sangermano, pp. 80 et sqq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> See my remarks on Buddhism in Peking; Great Cities of the Ancient
-World, p. 177. It may be interesting to compare the oath of the witness
-at p. 24, with the Buddhist treatise, translated from the Chinese by myself,
-in the same work, pp. 181-184.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> As. Res. vol. vi. p. 255.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Encyclopædia Metropolitana, art. Buddhism, p. 60.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> As. Res. vol. v. p. 115 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> See my essay on the “Ruins of American Civilisation,” pp. 252-259,
-in Great Cities of the Ancient World, by my friend the Rev. T. A. Buckley,
-B.A.; also Prescott’s Mexico, vol. i. p. 60; and Peru, vol. i. pp. 91-94.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 392 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Will no one observe that “correct orthography” is tautology, and
-“false orthography” a contradiction? How can our language be pure
-under such circumstances?</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> I am indebted to Crawfurd, vol. i. p. 397.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Two Years in Ava, pp. 262 sqq. This most interesting work seems
-freer from prejudice than many of its more assuming brethren.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> I am chiefly indebted to Malcom, vol. i. p. 308 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Pages 89-94; but see also Malcom, <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> Travels in Tartary.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 315 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> Encyclopædia Metropolitana, <i>s.v.</i> Buddhism, p. 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Lib. ii. cc. 86-90.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> I am indebted to an account by Mr. Carey in Asiatic Researches,
-vol. xvi. p. 186 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Ava, vol. ii. p. 127.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> The Anacalypsis, vol. i. p. 93. I may here take occasion to remark,
-that the author of India in Greece, Mr. Pococke, to whose enthusiastic
-labours I would do all the justice in my power, has not, in any part of that
-work, acknowledged the manifold obligations under which he lies to the
-author of the Anacalypsis. I make this remark more in self-defence than
-otherwise, for, upon my attention having been lately turned to Godfrey
-Higgins’s work, I there found my own theory of the population of
-America anticipated, though not worked out in the manner it might be
-done. I must own this, as I am anxious to avoid the imputation of
-plagiarism. However, I find myself amply corroborated in some of my
-own researches; but the writer’s whole feelings merge into a love of every
-kind of mystical foolery that man has ever imagined.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 321 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> My immediate authority is Malcom, vol. i. p. 278.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Pali Grammar, with a copious vocabulary in the same language. By
-the Rev. B. Clough, 8vo. Colombo. 1824.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 277.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Vol. i. p. 277.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> I must not in this place forget to thank the gentlemen at the Museum
-for the aid they so courteously and willingly gave me in my examination
-of their Burmese MSS.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 305 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Page 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> I do not know but that this ought to be written paruæk.—Buchanan.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> Buchanan, in Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 307.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Description, p. 141 et sqq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 172.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> Asiat. Res. vol. ii. p. 285.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> Asiat. Res. vol. vi. p. 174.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> Burmese Empire, p. 111 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> Burmese Empire, p. 113.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. pp. 188-205.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> Description, pp. 11-14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> Buchanan, <i>ubi supra</i>, p. 191; and Sangermano, p. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> See book i. chap. iii. p. 50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 169 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> Loubère, du Royaume de Siam, vol. ii. p. 102.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 275.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> Crawfurd, vol. ii. p. 188.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 275.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> Book i, chap. i. p. 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> Sangermano, p. 167.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> Sangermano, p. 167.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> Book i. chap. iii. p. 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Sangermano, p. 126.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 211.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> Sangermano, p. 124.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Book i. chap. ii. p. 38.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> South-Eastern Asia, vol. i. p. 212.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Sangermano, p. 129.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> Sangermano, <i>ubi supra</i>, p. 129.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> My principal authority is Sangermano, p. 136.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> My chief authority is Sangermano, pp. 144-146.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Burmese Empire, p. 146.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 272.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> Vol. i. p. 7, note.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> Lib. v. tit. 4, ley 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Lib. ix. tit. 2, ley 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> Lex Salica, tit. 43, sec. 1, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Lib. vi. tit. 4, ley 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> Lib. vi. tit. 5, leyes 12, 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Lex Salica, tit. 11, sec. 1, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Embassy to Ava in the year 1795, vol. ii. p. 41 sqq.; later ed. vol. i.
-p. 208 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> Called by Sir William Jones, Valmiec.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> Honymaan is worshipped by the Hindoos under the form of an ape,
-and is one of the most frequent objects of their adoration; almost every
-Hindoo pagoda has this figure delineated in some part of it. Honymaan
-(Hanuman) is the term used by the Hindoos to denote a large ape. The
-worship was widely extended even among the Mexicans, who portrayed
-monkeys in their picture writings. In the Coptic-Egyptian, Haanu signifies
-monkey.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 305.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> Stock characters seem as prevalent as at the Victoria or Adelphi.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> Journal of the As. Soc. of Bengal, vol. viii. p. 535 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> I am partly indebted to Cox, Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 497 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 499. Comp. Symes, vol. ii. p. 226,
-small ed.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> Sangermano, p. 127.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Vol. i. p. 240.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> Vol. i. p. 242.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> Burmese Empire, p. 128.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> My authority is an interesting article in the Journal of the Asiatic
-Society of Bengal, vol. v. p. 159 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> A territory to the southward of Manipur.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> Sravasti in Oude.—Wilson.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> Yázá is the Burmese pronunciation of Rája.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Book i. chap. iii. p. 47.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 270, small edition.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vol. v. p. 164.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> One of the king of Ava’s titles is Nedwet bhuyen—Sun-descended
-monarch. Strange coincidence with the Inca boast!</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> Mr. Judson has given us a translation of a chronological summary,
-which is of extreme value. It is now, together with the text, in the
-British Museum.—(Additional MS., No. 12,400.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> Symes, vol. ii. p. 51 sqq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Ib. id. p. 55.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Symes, vol. ii. p. 58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Malcom, vol. i. p. 220.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> Sangermano, p. 119.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> Ibid.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Sangermano, p. 120.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Ibid.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> Symes, Ava, vol. i. p. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> The particulars will be found in Captain Drury’s paper in No. V. of
-the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1851; and in Allen’s
-Indian Mail, vol. x. p. 265.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> Burmese Empire, p. 47.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> My sketch of the Burmese revolution is derived from Symes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> The first is a Burmese word signifying victory; the second, Pali, for
-the same.—Crawfurd, vol. ii. p. 281.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Jancigny, <i>Indo-Chine</i>, p. 255.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> See book i. chap. ii. p. 40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> So Symes always spells the word. It is now generally spelt
-Burmans.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> Symes, vol. i. pp. 43-49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Ava, vol. i. pp. 53-55.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Vol. i. pp. 56-57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> Compare the following observations of a late excellent writer upon
-India. “M. Dupleix’s wonderful talent for diplomacy and intrigue soon
-obtained signal triumphs. His emissaries were everywhere; and the
-native princes were all as fickle as faithless. In his intrigues with them
-he is said to have derived wonderful assistance from his wife, who was
-born in India, and perfectly understood not only the languages, but also
-the character of the natives. In his union with this lady, who is described
-as being even more ambitious than himself, we may probably trace the
-cause of the essentially Oriental spirit of many of his proceedings.”—Macfarlane’s
-History of British India, chap. iii. p. 31. We shall, hereafter,
-have occasion to return to this work, in connection with the Burmese
-war in 1824-26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Symes, vol. i. pp. 70-72.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Sangermano, however, shows, by the ordinance of the port, that the
-seizure of the vessel and its contents was nothing remarkable.—See his
-Burmese Empire, p. 170.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Vol. i. p. 74.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> Book i. chap. vi. p. 103.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 76.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> Book i. chap. iii. p. 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 81.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> Symes, vol. i. pp. 83-88.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 96.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> Symes, vol. i. pp. 106-109.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> Ib. id. pp. 113-115.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 120 sqq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> Burmese Empire, p. 48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 124.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 147 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> Burmese Empire, p. 49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 150.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> Ib. id. p. 151.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> Ib. id. p. 191 sqq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Symes alludes to the fate of Louis XVI.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> See book i. chap. iv. p. 78.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> I continue the narrative in the words of Sangermano, p. 50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> According to Malcom (vol. i. p. 157), the <i>fourth</i> son.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> His reign, however, included eleven days.—Symes, vol. i. p. 227.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> My chief authority is Symes, vol. i. p. 218 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> Symes, vol. i. pp. 221-224. Sangermano’s account, it will be perceived,
-is somewhat different.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 231.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> See book i. chap. ii. p. 40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> My chief authority is Crawfurd, vol. ii. pp. 1-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Ava, vol. ii, p. 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Ib. id. p. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 131.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Ava, vol. i. p. 133.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 138.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> Alves in Journal quoted by Symes, vol. i. p. 140.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> Bassein.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> Symes, vol. i. p. 142.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> Marquis Wellesley’s Indian Despatches, &amp;c.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> Macfarlane’s History of British India, p. 355.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Macfarlane, <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> In 1802 Symes again visited Burmah for a diplomatic purpose; but
-his letters, while they modify his book, add little of value to our knowledge
-of the country.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> This is, however, very problematical. Mr. Macfarlane cannot have
-forgotten the whole previous history of European intercourse with the
-country, and how many distinctions and quibblings were brought forward
-at different times upon that plea.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Travels, vol. i. p. 159.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> See Sangermano, p. 113.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> Wilson’s Narrative of the Burmese War, p. 1 of the reprint of
-1852.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Wilson, p. 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> Wilson, p. 29 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> Macfarlane’s British India, pp. 450-452.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> Burmese War, p. 52, ed. 1852.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> Burmese War, p. 54.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> Burmese War, p. 56 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> Wilson, p. 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> Crawfurd’s Ava, vol. i. p. 304.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> Edinburgh Review, vol. lxxi, p. 361, July, 1840.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 63.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> The gilt umbrella surmounting the highest pinnacle of the pagoda.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Two Years in Ava, p. 26 sqq. This interesting and well-written book
-seems to be the production of a naval officer attached to the expedition.
-It is by far the most attractive narrative of the proceedings in 1824, with
-which I am acquainted.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Snodgrass, Burmese War, p. 12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> See Two Years in Ava, p. 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Snodgrass, p. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Two Years in Ava, p. 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> Ibid. p. 29. Cf. book i. chap. ii. p. 40 of this work.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> Burmese War, pp. 15-20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Page 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> Snodgrass, pp. 20-22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> Page 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> Edinburgh Review, vol. lxxi. p. 358.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Two Years in Ava, p. 40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Burmese War, p. 27.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> Page 43 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> A doolie is a species of litter, used in the East to carry the wounded
-from the field of battle.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> Burmese War, pp. 35-37.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> Two Years in Ava, p. 56. So, too, did the wild shouts and savage
-songs of the Mexicans strike on the ears of the watching Spaniards.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> Wilson, Burmese War, p. 86 sq., and the authorities quoted there.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Two Years in Ava, p. 60.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Two Years in Ava, p. 66 sq.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> I may here mention, that Major Canning, who had accompanied
-the expedition as political agent, about this time returned to Calcutta by
-the <i>Nereide</i>, where, debilitated by the marsh fever of Ava, he shortly died.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> Burmese War, p. 96.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> Book i. chap. ii. p. 39.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> British India, p. 463 sq. Geijer, the historian of Sweden, well compares
-them to the Bersekkars.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 105.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> It may be as well to state, that about this time Colonel Godwin,
-after a gallant resistance, took Martaban for the first time; it has since
-been given up to the Burmese; but in this last war it was again taken possession
-of, and it is now in our hands.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Wilson, pp. 106, 107.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> Wilson, p. 113.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> Burmese War, p. 119. My limits do not admit of my speaking much
-of the war in Arakhan, which was yet undetermined. I shall content
-myself with referring to Macfarlane, Wilson, and other historians, merely
-adding, that the conquest of the province was completed by the end of
-April, 1825.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> Wilson, p. 175.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> I may here mention, that the author of Two Years in Ava has enriched
-his book by an excellent and complete plan of the fortress and works
-of Donabew, which I most heartily recommend to the student of military
-science.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> MacFarlane’s India, p. 479.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 181.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Edinburgh Review, vol. lxxi. p. 356.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> Wilson, Burmese War, p. 184.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> British India, p. 485.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> “In the month of August, Sir Archibald Campbell went down to
-Rangoon, and returned from that place to Prome, in the steam-vessel the
-<i>Diana</i>, with as much ease and tranquillity as we go from London-bridge
-to Ramsgate and back again.”—Mac Farlane.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 196.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> Mac Farlane’s British India, p. 487.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> Wilson, p. 209.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> Burmese War, p. 216.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Statistical Report.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> British India, p. 490.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> It may not be inapposite here to mention that, according to a writer
-in the <i>Times</i> of the 7th of September, 1852, “letters were found in the
-stockades at Prome, ordering white slaves to be sent up to Ava, for the
-use of the Ava ladies.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Wilson, p. 229.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> Burmese War, p. 238.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> British India, p. 492.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> Page 355.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> Papers relating to the Hostilities with Burmah. Presented to both
-Houses of Parliament by her Majesty’s command, June 4, 1852, pp. 87-89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Edinburgh Review, vol. lxxi. p. 356.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<p class="titlepage">COX (BROTHERS) AND WYNAN, PRINTERS, GREAT QUEEN STREET.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
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-<li><span class="smcap">Violet</span>; or, Found at Last.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<p>“Miss M’Intosh’s style reminds the reader forcibly of Miss Edgeworth and Mrs.
-Opie; all her books inculcate high moral principles, and exalt what is honourable
-in purpose and deep in affection.”</p>
-
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-<li><span class="smcap">Emigrants</span> (The).</li>
-</ul>
-
-<p>“Unless another master-hand like Carleton’s should appear, it is to his pages,
-and his alone, that future generations must look for the truest and fullest picture
-of the Irish peasantry, who will ere long have passed away from the troubled
-land and the records of history.”—<i>Edinburgh Review.</i></p>
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-</ul>
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-<p>“Gerstaecker’s books abound in adventure and scenes of excitement; and are
-fully equal, in that respect, to the stories either of Marryat, Cooper, or Dana.”</p>
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