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diff --git a/old/64271-0.txt b/old/64271-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index dd2d570..0000000 --- a/old/64271-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9354 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Burmah and the Burmese, by Kenneth R. H. -(Kenneth Robert Henderson) Mackenzie - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Burmah and the Burmese - - -Author: Kenneth R. H. (Kenneth Robert Henderson) Mackenzie - - - -Release Date: January 12, 2021 [eBook #64271] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BURMAH AND THE BURMESE*** - - -E-text prepared by MFR and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustration. - See 64271-h.htm or 64271-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/64271/64271-h/64271-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/64271/64271-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/burmahburmeseint00mackrich - - - - - -BURMAH AND THE BURMESE - - - * * * * * * - -RAILWAY AND HOME READING. - - -JAMES GRANT’S WORKS. - -In fcap. 8vo, price Two Shillings each, boards, or in cloth gilt, 2_s._ -6_d._ - - HARRY OGILVIE. - FRANK HILTON. - YELLOW FRIGATE (The). - ROMANCE OF WAR (The). - SCOTTISH CAVALIER (The). - BOTHWELL. - JANE SETON. - PHILIP ROLLO. - ADVENTURES OF AN AIDE-DE-CAMP (The). - -“The author of the ‘Romance of War’ deserves the popularity which has -made him, perhaps, the most read of living novelists. His tales are full -of life and action, and his soldier spirit and turn for adventure carry -him successfully through, with a skill in narrative which even the author -of ‘Charles O’Malley’ seldom shows.” - - -CAPTAIN MARRYAT’S WORKS. - -In fcap. 8vo, price Eighteenpence each, boards, - - PETER SIMPLE. - MIDSHIPMAN EASY (Mr.). - KING’S OWN (The). - RATTLIN THE REEFER. 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MACKENZIE, - -Editor of “Lepsius’s Discoveries in Egypt and Ethiopia.” - - - - - - -London: -George Routledge and Co., Farringdon Street. -1853. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -In offering the following historical and social account of Burmese policy -and importance, it may be permitted me to make a few remarks on the -subject of the war now proceeding in that country. - -Unfortunate as any war always is, and must be, yet in contending with -an unprincipled and tyrannical government like that of Burmah, there is -a grain of satisfaction in knowing that we thereby shake the despotic -thrones of the East, and thus add something to the cause of liberty and -peace. Such, too, is the only advantage of a contention with the king of -Ava. If we cannot humanize by fair means,—of course, under fair means I -do not intend to comprehend many of the so-called missionary labours, -which cause more harm in a short while than all diplomatic fiddling will -do in the course of years,—we must, _vi et armis_, carry civilisation -into the country, and openly defy the custom-house of tyranny. The two -courses to be adopted with respect to Burmah seem to be these;—the one -is to erect the Pegu province into a kingdom; the other, to annex the -country ourselves, placing it under Anglo-Indian rule; and I cannot -help believing that any fair investigation of the subject will produce -the above conviction; but time and the diplomatists must decide on the -precise course. - -For the cause of religious truth and civil liberty, it is to be hoped -that the missionary system at present pursued may be altered; for the -sake of peace, it is to be hoped that the utmost caution will be pursued -in framing laws for these countries, which must at last, in some way, -become allies or tributaries of the imperial crown of Great Britain. - -It will be seen in the following pages, where I have endeavoured to -indicate rather than enlarge upon the social condition of the Burmese, -that they have many admirable customs; that they are industrious; -that their moral propensities are as yet undefiled; and that their -country presents a fine field for the development both of commercial -and agricultural interests. Now, when even the colonies in the south -are overstocked, or rather crowded with persons not capable, as a -general rule, of occupying a responsible condition in life, there is a -necessity for a new and yet old place. In Burmah we have it. Under the -rule of an independent sovereign, Pegu would form a fine place, where -our vessels could lie; and the teak of the country would make Bassein -and Rangoon of great importance to our shipping interests. If Burmah -should be incorporated with our own dominions, why, then at least the -same degree of elevation in the intellectual world would be obtained, -as in Hindustan, or in Siam, where, as Neale informs us, the king reads -“Pickwick” in English, and enjoys it. - -In some respects the following character of the English, drawn by -the Burmese themselves, is so just, that I shall hardly be wrong in -submitting it to the reader:— - -“The English are the inhabitants of a small and remote island: what -business have they to come in ships from so great a distance to dethrone -kings, and take possession of countries they have no right to? They -contrive to conquer and govern the black foreigners, the people of -castes, who have puny frames and no courage: they have never yet -fought with so strong and brave a people as the Burmas, skilled in the -use of the sword and spear. If they once fight with us, and we have an -opportunity of manifesting our bravery, it will be an example to the -black nations, which are now slaves to the English, and will encourage -them to throw off the yoke.”[1] - -The fact is, that the English never had any business in India, and their -only title to it now consists in their long possession and occupation of -the territory. The world has forgotten that, or overlooked it from the -first. The nation is brave and intelligent, but hasty and inconsiderate, -and so blind is it when excited, that, at such time, like Captain -Absolute, it could _cut its own throat_, “or any other person’s, with the -greatest pleasure in the world.” - -I trust this little work may serve as a guide to the many valuable -and interesting volumes to which I have been indebted, and that the -reader may not count the hours spent in its perusal lost. My literary -engagements have somewhat hurried the close, but nothing of importance -has been omitted; indeed, by the kindness of several friends, I have been -able, here and there, to add new illustrations and comments. - - KENNETH R. H. MACKENZIE. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - BOOK I. - - BURMAN CIVILISATION. - - CHAPTER I. - - Geographical sketch—Character of the country—Climate—The - river Irawadi—The Petroleum Wells—The Saluen, - &c.—Forests—Plants—Minerals—Animals—Races of Burmah—Character - of the Burmese nation 1 - - CHAPTER II. - - The King absolute—Instances of despotism—Titles—Forms - of government—Offices—The Law Courts—Their - iniquity—Instances—The Book of the Oath epitomized—The - oath—Laws—Police—Revenues—Petroleum—Family-tax—Imports - and exports—Exactions—Army—Equipments—Cowardice—March—The - Invulnerables—Discipline—Military character—White - elephants—Description of an early traveller—Its high - estimation—Treatment—Funeral 16 - - CHAPTER III. - - Cosmography—The Burman hells—Definition of a - Nat, by Hesiod—Buddha—Gaudama—His probable - history—Buddhism—Priests—Temples—Curious cave near - Prome—Monasteries—Ceremonies—Funeral—Concluding remarks 45 - - CHAPTER IV. - - Language—Literature—Manuscripts—The - Aporazabon—Superstitions—Divination—The - Deitton—Astronomy—Division of time 66 - - CHAPTER V. - - Currency—Weights—Commerce—Ports—Teak-wood—Houses—Tanks—Dress— - Food—Marriages—Childbirth—Funerals—Arts—Slavery—The - Drama—Chess—Games—Music—Fireworks 81 - - CHAPTER VI. - - Ancient history—Pegu—Character of the Burmese—Concluding - reflections 99 - - BOOK II. - - BURMAN HISTORY. - - CHAPTER I. - - 1687-1760. - - Alompra, the liberator of Burmah 108 - - CHAPTER II. - - 1760-1819. - - Anaundopra—Zempiuscien—Chenguza—Paongoza—Men-ta-ra-gyee 135 - - CHAPTER III. - - 1760-1824. - - British intercourse with Ava—Alves’s mission—Symes’s - mission—Canning—King Nun-Sun—Rise of the Burman war—Its origin - in official aggression—Evacuation of Cachar 145 - - CHAPTER IV. - - 1824. - - Bundoola—Retreat of Captain Noton—Defeat at Ramoo—Repulse - of the Burmans—Burmese account of the war—Rangoon - expedition—Description of Rangoon 156 - - CHAPTER V. - - 1824. - - Arrival at Rangoon—Taking of that town—Position of the - troops—State of the neighbourhood—Confidence of the - king of Ava—Attack of Joazong—Burmese embassy—Capture - of Kemendine—Reinforcements from Madras—Sickness of the - army—Endurance of the British soldier 169 - - CHAPTER VI. - - 1824. - - Encounters with the Burmese—Capture of Kummeroot—Taking of - Syriam—Storming of Dalla—Conquest of Tenasserim province—The - Invulnerables 181 - - CHAPTER VII. - - 1824-1825. - - Battle of Kykloo—Thantabain—Maha Bundoola—Successes of the - British—Discomfiture of Maha Bundoola—Campbell marches into the - interior—Arrival at Donabew—Repulse—Death of Bundoola—Capture - of Donabew 189 - - CHAPTER VIII. - - 1825-1826. - - Arrival at Prome—Prome under English rule—Re-assembly - of the Burmese army—Negotiations for peace—Battle of - Meaday—Melloon—Yandabo—Treaty of peace 197 - - - - - -BURMAH; AN HISTORICO-SOCIAL SKETCH. - - - - -BOOK I. - -BURMAN CIVILISATION. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - Geographical sketch—Character of the country—Climate—The - river Irawadi—The Petroleum wells—The Saluen, - &c.—Forests—Plants—Minerals—Animals—Races of Burmah—Character - of the Burmese nation. - - -Before the war in 1824, 1825, and 1826, the empire of Burmah was the -most considerable among those of the Indo-Chinese nations inhabiting -the farther peninsula of India. Previous to the events of that campaign -it comprehended the whole of the extensive region lying between the -latitudes 9° and 27° N. At present, however, its limits are lat. 16° -and 27° or 28° N., and long. 93° and 99° E. Its northern boundary is, -even at the present day, imperfectly known; and we are in still greater -uncertainty concerning the frontier to the east, in Upper Laos, partly -subject to the king of Ava or Burmah. Berghaus is probably the most -correct in following Sir Francis Hamilton,[2] who has done far more for -the geography of these countries than any one else, and extending it to -100° E. long., about the parallel of 22° N. It is bounded on the west by -the British provinces of Arakhan, Cassay, and Chittagong; to the north, -by a portion of Assam and Thibet; to the north-east it has the Chinese -province of Yunan; to the east, the independent Laos country and the -British territory of Martaban; and to the south it has the kingdom of -Siam and the Indian Ocean. - -Taken in its most extensive sense, that is, including all the countries -subject to Burman influence, its area may contain 194,000 square miles. -The population is probably about 4,000,000. The climate of a country -comprehending such a vast extent of territory, cannot fail to exhibit -much variety, and topographical circumstances cannot fail to produce a -still greater difference. But notwithstanding that the southern levels -at the mouth of the Irawadi are swampy, yet the climate is not, even -there, insalubrious, while farther north it is very similar to that of -Hindostan. Col. Symes, to whose excellent, though somewhat overcharged -narrative, we shall have ample occasion to refer, insists upon the -salubrity of the climate in very strong terms indeed. The aspect of the -country is low and champaign up to the full latitude of 17½°N.; but from -thence to the 22° it assumes a hilly aspect, and beyond that it rises -into mountains. Burmah is inclosed on the east and west by two branch -ranges of the Himalaya; other ranges run down, in general, from north to -south, gradually decreasing in height toward the south. - -The upper portion of Burmah is mountainous. The scenery is among the -most beautiful in the world. Plains and mountains, lovely valleys and -gaping chasms, present themselves to the wondering eye of the traveller. -Now there is a space of level ground, covered with straggling underwood; -plants trail along the earth, the high disorderly grass of the jungle -waves, and the wild stunted trees stretch their deformed limbs toward -heaven, as if to pray that the hand of civilised man might at length -relieve them. The waving grass is gone, and we are again amid the -mountains, clothed with majestic trees, arching gloriously over the weary -traveller’s head, and concealing from his view the wild animals that -house there. Such is the greater part of Burmah, thus uninhabited and -neglected; such the condition of a region belonging to an unenergetic -people; and such it will remain, until the nations can recognise the vast -wealth that the gorges and abysses of the mountains contain. Rich and -unexhausted is the land; but the race that shall gather its treasures, -and turn its wild wastes into populous cities, is not, and will never be, -that of the Burman! - -The coasts and rivers are well studded with towns and villages, and the -busy hum of the healthy labourers is heard everywhere. Yet there is a -blank place in the maps for many portions still. No European voice has -listened in the wildernesses of the Naga tribes, or in those of the -Murroos. The land whence the human race first came is now left silent. - -In the maritime portions of the country the year has two seasons,—the -dry and the wet. The latter always begins about the tenth of May, with -showers gradually growing more frequent, for several weeks. It afterwards -rains almost daily until about the middle of September, when it as -gradually goes off, and in the course of a month entirely ceases. During -this time from one hundred and fifty to two hundred inches of water fall. -This is the only time when the country is unhealthy for foreigners, and -even then, there are many places where persons may reside with impunity. -In other parts of the country there are three seasons. In the highest and -wildest provinces there are severe winters. - -Amidst these mountain-passes rises the great and sacred river Irawadi, -named from the elephant of Indra, which, like the stream of history, -flows down from amidst obscurity and uncertainty. The sources of the -Irawadi are yet undiscovered; but Lieutenant Wilcox, who explored a -considerable portion of Burmah, was informed, that they were not far -distant from that of the Burampooter, or Brahmapootra. It has a course of -more than twelve hundred miles to the sea; and passing through the whole -of the empire, it falls into the Gulf of Martaban, by a great number of -mouths, in the kingdom of Pegu. Its breadth varies from one to three, and -even five miles in various parts of its course. How different from its -narrowest width of eighty yards, at about forty miles from its supposed -source. - -The river issues from the mountains, and enters an extensive valley, -occupied by the tribes of the Khunoongs. At this early point of its -course, the country is perfectly level, and is partly cultivated, while -the remainder is studded with small woods of bamboo. The Irawadi is -little more than eighty yards broad at the town of Manchee, and is quite -fordable. The plain of Manchee is 1,855 feet above the level of the sea. -After passing through this plain, it runs through countries very little -blown to Europeans, for about 120 miles. Rugged mountain-chains here form -the banks of the river, sometimes diversified by a plain of some extent. - -Bamoo is the first place of consequence on the river after Manchee, and -is about 350 miles distant from the latter town. The level of the river -falls 1,300 feet between the two places. At some distance from Bamoo, -near a village called Kauntoun, the river suddenly turns westwards but -soon runs south-west again. A little above Hentha it takes a direction -due south, so continuing to Amarapura. From Bamoo to Amarapura the -country is only navigable for small boats. - -“With the change of the river the face of the country is changed. Issuing -from the narrow valley, it enters a very wide one, or rather a plain. -Along its banks, and especially on the southern side, the level country -extends for many miles, in some places even to thirty, and even then is -not bounded by high mountains, but by moderate hills, which increase -in height as they recede farther from the river. Considerable portions -of these plains are covered by the inundations of the river in the wet -season. On the north side of the river the hills are at no great distance -from the banks, and here the ground is impregnated with muriate of soda, -and with nitre, of which great quantities are extracted.”[3] - -The Irawadi now rolls its majestic floods towards the ocean, and receives -an accession in the confluence of the Kyan Duayn, a river which first -receives that name near the Danghii hills; it then continues its course, -and arrives at the former boundary of the kingdoms of Ava and Pegu, the -promontory of Kyaok-ta-rau. - -“The valley of the Irawadi, south of its confluence with the Kyan Duayn, -to the town of Melloon (south of 20° N. lat.), is, in its general aspect, -hilly and very uneven; but the hills rise to no great height, at least -not near the river, and are in many places separated by tracts of flat -country, which in some places are extensive and well cultivated. South -of Melloon the hills approach nearer the river, and often form its -banks. They are in most places covered with forest trees of considerable -size; among which teak-trees are frequent. Cultivation is confined to -the narrow flat tracts which here and there separate the hills from the -river.”[4] - -In this neighbourhood are situated the famous Petroleum wells, at a -village called Re-nau-khaung, from three to four miles from the river. -Colonel Symes did not visit the interesting spot at that time, but he has -given us an excellent idea of the locality, by his brief but vigorous -sketch:— - -“The country,” he tells us,[5] “now displayed an aspect different from -any we had yet seen; the surface was broken into small separate hills, -entirely barren and destitute of vegetation, except some stunted bushes -that grew on the declivities, and in the dells, and a few unhealthy -trees immediately in the neighbourhood of the villages: the clay was -discoloured, and had the appearance of red ochre. We were informed, -that the celebrated wells of petroleum, which supply the whole empire, -and many parts of India, with that useful product, were five miles to -the east of this place. The Seree brought me a piece of stone, which -he assured me was petrified wood, and which certainly had much the -appearance of it. In walking about, I picked up several lumps of the -same, in which the grain of the wood was plainly discernible; it was -hard, siliceous, and seemed composed of different lamina. The Birmans -said it was the nature of the soil that caused this transmutation; and -added, that the petrifying quality of the earth at this place was such, -that leaves of trees shaken off by the wind were not unfrequently changed -into stone before they could be decayed by time. The face of the country -was altered and the banks of the river were totally barren; the ground -was superficially covered with quartz gravel, and concreted masses of -the same material were thickly scattered. The mouth of the creek was -crowded with large boats, waiting to receive a lading of oil; and immense -pyramids of earthen jars were raised within and around the village, -disposed in the same manner as shot and shells are piled in an arsenal. -This place is inhabited only by potters, who carry on an extensive -manufactory, and find full employment. The smell of the oil was extremely -offensive; we saw several thousand jars filled with it ranged along the -bank; some of these were continually breaking, and the contents, mingling -with the sand, formed a very filthy consistence.” - -On the colonel’s return, however, he and Dr. Buchanan rode over to the -wells; and their account of their visit is too interesting to be omitted -here:[6]— - -“The face of the country was cheerless and sterile; the road, which wound -among rocky eminences, was barely wide enough to admit the passage of -a single cart; and in many places the track in which the wheels must -run was a foot and a half lower on one side than the other: there were -several of these lanes, some more circuitous than others, according to -the situation of the small hills among which they led. Vehicles, going -and returning, were thus enabled to pursue different routes, except -at particular places where the nature of the ground would only admit -of one road: when a cart came to the entrance of such a defile, the -driver hallooed out, to stop any that might interfere with him from the -opposite side, no part being sufficiently wide for two carts to pass. -The hills, or rather hillocks, were covered with gravel, and yielded no -other vegetation than a few stunted bushes. The wheels had worn ruts deep -into the rock, which seemed to be rather a mass of concreted gravel than -hard stone, and many pieces of petrified wood lay strewed about. It is -remarkable, that wherever these petrifactions were found the soil was -unproductive, and the ground destitute of verdure. The evening being far -advanced, we met but few carts; those which we did observe, were drawn -each by a pair of oxen, of a length disproportionate to the breadth, -to allow space for the earthen pots that contained the oil. It was a -matter of surprise to us how they could convey such brittle ware, with -any degree of safely, over so rugged a road: each pot was packed in a -separate basket and laid on straw; notwithstanding which precaution, -the ground all the way was strewed with the fragments of the vessels, -and wet with oil; for no care can prevent the fracture of some in every -journey. As we approached the pits, which were more distant than we had -imagined, the country became less uneven, and the soil produced herbage: -it was nearly dark when we reached them, and the labourers had retired -from work. There seemed to be a great many pits within a small compass: -walking to the nearest, we found the aperture about four feet square, -and the sides, as far as we could see down, were lined with timber; the -oil is drawn up in an iron pot, fastened to a rope passed over a wooden -cylinder which revolves on an axis supported by two upright posts. When -the pot is filled, two men take the rope by the end, and run down a -declivity, which is cut in the ground to a distance equivalent to the -depth of the well: thus, when they reach the end of the track the pot is -raised to its proper elevation; the contents, water and oil together, are -then discharged into a cistern, and the water is afterwards drawn off -through a hole in the bottom.” - -It is impossible to read this, without stopping to smile at the -backwardness of the people, who, having invented all the machinery for a -well, should still remain at that distance from the application of this -discovery, as to resort to such a complicated and cumbersome arrangement, -as cutting a trackway equal in length to the depth of the well! How easy -to have applied the winch and coiled the rope, as other nations as far -back in civilisation have done, in the way with which we are acquainted! -But it is such little hitches that impede a nation’s progress![7] But to -continue the narrative of the envoy. - -“Our guide, an active, intelligent man, went to a neighbouring house and -procured a well-rope, by means of which we were enabled to measure the -depth, and ascertained it to be thirty-seven fathoms; but of the quantify -of oil at the bottom we could not judge. The owner of the rope, who -followed our guide, affirmed, that when a pit yielded as much as came up -to the waist of a man, it was deemed tolerably productive; if it reached -to his neck, it was abundant; but that which rose no higher than the knee -was accounted indifferent. When a well is exhausted, they restore the -spring by cutting deeper into the rock, which is extremely hard in those -places where the oil is produced. Government farms out the ground that -supplies this useful commodity; and it is again let to adventurers, who -dig wells at their own hazard, by which they sometimes gain and often -lose, as the labour and expense of digging are considerable. The oil is -sold on the spot for a mere trifle; I think two or three hundred pots -for a tackal, or half a crown. The principal charge is incurred by the -transportation and purchase of vessels. We had but half gratified our -curiosity, when it grew dark, and our guide urged us not to remain any -longer, as the road was said to be infested by tigers, that prowled at -night among the rocky uninhabited ways through which we had to pass. -We followed his advice, and returned, with greater risk, as I thought, -of breaking our necks from the badness of the road than of being -devoured by wild beasts. At ten o’clock we reached our boats without any -misadventure.” - -Captain Hiram Cox, the British resident at Rangoon in 1796-7, describes -the town of Re-nau-khyaung, or as he spells it, Ramanghong, meaning _the -town through which flows a river of earth-oil_, as “of mean appearance; -and several of its temples, of which there are great numbers, falling to -ruins; the inhabitants, however,” he continues, “are well dressed, many -of them with golden spiral ear ornaments.”[8] Altogether the town or -village, and its environs, are as bleak as bleak can be, if we may trust -the description. We shall hereafter return to the consideration of the -Petroleum trade as a source of revenue to the government. - -The most important place about this portion of the course of the Irawadi -is Prome, a city which we shall hereafter have to mention as one of those -celebrated in the ancient history of the country; we will therefore -omit further notice of it here. Exclusive of the Delta of the Irawadi, -to which we must now turn our attention, there is very little low land -in the Burman territory. Like the Delta of the Nile it is exceedingly -fruitful, and it produces abundant crops of rice. It is, too, the -commercial highway of the land. - -Malcom, who travelled in the country, expresses his astonishment at the -number of boats ever passing up and down the river. It would seem that -the navigation is very tedious; for, according to the same traveller, the -boats are generally from three to four months ascending from the Delta to -the city of Ava.[9] - -The Irawadi finally embouches into the Bay of Bengal by several mouths, -of which the chief are, the Bassein river, the Dallah, the Chinabuckeer, -and the Rangoon or Syriam river. - -The Saluen or Martaban river rises in the same range of mountain whence -the Burampooter, the Irawadi, and the great Kamboja rivers originate. -In the early part of its course, it is named Nou-Kiang by the Chinese, -through whose territory it at first flows. It disembogues into the Gulf -of Poolooghoon opposite the island of that name. - -The Kyan Duayn is a river which, rising near the sources of the Irawadi, -traverses the Kubo valley, and falls into that river in lat. 21° 35´ N., -long. 95° 10´ E.; forming several islands at the junction. The principal -of these is Alakyun. - -The river Setang makes a grand appearance, as Malcom says, upon the -map, still it is of little use, as its depth is only four feet, though -at different places it has a depth of from ten to fifteen feet. It must -at one time have been deeper and navigable, for the ancient capital of -Tongho, in the kingdom of that name, is built upon it. There is a bore -of three feet on the Setang. The other rivers of Burmah are of little -consequence. There are but few lakes, and the most considerable will be -noticed hereafter. - -The fruits of Burmah are very varied in their character, and though they -surpass their neighbours in the article of timber, yet the fruit-trees -are far inferior. A very complete list is given in Malcom’s comprehensive -work, to which I must refer the reader.[10] The teak forests, whose -produce forms no inconsiderable article in Burmese commerce, are situated -in the province of Sarawadi, in the hilly mountainous district east and -north-east of Rangoon. The forests in this part of Asia, like the woody -and uncultivated parts of Hindostan, are extremely pestiferous, and -even though the wood-cutters be a hardy and active race of men, on whom -climate and suffering would seem to have little effect, yet they never -attain to any considerable age, and are very short-lived. - -Dr. Wallich, on his visit to Burmah in 1826, collected specimens of -upwards of sixteen thousand different sorts of trees and plants. I -need only refer the reader to his learned and magnificent work for a -description and classification of them. - -The mineral riches of the land, which are considerable, are not -sufficiently attended to. The head-waters of the various rivers contain -gold-dust, and from Bamoo, on the frontier of China, much gold has been -obtained. Malcom suggests that want of enterprise and capital has alone -prevented these sources of prosperity from being worked. Yes, it has been -that curse! From the earliest ages they have laboured under it, and time -seems not to have taught them the important lesson that all the world -beside are learning and repeating every day,—the necessity of progress. -Much of their gold is drawn from China, and their love for using it in -gilding edifices resembles the taste of the Incas, who, richer in the -metal, plated their temples with gold.[11] What is not used for this -purpose is employed in the setting of the jewels of the great, and as -in Peru, remains in the hands of the Inca lords. It is rarely used as -currency, and then in ingots. - -Notwithstanding that there is much silver elsewhere, the only mines -worked are in Laos, and there even the mines are not wrought by the -Burmese, but by natives of China and Laos, to the number of about a -thousand. The estimated produce does not seem large, amounting annually -to only one hundred thousand pounds, on which the contractors pay a tax -of five thousand pounds. - -The diamonds are all small, and emeralds are wanting. Rubies are found -in great quantities, however, at about five days’ journey from Ava, near -the villages of Mo-gout and Kyat-pyen. Malcom saw one for which the owner -asked no less than four pounds of pure gold. The king is reported to have -some which weigh from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and fifty -grains. Sapphires, too, abound. “Some have been obtained,” Malcom assures -us, “weighing from three thousand to nearly four thousand grains.”[12] -Many other precious stones are to be found in this wealthy country. Much -amber is found round the Hu-kong valley, on the Assam frontier. Iron, -tin, lead, and many of those staples of commerce which form the real -wealth and resources of every country, abound, and coal is to be found -in the inland provinces.[13] Marble, and of the finest, also exists in -the land; better than which there would seem to be none in the world. -What might such a country be in the hands of an energetic and intelligent -people! - -I subjoin a translation of a description of the mines of precious stones -in Kyat-pyen, from the original of Père Giuseppe d’Amato.[14] It gives a -clearer and conciser account of the mines than I can meet with elsewhere, -and I therefore offer it to the reader in an abridged form. - -“The territory of Kyat-pyen [written Chia-ppièn by d’Amato] is situated -to the east, and a little to the south of the town of Mon-thá (lat. 22° -16´ N.), distant about seventy miles. It is surrounded by nine mountains. -The soil is uneven and full of marshes, forming seventeen small lakes, -each having a particular name. It is this soil which is so rich in -mineral treasures. It should be noticed, however, that the dry ground -alone is mined. The miners dig square wells, supporting the sides with -piles and cross-pieces. These wells are sunk to the depth of fifteen -or twenty cubits. When it is secure, the miner descends with a basket, -which he fills with loose earth, the basket is drawn up, and the jewels -are picked out and washed in the brooks in the neighbouring hills. They -continue working the wells laterally till two meet, when the place is -abandoned. There are very few accidents. The precious stones that are -found there consist of rubies, sapphires, topazes, and other crystals. -Many fabulous stories are related concerning the origin of the mines -at Kyat-pyen.” An anecdote was told Amato, as he says, “by a person of -the highest credit,” of two masses (_amas_) of rubies at Kyat-pyen. One -weighed eighty _viss_.[15] When the people were taking them to Ava to -the king, a party of robbers attacked the convoy, and made off with the -smaller one; the other, injured by fire, was brought to Ava. - -The animals of the country are very numerous. The domestic quadrupeds -of the Burmans are the ox, the buffalo, the horse, and the elephant. -The two first are very much used throughout the country. They are both -of a very good species, and generally well kept. The ox is to them an -expensive animal, as their religion forbids its use as food, and they -have, therefore, no profitable manner of disposing of the disabled -cattle. This, probably, led to the taming of the buffalo, an animal which -has been in use among them from time immemorial. It is less expensive to -rear, and is contented with coarser food. But it is not so valuable in -some respects, for though stronger, it is not so hardy, and cannot endure -long-continued exertion. The horse is never full-sized in Burmah, as in -every Asiatic tropical country east of Bengal, and it somewhat resembles -the Canadian pony. The animal is expensive, and rarely used except for -the saddle. In some parts of the country it is almost unknown. - -The elephant, well named the Apis of the Buddhists by M. Dubois de -Jancigny,[16] is now much more the object of royal luxury and ostentation -than anything else, and I shall, when speaking of the religious -ceremonies of the Burmans, again refer to the place it occupies in their -estimation. It is only used in Laos as a beast of burden. - -Hogs, dogs, cats, besides asses, sheep, and goats, which last are but -little known, are little cared for, and they are allowed to pursue their -own paths unmolested. The camel, an animal, which as Mr. Crawfurd says, -is “sufficiently well suited to the upper portions of the country,” is -unknown to the Burmese.[17] - -Wild animals of many descriptions abound in Burmah, still it is a -remarkable fact, noticed by Crawfurd, that neither wolves, jackals, -foxes, nor hyenas, are to be found in the country. Many species of winged -game abound, as also hares. - -The Indo-Chinese nations are considered by Prichard[18] to consist of -various races, while Pickering[19] seems to be able to detect but two, -the Malay, and, in an isolated position, the Telingan. It is therefore -difficult with such contradictory evidence to arrive at the probable -result. But as, without a slight sketch of this important subject, my -work would fall under the just imputation of incompleteness, I shall -venture to give some account of the races of Burmah, and I the rather -take Prichard as my chief guide, as his research is the completer of -the two, notwithstanding that Pickering has shown himself well able -through his work to distinguish the Malay race from every other, in the -most difficult and delicate cases. I shall not trouble the reader with -any account of the adjacent races, but occupy myself solely with the -principal nations under the Burman dominion. And first of the people -of Pegu:[20] they inhabit the Delta of the Irawadi, and the low coast -which terminates in the hilly country of the Burmans or Maramas. They -are called by the Burmans, Talain; but their own name for themselves is -Mân or Môn. The Pegu race, we shall see in the course of its history, -was once very powerful, and its ascendancy remained for many years, and -during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the empire of Pegu is -often spoken of in the Portuguese chronicles as powerful and magnificent. -Their language is entirely different from that of the Burmese and -Siamese, as Leyden judged,[21] and Low has since amply proved.[22] In -Low’s opinion, the Mân is the most original of the Indo-Chinese language. -They use the Pali alphabet, and probably had it before the Burmans. - -The Karian race inhabits the borders and low plains in Bassein province, -but do not present any salient points for consideration. - -The Maramas or Burmans inhabit the high lands above Pegu, where they -created a powerful empire for themselves in very ancient times. They are -some of that valiant Malay stock who subsequently colonized so large a -portion of the globe, and passed by way of Polynesia to the American -continent. They, like the Incas of Peru, boast a celestial origin; -and the similarity of some of their institutions lead to no unfair -presumption of their being of the same original family.[23] They are the -most extended race in the Burman empires, reaching from the frontiers of -Laos and Siam westward to Arakhan. - -The country of Arakhan, which next claims our attention, and concludes -our consideration of the races of Burmah, stretches along the eastern -shore of the Gulf of Bengal, from about 21° to 18° of north latitude. -Having in ancient times formed a portion of the empire of Magad’ha, they -were for centuries connected with India. The Burmans themselves derive -their origin from them; but this is only indirectly true. The solution of -the problem remains yet to be told. The opinion of the Burmans regarding -the antiquity of the Rúkheng, or Arakhan dialect, is fully borne out by -Dr. Leyden. The chief modifications it has undergone are traceable to the -Pali.[24] - -The ethnology of the Burman empire is neither so intricate or so -unsatisfactory as some others. There does not seem to have been a similar -extent of change of race, and probably to that very circumstance do they -owe the feebleness of character, which, however willingly we would omit -seeing, does not fail to make itself conspicuous in a consideration of -their prowess, social institutions, and advancement. The very fact of -their quiescent state has debarred from progress, as the most mixed race -is ever the most energetic. Witness our own, where so many various bloods -have commingled, and formed a nation, which, emphatically speaking, is a -progressive one, and now more than ever. - -The Burmans have not made the advancement they might have made. There -has been sluggish, age-lasting improvement in their empire, and it has -been the want of a stimulating and decisive energy alone that has kept -them back. Simplicity forms, too, no inconsiderable part of the national -character, and this, by leading them to accept various doctrines without -examination—a quality usually observable in semi-civilised races—has not -given them any reason to think and to look around. Like the American -races, they proceeded to a certain point, and then improved but little. - -Colonel Symes, who was inclined to magnify the importance of the nation -in every way, applied some remarks to them, which, however applicable -now, were certainly not then. With those remarks I shall terminate this -chapter, leaving their truth or falsehood to be discovered in the course -of the work. - -“The Birmans,” observes he,[25] “are certainly rising fast in the scale -of Oriental nations; and it is to be hoped that a long respite from -foreign wars will give them leisure to improve their natural advantages. -Knowledge increases with commerce; and as they are not shackled by -any prejudices of castes restricted to hereditary occupations, or -forbidden from participating with strangers in every social bond, -their advancement will, in all probability, be rapid. At present, so -far from being in a state of intellectual darkness, although they -have not explored the depths of science, nor reached to excellence in -the finer arts, they yet have an undeniable claim to the character -of a civilised and well-instructed people. Their laws are wise, and -pregnant with sound morality; their police is better regulated than in -most European countries; their natural disposition is friendly, and -hospitable to strangers; and their manners rather expressive of manly -candour than courteous dissimulation: the gradations of rank, and the -respect due to station, are maintained with a scrupulosity which never -relaxes. A knowledge of letters is so widely diffused that there are no -mechanics, few of the peasantry, or even the common watermen (usually -the most illiterate class), who cannot read and write in the vulgar -tongue. Few, however, are versed in the more erudite volumes of science, -which, containing many Shanscrit terms, and often written in the Pali -text, are (like the Hindoo Shasters) above the comprehension of the -multitude; but the feudal system, which cherishes ignorance, and renders -man the property of man, still operates as a check to civilisation and -improvement. This is a bar which gradually weakens as their acquaintance -with the customs and manners of other nations extends; and unless the -rage of civil discord be again excited, or some foreign power impose -an alien yoke, the Birmans bid fair to be a prosperous, wealthy, and -enlightened people.” - - - - -CHAPTER II. - - The king absolute—Instances of despotism—Titles—Form - of government—Offices—The law courts—Their - iniquity—Instances—The Book of the Oath epitomized—The - oath—Laws—Police—Revenues—Petroleum—Family tax—Imports - and exports—Exactions—Army—Equipments—Cowardice—March—The - Invulnerables—Discipline—Military character—The white - elephant—Description of an early traveller—Its high - estimation—Treatment—Funeral. - - -All writers are unanimous in the cry that there is no potentate upon -earth equally despotic with the lord of Burmah. There is no disguise -about the fact, and he openly asserts, in his titles, that he is lord, -ruler, and sole possessor of the lives, persons, and property of his -subjects. He advances and degrades; his word alone can promote a -beggar to the highest rank, and his word can also utterly displace the -proudest officer of his court. His people is a capacious storehouse, -whence he obtains tools to work his will. As soon as any person becomes -distinguished by his wealth or influence, then does he pay the penalty -with his life. He is apprehended on some supposed crime, and is never -heard of more. Every Burman is born the king’s slave, and it is an honour -to the subject to be so called by his sovereign. - -Sangermano mentions that, in approaching the royal person, the petitioner -or officer is to prostrate himself before him, clasping his hands -together above his head.[26] The fact is curious, and I mention it here, -as it presents a striking similarity to the act of homage to which the -Inca race themselves were subjected in approaching the sacred person of -the Child of the Sun.[27] They clasped their hands over their heads, and -bore a burthen upon their backs. Now the usage is such here, for the -manner of clasping the hands in the Burman court is typical of bearing a -burthen, the actual presence of which is dispensed with. - -It is, however, an honour both to the institutor of the Burman law and -the sovereign, who, though absolute, obeyed it, to mention that no -married woman can be seized on by the emissaries of the king. This, -of course, leads the Burmese to contract marriages very early, either -actually or fictitiously. - -The property of persons who die without heirs is swept into the coffers -of the state, and by law the property of unmarried foreigners is subject -to the same regulation upon their death. Jetsome and flotsome belong to -the king. These last provisions have not, however, been much enforced, -in consequence of the urgent representations of the foreigners residing -at Rangoon, Bassein, and other places. The king alone decides upon peace -and war, and his call brings the whole population to the rescue. All -serve, all are conscripts. “The only effectual restraint,” as Crawfurd -remarks, “on the excesses of maladministration is the apprehension of -insurrection.” - -However, notwithstanding his being acknowledged as absolute, he, like a -present president in Europe, has two nominal councils,—a public one and -a cabinet. But he is neither bound to abide by their advice, nor does -he. His measures are predetermined, and should they prove unwilling to -give an immediate and unconditional assent, he has been known to chase -his ministers from his presence, with a drawn sword. Two instances are -related of his rigour, which will suffice to show the capriciousness of -the unrestrained Oriental. - -The first is related by Crawfurd.[28] “The workman who built the present -palace committed some professional mistake in the construction of the -spire. The king remonstrated with him, saying that it would not stand. -The architect pertinaciously insisted upon its stability and sufficiency, -and was committed to prison for contumacy. Shortly afterwards the spire -fell in a thunderstorm, and about the same time accounts were received at -court of the arrival of the British expedition; upon which the architect -was sent for from prison, taken to the place of execution, and forthwith -decapitated. This,” concludes the envoy, “although upon a small scale, -is a fair example both of the despotism and superstition by which this -people are borne down.” - -The second instance, for the truth of which I would scarcely vouch, -was reported to Malcom,[29] whence I quote it. “On a late occasion, -for a very slight offence, he had forty of his highest officers laid -on their faces in the public street, before the palace wall; kept for -hours in a broiling sun, with a beam extended across their bodies.” -This is scarcely credible, and I think Malcom’s informer must have been -a Burmese Chartist, an Oriental Cuffey. However that traveller pithily -observes, that he is “seldom allowed to know much of passing events, and -particularly of the delinquencies of particular officers, who are ever -ready to hush up accusations by a bribe to their immediate superior.” - -Many circumstances lead me to suspect, however, that the king has little -real power, and that the officers reap the benefits of the acts of -enormity which he commits at their instigation, or which they commit -under the shadow of his responsibility. It has often been the case in the -world’s varied history, and why not here? Facts will show. - -As a specimen of the pride of the Burmese government, I shall append the -form of address, which an English envoy received with the recommendation -that he should pronounce it before the king.[30] - -“Placing above our heads the golden majesty of the Mighty Lord, the -Possessor of the mines of rubies, amber, gold, silver, and all kinds -of metal; of the Lord, under whose command are innumerable soldiers, -generals, and captains; of the Lord, who is King of many countries and -provinces, and Emperor over many Rulers and Princes, _who wait round the -throne with the badges of his authority_; of the Lord, _who is adorned -with the greatest power, wisdom, knowledge, prudence, foresight, &c._; -of the Lord, who is rich in the possession of elephants, and horses, and -in particular is the Lord of many White Elephants; of the Lord, who is -the greatest of kings, _the most just and the most religious_, the master -of life and death; _we his slaves_ the Governor of Bengal, the officers -and administrators of the Company, bowing and lowering our heads under -the sole of his royal golden foot, do present to him with the greatest -veneration, this our humble petition.” - -I have, by my italics, pointed out the “richest” parts of this grandiose -address, which, I think, requires no further comment. It may be as well -to add, however, that the presence and attributes of the sovereign are -always represented as golden. - -The form of the Burman administration may be thus briefly described. -There is not here, as in other countries of the East, any official -answering to the post of Vizier or Prime Minister. The place of such an -officer is supplied by the councils mentioned above. The first or public -council is the higher in rank, and it has received the name of Lut-d’hau -or Lwat-d’hau. Its officers are four in number, and Sangermano adds four -assistants as a staff,[31] which Crawfurd omits to mention.[32] The -ministers bear the official name of Wun-kri (Burthen-bearers great). It -is now understood to signify figuratively any one who is responsible; but -in the days when the future colonists of Peru left the land, there is not -a doubt that it was literally applied to the officers. For in the first -place the designation would be applied to them as constantly bearing -burthens, being continually in the presence of the king; and then, far -from being a term of contempt, it would be a designation of honour and -consideration. Thus they were literally, and are figuratively, Bearers -of the Great Burthens.[33] The questions of state are discussed by this -body, and the decision is by a majority of voices. Its sittings are held -within the precincts of the palace in a spacious hall. All the royal -edicts and grants pass through this council, and require its sanction; -in fact, though they are the king’s acts, yet his name never appears -in them. The custom is somewhat similar to our own of never mentioning -the sovereign directly by name in the houses of parliament. The king is -occasionally himself present at their deliberations. The edicts of the -council are written upon palm-leaves, and a style of extreme brevity is -adopted. Indeed, Sangermano assures us that “the more concise it is, the -more forcible and efficacious the sentence is considered.” Would that our -legislators and lawyers with their lengthy documents thought so! They -may yet learn a lesson from barbarians. - -The proclamations and writings of the council all bear the device of a -sabre, to intimate the strength and swiftness of the punishment awaiting -the transgressors of its decrees. The assistants or deputies are called -Wun-tauk (Burthen-proppers). The literal signification was equally in -force in ages gone by. Beside the Wun-tauks there are from eight to ten -secretaries, called Saré-d’haukri (Scribes-royal great). - -The second council, like the first, has deliberations with the king. -But those of the Atwen-wun (Interior burthen-bearers) are private and -preliminary to those of the Wunkri. They are considered to be inferior -to the Wunkri, and yet they have a great deal of by-influence, from -their position in the royal palace. The subjects of their deliberations -are precisely similar to those of the Lut-d’hau, and they exercise the -same judicial functions; and even now it is a question of some doubt as -to which of the assemblies is in reality the higher. There are various -officers attached to the Atwen-wun, as to the Wun-kri. - -The number four is retained in the next rank of officers. They are -the four general commanders and surveyors of the northern, southern, -eastern, and western parts of the empire respectively. Then follow -many subordinate officers attached in various capacities to the -administration. None of this numerous staff of officers receive any -regular salary, but their payment somewhat resembles the system of -_repartimientos_ established in the Spanish colonies of America, being -assignments of the lands and labour of certain numbers of the people. -These are granted to officers of the executive governments, in the -same way as the king of Persia assigned various cities and lands to -Themistocles in more ancient times.[34] Towns and lands are also granted -to the ladies of the king’s harem, and to the other numerous members of -the royal family. The whole country is looked upon as crown property; -and the waste and uncultivated parts are at the disposition of any one -who will settle in them. The only duty incumbent on the settler is that -he must inclose and cultivate it. If he do not improve the land within a -certain period, it reverts to the Crown, and may be settled by another. -Strangely enough, this does not prevent the sale, inheritance, or leasing -of land, which goes on just as in Europe, although, of course, contrary -to law. The conditions of mortgage are simpler than with us; for the -lender takes possession of the mortgaged estate, and he becomes the owner -of it, if the borrowed amount be not returned before the expiration of -three years.[35] - -In civil disputes the parties have the right to select their own judges, -while criminal causes are tried before the chief governor of the town -or village.[36] At first this system of administering justice would -appear to be a fair and equitable plan, being apparently merely an -agreement to refer the matter to the consideration of umpires. This -is, however, not the case. The orders of government forbid this, but -nevertheless the prohibition is not observed; the utmost corruption -prevails, for any complainant goes to a sufficiently influential person -in the neighbourhood, and for a bribe obtains a decision in his favour. -Sangermano sarcastically remarks, “It may be easily conceived to what -injustice and inconvenience this practice must necessarily lead.” The -severest calamity that can befall any person is “to be put into justice.” -There is no small degree of wit in this Burman phrase. - -Crawfurd mentions an instance of the strange proceeding of the Burman -courts, which may be interesting.[37] - -“In 1817, an old Burmese woman, in the service of a European gentleman, -was cited before the Rung-d’hau, or court of justice, of Rangoon. -Her master appeared on her behalf, and was informed that her offence -consisted in having neglected to report a theft committed upon herself -three years before, _by which the government officers were defrauded of -the fees and profits which ought to have accrued from the investigation -or trial_. On receiving this information, he was about to retire, in -order to make arrangements to exonerate her, when he was seized by two -messengers of the court, and informed, that by appearing in the business -he had rendered himself responsible, and could not be released unless -some other individual were left in pledge for him, until the old woman’s -person were produced. A Burman lad, his servant, who accompanied him, was -accordingly left in the room. In an hour he returned with the accused, -and found, that in the interval, the lad left in pledge had been put into -the stocks, his ankles squeezed in them, and by this means, a little -money which he had about his person, and a new handkerchief, extorted -from him. The old woman was now put into the stocks in her turn, and -detained there until all were paid, when she was discharged _without any -investigation whatever into the theft_.” - -One would imagine that this circumstance was much more likely to have -happened in our High Court of Chancery, under the “sharp practice” of a -Dodson and Fogg. It seems to be a mutilated Burman version of one of our -“great” institutions made into a matter of physical force by Malcom’s -Oriental Chartist. I may here mention an affecting incident related by -Sangermano,[38] and doubtlessly too true. - -A poor widow, who was hard pinched to pay the tax demanded of her, was -obliged to sell her only daughter to obtain the sum. The money was -received, and heavy at heart she returned home, and put it in a box in -her house, intending to lament that night, and carry the money to her -inexorable creditor in the morning. But the measure of her sorrows was -not yet full. Some thieves broke into the house and stole the money. In -the morning she discovered her loss, and this additional circumstance -caused the bounds of her grief to flow even beyond that of silence, and -sitting before her door she gave herself up to loud lamentations. As she -was weeping, an emissary of the city magistrate passed by, and inquired -into the cause of her sorrow. He, upon hearing the sad story, related -the matter to his master. The poor creature was then summoned to the -_court of justice_, and commanded to deliver up the thief. Of course this -was impossible. She was detained in the stocks until she could scrape -together money enough to satisfy the rapacity of the judge. - -Sometimes these affairs are very comical. The same author relates -another, the circumstances of which are as follows:— - -A woman employed in cooking fish for dinner was called away for an -instant. The cat, watching her opportunity, seized a half-roasted fish, -and ran out of the house. The woman immediately ran after the cat, -exclaiming, “The cat has stolen my fish!” A few days afterwards she was -summoned before the magistrate, who demanded the thief at her hands. It -was of no use that she explained that the thief was a cat. The magistrate -has nothing to do with that. His time was valuable, and the expenses of -the court must be paid. - -The report of Captain Alves, cited in Crawfurd,[39] contains ample -accounts of the court charges. - -How very similar the Burman law courts are to our own! The following -extract from the good father’s work will show it:[40]—“In civil causes, -lawsuits are terminated much more expeditiously than is generally the -case in our part of the world, provided always that the litigants are -not rich, for then the affair is extremely long, and _sometimes never -concluded at all_. I was myself acquainted with two rich European -merchants and ship-masters, who ruined themselves so completely by a -lawsuit, that they became destitute of the common necessaries of life, -and the lawsuit withal was not decided, nor will ever be.” Just like -Jarndyce and Jarndyce,—the same costly affair everywhere! - -Witnesses, both in the civil and criminal causes, are sometimes examined -upon oath, though not always. The oath is written in a small book of -palm-leaves, and is held over the head of the witness. Foreigners, -however, take their own oaths. The substance of the Book of Imprecations, -or, as the Burmese call it, the Book of the Oath, is as follows:[41]— - -False witnesses, who assert anything from passion, and not from love of -truth,—witnesses who affirm that they have heard and seen what they have -not heard or seen, may all such false witnesses be severely punished with -death, by that God who, through the duration of 400,100,000 worlds, has -performed every species of good work, and exercised every virtue. I say, -may God, who, after having acquired all knowledge and justice, obtained -divinity, leaning upon the tree of Godama, may this God, with the Nat who -guards him day and night, that is, the Assurâ Nat, and the giants, slay -these false witnesses. - -[Here follows the invocation of many different Nats.] - -May all those who, in consequence of bribery from either party, do not -speak the truth, incur the eight dangers and the ten punishments. May -they be infected with all sorts of diseases. - -Moreover, may they be destroyed by elephants, bitten and slain by -serpents, killed and devoured by the devils and giants, the tigers, and -other ferocious animals of the forest. May whoever asserts a falsehood be -swallowed by the earth, may he perish by sudden death, may a thunderbolt -from heaven slay him,—the thunderbolt which is one of the arms of the Nat -Devà. - -May false witnesses die of bad diseases, be bitten by crocodiles, -be drowned. May they become poor, hated of the king. May they have -calumniating enemies, may they be driven away, may they become utterly -wretched, may every one ill-treat them, and _raise lawsuits against -them_.[42] May they be killed with swords, lances, and every sort of -weapon. May they be precipitated into the eight great hells and the 120 -smaller ones. May they be tormented. May they be changed into dogs. -And, if finally they become men, may they be slaves a thousand and ten -thousand times. May all their undertakings, thoughts, and desires, ever -remain as worthless as a heap of cotton burnt by the fire. - -Such is the fearful anathema held over the head of the witness. The oath -that the witness himself pronounced is very curious, and being unique in -its way, I shall insert it here.[43] The book of the oath is held over -the deponent’s head, and he says:— - -“I will speak the truth. If I speak not the truth, may it be through the -influence of the laws of demerit, viz., passion, anger, folly, pride, -false opinion, immodesty, hard heartedness, and scepticism, so that when -I and my relations are on land, land animals, as tigers, elephants, -buffaloes, poisonous serpents, scorpions, &c., shall seize, crush, and -bite us, so that we shall certainly die. Let the calamities occasioned by -fire, water, rulers, thieves, and enemies oppress and destroy us, till -we perish and come to utter destruction. Let us be subject to all the -calamities that are within the body, and all that are without the body. -May we be seized with madness, dumbness, blindness, deafness, leprosy, -and hydrophobia. May we be struck with thunderbolts and lightning, and -come to sudden death. In the midst of not speaking truth may I be taken -with vomiting clotted black blood, and suddenly die before the assembled -people. When I am going by water, may the water Nats assault me, the -boat be upset, and the property lost; and may alligators, porpoises, -sharks, or other sea monsters, seize and crush me to death; and when I -change worlds, may I not arrive among men or Nats, but suffer unmixed -punishment and regret, in the utmost wretchedness, among the four states -of punishment, Hell, Prita, Beasts, and Athurakai. - -“If I speak the truth, may I and my relations, through the influence of -the ten laws of merit, and on account of the efficacy of truth, be freed -from all calamities within and without the body; and may evils which have -not yet come, be warded far away. May the ten calamities and five enemies -also be kept far away. May the thunderbolts and lightning, the Nat of -the waters, and all sea animals, love me, that I may be safe from them. -May my prosperity increase like the rising sun and the waxing moon; and -may the seven possessions, the seven laws, and the seven merits of the -virtuous, be permanent in my person; and when I change worlds, may I not -go to the four states of punishment, but attain the happiness of men and -Nats, and realize merit, reward, and perfect calm.” - -The last term requires explanation. It is the Buddhistic state of extreme -delight, called _nib’han_, or _nieban_. A Burman rarely takes the oath, -for it is not only terrible but expensive, as the report of Captain Alves -will show:[44]— - - Administration of the oath ten ticals. - Messenger for holding the book one tical. - Two other messengers’ fees two ticals. - Recorders two ticals. - Pickled tea used in the ceremony half a tical. - -The pickled tea, as it is called, is a rough, coarse tea, chewed at the -conclusion of the ceremony, and without it no oath is binding. - -There is another way in which causes are decided on very rare and special -occasions,—the trial by ordeal. This is either by water or melted lead. -In the first instance, the plaintiff and defendant are made to walk -into the water, and whichever can hold out longest under its surface is -declared the winner. The other mode consists in putting the finger in -boiling water or melted lead, and trying who can keep it in the longest. -The stocks are a great torture in this country, for they are made to -slide up and down, so that the head and shoulders touch the floor. Of -the prisons, sad and disagreeable accounts are given, but they are very -insecure. - -I may here remark, that it is an accepted truth, that the only use to -be derived from the examination of the institutions of other countries, -is that they may be compared by us with our own, and that they may -serve as a standard whereby to measure the enlightenment to which we -have attained. I hope, therefore, that I shall find some one willing to -excuse me for having mentioned our “noble institution,” that “bulwark of -our liberties,” the most High Court of Chancery, in the same page with -the law courts of Burmah, where so much equity and moderation prevail. -Because, of course, it is only the “rabble,” the “herd,” the “great -unwashed,” that suffer, and these are of no account whatever in either -nation, British or Burman, especially in the eyes of Secretaries at War. - -Having now ended my account of the Burmese law courts, I shall pass on to -a totally different subject,—the Burmese law. - -The various codes of laws which are considered of authority are, -according to Crawfurd,[45] the Shwe-men, or Golden Prince, the Wan-da-na, -and the Damawilátha, to which may be added the Damasat or Damathat, a -Burmese translation of the Institutes of Manu. In these law courts, -however, all codes whatever are dead letters, for to none does any judge -ever refer. Malcom observes:[46]—“As a great part of their income is -derived from lawsuits, they [the rulers] generally encourage litigation.” - -The flight of a debtor does not relieve his family of the liability; -but no wife can be obliged to pay the debts he has contracted during a -former marriage. When a loan is entered upon, each of the securities -is responsible for the whole amount, and the lender can force the first -person to pay that he can catch. The property of insolvents must be -equally shared among the creditors without preference. The eldest son -inherits the arms, wardrobe, bed, and jewellery of his father; the rest -of his property is divided into four equal shares, of which the widow has -three, and the family, exclusive of the eldest son, take the remaining -fourth. - -The different punishments for offences are these, increasing with the -enormity of the crime:—Fines, the stocks, imprisonment, labour in chains, -flogging, branding, maiming, pagoda slavery, and death. The last, which -seldom occurs but for murder and treason, is inflicted by decapitation, -drowning, or crucifixion. But killing slaves is not criminal, and is -atoned by fines. A libel is punished by the infliction of the punishment -corresponding to the crime unjustly charged upon the plaintiff by the -libeller: however, if the truth of the charge be proven, it is not a -libel. In our country, it is a well-known fact that the truth alone is -a libel, a falsehood needing no refutation. Judgments, as in England, -go by default of appearance, though that is no rule in Burman practice, -whatever it maybe in theory. - -The husband has power to chastise his wife for misbehaviour, after -repeated admonitions and remonstrances in the presence of witnesses. In -the event of continued offences, he has the power to divorce her, without -appeal. A woman whose husband has gone away with the army is at liberty -to marry at the expiration of six years; if his object were business, she -must wait seven years; and if he was sent on any religious mission, she -must wait ten years. The slave-laws are very strict, yet favourable on -the whole; but I should imagine that judge’s opinion settled the matter. - -Changing a landmark is heavily punished. Betting debts are recoverable -from the loser, but not from any person in any way otherwise responsible. -A person hurt in wrestling, or any other athletic exercise, cannot -recover damages: but if he be mortally hurt, the other must pay the price -of his body. An empty vehicle must give place before a full one; and when -two loaded men meet, he that has the sun at his back must give way. The -following value is set upon men, women, and children:— - - £. s. d. - A new-born male infant 4 ticals = 0 10 0 - A female infant 3 ” = 0 7 6 - A boy 10 ” = 1 5 0 - A girl 7 ” = 0 17 6 - A young man 30 ” = 3 15 0 - A young woman 35 ” = 4 2 6 - -Rich persons pay in proportion to their wealth and importance. Of course -the high officers of the administration thus become very valuable men, in -one respect at least. - -The Burmese code, in its various aspects, seems most strangely inapposite -for the land in which it is placed; or, it might be more correct to -say, for the officers by whom it is dispensed. The police magistrate’s -position is in Europe a responsible and disagreeable one; but the case -is far otherwise in Burmah, and indeed in all Oriental governments -having native ministers. For, though there may be amongst them some few -scrupulous men, yet, as a whole, we cannot look upon the magisterial -office as otherwise than an engine of extortion, and as a means whereby -to turn the weaknesses of the human disposition to the best advantage. It -is, however, not very remarkable that a country should exist with good -laws and bad administrations, as it is not impossible for a nation to -continue under the rule of obsolete ordinances and quibbling sinecurists. -Many of the grievances are, however, chargeable on the inactive and -unenergetic disposition of the people. I am not, however, prepared, with -all this, to go the length of Crawfurd, who thus speaks:[47]— - -“The police is as bad as possible; and it is notorious that in all times -of which we can speak with certainly, the country has been overrun -with pirates and robbers. Responsibility is shifted from one person to -another, and a general ignorance and want of intelligence pervades every -department.[48] It is a matter well known, however contrary to theory, -that in consequence of this state of things even a royal order will often -fail of commanding respect or attention at the distance of five short -miles from the seat of government.” - -These are but broad, sweeping assertions, like those exactly -contradictory remarks of Symes, quoted at the close of the last chapter; -and such broad assertions must ever be received _cum grano salis_. A -middle path between these two must be taken. The condition of the country -is probably no worse, and no better, than in the neighbouring empire -of China, where the same iniquitous system of bribery prevails amongst -the magistracy, and where the actual amount of crime is not great in -proportion to the population and extent of the country. The envoy of a -government is not likely in the quick progress of his passage through -the country, to be able to examine into the condition of the people -impartially, and, as they are prepared to make the best or the worst show -they can to the foreign ambassador, so, too, will the foreign ambassador -take the best or the worst view of their character. - -That there is much crime is undeniable; but they are not monsters of -iniquity, neither, on the other hand, are they angels of heaven. We must -ever, in our judgment of uncivilised or semi-civilised races, be careful -and lenient to a degree. They have not always the same advantages, and -they are kept back by their rulers, ever ignorant and bigoted. Example, -experience, and interest cause a nation to progress, not violence nor -fanaticism. Witness the Turkish nation, formerly wild and brutish, now to -be considered in every way as a civilised and generous nation. And this -was brought about by the force of example and the energy of the ruler. -We shall, in the history of Burmah, meet with a somewhat similar case in -Alompra.[49] - -Let us now turn to the revenues accruing to the government, and first of -the earth-oil. - -The petroleum wells, once already described, are of immense value to the -government as a source of revenue. The annual produce of the wells is, -according to Crawfurd,[50] twenty-two millions of viss, each of 3⁶⁵⁄₁₀₀ -pounds avoirdupois. The wells altogether occupy a space of about six -square miles. Cox, who visited them early in 1797, says, that at the -place where he stayed to examine the wells, there were about one hundred -and eighty of them, and at the distance of four or five miles there were, -he was told, three hundred and forty more.[51] I cannot do better than -subjoin some few of Crawfurd’s excellent remarks, in connection with his -visit. He was put in possession of more correct data on which to found -his calculation than his intelligent predecessor Captain Cox, and his -observations are consequently of more authority. - -“The country here,” he says,[52] “is a series of sand-hills and -ravines—the latter, torrents after a fall of rain, as we now experienced, -and the former either covered with a very thin soil, or altogether bare. -The trees, which were rather more numerous than we looked for, did not -rise beyond twenty feet in height. The surface gave no indication that -we could detect of the existence of the petroleum. On the spot which we -reached, there were eight or ten wells, and we examined one of the best. -The shaft was of a square form, and its dimensions about four feet to -a side. It was formed by sinking a frame of wood, composed of beams of -the _Mimosa catechu_, which affords a durable timber. Our conductor, -the son of the Myosugi[53] of the village, informed us that the wells -were commonly from one hundred and forty to one hundred and sixty cubits -deep, and that their greatest depth in any case was two hundred. He -informed us that the one we were examining was the private property of -his father—that it was considered very productive, and that its exact -depth was one hundred and forty cubits. We measured it with a good -lead-line, and ascertained its depth to be two hundred and ten feet, thus -corresponding exactly with the report of our conductor—a matter which -we did not look for, considering the extraordinary carelessness of the -Burmans in all matters of this description. A pot of this oil was taken -up, and a good thermometer being immediately plunged into it, indicated -a temperature of ninety degrees. That of the air, when we left the ship -an hour before, was eighty-two degrees. To make the experiment perfectly -accurate, we ought to have brought a second thermometer along with us; -but this was neglected. We looked into one or two of the wells, and could -discern the bottom. The liquid seemed as if boiling; but whether from -the emission of gaseous fluids, or simply from the escape of the oil -itself from the ground, we had no means of determining. The formation -where the wells are sunk consisted of sand, loose sandstone, and blue -clay. When a well is dug to a considerable extent, the labourers informed -us that brown earth was occasionally found.... The petroleum itself, -when first taken out of the well, is of a thin watery consistence, but -thickens by keeping, and in the cold weather it coagulates. Its colour -at all times is a dirty green, not much unlike that of stagnant water. -It has a pungent aromatic odour, offensive to most people.... The -contents of the pot are deposited for a time in a cistern. Two persons -are employed in raising the oil, making the whole number of persons -engaged on each well only four. The oil is carried to the village or port -in carts drawn by a pair of bullocks, each cart conveying from ten to -fourteen pots, of ten viss each, or from 265 to 371 pounds avoirdupois of -the commodity.... The price, according to the demand, varies from four -ticals of flowered silver to six ticals per 1,000 viss; which is from -fivepence to sevenpence halfpenny per cwt.... Sesamum oil will cost at -the same place not less than three hundred ticals for an equal weight; -but it lasts longer, gives a better light, and is more agreeable than the -petroleum, which in burning emits an immense quantity of black smoke, -which soils every object near it.” - -The oil is much used, notwithstanding this last inconvenience, by the -Burmans in their lamps; and besides this there is another important -service which it renders them,—that of preserving their timber from -destruction by insects, who detest it. How great must be such a blessing -in a land where the detestable white ant commits its dreadful ravages! - -It is chiefly consumed in the country itself, where two-thirds of it -is used for burning, thirty viss per annum being considered a moderate -consumption for a family of about five or six persons. Mr. Crawfurd, -during his short stay, collected some interesting statistical information -on the subject of these mines, which I abridge from his work.[54] - -The number of boats waiting for cargoes of oil was correctly taken, and -found to amount to one hundred and eighty-three, of various sizes, some -carrying only 1,000 viss, and others 1,400. The average burthen of the -vessels employed in this trade is about 4,000 viss. They complete their -cargoes in fifteen days; they are, therefore, renewed twenty-four times -in the year; the exportation of oil, according to this estimate, will, -therefore, be 17,568,000 viss. Deducting a third from this, used for -other purposes than burning, and we have, at the annual consumption of -thirty viss for a family of five and a half individuals, a population of -2,147,200. - -The actual daily produce of the wells is rather uncertain. It was stated -to vary from thirty to five hundred, the average giving about 235 viss; -the number of wells was sometimes given as low as fifty, and sometimes as -high as four hundred.[55] The average made about 200, and, considering -the extent of ground covered by the wells, about sixteen square miles, -Mr. Crawfurd does not think this an exaggeration. This estimate would -reduce the amount of the population somewhat, causing it to consist only -of 2,066,721 persons. - -On Mr. Crawfurd’s return in December, he again visited the wells. His -investigations did not materially affect his previous calculations, -which, on the whole, we can but consider as the most satisfactory that, -under circumstances, have yet been attainable. I close this rather -extended account of the petroleum wells, by an extract from Crawfurd’s -work, which I fancy is the best _finale_ that can be imagined, viz., the -duty levied on it by the Government:[56]— - -“The celebrated petroleum wells afford, as I ascertained at Ava, a -revenue to the king or his officers. The wells are private property, and -belong hereditarily to about thirty-two individuals. A duty of five parts -in a hundred is levied on the petroleum as it comes from the wells, and -the amount realized upon it is said to be twenty-five thousand ticals -per annum. No less than twenty thousand of this goes to contractors, -collectors, or public officers; and the share of the state, or five -thousand, was assigned during our visits as a pension of one of the -queens.” - -Truly, this does not look like rapacity on the part of the king! Who can -tell what portion is legitimately the share of the officers of the Crown? - -The revenue of the Burman empire is a duty of ten per cent. upon all -merchandise coming from abroad; of the produce of some of the mines in -the Burman dominions; export duties; a family tax, and an excise on salt, -fisheries, fruit-trees, rice, and, as before seen, on petroleum. Besides -this, there is a supply of money continually coming in by the presents -which the officers receive for the attainment of various favours. The -latter, though of course wavering, forms a by no means inconsiderable -portion of the royal income. The taxes are principally taken in kind, -with the exception of the tax on families, which is usually demanded in -specie. - -But even these form a very inconsiderable portion of the income of the -Crown. Sangermano tells us very quaintly, “as he considers the property -of his subjects as in reality belonging to himself, he therefore exacts -from them anything he pleases; so that it may be said with truth, that -the unfortunate Burmese labour in acquiring riches, not for themselves -or their children, but merely to gratify the avarice of the emperor; as -their possessions almost invariably find their way, sooner or later, into -the royal treasury.”[57] We shall in the course of a few pages see in -what manner this took place. - -It is, however, somewhat remarkable, as Crawfurd observes,[58] that “a -direct tax on the land, according either to its extent or fertility, -is not known to the Burmese.” This, though forming a source of much -emolument in other Oriental countries, appears to be wholly unknown -here. Its place is supplied by the family tax, above mentioned. This -family, or more correctly property-tax, is confined to the Burmese, -Talains (Peguers), and a few naturalized foreigners. An extract from -Alves’s Report will show its operation.[59] “The arbitrary assessments -for various purposes, which were levied upon the Burmese and Talains, -amounted annually, I am informed, to about 50,000 _ticals_[60] on -ordinary occasions, for the two townships of Bassein and Pantano. -Bassein, the chief town of the province, was exempt from regular -assessment, being subject to calls for the support of messengers or other -public authorities from the capital, and for their travelling expenses. -Pantano, and another district of the province, were exempt, as being -assignments for the maintenance of their respective Myo-thugyis.[61] I -might probably have obtained information regarding the amount of these -arbitrary cesses in the other townships; but the subject of inquiry -was rather a delicate one, and might have led to the belief that its -continuance was contemplated under British sway. Besides, the tax was an -ever-fluctuating one; information regarding it not very readily given; -and the purpose for which the money was often required, I was told, -was too ludicrous to bear repetition to an Englishman. The amount for -the other township may be inferred from the above, and was probably -about 127,000 _ticals_. On extraordinary occasions there was no limit -to exactions of both men and money. It does not appear that assessments -could have been properly ordered for other than public purposes, or under -instructions from court; although the amount might not always find its -way into the treasury of the State, it ought to have been expended in -the service of the State. The principle of this tax seems to be that of -a property-tax. A town or village having to pay a certain sum, the heads -of wards, or principal people of the village, were called together by -the Myo-thu-gyi or Thu-gyi, and informed of their quota in men and money -to be furnished, and they assessed the householders agreeably to their -means, or supposed means,—some having to pay, say fifty _ticals_, others -one, or even less. I have been informed that there are tolerably correct -accounts of the means of each householder; but on such occasions poverty -is often pleaded, and it too frequently happens that confinement and -torture are resorted to before the collection is completed. The system -is obviously open to the greatest abuses, and although it is not against -these abuses that the people generally exclaim, it is evident this is -the most vexatious of all parts of the Burmese administration; and its -abolition or modification would have been most desirable, had the country -been retained. All persons in public employ were exempt from this -tax—also artificers, as they had to work without pay, when required for -public purposes, or for the business of the local officers.[62] Also the -Mussulman and Chinese inhabitants at Bassein: the former, when required, -being made to work as tailors; the latter, to manufacture gunpowder and -fireworks. Both these classes, however, were compelled to make gunpowder, -from the breaking out of the war until the arrival of the British -armament at Bassein. There ought to have been no expense of collection, -although it appears to have been perfectly understood, that the overplus -exacted by the Thu-gyis on such occasions was their chief source of -emolument.” - -The amount charged upon each family is in English money about twenty -shillings and tenpence; and a family consisting of six persons, the -taxation per head is about three shillings and fivepence. Besides this, -however, there is much to be paid, which varies very considerably, and is -applied to extraordinary uses. - -In some portions of Burmah a tax is levied upon fruit-trees, and a -fixed price is set upon each species of tree. The tax, as usual, -was exorbitant, though, as the envoy remarks, “it may be stated -generally that the unsettled habits of the people, and the ignorance -and unskilfulness of the tax-gatherer, contribute in practice to -counterbalance, in some degree, the arbitrary and oppressive character -of the government in theory.”[63] In Lower Pegu, a mango, a jack,[64] -a cocoa-nut, and a mariam tree (a small kind of mango), paid each -one-eighth of a tical (threepence three farthings) per annum. An areca -and Palmyra palm paid a quarter of a tical, and a betel-vine one -sixteenth. A tithe was levied in other places. Mr. Crawfurd was unable to -ascertain what the total produce of the tax was. Indeed it is difficult -to arrive at any determination in any of these cases, for they are all -equally wanting in point of data. - -The import duties, as already stated, are one-tenth of the value of the -articles imported, but the custom-house has the option of levying them in -money or in kind. An instance of the vexation attending the latter system -was related to Mr. Crawfurd. It seems that on board some European vessel -there was a small cable or hawser which was imported. The inspector was, -I suppose, “entirely bothered;” for he knew not how to manage the matter. -At last he settled it by cutting off a tithe, remarking, at the same -time, that if it were not long enough for any other purpose, it would -do to light the king’s cigar! The import duties on the land frontier of -China amounted to 40,000 _ticals_ (about £5,000). - -The whole amount of royal revenue, from various sources, owing probably -to the cheating system of the officers, is not more than £25,000 per -annum, “an income,” as Crawfurd concludes, “far exceeded by that of many -native subjects of the British possessions in India.”[65] - -But the inhabitants of the land are subjected to many other grievances -in the way of extortion, and, taking Sangermano for a guide, I shall -enumerate some of these. The funds for building the public edifices and -palaces, bridges, convents, and pagodas, are raised by extraordinary -levies. Even if that were all, it might be sufferable; but when anything -of this nature is required, the government officers extort three or four -times as much as would suffice for the purpose. And just as the king -acts in Ava, so do the governors of the other towns. The whole system -of practical government in Ava is one gigantic mass of corruption and -iniquity, and nothing but the total overthrow of the present government, -and establishment of British supremacy, can rescue the unhappy people of -Burmah. In Rangoon, however, as it is at the greatest distance from the -government, these exactions are carried to the greatest excess. It is at -that place that those enormities are committed, of which I have already -mentioned a few instances. However, the dignitaries meet their reward; -“for,” says the good Father Sangermano,[66] “sooner or later the news of -their conduct reaches the court, they are stripped of their dignity, and -sometimes, if their crimes be great, are put to death, and their property -is confiscated for the use of the emperor. Generally, however, they save -themselves at the expense of their riches, which are entirely consumed -in presents to the wives, sons, and chief ministers of the emperor; -and then they are frequently sent back to the same governments where -they had practised their extortions, to heap up new treasures for new -confiscations. Hence it may justly be inferred, that the rapacity of the -emperor is not less than that of his mandarins; and that he does not care -for the spoliation of his subjects, but rather encourages it, that he may -thus always have means in his power to replenish his treasury.” - -In short we may conclude these “Sketches of Government” with the remark -of the reviewer:[67] “The government is a despotism upon the model of -that of China; the fiction of paternity in the person of the ruler -being in both countries upheld. The emperor is the father of the state; -each mandarin is the father of the province which he governs; and each -magistrate, of whatever gradation, father of the subordinate department -in which he presides.” We have seen how fatherly is the whole behaviour -of the Burman rulers, and we may well agree with the reviewer, in -pronouncing the fiction invented for the benefit of the _despot_, and not -for the benefit of the _people_. - -There is no regular Burmese army.[68] When the king requires one, he -fixes the number of soldiers necessary for the enterprise, and nominates -the general who is to command them. The Lut-d’hau in the capital, and the -Ion or Rondai of the provincial town, then send for a certain number more -than absolutely mentioned by the king. These are brought together by a -forced conscription, and the conduct of the officers who levy them not a -little resembles that of the renowned and valiant Falstaff. Such persons -as are unable to serve, or are rich enough to buy themselves off, do so, -and the consequence is, that a rabble is assembled, without subordination -or discipline, and consequently formidable only to the barbarian tribes -on the frontiers, but totally unable to cope with the civilised forces of -the Company. The money obtained from the Burmans who buy off is applied -to the equipment of the army; “for the emperor,” Sangermano observes, -“does not furnish anything but the arms, which must be well taken care -of; and woe to the soldier who loses them.”[69] The whole male population -between the ages of seventeen and sixty serve, and those with wives and -families are ever preferred, as these last serve as hostages for their -good behaviour. This forcible conscription partly induces unwillingness, -and partly the natural cowardice of the peasantry. Crawfurd was informed -by several Europeans, who were present at Rangoon when the troops were -embarking for Junk Ceylon, and other parts of the Siamese coast, that -they were often carried on board tied hands and feet, and this not in -a few cases, but repeatedly, and in great numbers. What soldiers for -our disciplined army to contend with, and what an insight into their -military character this gives us, _if it be not an exaggeration_! And yet -these cowards, forced into the service in this valiant way, caused the -retreat of the British force at Ramoo in 1824! Perhaps their conduct is -somewhat like that of our own sailors. There is, however, little doubt -of their being an utterly despicable foe, though they will undergo the -severest privations without a word. In time, however, and under judicious -generalship, they might become very passable soldiers. - -“As soon as the order for marching arrives,” says Sangermano,[70] “the -soldiers, leaving their sowing and reaping, and whatever occupation they -may be engaged in, assemble instantly in different corps, and prepare -themselves; and throwing their weapon over their shoulders like a lever, -they hang from one end of it a mat or blanket to cover them at night, a -provision of powder, and a little vessel for cooking; and from the other -end, a provision of rice, of salt, and of Napè, a species of half-putrid, -half-dried fish, pickled with salt. In this guise they travel to their -place of destination, without transport-waggons, without tents, in their -ordinary dress, merely carrying on their heads a piece of red cloth, -the only distinctive badge of a Burmese soldier.[71] About nine o’clock -in the morning they begin to march, after having taken a short sleep, -and cooked and eaten their rice, and Carè, a sort of stew eaten with -the rice, of which that kind which is used by soldiers and travellers -is generally made of herbs or leaves of trees, cooked in plain water, -with a little Napè. He might then bivouac on the bare ground, without -any protection from the night air, the dew, or even the rain; merely -constructing a palisade of branches of trees or thorns. Sometimes it -happens that the expedition is deferred till the following year, and then -the soldiers being arrived on the enemy’s confines are made to work in -the rice-grounds, thus to furnish a store of that commodity for their -provision.” - -This is the picturesque description left us by the missionary, and it -is of the more value as we know it to come from an eye-witness. But in -the Burmese army, as in the ancient Persian, there is a corps of several -thousand men, known by the name of the Invulnerables. Major Snodgrass has -given us an interesting sketch of this body of military; and it being -short, finds a fitting place here.[72] - -“They are distinguished by the short cut of their hair, and the peculiar -manner in which they are tattooed, having the figures of elephants, -tigers, and a great variety of ferocious animals, indelibly and even -beautifully marked upon their arms and legs; but to the soldiers they -were best known by having bits of gold, silver, and sometimes precious -stones in their arms, probably introduced under the skin at an early age. - -“These men are considered by their countrymen as invulnerable; and -from their foolish and absurd exposure of their persons to the fire of -an enemy, they are either impressed with the same opinion, or find it -necessary to show a marked contempt for danger, in support of their -pretensions. In all the stockades and defences of the enemy, one or two -of these heroes were generally found, whose duty it was to exhibit the -war-dance of defiance upon the most exposed part of their defences, -infusing courage and enthusiasm into the minds of their comrades, and -affording much amusement to their enemies. The infatuated wretches, -under the excitement of opium, too frequently continued the ludicrous -exhibition, till they afforded convincing proof of the value of their -claims to the title they assume.” - -The arms in use among the Burmese are clumsy two-handed sabres, named -dàs, lances, bows, and matchlocks. A few cannon are managed by a corps -of Christians in the service of the country. These Christians, in the -time of Anaundoprà, amounted, with their wives and families, to about -two thousand, being the descendants of the Portuguese transported from -Syriam more than a century before. Their gunpowder they manufacture -themselves, and Crawfurd pronounces it to be as bad as any prepared -in the Orient.[73] Snodgrass,[74] Crawfurd, Wilson, and others, are -unanimous in pronouncing the chief military talents of the Burmese to lie -in field-works; yet, though their position was well selected and quickly -occupied, the execution of their stockades, with a few exceptions, seems -to be very inferior. - -After their conquest of Munipur they enrolled a small body of cavalry, -which, however, has rarely proved effective, for the horses are of very -inferior quality. - -The troops are subject to a rigorous discipline. The power of capital -punishment is not vested only in the general, but the officer of any -corps that happens to be somewhat distant from the main body, has the -same liberty of punishing with death, and this without appeal, any -soldier that he judges worthy of it. “The sword,” observes Sangermano, -“is always hanging over the head of the soldier, and the slightest -disposition to flight, or reluctance to advance, will infallibly bring -it down upon him. But what above all,” continues the Father, “tends to -hold the Burmese soldiery to their duty, is the dreadful execution that -is done on the wives and children of those who desert. The arms and legs -of these miserable victims are bound together with no more feeling than -if they were brute beasts, and in this state they are shut up in cabins -made of bamboo, and filled with combustible material, which are then set -on fire by means of a train of gunpowder.”[75] The power of the king, -however, is as great over his officers, as that of his officers over -the common soldiers. “Woe to the commander,” exclaims the quaint old -missionary, “woe to the commander who suffers himself to be worsted! The -least he can expect is the loss of all his honours and dignities; but if -there has been the slightest negligence on his part, his possessions and -life must also be sacrificed to the anger of the emperor.” - -The iron rule of the king has caused a vast falling off in his subjects, -who have withdrawn to Siam and to the British possessions in Bengal and -Arakhan. The maxim of the government has been the saying of its king:—“We -must hold down the Burmese by oppression, so that they may never dare to -meditate rebellion.” Another anecdote is related[76] of the same king, -Men-ta-ra-gyee; and though it may be apocryphal, yet it shows the spirit -of the age. Some one of his court represented to him that the incessant -wars were materially reducing the number of his subjects; but the only -reply vouchsafed by the inexorable monarch was, “It matters but little; -for if all the men are killed, then we can enrol and arm the women.” - -The military character of the Burmese is well summed up by Snodgrass -in the following terms:[77]—“When engaged in offensive warfare, which -in their native quarrels has generally been the case, the Burmese is -arrogant, bold, and daring; possessed of strength and activity superior -to all his neighbours, and capable of enduring great fatigue, his -movements are rapid, and his perseverance in overcoming obstacles almost -irresistible: possessed, too, of superior science and ability in their -peculiar system of fighting, he had seldom met his equal in the field, or -even experienced serious resistance in the numerous conquests which of -late years had been added to the empire, until the increasing arrogance -and aggressions of his government brought him at last in contact with an -enemy of a very different description from any he had yet contended with, -and presented his military character in a different light, divested of -the glare which victory and success had long shed around it.” Arrogant -and daring, indeed, when the Burman name alone was sufficient to cause -the wild tribes of the frontier to lay down their arms, and humbly beg -for peace on any terms. - -Before closing this chapter, it were well to give some account of that -celebrated appendage to Burman state, the white elephant. I shall here -take occasion to introduce a description of them by an old traveller, the -first Englishmen indeed who ever visited Burmah. It is given in Hakluyt’s -collection of “Nauigations, Traffiques, and Discoueries.”[78] - -“And among the rest he hath foure white elephants, which are very strange -and rare, for there is none other king that hath them but he; if any -other king hath one, hee will send vnto him for it. When any of these -white elephants is brought vnto the king, all the merchants in the city -are commanded to see them, and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat, -which doth come to a great summe, for that there are many merchants in -the city. After that you have given your present, you may come and see -them at your pleasure, although they stand in the king’s house. This -king, in his title, is called, the king of the white elephants.[79] If -any other king haue one, and will not send it him, he will make warre -with him for it, for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome -than not to conquere him. They do very great seruice vnto these white -elephants; euery one of them standeth in a house gilded with golde, and -they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt. One of them, when he doth -go to the riuer to be washed, as euery day they do, goeth under a canopy -of clothe, of golde or of silke, carried ouer him by sixe or eight men, -and eight or ten men goe before him, playing on drummes, shawmes, or -other instruments: and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer, -there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin, which is -his office giuen him by the king. There is no such account made of any -blacke elephant, be he neuer so great. And surely there be woonderfull -faire and great, and some be nine cubites in height.”[80] - -Since the institution of the Burmese monarchy, its kings have ever been -most desirous of having one of these white elephants in their possession, -as they conceived it added additional strength to their arms, and good -fortune to their administration. At the accession of Men-ta-ra-gyee there -was no such animal in the royal stables, and he directed all his efforts -to the satisfying of a natural desire to have one. His endeavours were -crowned with success, for, in 1805, a female was caught at Lain, in the -forests of Pegu. Sangermano gives the following account of its treatment -and transportation to Amarapura.[81] - -“Immediately upon its being captured, it was bound with cords covered -with scarlet,[82] and the most considerable of the mandarins were deputed -to attend it. A house, such as is occupied by the greatest ministers, -was built for its reception; and numerous servants were appointed to -watch over its cleanliness, to carry to it every day the freshest herbs, -which had first been washed with water, and to provide it with everything -else that could contribute to its comfort. As the place where it was -taken was infested with mosquitoes, a beautiful net of silk was made to -protect it from them;[83] and to preserve it from all harm, mandarins and -guards watched by it both day and night. No sooner was the news spread -abroad that a white elephant had been taken, than immense multitudes -of every age, sex, and condition flocked to behold it, not only from -the neighbouring parts, but even from the most remote provinces.... At -length the king gave orders for its transportation to Amarapura, and -immediately two boats of teak wood were fastened together, and upon -them was erected a superb pavilion, with a roof similar to that which -covers the royal palaces. It was made perfectly impervious to the sun -or rain, and draperies of silk embroidered in gold adorned it on every -side. This splendid pavilion was towed up the river by three large and -beautiful gilded vessels full of rowers.... The king and royal family -frequently sent messengers, to bring tidings of its health, and make it -rich presents in their name.... To honour its arrival in the city, a most -splendid festival was ordered, which continued for three days, and was -celebrated with music, dancing, and fireworks. The most costly presents -continued daily to be brought to it by all the mandarins of the kingdom, -and one is said to have offered a vase of gold weighing 480 ounces. But -it is well known that these presents and the eagerness shown in bestowing -them, were owing more to the avaricious policy of the king than to the -veneration of his subjects towards the elephant, for all these golden -utensils and ornaments found their way at last into the royal treasury.” - -A fit conclusion to so tremendous a piece of superstition and absurdity! -Crawfurd, however, denies that the veneration paid to it was so great as -reported; there is at any rate no question that the fortunate discoverer -is well rewarded. The one now in the possession of the king of Ava -was discovered by four villagers, who, in addition to rank, offices, -title, and estates, each received the sum of two thousand five hundred -ticals,—about £312 sterling.[84] - -“At the death of the elephant,” continues Sangermano,[85] “as at that -of an emperor, it is publicly forbidden, under heavy penalties, to -assert that he is dead; it must only be said that he is departed, or has -disappeared. As the one of which we have spoken was a female, its funeral -was conducted in the form practised on the demise of a principal queen. -The body was accordingly placed upon a funeral pile of sassafras, sandal, -and other aromatic woods, then covered over with similar materials; and -the pyre was set on fire with the aid of four immense gilt bellows placed -at its angles. After three days, the principal mandarins came to gather -the ashes and remnants of the bones, which they enshrined in a gilt and -well-closed urn, and buried in the royal cemetery. Over the tomb was -subsequently raised a superb mausoleum of a pyramidal shape, built of -brick, but richly painted and gilt. Had the elephant been a male, it -would have been interred with the ceremonial used for the sovereign.” - -The loss of the elephant was, however, soon supplied; for another was -caught in 1806 near a place called Nibban, in Pegu, and the day that -Sangermano quitted Rangoon for Europe, the first of October, it was -expected at that place. It was the same one that Crawfurd saw in October, -1826. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - - Cosmography—The Burman hells—Definition of - a Nat by Hesiod—Buddha—Gaudama—His probable - history—Buddhism—Priests—Temples—Curious cave near - Prome—Monasteries—Ceremonies—Funeral—Concluding remarks. - - -The origin of the Burmese nation, like that of every other, is lost in -the mists of antiquity. We know not whence we proceed, and the beginning -and end of our being on this earth are alike wrapt in obscurity. But in -addition to the unavoidable gloom that envelops the beginning of every -nation, we have, amongst the Indian races, the additional uncertainty -caused by a wild and incoherent cosmography, which, pervading the early -portions of their national annals, renders it almost impossible to elicit -any sort of narrative that would be satisfactory to the reader in an -historical point of view. But, as everything connected with a nation -and its belief, is interesting to the curious observer of mankind, it -will be as well to listen to the wild and wondrous strain, the sounds -of which still thrill and tremble upon the threshold of time. Here, -then, is a short view of the Burmese cosmography, as a prelude to the -ancient history of that country. We will listen to it from the mouth of -Sangermano, one of the best and most modest of the exponents of Burmese -antiquities.[86] - -According to the Burmese sacred books, there are five species of atoms. -The first is an invisible permeating fluid, distinguishable only by the -superior order of genii called Nat. The second species is that which may -be seen dancing in the gleam of a streak of sunlight. The third species -consists of the dust raised by the motion of animals, and vehicles from -the earth. The fourth comprises the gross particles which form the soil -on which men live. And the fifth consists of those little grains which -fall when writing with an iron pen upon a palm-leaf. - -These atoms are exactly proportioned to each other in the following -way. Thirty-six atoms of the first make one of the second; thirty-six -of the second make one of the third, and so on. Upon these proportions -depends a strange system of measurement, which, carried on like the -world-renowned calculation of the horse’s shoes and nails, astonishes us -by its simplicity, and amuses us by its uselessness. It is as follows: -“Seven atoms of the fifth and last species are equal in size to the head -of a louse; seven such heads equal a grain of rice; seven grains of rice -make an inch; twelve inches a palm, and two palms a cubit; seven cubits -give one _ta_; twenty _ta_ one _ussabà_; eighty _ussabà_ one _gaut_; and -four _gaut_ a _juzenà_. Finally, a _juzenà_ contains about six Burmese -leagues, or 28,000 cubits.”[87] The measure of time into homœopathical -infinitesimals is equally absurd. - -The world, called Logha, which signifies alternate destruction and -reproduction, is divided into three parts. It is not conceived by the -Burmese to be spherical, but is imagined to be a circular plain somewhat -elevated in the centre. The three parts into which the earth is divided -are called the superior, where the Nat live; the middle, the residence of -man; and the inferior, the place of subsequent retribution. The middle -part is bounded on all sides by an impenetrable barrier of mountains, -called Zacchiavalà, which rise 82,000 _juzenà_ above the surface of the -sea, and have an equal depth in the sea itself.[88] “The diameter of -this middle part is 1,203,400 _juzenà_, and its circumference is three -times the diameter, its depth is 240,000 _juzenà_. The half of this -depth entirely consists of dust, the other half, or the lower part, is a -hard compact stone, called sibapatavi. This enormous volume of dust and -stone is supported by a double volume of water, under which is placed a -double volume of air; and beyond this there is nothing but vacuity.”[89] -Buchanan supplies some particulars here, omitted by Sangermano:—“Besides -this earth of ours, it is imagined, that there are of the same form -10,100,000 others, which mutually touch in three points, forming between -them a number of equilateral spaces, which, on account of the sun’s not -reaching them, are filled with water intensely cold. The depth of these -10,100,000 triangular spaces is 84,000 _juzenà_, and each of their sides -is 3,000 _juzenà_, in length.”[90] - -In the centre of the middle system of the world, above the level of the -sea, is a mountain called Miemmo or Mienmò, said to be the highest in -the world, rising to the height of 84,000 _juzenà_, and having a similar -depth in the sea. Buchanan-Hamilton tells us that the word signifies -Mountain of Vision in Burmese.[91] The plateau at the extreme height of -Mienmò is 48,000 _juzenà_ in diameter, with a circumference of three -times that extent. Three enormous rubies support the whole mass, being -themselves based on the great stone Silapatavi. The four sides of the -mountain are respectively of silver, glass, gold, and ruby. Miemmo is -surrounded by seven chains of hills, and seven rivers, called Sida, whose -waters are so clear and limpid that the lightest piece of down stripped -from a feather would sink to the bottom. These various rivers are of -different heights and widths. Buchanan considers the word ‘sea’ as much -more applicable to these waters; Sida, in the Arakhan dialect, having -that signification. - -At the four cardinal points of Miemmo, in the midst of an immense sea, -lie the four great islands which form the habitations of mankind. They -are respectively in the forms of a half-moon, a full moon, a square, and -a lozenge or trapezium. In the last of these, lying towards the south, -opposite the ruby side of Miemmo, are situated the kingdom of Burmah, -Siam, China, Ceylon, and the other places with which the Burmans are -acquainted, together with many more with which nobody is acquainted.[92] -Besides these four great islands, there are two thousand small ones, -whence, according to the Burman idea, the Europeans come. The seas are -filled with horrible monsters and terrible whirlpools; however, this -is not the case in the small straits between the little islands and -Zabudiba. With the other islands, on account of the horrors of the deep, -it is impossible to hold any communication. At present, however, the -Burmans are beginning to lose faith in their geography; and Buchanan -always heard Britain spoken of in Amarapura as _Pyee-gye_, or the Great -Kingdom.[93] - -We have next to consider the nature of the living beings which, according -to the Burmese, live in this world.[94] They are divided into three -classes: Chama, or generating beings; Rupa, or corporeal, but ungenerated -and ungenerating beings; and Arupa, or spirits. These three classes are -again subdivided into thirty-one species. The Chama contains eleven -species, seven happy and four unhappy. One of the happy states is man, -and the remaining six are of the Nats, corporeal beings in every respect -superior to men. The four unhappy states are infernal states, into which -the sinful are sent to expiate their crimes in torment for a season. -These are called Apè. The Rupa contains sixteen _bon_, or states, as they -are called, and the Arupa four. - -The doctrine of metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls, is admitted -by the Burmans, but is not precisely of the same character with that -of the Hindoos, or the improved system promulgated by Pythagoras. They -maintain that the soul and body perish together, and that then a new body -and soul are formed from the fragments, and that its nature agrees with -the deservings of the individual. Thus every one gradually attains higher -excellence, becoming successively a Nat, a Rupa, an Arupa, &c., till at -length the individual attains that high state of eternal calm known by -the name of Nieban. - -This state of existence has been generally translated annihilation, and, -as Crawfurd observes,[95] this misconception has thrown “an unmerited -share of obloquy on the worship of Budd’ha.” Dr. Buchanan remarks, that -the term is very inaccurately translated;[96] and Colebrooke was the -first to give a correct definition of it, in an essay on the Philosophy -of Indian Sectaries.[97] Sangermano’s definition I subjoin:—“This -consists in an almost perpetual ecstasy, in which those who attain it -are not only free from the troubles and miseries of life, from death, -illness, and old age, but are abstracted from all sensation; they have no -longer a thought or desire.”[98] - -Human life is continually on the decrease or the increase. At first men -attained to an age which can only be conceived by this calculation. “It -is said, that if it should rain continually for the space of three years -over the whole world, which is 1,203,430 juzenà in diameter, the number -of drops of rain fallen in this time would express the number of years -that compose an assenchiè,”[99] the term implying the whole period. But -the wickedness of man caused his life to be more and more limited, and -it reached at length to ten years only. From that time it increased, -on their becoming more virtuous, and again they lived an assenchiè. -This increase and decrease is to be fulfilled sixty-four times before -the destruction of the world. This variation is however limited to the -inhabitants of Zabudiba. Space will not permit me to give the description -I would of the northern island, where the Burman Utopia is placed. The -philosophical inquirer will find it in Sangermano and Buchanan. - -The Nats, or genii, have their various seats in the intermediate space -between Mienmò and the confines of the world, and live in different -degrees of happiness and power. These abodes of the Nats are represented -as very delightful, and it is thither that the devout Buddhist hopes to -come. The four conditions of punishment are, degradation into beasts; -Preitta, a state of sorrow resembling the Tartarus of the Hellenes; the -Assurichè, almost identical with Preitta; and Niria, the actual hell of -the Burmese. - -The transformation into beasts is reserved for those who do not keep -a sufficient restraint over themselves, and who speak in a heedless -and evil manner. Those who neglect to give alms, too, pass into this -condition. An elephant lives sixty years, a horse thirty, an ox and a -dog, ten, and upon this they base their calculations.[100] - -In the second state of punishment, Preitta, the condemned are obliged -to live upon disgusting filth, and inhabit sewers, cisterns, and tombs. -Some wander naked through gloomy forests, making them re-echo with their -lamentations, exposed to storms, and fainting with hunger and thirst. -Some plough the ground with a plough of fire; others feed on their own -flesh and blood, and tear themselves with hooks; and some are tormented -by fire. Misers, uncharitable persons, persons who give alms to the wrong -Rahaans or priests, are condemned to Preitta. - -Assurichè is very like Preitta in its punishments, only every torment -is here more acute and frightful. Quarrelsome persons, strikers with -weapons, advancers and abettors of bad men, are sent thither. - -In the fourth hell, Niria, the sufferings are by fire and cold. It is -situated in the midst of the great stone Silapatavi, and is divided -into many hells. Here the worst of mankind are punished, and here sit -the judges, selected from the dead, upon their peculiar expiation. The -time of confinement in all these places is undecided, and very few, if -any, are sentenced to eternal punishment. By good behaviour in all these -places the sufferers may attain to the position of insects, and gradually -rise through all gradations, and finally attain Nieban.[101] The crimes -and their punishments are very whimsical, and some very horrid. They are -given at length in Sangermano. However, a spirit of mercy runs through -all their dogmas, and, as already observed, every one may regain his lost -position, though it is this southern island that is the most favoured; -for here only can the believer attain Nieban. The infidels only are -condemned to eternal torment. - -I may conclude this account of the Burman cosmography with a few lines -of the oldest writer on Hellenic philosophy, in which a very tolerable -description of the nature of the Nat is given. - - When in the dark and dread abodes of earth, - The men of earliest golden age were laid, - Their bones remained, but, soaring to the sky, - Their life-enduring souls fled far on high; - Still hov’ring there above the realms of earth, - Still loving much the land that gave them birth, - They kindly watch o’er the affairs of men. - Spirits beneficent, clad in the filmy air, - They take their rapid flight, and with a lib’ral hand, - Like kings, they scatter wealth and justice in their fatherland.[102] - -It may easily be conceived, from what I have had occasion to mention, -that the Burman chronology is as wild as any of the other Indian -chronologies.[103] According to them, in every period (the age which -intervenes between one time, when the life of man amounts to an -assenchiè, and the next) there appears a royal being, who lives to an -incalculable age, and assumes the title of Sumada. There have been -eleven of these. The whole number of kings who have reigned since the -last of these Sumadas to the age of Gaudama, is estimated at 334,569! -The earliest date in Burmese to which we can give any credence, is the -beginning of the epoch in which the period of Gaudama, or Gautama, falls, -corresponding with B.C. 661. The date of the birth of Gaudama is said to -be B.C. 626. He was the son of Thoke-daw-da-reh, king of Ma-ge-deh, the -present province of Behar, in Hindustan. His mother’s name was Máhà-Maï, -or the Great Maia, a coincidence which has led to his identification -with the Hermes of the Hellenes, and the Thoth of the Egyptians. The -new-born child was nursed and baptized by two incarnate deities called -Esrur-Téngri and Hurmusta-Téngri, and received the name of Artashidi -(Artasidd’hi); his divine origin and perfections were made known by the -bowing of the idol, before which he was presented, according to the -custom of his father’s family.[104] He had lived in four hundred millions -of worlds before his present appearance, and, like any other inhabitant -of the world, had gradually worked his way up through the state of -beasts, and had been in every condition of human life. He exclaimed, -immediately upon his birth, “Now I am the noblest of men! This is the -last time I shall ever be born!” When ten years of age he was placed -under the care of a wise man, named Bahburemihbacshi, who instructed him -in every kind of knowledge: however, he soon seems to have outstripped -his teacher, for we learn that shortly afterwards he retaliated and -taught the wise man fifty or sixty languages. At twenty he married, -but either from the shrewishness of his wife, or some other cause, he -expressed a desire to turn anchorite, assumed the name of Gaudama, and -gave himself up to the contemplation of the Deity. But for some reason -or other he had great difficulty in following up his wishes, and it -was not until some strenuous attempts that he finally combated all -the arguments of his antagonists. This is not the place to go into the -numerous disputes concerning this person, and I shall content myself with -presenting the reader with the remarks of a writer in the Encyclopædia -Metropolitana.[105] - -“The Indian fable, therefore, may be assumed as the basis of the rest; -and the truth, concealed under this mass of fiction, seems to be simply -this: that a son of the king of Mágad’ha, whose rank and austerities had -secured the veneration of his countrymen, had sense enough to perceive -the absurdity of the Bráhmanical system, and ability enough to persuade -his countrymen to adopt his. The success of his new doctrine was such, -that at one period it had nearly suppressed the ancient faith of the -Hindùs; but when events, which we cannot now trace, had re-established -the authority of the Bráhmans, they showed that they were not behindhand -in retaliation; the followers of Budd’ha were persecuted without mercy, -and scarcely an individual of that faith can now be found in Hindustan. -Some of the fugitives appear to have taken refuge in Ceylon, while -others fled into the mountains of Tibet. From Ceylon they conveyed their -doctrine to the eastern peninsula of India. From Tibet it travelled over -Tátáry to the north and west, into China on the east, and from thence -into Cochin-China and the other regions on the south, where it is only -divided by a lofty chain of mountains from its kindred faith, imported -from the south and west into the kingdoms of Ava and Siam.” - -He obtained Nieban, or died, B.C. 543.[106] At his death he advised that -his relics and image should be worshipped and his law obeyed, until the -appearance of the next Boodh or Budd’ha. This event is to take place -in five or six thousand years. The ordinances of Gaudama are still in -existence, although all the sayings of his three predecessors are lost. -Gaudama’s laws were handed down by tradition until four hundred and -fifty years after his obtaining Nieban, when they were written down in -A.D. 94. The work, which is divided into three sections, having similar -subdivisions, is called the Bedagat, and is written in Pali. The book -in an entire state is rare, though parts are not very scarce. The -cosmography, of which I have given a specimen, is contained in them. - -The following hymns, translated by Csoma de Korös, will give a good idea -of the Buddhistic ritual.[107] - -_Priest._ “There has arisen the Illuminator of the world! the world’s -Protector! the Maker of light! who gives eyes to the world, that is -blind,—to cast away the burden of sin.” - -_Congregation._ “Thou hast been victorious in the fight: thy aim is -accomplished by thy moral excellence: thy virtues are perfect: Thou shalt -satisfy men with good things.” - -_P._ “Gotama (Sakhya) is without sin: He is out of the miry pit. He -stands on dry ground.” - -_C._ “Yes, He is out of the mire; and he will save other animate beings, -that are carried off by the mighty stream.” - -_P._ “The living world has long suffered the disease of corruption. The -Prince of physicians is come to cure men from all diseases.” - -_C._ “Protector of the world! by thy appearance all the mansions of -distress shall be made empty. Henceforth, angels and men shall enjoy -happiness,” &c. &c. - -_P._ “To Thee, whose virtue is immaculate, whose understanding is pure -and brilliant, who hast the thirty-two characteristic signs complete, and -who hast memory of all things, with discernments and foreknowledge.” - -_C._ “Reverence be to Thee: we adore Thee; bending our heads to our feet.” - -_P._ “To Thee, who art clean and pure from all taint of sin; who art -immaculate, and celebrated in the three worlds; who being possessed of -the three kinds of science, givest to animated beings the eye to discern -the three degrees of emancipation from sin.” - -_C._ “Reverence be to Thee!” - -_P._ “To Thee, who with tranquil mind clearest the troubles of evil -times: who, with loving kindness, teachest all living things to walk in -the path designed for them.” - -_C._ “Reverence be to Thee!” - -_P._ “Muni! (Sage!) whose heart is at rest, and who delightest to explain -the doubts and perplexities of men: who hast suffered much for the good -of living beings: Thy intention is pure! Thy practices are perfect!” - -_C._ “Reverence be to Thee!” - -_P._ “Teacher of the four truths; rejoice in salvation! who, being -thyself free from sin, desirest to free the world from sin.” - -_C._ “Reverence be to Thee!” - -Such is the strain in which the believers in Gaudama address their -Saviour; and its similarity to the Roman Catholic services, noticed by so -many writers, is extreme. Prinsep well assigns the origin of the legend -of Prester John to the accounts which the early missionaries heard of the -Dalai Lama of Tibet.[108] - -The reformation which led to the establishment of Buddhism in the place -of the ancient Hindū creed, was important in many respects, but in none -so much as in the grand principle which it instilled into the minds of -its votaries; the unity and indivisibility of the object of adoration, -substituted for the gross polytheism of Hindūstan. But it has this fault, -if it be a fault, that no clear conception of the object of adoration is -presented in the place of the numerous divinities the creed displaces. -Gaudama, like Confucius in China, is to be venerated, and not adored. The -perfect Buddha whence Gaudama and his predecessors proceeded can alone be -confided in. Even this, however, admits of some palliation. The vulgar, -perhaps, could not understand, and certainly not appreciate, the mystery -which the ministers of religion cherish and preserve. Consequently a -scale has been instituted, like that in Tibet, for the capacity of the -several classes of believers. - -The general principles of the practical creed have been thus summed up by -Csoma de Korös:[109]— - -1. To take refuge only with Buddha. 2. To be steadfast in the -determination of aiming at the highest pitch of excellence, in order thus -to arrive at the proper state of Nieban. 3. To be obedient and reverent -toward Buddha. 4. To make pleasing offerings. 5. To glorify and exalt -Buddha by music and singing, and constant praise. 6. To confess sin truly -and humbly, with a fixed resolution to repent. 7. To wish well toward -all. 8. To encourage the ministers of the faith in their mission. - -Teong-kha-pa, an eminent Buddhist reformer of the fourteenth century, -defined the duty of the different classes of Buddhists in the following -manner.[110] - -“Men of the lowest order of mind must believe that there is a God; and -that there is a future life, in which they will receive the reward or -punishment of their actions and conduct in this life. - -“Men of the middle degree of mental capacity must add to the above, the -knowledge that all things in this world are perishable; that imperfection -is a pain and degradation; and that deliverance from existence is a -deliverance from pain, and, consequently, a final beatitude. - -“Men of the third, or highest order, must believe in further addition: -that nothing exists, or will continue always, or cease absolutely, except -through dependence on a causal connection, or concatenation. So will they -arrive at the true knowledge of God.” - -“What is this,” exclaims Prinsep, enthusiastically, “but Christianity, -wanting only the name of Christ as its preacher, and the Mosaic faith for -its antecedent? It is these that the missionary must seek to add.” - -The foundation of Buddhism is certainty rotten, and yet we cannot deny -that in its recognised principles, the religion is far from being -so debasing as many others. Prejudice, that great foe to toleration -and peace, has prevented the perception of this fact. Of course, the -lamentable truth of the generally lax administration of every faith, is -no less false with regard to Buddhism; and by the carelessness of its -ministers, and indifference of the laymen, it is in as bad odour as any -other faith. Thus much for Buddhism in general; now I shall proceed to -give a short account of Burman Buddhism. - -Gaudama[111] declares himself God and Lord for 5,000 years, during which -time his ordinances must be kept. Gaudama declares himself the only true -God, and states that there were many false gods of all descriptions. The -doctrines of the false gods are called the laws of the six Deittì. Upon -the appearance of Gaudama some renounced their errors, and others were -conquered. The laws and ordinances of the Burmans are precisely similar -to those which I mentioned in another place,[112] and therefore need not -be repeated here. The observer of these commandments will finally become -a great Nat or spirit. Besides the observation of these laws, there is -merit in the deeds called Danà, and Bavanà. The first is charity to the -priests, the second, the meditation of the three words Aneizz’a, Doechà, -Anattà. The transgressors of the laws will be condemned to Niria, or -one of the other places of punishment. In the course of 2,000 years the -ordinances of Gaudama, 3,000 years having already elapsed, will no longer -be binding, but another god will appear to give laws to the world. - -The images of Buddha or Gaudama are generally represented with a pleasant -countenance; and, on the whole, his religion cannot be considered a -severe one. “It unites,” as Dr. Buchanan Hamilton has remarked,[113] “the -temporal promises of the Jewish, with the future rewards of the Christian -dispensation; all its states of beatitude are represented in the glowing -and attractive colouring of the Mohammedan paradise; and its various -gradations of future punishment have the plausibility of purgatory; but -its priests are not like those of the Roman Church, intrusted with the -dangerous power of curtailing their duration.”[114] - -At Pegu, the deserted capital of the kingdom of that name, there is -a celebrated temple, which Symes has well described in the Asiatic -Researches, in an elaborate article on the city of Pegu, and it will not -be inappropriate to transfer the account to my own pages:[115]— - -“The object in Pegu that most attracts and most merits notice is the -temple of Shoe-ma-doo, or the _Golden Supreme_. This extraordinary -edifice is built on a double terrace, one raised above another; the -lower and greater terrace is above ten feet above the natural level of -the ground; it is quadrangular. The upper and lesser terrace is of a -like shape, raised about twenty feet above the lower terrace, or thirty -above the level of the country. I judged a side of the lower terrace to -be 1,391 feet, of the upper, 684; the walls that sustained the sides of -the terraces, both upper and lower, are in a state of ruin; they were -formerly covered with plaster, wrought into various figures; the area of -the lower is strewed with the fragments of small decayed buildings, but -the upper is kept free from filth, and in tolerably good order.... These -terraces are ascended by flights of stone steps, broken and neglected; -on each side are dwellings of the Rahaans or priests, raised on timbers -four or five feet from the ground; their houses consist only of a single -hall—the wooden pillars that support them are turned with neatness, the -roof is of tile, and the sides of sheathing-boards: there are a number of -bare benches in every house, on which the Rahaans sleep—we saw no other -furniture. - -“Shoemadoo is a pyramid, composed of brick, and plastered with fine -shell-mortar, without excavation or aperture of any sort, octagonal at -the base and spiral at top—each side of the base measures 162 feet; this -immense breadth diminishes abruptly, and a similar building has not -inaptly been compared to a large speaking-trumpet. - -“Six feet from the ground there is a wide ledge, which surrounds the -base of the building, on the plane of which are fifty-seven small spires -of equal size and equidistant; one of them measured twenty-seven feet -in height, and forty in circumference at the bottom; on a higher ledge -there is another row, consisting of fifty-three spires, of similar shape -and measurement. A great variety of mouldings encircle the building, and -ornaments, somewhat resembling the fleur-de-lys, surround what may be -called the base of the spire; circular mouldings likewise gird this part -to a considerable height, above which there are ornaments in stucco, -not unlike the leaves of a Corinthian capital, and the whole is crowned -by a _tee_, or umbrella of open iron-work, from which rises an iron rod -with a gilded pennant. The _tee_, or umbrella, is to be seen on every -sacred building in repair, that is of a spiral form. The raising and -consecration of this last and indispensable appendage is an act of high -religious solemnity, and a season of festivity and relaxation.... The -circumference of the _tee_ is fifty-six feet; it rests on an iron axis -fixed in the building, and is further secured by large chains strongly -riveted to the spire. Round the lower rim of the umbrella are appended a -number of bells, of different sizes, which, agitated by the wind, make a -continual jingling. The _tee_ is gilt, and it is said to be the intention -of the king to gild the whole of the spire; all the lesser pagodas -are ornamented with proportionable umbrellas, of similar workmanship, -which are likewise encircled by small bells. The extreme height of -the building from the level of the country is 361 feet, and above the -interior terrace 331 feet.” - -I have been thus particular in quoting this curious account, as I wish to -impress upon my readers the necessity of comparing this place of worship -with those described by myself in another place.[116] - -Crawfurd, the intelligent ambassador, who unfortunately looked with too -sinister an eye upon the institutions of the Burmese, has given us an -interesting description of the appurtenances of a temple, together with -a few remarks upon their endowment, of which I present the reader with a -condensed abstract, epitomizing but little:— - -“Close to our dwelling,” says the judicious observer,[117] “there was the -neatest temple which I had yet seen in the country. It was quite unique, -being entirely built of hewn sandstone. The workmanship was neat, but -the polished stone was most absurdly disfigured by being daubed over -with whitewash. The temple itself is a solid structure, at the base -of a square form, each face measuring about eighty-eight feet. It is -surrounded by a court, paved with large sandstone flags, and inclosed by -a brick wall. At each corner of the area there is a large and handsome -bell with an inscription. To the eastern face of the temple there are two -open wooden sheds, each supported by thirty-eight pillars. These were -among the richest things of the kind that I had seen in the country. The -pillars, the carved work, the ceiling, the eaves, and a great part of the -outer roof, were one blaze of gilding. In one of them only there was a -good marble image of Gautama. Buildings of this description are called by -the Burmans, Za-yat, or, in more correct orthography,[118] Ja-rat.... On -the west side of the temple there is a long, rudely-constructed wooden -shed, where are deposited the offerings made by the king and his family -to the temple. These consist of two objects only, state palanquins and -figures of elephants.... The palanquins now alluded to are litters of -immense size and weight, with two poles, and each requiring forty men -to bear them. They are all richly gilt and carved, with a high wooden -canopy over them. In each of those in the temple there was placed one or -more large figures of Gautama or his disciples. The figures of elephants -are about a foot and a half high, standing upon wooden pedestals.... Why -the gifts to this temple in particular consist of elephants, I was not -able to learn.... On the river face of this temple there are two large -houses of brick and mortar, of one story, with flat stone roofs, called -Taik, by the Burmans, and purporting to be in imitation of European -dwellings. These are also considered Za-yats, or caravanseras. They are -comfortless places as can be, the interior being so occupied with stone -pillars that there is hardly room to move about.... The guardian Nat of -the temple now described, is Tha-kya-men, or, more correctly, Sa-kya-men, -or the lord Sakya. He is, according to the Burmans, the second in power -of the two kings of the Nats. Of this personage there is, in a small -temple, a standing figure, in white marble, not however of a very good -description, measuring not less than nine feet eleven inches high. The -statue seems to be of one entire block.” - -This temple is named Aong-mre-lo-ka, a title signifying the “place of -victory.”—It was built by King Men-ta-ra-gyi, in the year 1144 of the -Burman era, or A.D. 1782, in the second year of his reign. He was the -fourth son of the energetic Alompra, the founder of the dynasty which -still occupies the throne. Alompra was succeeded by his first and second -brother, and by his nephew, Senku-sa, son of the latter. His uncle, -however, conspired against him, raised the son of the elder brother, -Maong-maong, to the regal dignity, who had been excluded from the throne, -partly by reason of the law of succession, and partly by the ambition -of his uncle. In a few days, however, he, after drowning Senku-sa, -and probably disposing in a like manner of Maong-maong, assumed the -government, and, in thanks to heaven for the success of his ambitious -schemes, he built this temple on the spot whence he had commenced his -successful agitation.[119] - -I shall have occasion hereafter to return to the subject of the Burmese -temples, in connection with the Golden Dagon temple at Rangoon; I shall, -therefore, say no more of them in this place. Two curious monuments, -however, deserve mentioning, as they have evidently some connection -with the ancient religion of Burmah. I shall again use the words of an -eye-witness:[120]— - -“On the summit of a steep tongue of land I found a large circular -opening, about fifty feet deep, caused by the earth having given way; -there being no apparent reason for this, unless an excavation existed, -I immediately descended into the valley, in hopes of finding an opening -at the side of the hill. After a short search, I discovered three small -brick arches, about four feet high, leading into the hill; having crept -into one of these, I perceived, by a ray of light issuing from the -aperture above, that there were several more passages branching off from -the spot where I remained; and I therefore determined on returning at -some future period with a lantern, to examine the cavern. On subsequently -renewing my search, I found that after creeping along the passage from -the arch for about five yards, the communication entered a small chamber, -sufficiently high to enable me to stand erect, whence four other passages -led off in different directions; and it was from one of these having -given way that the chasm had been formed in the hill. As the quantity of -earth requisite to fill up the passage could not have caused such a large -hollow above, it may be concluded that a room of considerable dimensions -must have existed there. Notwithstanding the annoyance I experienced from -many bats, which were constantly flying about my face and lantern, and -from the heat, which was very oppressive, I proceeded on my hands and -knees down the other passages; but, after going a very short distance, -was obliged to return, the earth having fallen and filled up the -gallery so very much, that it did not seem prudent to proceed further, -particularly as, from the closeness of the air, I might have been rather -unpleasantly situated.” - -This same officer saw another such structure on the plain of Pagahm, -among the ruins; but finding that it was used as a robber’s cavern, he -did not explore it. From what he could see, it was larger, and in better -repair. - -The priests of Burmah[121] are named Pongyees, meaning “great example,” -or “great glory.” The Pali name, “Rahan,” or “holy man,” once so much in -use among them, is now almost obsolete. The office is not hereditary, for -the Burmans are unshackled by castes; and, indeed, a priest may become a -layman again, though after re-entering society he may not again assume -the sacerdotal position. Thus the convents of Burmah serve as a place -where an education superior to that usually obtained in the schools may -be received, and the young man, not being bound by any vow, may return -to the active scenes of life, and take military or political rank. If -the youth find the peaceful pursuits of the convent more to his taste, -he can remain, and become a priest. The system of the priesthood is not -badly managed. The Burmans have no church-rates, and pluralism, not being -worth anything, is, of course, unknown. The priests have no political -influence, and are only consulted on ecclesiastical and literary matters; -they live on the charity of their parishioners, and, on the whole, they -do not appear to be badly off. - -The ritual, for which I must refer the reader to my frequently quoted -authority Sangermano,[122] is very strict in regard to priests; that, -however, is of no consequence, for in the foul and corrupted Burmese -empire all these institutions have fallen into disrepute. The priests -live as those of the convents of the middle ages did; and the similarity -between the Roman Catholic and Buddhist ceremonies, so amply proved by -MM. Huc and Gabet,[123] extends equally to the men. - -Their dress is of a yellow colour, and is formed by two cloths, which are -so wrapped around them as to completely envelop them from the shoulders -to the heels. Their heads are shaved, and to shade the bare poll from the -burning sun, they carry a talipot or palmyra-leaf in their hands. In M. -Dubois de Jancigny’s Indo-Chine, and in Malcom, there are plates of the -dress, which convey a very tolerable idea of the look of a priest out -walking. - -The priesthood of Burmah is divided into regular grades, like those -of Europe. I shall quote the summary of Malcom in preference to any -other.[124] “The highest functionary is the ‘_Tha-thena-byng_’, or -archbishop. He resides at Ava, has jurisdiction over all the priests, -and appoints the president of every monastery. He stands high at -court, and is considered one of the great men of the kingdom. Next to -him are the _Ponghees_, strictly so called, one of whom presides in -each monastery. Next are the _Oo-pe-zíns_, comprising those who have -passed the noviciate, sustained a regular examination, and chosen the -priesthood for life. Of this class are the teachers or professors in the -monasteries. One of them is generally vice-president, and is most likely -to succeed to the headship on the demise of the _Pongyee_. Both these -orders are sometimes called _Rahans_, or _Yahans_. They are considered to -understand religion so well as to think for themselves, and expound the -law out of their own hearts, without being obliged to follow what they -have read in books. Next are the _Ko-yen-ga-láy_, who have retired from -the world, and wear the yellow cloth, but are not all seeking to pass the -examination, and become _Oo-pe-zíns_. They have entered for an education, -or a livelihood, or to gain a divorce, or for various objects; and many -of such return annually to secular life. Many of this class remain for -life without rising a grade. Those who remain five years honourably are -called _Tay_, _i.e._ simply, _priests_; and those who remain twenty, are -_Maha Tay_, _great_ or _aged priests_. They might have become Ponghees at -any stage of this period if their talents and acquirements had amounted -to the required standard. By courtesy, all who wear the yellow cloth are -called Ponghees.” - -In some parts of Burmah there are also nunneries, though the Bedagat -neither authorizes nor requires them; indeed, manifestoes have been -issued by several of the kings of Ava to prevent women under a certain -age from entering these institutions.[125] On the subject of the khyoums, -however, I cannot do better than refer to the works of MM. Huc and Gabet, -Mr. Prinsep, and others. - -The most interesting and most characteristic ceremony of these Burmese -is the funeral of a priest, as it contains a mixture of solemnity and -absurdity rarely to be met with anywhere. I shall proceed, therefore, to -describe it. - -When a Burman priest dies, his body is embalmed. The process of embalming -is conducted in the following manner. The body is opened, the intestines -taken out, and the spaces filled with various descriptions of spices, the -orifice being closed up again, and sewed together. After this the whole -body is covered by a layer of wax, to prevent the air from injuring it; -over the wax is placed a layer of lac, together with some bituminous -compound, and the whole is covered with leaf gold. The ceremony somewhat -reminds one of the description given by Herodotus of ancient Egyptian -embalming.[126] The arms are laid across the breast of the body. The -preparation of the body takes place at the house.[127] - -About a year afterward the body is removed to a house built expressly for -such purposes, where it is kept until the other priests order it to be -burnt. In this house the body is disposed upon a raised stage of bamboo -and wood, and the house itself is ornamented with paper and leaf gold. -By the stage, the coffin, overlaid with gold and painted with figures -of death in various ways, was placed. In the courtyard of the house two -four-wheel carriages await the time fixed for the burning, one being -intended for the coffin, the other for the stage, with its apparatus. The -carriage on which the corpse is placed has another stage built upon it, -similar to the one in the house, with the difference of its being larger, -and fixed upon an elephant in a kneeling posture. - -The people of the place have to prepare rockets and other fireworks, as -well as images of animals to which the rockets are fixed. The images are -then drawn through the streets and round the town; all the citizens, -when the ceremonies are strictly observed, being compelled to assist. -The procession opens with some flags; then a number of dancing girls and -boys follow; after this the carriages with the figures, drawn by boys and -bullocks; and on the occasion which Mr. Carey describes, there followed, -by the express command of the governor, a quantity of young women -“dancing and singing, with an older woman between each row to keep them -in order.” Then came the principal persons of the place under umbrellas, -a sign of rank, as in ancient Nineveh, and all modern Asiatic countries. -Lastly, the procession was closed by men, dancing and singing in like -manner. - -The images on the carriages are usually very large, much larger than -life, and represented buffaloes, elephants, horses, and men. Each street -attends its own carriage in the procession. - -The following day the townspeople are divided into two parties, and -strange indeed must be the sight of the multitude. The carriage -containing the corpse has four large cables attached to it, and the -two parties of the townspeople pull against one another, and strive to -draw away the carriage and its contents. This contest is continued till -superior strength puts an end to it, or till the cable breaks, and the -losing party tumble head over heels. - -The third day is spent in discharging the rockets. The figures were -fixed on carriages, and the rocks were fastened to strong ropes by -rattan loops, in such a manner that being passed between the legs of the -animals, “so that when discharged, they, sliding on the ropes, ran along -the ground.” In the evening there is another grand display of fireworks. - -The next day the corpse is burnt in a temporary house by small rockets, -which, sliding down on to the coffins along ropes in rings of rattan, set -the coffin on fire. Sometimes, as we are informed by Crawfurd,[128] the -body is blown from a cannon to convey it more quickly to heaven! - -What can be said of such puerility and solemnity joined together? How -melancholy is the aspect of such things, and what can we think of the -moral or religious condition of a nation who made such seeming fun -(for under what other term can a large portion of the ceremony be -comprehended?) of the solemnest moment of existence, and that, too, in -the burial of a minister of that God to whom, in humility and reverence, -they lifted up their hearts in prayer. Very often, however, the most -solemn and the most trivial are mingled in very remarkable proportions. -We have one example of that, at least, in religion, nearer home. - -The Buddhist religion is remarkable in many points, but decidedly the -most curious circumstance connected with it, is the vast numbers of -believers which own its influence. That the religion is ancient, perhaps -more ancient than any other form of eastern worship, except Brahmanism, -can scarcely be doubted; but that it extended so far over the earth as -some would have us believe, is scarcely credible. Reuben Burrow, a long -time ago, called Stonehenge a Buddhist temple; and since then the notion -has been revived by Higgins in his Celtic Druids, as well as in another -work.[129] - -Mr. Pococke, too, the author of India in Greece, would persuade us that -the early Greeks were Buddhists, and that Pythagoras, correctly written -(according to him) Buddha-gooroos (Buddha’s spiritual teacher), was a -Buddhist missionary! - -However, let the religion be ancient or modern, in principle it is -one of the best that man ever made for man. Mr. Malcom, from whom -as a missionary one would of course expect rabid intolerance, bears -testimony to this:—“There is scarcely a principle, or precept, in the -Bedagat, which is not found in the Bible. Did the people but act up -to its principles of peace and love, oppression and injury would be -known no more within their borders. Its deeds of merit are in all cases -either really beneficial to mankind, or harmless. It has no mythology of -obscene and ferocious deities; no sanguinary or impure observances; no -self-inflicted tortures; no tyrannizing priesthood; no confounding of -right and wrong, by making certain iniquities laudable in worship. In its -moral code, its descriptions of the purity and peace of the first ages, -of the shortening of man’s life because of its sins, &c., it seems to -have followed genuine traditions. In almost every respect it seems to be -the best religion which man has ever invented.”[130] - -It is true there is another side to the picture; but why should we turn -the face to the wall, and expose the tattered back? Let us leave it as -it is, but let us recollect that the ill side is there, and make the -recollection atone for many faults in the character of the worshippers of -Buddha. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - - Language—Literature—Manuscripts—The - Aporazabon—Superstitions—Divination—The - Deitton—Astronomy—Division of time. - - -Of a literature and language so little known as that of Burmah, a notice, -of course, can but be brief. The few particulars with which we are -acquainted, I will, however, offer to the reader. - -The sacred books are in a language usually called Pali, which -denomination, Mr. Wilson contends, should only be applied to the -character. He proposes that the name of the language should be Magadeh or -Puncrit, corresponding to the terms Magari and Sanscrit. He informs us, -also, that the language differs from Sanscrit in enunciation only, being -softer, and liquifying all the harsh sounds.[131] With this language we -have but little to do, as it is only the language of the priests, and not -that of the whole population. A grammar of the Pali has been published at -Colombo, with a vocabulary attached.[132] - -The Burman language is very different from the other Oriental languages. -The character is very simple, and easily written. The vowels are eleven, -and the consonants thirty-three, but the combinations are excessively -numerous. All pure Burman words are monosyllabic, so pointing to a -similar fountain-head as the Chinese; in process of time, however, -polysyllables, derived from the Pali, have crept in, and given a somewhat -different complexion to the language. Like some other languages, the -number, person, mood, and tense, are formed by suffixes, a system of -grammar much simpler than the difficult inflected languages. But the -great difficulty is in the number of verbs, signifying the same thing -with a very slight difference. Malcom well instances the verb _to wash_: -“One is used for washing the face, another for washing the hands, -another for washing linen in mere water, another for washing it with -soap, another for washing dishes, &c.”[133] The national Mavor is the -“Them-bong-gyee,” a very ancient and complete work. The books published -by Europeans on the subject are, a Dictionary of the Burman Language, -with explanations in English; compiled from the MSS. of A. Judson, &c. -8vo. Calcutta, 1826. Carey’s Burman Grammar; Serampore, 1815. Laner’s -Burmese Dictionary; Calcutta, 1841. Latter’s Burman Grammar. - -“The rudiments of education,” observes Malcom,[134] “are widely diffused; -and most men, even common labourers, learn to write and read a little. -But few go beyond these attainments.” What a different picture does -this present to the assertions of Lieutenant-Colonel Symes, who exalts -the Burmans to such a pitch of mental cultivation. This is, however, -in no slight degree owing to the character of their literature, which, -however interesting to the observer of the rise of human civilisation, -has nothing in it of permanent value to the people, as the account which -I shall give of the Museum collection will amply show. I do not mean to -say that they have not treatises on many subjects of science, and many -interesting histories; but their books, for the most part, consist of -ballads, legends of Gaudama, astrology, and cosmography; an idea of the -value of which has already been given. - -The MSS. in the British Museum of which I shall first give an account, -form the Tytler Collection, as it may be called, running from No. 10,548 -to No. 10,572 of the Additional MSS., and was presented to the library -by John Tytler, Esq., on the 9th July, 1836. Unfortunately, the Museum -authorities are not acquainted with the contents of them; for which -reasons the reader must be contented with the meagre account I can offer. -The MSS., of which we have a magnificent collection in the British -Museum, are written upon palm-leaves of fifteen to eighteen inches in -length. The writing upon them looks more like a series of scratches with -a fine-pointed instrument than anything else. They are written upon both -sides, and two spaces are left, in order to admit of strings being passed -through the volume to keep the leaves together. These strings fasten -with wooden tags. Occasionally a large space is left unwritten upon, and -a third of the leaf is only used. The book, when closed and fastened with -tags, presents a singular appearance. It is outwardly divided into three -divisions, of which the two outside are gilt, and the middle painted -with a glistening, flary red. A pattern runs along the edge of the red -portion. No. 10,548 contains, as nearly as I can judge, three hundred and -twelve such leaves, forming a volume of about ten inches in thickness. -The Museum carefully preserve these MSS. in a cardboard case, which -prevents their being spoiled by dust and dirt. No. 10,550, a very thin -MS., consisting of but eleven leaves, appears to contain astrological -calculations. It is not nearly in such good preservation as the large one. - -The instrument used in writing upon these MSS. is sometimes (as one of -those in the British Museum, presented by John Barlow Hay, Esq., in 1839) -of brass, and is eighteen inches in length; it has a decorated top, and a -very sharp point. The ink-pot used would appear to be somewhat deep, as -the _stylus_ is covered with ink for two or three inches. - -In one of the cases there are several gorgeous MSS., one written on five -palm-leaves of about the usual length, in the Burmese character (which -differs somewhat from the Pali). It is written on a gold ground, and -is adorned(?) with figures of Gaudama. The covers are of wood, and are -ornamented. This MS. contains the first book of the Kammavâcâ. - -The second is on a silver ground, in the Burmese character, on -palm-leaves, and was presented in 1771 by Mrs. Mead. There is another -MS., in the same case, of the Kammavâcâ, the first and the fourth books. -It is profusely gilded. The character is the square Pali. The Kammavâcâ -is one of the most esteemed rituals of the Buddhist priesthood. - -The other manuscripts are not so fine as those I have mentioned, and -present similar characteristics to the inferior sort that I have -described above. It is much to be regretted that we have scarcely an -Orientalist in England who can unfold to us the meaning of these MSS. -Never, in any institution, was a richer bait held out to the scholar -than at the Museum at the present time, and yet there are but one or two -gentlemen capable of instructing us upon this interesting and important -point. The Museum authorities themselves regret, with the rest of -scholardom, that so large a portion of their Oriental collection is still -a dead letter to them. If the present war be productive of no better -result, let us hope that it will cause some one able to translate and -comment on these MSS. to turn his attention to this subject, and give his -researches to an expectant world.[135] - -It may not be uninteresting to append a portion of a list, kindly placed -at my disposal by Sir Frederick Madden, of some of the ascertained -Burmese Buddhistic MSS., among the Additional MSS. in the British Museum. -No. 18,753: A Burmese MS. containing the Sut Sîlakkham, a part of the -second division, or Sutrapituka, of the Buddhistic Scriptures, translated -from the Pali. No. 15,240. Burmese translation of a portion of the -Kammavâcâ, or Kammavâchâ. This was presented by the earl of Enniskillen -on the 10th July, 1844, and is written in dark brown letters, on an ivory -plate about fifteen inches in length. No. 17,945: The Tîkâ Kavisâra -Nissaza, a Burmese translation of a Pali commentary on a Buddhistic work -called Kavi-Sara, or the Essence of the Poets. No. 17,700: Part of a -Burmese translation of a Buddhistic legend. This MS. is bound in wood, -profusely gilt. No. 17,699: A religious treatise in Burmese, on the -different sorts of punishment in this life. - -“The original,” observes Buchanan,[136] “of most of the Burma books on -law and religion is in the Pali, or Pale language, which, undoubtedly, -is radically the same with the Sanscrit. I was assured at Amarapura that -the Pali of Siam and Pegu differed considerably from that of the Burmas; -and an intelligent native of Tavay, who had been at Cingala, or Candy, -the present capital of Ceylon, and at the ruins of Anuradapura, the -former capital, assured me that the Pali of that island was considerably -different from that of Ava. - -“In many inscriptions, and in books of ceremony, such as the Kammua, the -Pali language is written in a square character, somewhat resembling the -Bengal Sanscrit, and called Magata. Of this a specimen may be seen in the -description of the Borgian Museum by Paulinus.[137] But in general it -is written in a round character, nearly resembling the Burmah letters. -Of this kind is the specimen given by the accurate M. De la Loubère, -and which some persons have rashly conceived to be the Burmah. There is -no doubt, however, that all the different characters of India, both on -the west and on the east of the Ganges, have been derived from a common -source; and the Burmah writing on the whole appears to be the most -distinct and beautiful. - -“In their more elegant books the Burmas write on sheets of ivory, or -on very fine white palmira leaves. The ivory is stained black, and the -margins are ornamented with gilding, while the characters are enamelled -or gilded. On the palmira leaves the characters are in general of black -enamel, and the ends of the leaves and margins are painted with flowers -in various bright colours. In their more common books, the Burmas, with -an iron style, engrave their writings on palmira leaves. A hole through -both ends of each leaf, serves to connect the whole into a volume by -means of two strings, which also pass through the two wooden boards that -serve for binding. In the finer binding of these kind of books the boards -are lacquered, the edges of the leaves cut smooth and gilded, and the -title is written on the upper board; the two cords are, by a knot or -jewel, secured at a little distance from the boards, so as to prevent the -book from falling to pieces, but sufficiently distant to admit of the -upper leaves being turned back, while the lower ones are read. The more -elegant books are in general wrapped up in silk cloth, and bound round -by a garter, in which the Burmas have the art to weave the title of the -book.” - -Like the ancients, almost every Burman “carries with him a -_parawaik_,[138] in which he keeps his accounts, copies songs till he can -repeat them from memory, and takes memorandums of anything curious. It is -on these _parawaiks_ that the zares or writers, in all courts and public -offices, take down the proceedings and orders of the superior officers, -from thence copying such parts as are necessary into books of a more -durable and elegant nature. The _parawaik_ is made of one sheet of thick -and strong paper blackened over. A good one may be about eight feet long -and eighteen inches wide. It is folded up somewhat like a fan, each fold -or page being about six inches, and in length the whole breadth of the -sheets. Thence, wherever the book is opened, whichever side is uppermost, -no part of it can be rubbed but the two outer pages, and it only occupies -a table one foot in width by eighteen inches long. The Burmas write on -the _parawaik_ with a pencil of steatites.... When that which has been -written on a _parawaik_ becomes no longer useful, the pages are rubbed -over with charcoal and the leaves of a species of dolichos; they are then -clean as if new, and equally fit for the pencil.”[139] - -It will not be amiss to pursue the usual plan that I have proposed to -myself, and in every practicable case to illustrate the literature of a -nation by extracts from some one of its approved works. Fortunately, the -missionary Sangermano has supplied me with the means of doing so, which -would otherwise have failed. I cannot do better, therefore, than quote -from that writer his account and extracts from one of their volumes. It -will, I suppose, furnish as fair a specimen of their literature as any -which can be offered. - -“Among these books,” says Sangermano, “the one called Aporazabon deserves -to be placed the first; it is a species of romance, in which the -principal character is Aporazà, an old minister, to whom the emperor, -and several mandarins, put a number of questions on the science of -government. To give my readers some idea of this work, I will here -translate some extracts.[140] - -“One day the emperor asked Aporazà what he meant to do to render his -kingdom flourishing and populous; the old minister replied, that, -in the first place, he must have the success of all his subjects in -their affairs at heart, as much as if they were his own. 2. He should -diminish the taxes and ciochi. 3. In putting on imposts he should have -regard to the means of his subjects. 4. He must be liberal. 5. He must -frequently inquire into the affairs of his kingdom, and make himself -fully acquainted with them. 6. He must love and esteem his good and -faithful servants. 7. Finally, he should show courtesy and affability, -both in his manners and words, to all persons. He ought, moreover, to -take measures that the population of his kingdom is augmented, and that -his government acquire honour and respect among foreign nations; he -should not molest the rich, but, on the contrary, should encourage their -industry and promote their interests; he should show a proper regard to -his generals and ministers, who govern in the name of the emperor, for it -is not seemly that they should be publicly disregarded and ill-treated; -he should not despise prudent and careful men; and, finally, he should be -just and moderate in exacting tributes, and should always proportion them -to the products of agriculture and commerce. As a confirmation of this -precept, he refers to the fruits of the earth, when eaten before they are -ripe. ‘You see,’ he says, ‘that the fruits which are gathered ripe from -the tree, are well-flavoured and pleasant to the taste; but when they are -plucked before they have ripened, they are insipid, and sour, and bitter. -Rice that is taken at its proper season is excellent food, but if it is -collected before its time, it is devoid of substance and nutriment.’ He -then advises the emperor not to shut up his kingdom; that is to say, that -he ought to allow all foreign merchants a free entrance, to encourage -their commerce, and make it flourish.... Another time, when two petty -kings had declared war against each other, they both had recourse to the -Burmese monarch for assistance. According to his custom, the emperor sent -for Aporazà, who spoke thus on the occasion:—‘It once happened that two -cocks of equal strength began fighting in the presence of a countryman; -after continuing their combat for some time, they were so overcome by -their exertions, that they were unable to do anything more, when the -countryman sprang upon them, and made himself master of them both. Thus -ought you, O king! to do at present. Let these two princes fight with -each other till you see that their resources are exhausted, and then, -pouncing upon them, seize upon their territories for yourself.’ - -“A man of mean extraction was raised by the efforts of an old mandarin -to the throne. But the mandarin afterwards became overbearing, and even -tried to be in some measure the master of the emperor. The latter bore -all this for some time, but at length, growing weary of this insolence, -he determined to rid himself of his importunate minister. Wherefore, one -day that he was surrounded by a number of his mandarins, among whom was -the one who had raised him to the throne, he directed his discourse to -him, and asked him what they do with the zen, which are erected round the -pagodas, after the gilding and painting are finished, for which they were -raised; for the zen is a scaffolding of bamboo, or thick cane, serving to -support the gilders and painters of the pagodas. ‘They are taken down and -carried away,’ replied the old mandarin, ‘that they may not obstruct the -view of the pagoda, or spoil its beauty.’ - -“‘Just so,’ replied the monarch, ‘I have made use of you to ascend the -throne, as the gilders and painters make use of the zen; but now that I -am firmly seated in it, and am obeyed as emperor by all, and respected by -all, you are become useless to me, or rather your presence only disturbs -my peace.’ He then drove him from his palace, and sent him in banishment -to a village. One day, while this mandarin was yet in banishment, a -dreadful tempest arose; in the course of which, looking out into the -country, he observed that the great trees, which resisted the force -of the wind, were not bent, but broken or torn up by its fury; while -the grass and the canes, yielding before the blast, returned to their -original position the moment it was gone by. ‘Oh,’ said the mandarin, -within himself, ‘if I had followed the example of these canes and this -grass, I should not now be in so miserable a condition.’” - -Among a semi-civilised people (and look on them as we may, the Burmans -are no more), superstition ever has a powerful, almost unassailable -hold upon the public mind. The vague dread of future existence, the -indefinable curiosity which tempts man to search, by his own endeavours, -for the ultimate end of all his strivings on earth, is to be found more -closely allied to a feeling of scientific appreciation among such a -people than anywhere else. The imperfect comprehension of what is passing -around, leads the untutored mind ever to trench on the supernatural -world, of the existence of which he has an innate perception. But having -no clear knowledge, unable perhaps to express his forebodings in a -distinct and comprehensible manner, he runs to the priest, or the learned -man, and, expecting a knowledge of futurity to be part of his learning, -asks what the fate may be to which he is destined. The wise man, anxious -to keep up a reputation for superior knowledge, invents something -from the circumstances in which he knows the person to be placed. -Subsequently he systematizes and arranges these notions, connecting them -with the stars, those high and wonderful lights that unceasingly pass on -in an ever-determined cycle above our heads. Such would seem to have been -the origin of astrology. - -Divination is universally credited by the Burmese, and Dr. Buchanan’s -picture, so melancholy as showing to what extent priestcraft obtained -among them in his time (and it is probably not much decreased in their -estimation now), is too interesting to be omitted in this place:— - -“No person will commence the building of a house, a journey, or the most -trifling undertaking, without consulting some man of skill to find a -fortunate day or hour. Friday is a most unlucky day, on which no business -must be commenced. I saw several men of some rank, who had got from the -king small boxes of _theriac_, or something like it, and which they -pretended would render them invulnerable. I was often asked for medicines -that would render the body impenetrable to a sword or musket-ball, and -on answering that I knew of none such, my medical skill was held in very -low estimation. Indeed, every Burman doctor has at the end of his book -some charms, and what are called magical squares of figures, which he -copies, and gives to be worn by his patients. And although these squares -are all of uneven numbers, and consequently of the easiest construction, -yet the ignorant multitude repose great confidence in their virtue. Some -men, whom we saw, had small bits of gold or jewels introduced under the -skin of their arms, in order to render themselves invulnerable; and the -tattooing on the legs and thighs of the Burma men they not only think -ornamental, but a preservative against the bite of snakes.”[141] - -Cheiromancy and oneiromancy are in as great estimation as divination or -amulets. With all their skill in astrology, which they practise to a -great extent, they are very ignorant of astronomy, and Dr. Buchanan tells -us, “Although they sometimes attempt to calculate eclipses, yet they -pretend not to ascertain either the hour of their commencement or the -extent of the obscuration.... It would indeed appear, from a treatise of -Mr. Samuel Davis,[142] that the time of the full moon, and the duration -of the eclipse, found by the rules given in the Surya Siddhanta, differ -considerably from the truth; and that, although the rules given in the -Siddhantá Rahasya, and other modern books, make a near approach, yet -they are far from being correct; so that even the Brahmens of Hindustan -are not much further advanced than those of Amarapura, notwithstanding -the improvements they have introduced from time to time, perhaps as they -were able gradually to procure a little better information from their -conquerors, Mohammedans and Christians.”[143] - -Sangermano has a few remarks on the subject of the superstitions of -the Burmese, that it would not be inappropriate to transfer to these -pages.[144] - -“The Burmese possess a large volume containing a full account of all -their superstitious observances, and of the different omens of good or -evil fortune to be drawn from an immense number of objects,—as from the -wood with which their houses are built, from their boats and carriages, -from the aspects of the sun, moon, and planets, from the howling of dogs, -and the singing of birds, &c., and also from the involuntary movements of -the members of one’s own body. We will here translate some portions of -this book, as specimens of the superstitions which paganism conducts to. - -“This book, which is called Deitton, in the treatise on the woods used in -building, distinguishes various kinds. Such beams as are equally large at -the top as at the bottom are called males; those which are thicker at the -bottom than above are females; the neuters are those in which the middle -is thickest; and when the greatest thickness is at the top, they are -called giants; finally, when a piece of wood, on being cut, and falling -to the ground, rebounds from its place, it is called monkey-wood. Whoever -lives in a house made of male wood, will be happy in all places, and at -all times, and in all circumstances; but if the wood of any person’s -house be neuter, continual misery will be his lot; and if it be of the -gigantic species, he will die. By dividing the two pieces of wood which -form the stairs into ten compartments, and observing in which the knots -occur, we may also learn a man’s fortune. If a knot be found in the first -compartment, it is a sign that the master of the house will be honoured -by princes; if in the second, that he will abound in rice, and all kinds -of provisions; but if there be one in the fourth division, then a son, -or a nephew, or a slave, or an ox of the master will die; a knot in the -sixth division is a sign of riches in oxen and buffaloes; but one in the -eighth portends the death of his wife; and finally, one in the tenth, -is an augury of great possessions in gold and silver, and such other -valuables. - -“From the wood used in the construction of the houses, the Deitton passes -to the holes in which the poles that support them are fixed; for if -these be square, it is a sign of sickness; and divers other prognostics -are drawn from the manner in which they are dug, and from the different -substances that are met with in making them. Hence various rules are -given for choosing a spot of ground for the foundation of houses. - -“The next sources of superstition are the boats and carriages; for from -the knots that are in them, good or bad success is assigned to the -possessors; as also from the different objects they meet with on their -progresses on different days of the week. - -“All involuntary movements of the eyes, the head, or the forehead, are -considered as indications of the lot of those in whom they are observed, -as their happiness, or of the honours they will receive, or of a -litigious disposition,” &c. - -And again, a little after, our missionary continues:— - -“In the time of war, or during a law suit, there is a curious way of -finding out the success to be expected. Three figures are made of cooked -rice, one representing a lion, another an ox, and a third an elephant. -These are exposed to the crows, and the augury is taken according to -which is eaten. If they fall on the figure of the lion, it is a sign -of victory; if they eat that of the ox, things will be made up by -accommodation; but if they eat the elephant, then bad success is to be -looked for. - -“When a dog carries any unclean thing to the top of a house, it is -supposed that the master will become rich. If a hen lay her egg upon -cotton, its master will become poor. If a person, who is going to -conclude a law suit, meet on the road another carrying brooms or spades, -the suit will be long, and in the end he will be deceived. If the wind -should carry away any of the leaves of the betel, when, according to -custom, it is being carried to the house of a newly-married woman, it is -a sign that the marriage will be unhappy, and that separation will ensue. - -“If in going to war, or to prosecute a law suit, a person meet with a -fish, there will be no war, and the lawsuit will cease; if he see another -catching a gnat, the mandarins will exact many presents, the client will -be deceived, and the law suit a long one; if he meet any one carrying -packages, then everything will succeed to his wishes; if he meet a -serpent, the affair will be long; if a dog, or a female elephant, or a -person playing on the instrument called zaun, a species of cymbal, all -things will go well.” - -The good father mentions some more instances of a similar kind, and thus -concludes:[145]—“But we should never finish, were we to extract all the -follies of this book, for they are so numerous, and at the same time so -inconsistent with common comfort, that, as one of our oldest missionaries -has observed, if a man were to be entirely guided by it, he would not -have a house to live in, nor a road to walk on, nor clothes to cover -him, nor even rice for his food; and yet the blind and ignorant Burmese -place the greatest faith in it, and endeavour to regulate their actions -according to its directions.” I have not space to speak of all the -various superstitious weaknesses which rule this people, or I would tell -of the cheiromancy of the Burmans, their amulets and their love-philtres; -for these, however, I must refer the reader to Sangermano. - -Burman astronomy is similar in most points to that of the Hindoos; but a -short account of it, after Buchanan[146] and Sangermano,[147] will not be -out of place here. - -They recognise eight planets, viz., the Sun, the Moon, Mercury, Venus, -Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and another named Rahu, which is invisible. -Buchanan tells us that some one discovered in it the Georgium Sidus; but -if its invisibility be taken into consideration, it is much more likely -to be the recently discovered and lost planet Neptune. A description of -it from the treatise of Buchanan, will, however, settle any doubts as to -this star:[148]— - -“The form of Rahu is thus described. His stature is 48,000 juzana; the -breadth of his breast 12,000; of his head, 900; of his forehead, his -nostrils, and mouth, 300; the thickness of his fingers, 50 juzana; of his -feet and hands, 200. When this monstrous and foul planet, who, like the -others, is a Nat,[149] is inflamed with envy, at the brightness of the -sun or moon, he descends into their path and devours, or rather takes -them into his mouth; but he is soon obliged to spit them out, for if he -retained them long, they would burst his head by the constant tendency -which they have to pursue their course. At other times he covers them -with his chin, or licks them with his immense tongue. In this manner the -Burmah writings explain eclipses of the sun and moon, both total and -partial, making the duration of the eclipse depend on the time that Rahu -retains the planet in his mouth or under his chin. The Raháns say, that -every three years Rahu attacks the sun, and every half-year the moon. -The eclipses, however, are not always visible to the inhabitants of this -southern island; but although they may be invisible here, they are not so -to the inhabitants of the other islands, according as the sun and moon -may be opposite to them at the time of the eclipse.” - -This will serve as a tolerably fair specimen of Burmese abstract -astronomy; and as my limits preclude further remark, it will be well to -go on to their division of time. - -“The Burmas,” remarks Dr. Buchanan,[150] “in whatever manner they -may have obtained it, have the knowledge of a solar year, consisting -of 365 days, and commencing on the 18th of April. Like most nations, -they all use a week of seven days, named after the planets. Sunday, -Ta-nayn-ga-nue; Monday, Ta-nayn-la; Tuesday, Ayn-ga; Wednesday, -Boud-dha-hu; Thursday, Kia-sa-ba-da; Friday, Thouk-kia; Saturday, Tha-na. - -“The common year, however, of the Burmas, is lunar; and by this year are -regulated their holidays and festivals. It is composed of twelve months, -which alternately consist of thirty and twenty-nine days, as follows:— - -_Of Thirty Days._ - - 1. Ta-goo. - 3. Na-miaung. - 5. Wag-goun. - 7. Sa-deen-giut. - 9. Na-to. - 11. Ta-bu-dua. - -_Of Twenty-nine Days._ - - 2. Kas-soon. - 4. Wa-goo. - 6. Ta-da-lay. - 8. Ta-zaung-mo. - 10. Pya-zo. - 12. Ta-boun. - -“This being eleven days shorter than their solar year, in order to make -the beginning of Ta-goo coincide with our 18th of April, the first day of -their solar year, the Burmas every third year add an intercalary moon. -This seems to have been the extent of chronological science in Hindustan, -during the prevalence of the doctrine of Bouddha, as the Rahans will -go no further. But it was soon discovered by the Brahmens, that this -contrivance would not make the commencements of the lunar and solar years -coincide. They, therefore, wish from time to time to introduce other -intercalary moons, in order to make the festivals occur at the proper -season. The present king, who is said to be a studious and intelligent -prince, was convinced of the propriety of the Brahmens’ advice, and -persuaded the Rahans of the capital to add an intercalary moon during -the year we were there. He had not, however, the same success in the -more distant provinces; for, although very strong measures were taken -at Rangoun, such as ordering the people for some days not to supply the -Rahans with provisions, yet, in the end, the obstinacy of the clergy -prevailed, and they celebrated a great festival a month earlier at -Rangoun than was done at Amarapura. To this obstinacy the Rahans were, -probably, in a great measure, instigated by a jealousy, which they, -not without reason, entertain against such dangerous intruders as the -Brahmens; and they were encouraged to persist by the ignorance of those -about the king. Of this ignorance his majesty was very sensible, and was -extremely desirous of procuring from Bengal some learned Brahmens, and -proper books. None of those I saw in the empire could read Sanscrit, and -all their books were in the common dialect of Bengal. - -“The 1st of October, 1795, was at Amarapura, Kiasabada, the 19th of -Sadeengiut, in the year of the Burma æra 1157, so that the reckoning, -at that place at least, agreed very well with the solar year; but I -observed, that the Burmas in general, if not always, antedated by one -day the four phases of the moon, which are their common holidays. I did -not, however, learn, whether this proceeded from their being unable to -ascertain the true time of the change of the moon, or if it was only an -occasional circumstance, arising from some further contrivance used to -bring the solar and lunar years to coincide. In the common reckoning -of time the Burmas divide the moon into two parts, the light and the -dark moon; the first contained the days, during which the moon is on the -increase; and the second, those in which she is in the wane. Thus, for -instance, the 14th of Sadeengiut is called the 14th of the light moon -Sadeengiut; but the 16th is called the 1st of the dark moon Sadeengiut. - -“Whence the Burmans date their æra I could not from them learn. Joannes -Moses, Akunwun or collector of the land-tax for the province of Pegu, -the most intelligent man with whom we conversed, did not seem to know. -He said that whenever the king thought the years of the æra too many, he -changed it. The fact, however, I believe is, that this æra, commencing in -our year 638, is that used by the astronomers of Siam, and from them, as -a more polished nation, it has passed to the Burmas, whose pride hindered -them from acknowledging the truth.”[151] - -The common lunar year consists, however, only of twelve months; -consequently they are obliged to add an intercalary month every three -years, as the year is only three hundred and fifty-four days in length. -Even this, however, does not supply all deficiencies, and the further -rectifications are made by public proclamation. Their worship days are -four every month, viz., at the new and the full moon, and half-way -between these; so that sometimes the interval is seven days, and -sometimes eight. Day and night are divided into four equal parts. At -Rangoon, however, the European mode of reckoning the hours is much in -use, and timepieces are not wholly unknown.[152] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - - Currency—Weights—Commerce—Ports—Teak-wood—Houses—Tanks—Dress— - Food—Marriages—Childbirth—Funerals—Arts—Slavery—The - drama—Chess—Games—Music—Fireworks. - - -The Burmese have no coined money. At every payment the money is assayed -and weighed, to ascertain its value. When a bargain is to be concluded, -very often the seller asks to see the money the purchaser has to offer -him. The circulating medium is lead, for small payments. Silver, however, -is the standard, although gold is also in use; it is considered seventeen -times as valuable as silver. The frequent assaying process that the money -undergoes has given rise to a business; the persons following it are -named Poë-za, and for a commission of two and a half per cent. they will -assay the money. One per cent. is lost in the operation, so that if “that -operation be repeated forty times, it follows that the original amount is -wholly absorbed,—a fact which shows the enormous waste of the precious -metals which attends this rude substitute for a currency.”[153] - -Of course, the value of money is continually fluctuating, and Crawfurd -informs us, that the alloy in silver varies from two to twenty-five per -cent.! “The finest gold,” he says, “in circulation is, according to this -scale, of nine and three-quarters touch, or twenty-three and a quarter -carats fine. Between this and that which is only twelve carats, or -contains one-half alloy, is to be found in use almost every intermediate -degree of fineness.” - -Malcom gives us the following scale of weights, which answers both for -goods and money:[154]— - - 2 small ruays = 1 large ruay = 1 pice. - 4 large ruays = 1 bai or ruay = 1 anna. - 2 bais = 1 moo = 2 annas. - 2 moos = 1 mat = 4 annas (62½ gr. troy). - 4 mats = 1 kyat = 1 tical. - 100 kyats = 1 piakthah or vis (3⁶⁵⁄₁₀₀ lbs. avoird.). - -The head-waters of most of the rivers, as before remarked,[155] yield -gold; but gold washings are to be found in the Irawadi above Prome, and -also near Rangoon.[156] “But the little gold,” says the missionary, “that -is thus collected is far from being sufficient for the Burmese, who use -great quantities of this metal, not only in their bracelets, earrings, -and other ornaments, which persons of both sexes are accustomed to wear, -but much more for gilding the convents of the Talapoins, the public -porticoes, and particularly the pagodas, which, being exposed to the rain -and the action of the air, soon lose their gilding, and are, therefore, -continually requiring fresh gold to repair them. To supply this demand, -gold is imported from the Malay coast, from China, and other places.” - -The silver is principally procured from the Chinese provinces of Yunnan, -and the mines in Burmah are worked by natives of China. The only place -in Burmah where silver-mines are worked is at Bor-twang, twelve days’ -journey from Bamoo. - -Burmah has considerable foreign trade. The natives carry on a -communication for this purpose with Mergui and Chittagong, and -occasionally with Calcutta, Penang, and Madras. Burmah has at present but -two good harbours remaining, namely, Rangoon and Bassein. Both of these -are good, but foreign vessels never go to the latter, notwithstanding the -fact that it is the better of the two.[157] The port of Rangoon is the -only one, therefore, of any consideration. - -The exports of Burmah are teak-wood, cotton, wax, cutch, sticklac, and -ivory; also lead, copper, arsenic, tin, birds’ nests, amber, indigo, -tobacco, honey, tamarinds, gnapee, or napé, gems, orpiment, &c. The most -considerable article of commerce, however, is the teak-wood. “Indeed,” -says Sangermano, “it is for this wood, more than for anything else, that -vessels of every nation come to Pegu from all parts of India. It is found -also in Bombay, but in small quantities, and is excessively dear; whereas -in Pegu and Ava there are such immense forests of it that it can be sold -to as many ships as arrive, at a moderate price. This wood, while it -does not quickly decay, is very easily wrought, and very light. Cases -have occurred of ships made of it, and laden with it, which have been -filled with water, but yet did not sink. Hence, all the ships that come -to Pegu return with cargoes of this wood, which is employed in common -houses, but particularly in shipbuilding. Most of the ships that arrive -in these ports are here careened and refitted; and there are, besides, -two or three English and French shipbuilders established at Rangoon. One -reason of this is the prohibition that exists of carrying the specie out -of the empire. For, as merchants, after selling their cargo, and taking -in another of teak-wood, generally have some money remaining in their -hands, they are obliged to employ it in building a new ship. Though, -perhaps, this is not the only motive for building vessels in Rangoon; but -the quantity of teak and other kinds of wood with which the neighbouring -forests abound, may also have a great influence in this way. If the port -of Rangoon entices strangers to build ships there, it also obliges them -to sail as soon as possible. For there is a species of worm bred in the -waters of the river which penetrates into the interior of the wood, and -eats it away in such a manner that the vessel is exposed to the greatest -danger, since the holes formed by these worms being hidden, cannot -easily be stopped up. They attack every species of wood except ebony and -tamarind, which are so hard that they are used to make the mallets with -which carpenters drive their chisels.” - -These facts, together with the difficulty of entering into the -harbour, should be carefully considered by the rulers of the Company’s -territories, and they must weigh the importance of the position against -the fatal effects of the climate, and when they have the upper fertile -territory of Ava almost within their grasp, they should not content -themselves with the low flats of Pegu, as some of the public press have -advised. - -Bassein, however, which has been lately captured, should be the principal -port. That it is the better, is plainly to be seen from the fact of its -having been so considered at an earlier period of the history of the -country; and that the Company thought so, is plain from their first -factories having been in that district. - -Burman domestic architecture presents many similarities with that of -Polynesia, except in the temples, already described in a former chapter, -where the difference is, however, very slight.[158] The houses are -constructed of timbers, and bamboos fastened with lighter pieces placed -transversely. If strong posts are used, they are placed at distances -of about seven feet, of coarse bamboo, and lighter ones are placed at -closer intervals. Pillars made of brick or stone supporting a frame are -never seen. The sides are usually covered with mats; but sometimes with -thatch fastened by split canes. In the best houses even, the roofs are -almost invariably of thatch wrought most skilfully, and forming a perfect -security against both wind and rain, but sometimes they are made of -thin tiles, turned up at one end.[159] The best kind of thatch is made -of attap or denvice leaves, bent over canes, and attached by the same -material; a cheaper kind is made of strong grass six or seven feet long. -These overlap each other from twelve to eighteen inches, much in the same -manner as our tiles: they cost very little and require renewing about -every three years. - -The floors are elevated a few feet from the earth, which makes them -more comfortable than the houses of Bengal, and to render them clean, -and secure ventilation, they are made of split cane. Unfortunately, the -crevices between the cane often invite carelessness, and dirty liquids -are allowed to run through, and not unfrequently the space becomes filled -with mud and vermin, particularly among the poorer classes. The doors and -windows are merely of matting in bamboo frames; when not closed, they are -propped up so as to form a shade. There are of course no chimneys. They -cook in a sort of square box of earth. A house does not cost more than -from sixty to a hundred rupees; many not nearly so much, and they may -be put up in about three days. The houses have only one story. In some -of the large towns the houses of the rich are built of wood with plank -floors, and panelled doors and shutters, but neither lath, plaster, nor -glass. The houses are infested with insects of various descriptions, also -with lizards, but they are useful in destroying the former. - -The buildings not being of brick, the utmost precaution is taken against -fire. The roofs of the houses are loosely thatched, and a long pile of -bamboo, with a hook at the end, is provided in every dwelling to pull -down the thatch, while another pole is placed ready with a grating at the -end of it to put out the flame by means of pressure. - -But it is not only in houses and pagodas that the architectural skill -of the Burmans displays itself. The nation, like the ancient Peruvians, -also constructs tanks, which are of immense utility in fertilizing the -country. One of these, at Montzoboo, the birthplace of Alompra, is a -very handsome work. They have also a few bridges, one of which, at Ava, -is very long, and which Malcom emphatically says, “I have not seen -surpassed in India, and scarcely in Europe.”[160] The arrangement of the -palace at Ava, it may not be inapposite to remark, is not unlike that of -the ancient palaces of Nineveh, as brought to light by Mr. Layard, and -restored by Mr. Ferguson. - -The Burmese dress is very simple. That of the men consists of a long -piece of striped cotton or silk, folded round the middle, and flowing -down to the feet. When they are not at work, this is loosed, and is -thrown partly over the shoulder, covering the body in no ungraceful -manner. It very closely resembles the modern Nubian dress. The higher -classes add to this a jacket with sleeves, called _ingee_, of white -muslin, or, occasionally, broadcloth or velvet, buttoning at the neck. -The turban or _gounboung_, of muslin, is worn by every one. Their shoes -or sandals are of wood, or cowhide covered with cloth and strapped on. -These are only worn abroad. - -The women wear a _te-mine_, or petticoat, of cotton or silk. It is -open in front; so that in walking the legs and a part of the thigh are -exposed. But in the street, they wear a jacket like that of the men, and -a mantle over it. - -Both sexes wear cylinders of gold, silver, horn-wood, marble, or paper -in their ears. The fashionable diameter of the ear-hole is one inch. -At the boring of a boy’s ears, a great festival is generally held, as -it is considered equal to the assumption of the _toga virilis_ among -the ancient Romans; yet, the period of youth and dandyism gone by, they -care no more for such a decoration, and usually use the ear-hole as a -cigar-rack, or flower-stand. The hair is always well taken care of, and -is anointed every day with sessamum oil. The men gather it in a bunch on -the top of the head, like the North American Indians, while the women -tie it into a knot behind. The use of betel, which at one time was very -general, is now no longer so much consumed, and the practice of staining -the teeth is not so universal. - -“The men of this nation,” says a good authority,[161] “have a singular -custom of tattooing their thighs, which is done by wounding the skin, and -then filling the wound with the juice of certain plants, which has the -property of producing a black stain. Some, besides both their thighs, -will also stain their legs of the same colours, and others paint them all -over with representations of tigers, cats, and other animals. The origin -of this custom, as well as of the immodest dress of the women, is said -to have been the policy of a certain queen; who, observing that the men -were deserting their wives, and giving themselves up to abominable vices, -persuaded her husband to establish these customs by a royal order; that -thus by disfiguring the men, and setting off the beauty of the women, the -latter might regain the affections of their husbands.” - -In speaking of the military institutions of the Burmese, I quoted -from Sangermano a passage in which the food of the soldiers was -mentioned.[162] To the account then given, I have little to add here. The -food of the people is mean and bad indeed; in fact, as they eat all kinds -of reptiles and insects, we may very well agree with Malcom,[163] and -call them omnivorous. They make two meals in a day, one at about nine in -the morning, and the other at sunset. The rice, or whatever the dish may -be, is placed on a wooden plate, raised upon a foot, and the eaters squat -round it on the bare ground, or perchance on a few mats, using their -fingers in the feast. Their usual beverage is water. - -The bed consists of a simple mat spread on the ground, and a small -pillow, or piece of wood, precisely in the manner of the Polynesians. The -rich occasionally have a low wooden bedstead and mattresses. - -Their mode of kissing is again like that of the Polynesians. Instead of -touching the lips, they apply the mouth and nose to the cheek, and draw -in the breath, and instead of saying, “Give me a kiss,” they say, “Give -me a smell.” Children are carried astride the hips as in some other parts -of India. - -When a young man has made his choice of a wife, he first sends some old -persons to the father to propose the marriage. If the family and the girl -are agreed to the match, the bridegroom immediately goes to the house of -the father-in-law, and resides there for three years. At the expiration -of that period, he may, if he choose, take his wife and reside somewhere -else. The first night of the marriage is one of considerable hazard, for -a large number of persons will collect together and throw stones and logs -on to the roof of the house. Sangermano, on whose authority I mention the -custom, could obtain no reason for it.[164] - -A strange practice attends the birth of a Burmese infant. “No sooner -is the infant come to light, than an immense fire is lighted in the -apartment, so large that a person can hardly approach it without -experiencing considerable hurt. Yet the woman is stretched out before -it; and obliged to support its action on her naked skin, which is often -blistered from its effects as badly as if the fire had been actually made -for this purpose. This treatment is persevered in for ten or fifteen days -without intermission, at the end of which time, as it will be easily -supposed, the poor woman is quite scorched or blackened.”[165] - -In their treatment of the sick, they are very absurd and unskilful, but -at the same time, some of their remedies are good. Space will not permit -me to speak of this subject, and I must refer to the copious accounts of -Malcom, Sangermano, Crawfurd, and others. - -At the death of any one, the following ceremonies are observed.[166] -The body is immediately washed and laid in a white cloth, and visits of -condolence are paid by the connections and friends. While the family -give themselves up to lamentation, these friends perform the office -of preparing the coffin, assembling the musicians, getting betel and -lapech, the pickled tea, which is given to every one on the occasion. -Then a great store of fruit, cotton cloths, and money is prepared for -distribution among the priests and the poor. This is effected by means -of a burial club, which, strangely enough, is one of the institutions -of this singular country. The body is then kept a day or two, after -which the procession is formed in the following manner. First, the alms -destined for the priests and poor are carried along; next, come the -baskets of betel and lapech, borne by female priests dressed in white. -These are followed by a procession of priests, walking two and two. When -there is music, it usually comes next. Then the bier is carried along, -borne by friends of the deceased. Immediately behind the bier comes -the wives, children, and nearest relations, all dressed in white. The -procession is closed by a concourse of people more or less connected -with the departed person. Arrived at the place where the body is burnt, -the senior priest delivers a sermon, consisting of reflections on the -five secular commandments and the ten good works. At the conclusion of -the sermon, the coffin is delivered to the burners of the dead, who set -fire to it, while others distribute the alms to the priests and people. -The burning, however, does not always take place. Persons that have been -drowned, or have died of infectious diseases, are immediately interred. - -On the third day after the burning, the relations go to the place and -collect the ashes, which are placed in an urn and buried, and a cenotaph -is erected over the remains. All this time a festival is kept up at the -house of the deceased. Readers are engaged, who read out poetry and -history. Much feasting and drinking goes on, and this is all done to keep -off the thoughts of their loss from the minds of the relations. On the -ninth day the concluding feast to the priests is given, and all is over. - -The arts of the Burmese are very simple, as may be expected.[167] Their -progress in them has been very small, chiefly on account “of the great -simplicity of their dress and houses.” Every one builds his own house, -and the females of the family can manufacture all the apparel that is -required by the family. The silkworm is kept in Ava, and the products -of the looms of that province, though susceptible of improvement, yet -deserve high commendation for the strength of the material and brilliancy -of the colours. Carving in wood, an art at which a semi-civilised nation -generally soon arrives, has been brought to some degree of perfection; -but painting, the kindred art, is here, as among all Oriental nations, in -a very languishing condition. Lately, at a meeting of the Asiatic Society -of Bengal, a very interesting picture by a Burmese artist was exhibited. -Dr. A. Thomas, who presented it to the society, thus describes it:—“On -one side of the picture is represented the royal palace and the royal -monastery; the priests in their sacerdotal garb, the white elephant, -&c. &c. are all shown. On the other side is a grand procession showing -that a lad is about to enter into the order of priesthood.” In painting -flowers the Burmese are not so bad, but, like the Chinese, they have very -imperfect notions of drawing and perspective. - -The betel boxes and drinking-cups are exceedingly curious. They are -formed of very fine basket-work of bamboo, covered with varnish, which -is brought from China in very great quantities. An interesting account -of their manufacture is given by Colonel Burney in the Journal of the -Asiatic Society of Bengal; but the exact volume has escaped me. Working -in gold, as among their kindred in America, the Incas and the Mexicans, -has been perfected in no slight degree. In casting bells, too, no -Oriental nations can compete with them. - -“Such are the principal arts,” concludes Sangermano,[168] “of the -Burmese; and if they are in a low state, this must be attributed more to -the destructive despotism of their government than to the want of genius -or inclination of the people, for they have in reality a great talent in -this way. It is the emperor, with his mandarins, who is the obstacle in -the way of the industry of his subjects; for no sooner has any artist -distinguished himself for his skill, than he is constrained to work for -the emperor or his ministers, and this without any profit, farther than -an uncertain patronage.” - -Can there be the least doubt in the mind of any unprejudiced person, -that the British ought to annex the whole of Burmah, and so rescue the -flocks that are bleeding under the ruffian claws of the official tigers? -Remember Prome under British justice in the last war; and though, in -every way, the Indian government is _de facto_ a mild despotism, yet is -not that better than the present state of things? Besides, it is our -interest. If we do not get this country, some other nation will, and we -want no European neighbours in the East. - -And this is a fitting place for an account of the treatment of slaves -among the Burmese, a subject of no little importance to its future -interests. - -Slavery is very general in Ava and the subdued provinces, and it has not -yet been abolished in the territory ceded to the British in 1826.[169] It -may be as well to mention this fact, as otherwise the British will get -a character for inconsistency, and some one will plead, in extenuation -of the African slave-trade, that though such efforts are made in the -Atlantic, yet that in the tangible property of Britain, the provinces -of Arakhan, Chittagong, Assam, and Tenasserim, the practice is not -suppressed, notwithstanding that it might be effected with much more -ease than in Africa, or on the Brazilian coast. Naturally, in so recent -a possession, the measure cannot be immediately introduced; yet it would -be well for the Company to think and act, as it is necessary to be -consistent throughout, even if that were the only consideration. - -A slight slave-trade appears to be carried on upon the frontiers; and -though the Burmans, with somewhat of a Jesuitical spirit, do not actually -engage in it themselves, yet they do not hesitate to recognise and -support it by purchasing the slaves thus kidnapped from home. - -Debtor slaves, Malcom tells us, are very numerous. When persons borrow, -they mortgage themselves to their creditors till they can repay the -money. In Burmah this is not done by any remuneration for the service -thus rendered, but in our possessions it diminishes four pice per day. -Their master can sell and chastise them, though he is restrained from -ill-using them. However, when they can obtain the money, and tender it to -their creditor, he is not at liberty to refuse the payment. - -The children of slaves are free; though this is more by usage than by -the law. Under that, there would be some redemption-money to be paid. -However, custom has ordained that both mother and child are free. -Husbands have the power of selling their wives, or rather borrowing -money upon them; and of course, unless the person so sold, or pawned, -can obtain a sum equal to the amount borrowed, they are condemned to -life-servitude. - -The condition of slaves, however, is little different from that of a free -person. The estimation, too, in which they are held, is high, for they -are, in a popular superstition, ranked with “a son, a nephew, and an ox;” -and though the last of these appears somewhat ludicrous to the ear of an -European, yet we must recollect that the religious value of an ox was -high in the land, probably from the tinge of Brahminism with which the -Burmans are dashed. - -It is interesting to compare the state of the slaves of Burmah with -the condition of the same class among the Visigoths, who may, in some -respects, be looked upon as the Burmans of Europe. Prescott has given an -able sketch in his “Ferdinand and Isabella:”[170]— - -“The lot of the Visigothic slave was sufficiently hard. The oppressions -which this unhappy race endured, were such as to lead Mr. Southey, in -his excellent introduction to the ‘Chronicle of the Cid,’ to impute to -their co-operation, in part, the easy conquest of the country by the -Arabs. But, although the laws in relation to them seem to be taken up -with determining their incapacities, rather than their privileges, it -is probable that they secured to them, on the whole, quite as great a -degree of civil consequence as was enjoyed by similar classes in the -rest of Europe. By the Fuer Juzoo, the slave was allowed to acquire -property for himself, and with it to purchase his own redemption.[171] -A certain proportion of every man’s slaves were also required to bear -arms, and to accompany their master to the field.[172] But their relative -rank is better ascertained by the amount of composition (that accurate -measurement of civil rights with all the barbarians of the north) -prescribed for any personal violence inflicted on them. Thus, by the -Salic law, the life of a free Roman was estimated at only one-fifth of -that of a Frank,[173] while, by the law of the Visigoths, the life of -a slave was valued at half of that of a free man.[174] In the latter -code, moreover, the master was prohibited, under the severe penalties -of banishment and sequestration of property, from either maiming or -murdering his own slave,[175] while, in other codes of the barbarians, -the penalty was confined to similar trespasses on the slaves of another; -and by the Salic law, no higher mulct was imposed for killing than for -kidnapping a slave.[176] The legislation of the Visigoths, in those -particulars, seems to have regarded this unhappy race as not merely a -distinct species of property; it provided for their personal security, -instead of limiting itself to the indemnification of their masters.” - -It is a curious circumstance that the malefactors, whose punishment has -been commuted from death to slavery in the pagodas, are better off than -the generality of the slave population; so that, in fact, there is not -such indignity and misery in it as some authors have represented. The -Mexicans, who formed some portions of their polity on a higher model, -esteemed it an honour to serve in the temples of the gods. Let us now -turn to a livelier theme—the Burman amusements. - -Symes, the energetic envoy, to whose work I have so often referred, -gives the following curious description of a dramatic entertainment in -Burmah:[177]— - -“The solar year of the Birmans was now drawing to a close, and the three -last days are usually spent by them in merriment and feasting. We were -invited by the Maywoon to be present on the evening of the 10th of April, -at the exhibition of a dramatic representation. - -“At a little before eight o’clock, the hour when the play was to -commence, we proceeded to the house of the Maywoon, accompanied by -Baba-Sheen, who, on all occasions, acted as master of the ceremonies. The -theatre was the open court, splendidly illuminated by lamps and torches; -the Maywoon and his lady sat in a projecting balcony of his house; we -occupied seats below him, raised about two feet from the ground, and -covered with carpets; a crowd of spectators were seated in a circle -round the stage. The performance began immediately on our arrival, and -far excelled any Indian drama that I had ever seen. The dialogue was -spirited without rant, and the action animated without being extravagant; -the dresses of the principal performers were showy and becoming. I was -told that the best actors were natives of Siam, a nation which, though -unable to contend with the Birmans and Peguers in war, have cultivated -with more success the refined arts of peace. By way of interlude between -the acts, a clownish buffoon entertained the audience with a recital of -different passages; and by grimace, and frequent alterations of tone and -countenance, extorted loud peals of laughter from the spectators. The -Birmans seem to delight in mimickry, and are very expert in the practice, -possessing uncommon versatility of countenance. An eminent practitioner -of this art amused us with a specimen of his skill, at our own house, -and, to our no small astonishment, exhibited a masterly display of the -passions in pantomimic looks and gestures; the transitions he made, -from pain to pleasure; from joy to despair; from rage to madness; from -laughter to tears: his expression of terror, and, above all, his look of -idiotism, were performances of first-rate merit in their line; and we -agreed in opinion, that had his fates decreed him to have been a native -of Great Britain, his genius would have rivalled that of any modern -comedian of the English stage. - -“The plot of the drama performed this evening, I understood, was taken -from the sacred text of the Ramayam of Balmiec, a work of high authority -amongst the Hindoos.[178] It represented the battles of the holy Ram and -the impious Rahwaan, chief of the Ralkuss, or demons, to revenge the rape -of Seeta, the wife of Ram, who was forcibly carried away by Rahwaan, and -bound under the spells of enchantment. Vicissitudes of fortune took place -during the performance, that seemed highly interesting to the audience. -Ram was at length wounded by a poisoned arrow; the sages skilled in -medicine consulted on his cure; they discovered, that on the mountain -Indragurry grew a certain tree that produced a gum, which was a sovereign -antidote against the deleterious effects of poison; but the distance was -so great that none could be found to undertake the journey: at length, -Honymaan,[179] leader of the army of apes, offered to go in quest of it. -When he arrived at the place, being uncertain which was the tree, he took -up half the mountain, and transported it with ease: thus was the cure of -Ram happily effected, the enchantment was broken, and the piece ended -with a dance and songs of triumph.” - -Dr. Buchanan gives us some farther particulars on this curious subject, -which I subjoin:[180] - -“Although these entertainments, like the Italian opera, consist of music, -dancing, and action, with a dialogue in recitative; yet we understood, -that no part but the songs was previously composed. The subject is -generally taken from some of the legends of their heroes, especially of -Rama; and the several parts, songs, and actions, being assigned to the -different performers, the recitative part or dialogue is left to each -actor’s ingenuity. If, from the effects on the audience, we might judge -of the merit of the performance, it must be very considerable, as some of -the performers had the art of keeping the multitude in a roar. I often, -however, suspected, that the audience were not difficult to please; for -I frequently observed the Myoowun of Haynthawade (the man of high rank -whom we most frequently saw), thrown into immoderate laughter by the most -childish contrivances. These easterns are indeed a lively, merry people; -and, like the former French, dance, laugh, and sing, in the midst of -oppression and misfortune.” - -But by far the most lucid account that we have of the Burmese drama, is -in one of the dramas themselves, which Mr. Smith has translated in the -Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal; and he has added much to the -value of the work by a few judicious observations, from which I present -an extract to the reader:— - -“The Ramadzat (Ramahyana), and other ancient fabulous histories, form -the groundwork of nearly all the favourite plays, the outline of the -story being merely preserved, while the language of the play depends as -much upon the fancy of the performer as the taste of the audience. Each -company is presided over by a teacher or manager, who drills the actors -in their tasks from rough notes, which contain only the songs and the -substance of the parts assigned to each performer. In every play, without -perhaps a single exception, the following characters are represented,—a -king, a queen, a princess, a minister of state, a huntsman, and some kind -of monster.[181] The female characters are usually personated by men, it -being considered indecorous in a woman to appear as an actress. I have -to plead as an apology for the unpolished style of this translation, the -acknowledged difficulty of turning the dialogue of a play into a foreign -dress; moreover, the original, which was written from the mouth of an -actor, was imperfect and ill written. I believe there are books in the -palace at Umeraporee, containing the proper reading of all the approved -plays, and the costumes of the characters, which are placed near the -members of the royal family whenever they call their companies before -them; but I have not been able to discover any work of this description -here.”[182] - -Of the play given by Smith, I shall here offer an epitome:—The nine -princesses of the silver mountain, which is separated from the abode -of mortals by a triple barrier (the first, a belt of prickly cane; the -second, a stream of liquid copper; and the third, a Beloo, or devil), -gird on their enchanted zones, which give them the power of flying -like birds, and visit a pleasant forest of the earth. While bathing, -a huntsman snares the youngest with a magic noose, and carries her to -the young prince of Pyentsa, who, on account of her beauty, makes her -his chief queen, notwithstanding his recent marriage with the daughter -of the head astrologer of the palace. During the princess’s absence, -the astrologer takes the opportunity to misinterpret a dream, which the -king calls upon him to explain, and declares that the evil spirit, who -is exerting himself against the king’s power, is only to be appeased -by the sacrifice of the beautiful Manauhurree. The princess’s mother, -hearing of this, visits the lovely Manauhurree, and restores to her the -enchanted zone, which had been picked up, and given to the old queen, by -the huntsman. The princess immediately returns to the silver mountain, -but on her way stops at the hermitage of a recluse, who lives on the -borders of the forest, and gives him a ring and some drugs, by which the -possessor of them can pass unharmed through the dangers of the barrier. -The young prince having put an end to the war, returns, and finding his -favourite queen gone, he instantly sets off to seek her. Being arrived -at the forest, he dismisses his followers, visits the recluse, who gives -him the ring and drugs; he then enters the frightful barrier, and, after -many adventures, arrives at the city of the silver mountain, and makes -known his presence to his beautiful bride, by dropping the ring into a -vessel of water, which a damsel is conveying to the bath of the princess. -The princess, on finding the ring, inquires of one of the damsels what -has happened at the lake, who tells her, that they found a young spirit -resting himself, and that he assisted one of the maids to place the -vessel of water on her head. The princess cries out, “Oh my husband, -come and take me.” The king, her father, is angry that any mortal should -presume to enter his country and claim his daughter, he makes him go -through trials of riding elephants and horses, and shooting arrows, in -which the prince acquits himself surprisingly, but the king insists on -his selecting the little finger of Manauhurree from among those of her -sisters, thrust through a screen; this he does by the assistance of the -king of the Nats. Then, as in a European play, every one is made happy -and comfortable. - -Perhaps, indeed, the game of chess does not methodically fall in -immediately after the consideration of the drama, yet I cannot allow the -Burman game, their chief sedentary amusement, to pass without notice. -As their principal in-door game, indeed, it may not seem inopportune -to place it here. The form of the chess-board, and the manner of -arrangement, will be readily understood by the accompanying diagram:[183]— - -[Illustration: - - ----------------- - |3| | | | | | |3| - |-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-| - | |1|4|5|5| | |3| - |-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-| - | |4|2|6|6|6|6|6| - |-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-| - |6|6|6|\|/| | | | - |-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-| - |3| | |/|\|6|6|6| - |-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-| - |6|6|6|6|6|2|4| | - |-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-| - | | | |5|5|4|1| | - |-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-| - |3| | | | | | |3| - ----------------- - -REFERENCES. - - 1 Meng The king. - 2 Chekoy Lieut.-General. - 3,3 Rutha War chariot. - 4,4 Chein Elephants. - 5,5 Mhee Cavalry. - 6,6,6,6,6,6,6,6 Yein Foot soldiers.] - -The Burman name for chess is Chit-tha-reen, a name applied by them to the -chief ruler, or leader of an army, or to war itself. - -The king has the same powers and moves as in our own game, except that -there is no castling, and no stalemate. The _Chekoy_, or general, moves -diagonally either way, in advance or retrograde, but only one move at a -time. The _Rutha_, or war-chariot, has exactly the same moves and powers -as our castle. The _Chein_, or elephants, have five distinct moves; -diagonal in advance, both in fact diagonal retrograde; also, both ways, -and direct forward; but in every case they are limited to one check or -step at a move. The move direct in advance being only intended to alter -the line of their operations, which gives them somewhat of the power of -our queen. The _Mhee_, or cavalry, have exactly the same powers as our -knights. The _Yein_, or foot-soldiers, have the same moves and powers as -in the English game; they are, however, limited to one check or move at -a time, and the right-hand pieces alone are susceptible of promotion to -the rank of general, in the event of that piece being taken. It is not -necessary, however, that they should have advanced to the last row of -the adversary’s squares, but to that square which is in a diagonal line -with the left-hand square in the last row of the adversary’s section; -consequently, the right-hand pawn will have to advance four steps to -ransom the Chekoy; the next, three; and so on to the fifth pawn, who has -to make but one step. - -But notwithstanding this manner of disposing the forces, which is -generally followed, the arrangement is quite arbitrary; and the player -strengthens or exposes his wing according to his own judgment, and the -proficiency of his adversary. - -“This liberty,” as Cox well observes, “added to the names and powers -of the pieces, gives the Burmha game more the appearance of a real -battle than any other game I know of. The powers of the Chein are well -calculated for the defence of each other and the king, where most -vulnerable; and the Rutha, or war-chariots, are certainly more analogous -to an active state of warfare, than rooks or castles.”[184] - -There is a game played amongst them, called cognento.[185] It resembles -very much the popular English game of knock’emdowns. They have also a -kind of game of goose and cards of ivory, introduced from Siam. Football -is very usual, and is played with much skill. The ball is hollow, and -formed of split rattan, from six to ten inches in diameter. It is not -struck alone with the instep, but with the head, shoulder, knee, elbow, -heel, or sole of the foot. Malcom[186] thinks it has been introduced from -China. - -Boxing and fighting-cocks are well known; and the latter is a favourite -amusement with the youth of Burmah, as it used to be in England. - -The Burmese never dance themselves, but hire dancers, who make -extraordinary efforts in their dancing. No figures are attempted, nor do -women and men dance together; indeed, very few females dance at all; the -men generally assuming the dress of women, and tying their hair in the -manner of women. They cannot understand what the English dance for; they, -in common with all Indians, wonder at it. - -The musical instruments are the _moung_ or _gong_, struck with a mallet -covered with leather; the _panma-gyee_, or large drum; the _tseing_ or -_boundaw_, is a collection of small drums, disposed within a frame in a -circle. The size varies in every case. The player sits in the middle, and -strikes them with his fingers. The _me-goum_ or _me-kyong_, is a kind of -guitar, played with the fingers. The _sonng_ is a kind of harp. They have -also a kind of violin, called _te-yau_, very disagreeable, with only two -strings. The _kyay-wyng_ is formed by a number of gongs, of different -sizes, struck with small sticks, very pleasant of sound. There are also -two or three kinds of wind-instruments, but very inferior in tone. - -Malcom[187] remarks it as a curious fact, that the Burmese are totally -ignorant of whistling. - -In making fireworks, the Burmese display great ingenuity, and their -delight is immense at a well-made rocket. Sangermano tells us,[188] that -“when the great rockets are let off, if these fireworks ascend straight -up into the air without bursting or running obliquely, the makers of them -burst out into the wildest shouts and songs, and dance about with the -most extravagant contortions, like real madmen.” - -We will leave them shouting, and turn to the ancient history of the -country. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - - Ancient history—Pegue—Character of the Burmese—Concluding - reflections. - - -The ancient history of Burmah differs in one remarkable particular from -that of almost every other Oriental nation. The historiographers, except -where they have been led into speaking of Gaudama and his wondrous -career, in effect, present a more coherent chronology than is offered -by any other Eastern historians. The simple, almost ungarnished tale -of their doings in the country, present self-evident proofs of its -truthfulness. The reigns of the kings none of them exceed the limits of -probability, and what is more, they are shorter than usual, which shows -in every way that there was no desire to magnify the doings of their -sovereigns. We find the kings of this early period doing just what the -kings of the present dynasty have been doing, and there is no undue -disguise of facts; though now and then (as in the narrative of the two -blind princes of Sagaing) there is a dash of the marvellous; yet one -cannot help wondering at the extraordinary simplicity that pervades the -whole narrative given by the Burmese historians. - -All that the Burmese know of their emigration from India, and of the -founding and history of the ancient city of Tagoung, is to be found -in the third volume of the Chronicles of the Kings of Ava. Here is an -abstract of the tale.[189] - -Many years before the appearance of Gaudama, a king of Kanthalatt -(Oude) and Pínjalarít (a kingdom in the Punjab), being desirous of a -connection by marriage with the king of Kauliya, sent to him to demand -a daughter; but receiving a refusal on the grounds of inferiority of -caste, he declared war, and destroyed several cities governed by the -Tháki family. These cities were afterwards rebuilt, and the Tháki line -re-established; but one of the Tháki race of kings, Abhírájá, the king of -Kappilawot, emigrated with his troops and followers from Central India, -and came and built Tagoung, which was then also styled Thengat-the-ratha, -and Thengat-the-nago. The place had been inhabited before, during the -period of the three preceding Buddhas. In the time of Kekkuthan it was -called Thanthaya-púra; in that of Gounágoun, Ratha-púra; and in that -of Katthaba, Thendwé. On the death of King Abhírájá, his two sons, Kan -Yázágyee and Kan Yázangay, disputed the throne, but agreed by the advice -of their respective officers to let the question be decided in this way; -that each should construct a large building on the same night, and he -whose building should be found completed by the morning, should take the -throne. The younger brother used planks and bamboos only, and covered -the whole with cloth, to which, by a coat of whitewash, he gave the -appearance of a finished building. At dawn of day, Kan Yázágyee, the -elder brother, seeing the other’s being completed, collected his troops -and followers, and came down the Irawadi. He then ascended the Khyendwen, -and established himself for six months at Kule[190] Toungnyo, calling it -Yázágyo, and sent his son, Moodootseitta, to be king over the Thoonaparan -Pyoos, Kanyan, and Thet, who then occupied the territory between Pegu, -Arakhan, and Pagan, and had applied to him for a prince. Kan Yázágyee -then built the city Kyoukpadoung to the east of the Guttshapanadee, -and resided there for twenty-four years. From thence he went and took -possession of the city of Diniawadee, or Arakhan, which had originally -been founded by a King Mayayoo, and having constructed fortifications, a -palace, &c., took up his residence there. - -The younger brother, Kan Yázangay, took possession of his father’s throne -at Tagoung, and was followed successively by thirty-three kings, the last -of whom was Bheinnaka Yázá. During this monarch’s reign, the Chinese -and Tartars, from the country of Tsein, in the empire of Gandalareet, -attacked and burnt Tagoung. The king and his followers retired up -the Malí river, and shortly afterwards died. His people then divided -themselves into three portions, one of which established the nineteen -Shan states. A second portion allied themselves with the Thunaparanta -kingdom, composed of the people of Ranyan and Thet, who were governed by -Múdutseitta and other kings of the Tháki race. The last remained near the -Malí river, under the command of Nága Zein, the last king’s principal -wife. - -About this time Gaudama appeared in Central India. In that part of -Hindustan, also, a dispute arose between King Pethanadí Kauthala of -Thawotta[191] and Maha Nansa of Kappílawot. The dispute originated in a -matter of marriage again. Pathanadí had sent an embassy to Maha Nama for -one of his daughters. Nama, however, sent him the daughter of a slave -girl instead. She was received, and had a son, Prince Wit’hat’hoopa. -When he had grown, he went to see his relations in Kappílawot, and then -first learned the indignity which had been put upon his father. Gaudama -stopped his army three times in its passage to Kappílawot, but let him -do as he pleased the fourth time, when he took ample vengeance on the -perfidious Maha Nama, and he destroyed Kappílawot and two other cities in -the country of Thekka, which, not improbably, is the present Dekkan. - -This caused another dispersion of the Tháki race, and we find that Daza -Yázá[192] established himself at Tagoung, carrying with him the name of -his city, Pínjalárit; he assumed the title of Thado Zaboodipa Daza Yázá, -which may be translated Emperor Daza, king of Zaboodipa, the name, as -we have seen,[193] of the southern island in the Burmese cosmography. -Thus he aspired to the government of the world, for Zaboodipa was to the -Burmese the whole world. He founded, also, the city of Pagan. Seventeen -kings of his race reigned over Tagoung. “None of these kings,” says -Colonel Burney, “reigned long, the country having been much molested -by evil spirits, monsters, and serpents.... In the fortieth year after -Gaudama’s death, whilst Thado Maha Yázá, the seventeenth king of Tagoung, -was reigning, an immense wild boar appeared, and committed great -destruction in his country. The crown prince went forth against the -animal, and pursued it for several days, until he overtook and killed it -near Prome, and then finding himself so far from home, he determined on -remaining where he was as a hermit.... Through the recommendation of the -hermit prince of Tagoung, the Queen Nan Khan married one of his nephews, -Maha Thavibawa, who became king of the Pyús, and established the Prome or -Thare Khettara empire, sixty years after Gaudama’s death, 484 B.C.” - -A curious account of the origin of the name Thare Khettara is given by -Symes,[194] in whose words I shall relate the legend. “It is related, -that a favourite female slave of Tutebongmangee, or the Mighty Sovereign -with three eyes, importuned her lord for a gift of some ground; and -being asked of what extent, replied in similar terms with the crafty -and amorous Elisa, when she projected the site of ancient Carthage. Her -request was granted, and she used the same artifice. The resemblance of -the stories is curious.” It is, however, met with in many parts of the -world. Thare Khettara signifies single skin. Symes is mistaken, however, -in the town; it is Issay Mew, six leagues from Prome. - -Upon the fall of the empire of Prome, Thamauddarit transferred the -government to Pagahm, then an inconsiderable place. A young man named -Tsaudí destroyed the wild animals of the neighbourhood, and in recompense -for this important service he was offered the succession by the king. -This, however, he refused, making his former instructor king in his -stead; but on the old man’s decease he assumed the sovereignty, in the -year 89 of the Pagan æra, A.D. 167. This youth, however, was of the royal -race of Tagoung. - -In the sixth volume of the Chronicles of Ava, further mention is made -of Tagoung. We there find it granted to Yahula by Theehapade, _alias_ -Menbyouk. Yahula assumed the title of Thado-Men-bya; he was afterwards -driven from his government by the invading Shan tribes, in the Burmese -year 725, A.D. 1363. However, he subsequently retrieved his fortunes, and -in 726 (A.D. 1364), he founded the city of Ava, and established the line -of the kings of Ava which has lasted to our times. - -“The great point,” concludes Burney,[195] “with the Burmese historians -is to show that their sovereigns are lineally descended from the Thakí -race of kings, and are ‘Children of the Sun;’[196] and for this purpose -the genealogy of even Alompra, the founder of the present dynasty, is -ingeniously traced up to the king of Pagan, Prome, and Tagoung.” - -The internal history of Burmah, up to the sixteenth century, is not -illustrated by any other documents than the native;[197] but about this -time Fitch visited the country, and his descriptions show that the state -was on much the same footing as at present. At this period the Burmans -first conquered the Peguans, and had almost subdued Siam. But at the -close of the seventeenth century the Peguans rose, and in A.D. 1753 -carried the Burman king captive to Pegu. But, like the Persians under the -Mede governments, the proud Burmans rose, and Alompra, whose adventures -will be discussed in the next chapter, beat the Peguans, and restored the -Burmans to their ancient supremacy. - -Of modern Pegu, or Pegue, the following account by Symes may be -interesting:— - -“The extent of ancient Pegue may still be accurately traced by the ruins -of the ditch and walls that surrounded it; from these it appears to have -been a quadrangle, each side measuring nearly a mile and a half; in -several places the ditch is choked up by rubbish that has been cast into -it, and the falling of its own banks; sufficient, however, still remains -to show that it was once no contemptible defence; the breadth I judged to -be about sixty yards, and the depth ten or twelve feet; in some parts of -it there is water, but in no considerable quantity. I was informed, that -when the ditch was in repair, the water seldom, in the hottest season, -sunk below the depth of four feet. An injudicious _fausse-braie_, thirty -feet wide, did not add to the security of the fortress. - -“The fragments of the wall likewise evince that this was a work of -magnitude and labour; it is not easy to ascertain precisely what was its -height, but we conjectured it at least thirty feet, and in breadth, at -the base, not less than forty. It is composed of brick, badly cemented -with clay mortar. Small equidistant bastions, about three hundred yards -asunder, are still discoverable; and there had been a parapet of -masonry; but the whole is in a state so ruinous, and so covered with -weeds and briars, as to leave very imperfect vestiges of its former -strength. - -“In the centre of each face of the fort there is a gateway about thirty -feet wide, and these gateways were the principal entrances. The passage -across the ditch is over a causeway raised on a mound of earth, that -serves as a bridge, and was formerly defended by a retrenchment, of which -there are now no traces. - -“It is impossible to conceive a more striking picture of fallen -grandeur and the desolating hand of war, than the inside of these walls -displays.... The temples, or praws, which are very numerous, were the -only buildings that escaped the fury of the conqueror; and of these -the great pyramid of Shoemadoo has alone been reverenced and kept in -repair.”[198] - -About the time when Symes visited Pegu, active exertions were being made -to conciliate the Peguers, or Taliens, as the Burmans always called -them; and we may well agree with the energetic traveller, that “no act -of the Burman government is more likely to reconcile the Peguers to the -Burman yoke than the restoration of their ancient place of abode, and -the preservation and embellishment of the temple of Shoemadoo.”[199] -The government were fully sensible of this, and the commands of his -Burman majesty went forth, that the governor of Rangoon should transfer -the provincial seat of government to the imperial city of Pegu. -Notwithstanding these commands, the superior position of Rangoon will -ever cause it to remain the more considerable of the two. Even to this -day, as it was at the period of Symes’s visit in 1795, the city of Pegu -is chiefly inhabited by Râhwans, or priests, _attachés_ of the provincial -government, and poor Peguese families, who greedily availed themselves of -the king’s permission to colonise their deserted, though once magnificent -metropolis. Symes estimates the population as not exceeding seven -thousand. Melancholy fate of the once proud and glorious capital! - -Modern Pegu is built on the ruins of the ancient city, and occupies about -half its area. “It is fenced round by a stockade from ten to twelve feet -high; on the north and east side it borders on the old wall. The plane -of the town is not yet filled with houses, but a number of new ones are -building. There is one main street running east and west, crossed at -right angles by two smaller streets not yet finished. At each extremity -of the principal street there is a gate in the stockade, which is shut -early in the evening; and after that time, entrance during the night is -confined to a wicket. Each of these gates is defended by a wretched piece -of ordnance, and a few musketeers, who never post sentinels, and are -usually asleep in an adjoining shed. There are two inferior gates on the -north and south sides of the stockade.”[200] - -The character of the Burmese, on which we must here say a few words, -has its good points as well as its bad. “It differs,” according to the -testimony of one who knew them well,[201] “in many points from that of -the Hindus and other East-Indians. They are more lively, active, and -industrious, and though fond of repose, are seldom idle when there is an -inducement for exertion. When such inducement offers, they exhibit not -only great strength, but courage and perseverance, and often accomplish -what we should think scarcely possible. But these valuable traits are -rendered nearly useless by the want of a higher grade of civilisation. -The poorest classes, furnished by a happy climate with all necessaries, -at the price of only occasional labour, and the few who are above that -necessity, find no proper pursuits to fill up their leisure. Books -are too scarce to enable them to improve by reading, and games grow -wearisome.... Folly and sensuality find gratification almost without -effort, and without expenditure. Sloth, then, must be the repose of -the poor, and the business of the rich.... Thus, life is wasted in the -profitless alternation of sensual ease, rude drudgery, and native sport. -No elements exist for the improvement of posterity, and successive -generations pass like the crops upon their fields. Were there but a -disposition to improve the mind, and distribute benefits, what majesty -of piety might we not hope to see in a country so favoured with the -means of subsistence, and so cheap in its modes of living! Instead of -the many objects of an American’s ambition, and the unceasing anxiety to -amass property, the Burman sets a limit to his desires, and when that -is reached, gives himself to repose and enjoyment. Instead of wearing -himself out in endeavours to equal or surpass his neighbour in dress, -food, furniture, or house, he easily attains the customary standard, -beyond which he seldom desires to go.” - -One hardly knows whether to call this “incorrigible idleness”[202] or no. -It is certainly the same fatal constitution of character, or force of -circumstances, which has ever conspired to prevent the Irish from rising -in the scale of nations. But these are not the only similarities between -the dispositions of the two nations. It is perfectly fair to call the -Burmese the Irish of the East. - -Yet they go beyond that nation in many of its worst characteristics. -Servility, the inevitable consequence of despotism, prevails amongst -them to a frightful extent, overcoming, in many instances, the sense -of right implanted in their bosoms as men. “Indeed,” says an excellent -authority,[203] “every Burman considers himself a slave, not merely -before the emperor and the mandarins, but before any one who is his -superior, either in age or possessions. Hence he never speaks of himself -to them in the first person, but always makes use of the word Chiundò, -that is, your slave. While asking for a favour from the emperor, the -mandarins, or any respectable person, he will go through so many -humiliations and adorations, that one would imagine he was in the -presence of a god. Even if he is desirous of obtaining something from -one who is his equal, he will bow, and go on his knees, and adore him, -and raise up his hands, &c.” Yet gratitude is a virtue of great rarity. -There is no such phrase in the language as, “I thank you.” The statements -of Sangermano contrast strangely with those, I think, of Crawfurd, whose -remarks tend to the conclusion, that they never ask a favour. They -consider that it is a favour to you to be allowed to gain merit by giving -them something. This is not improbable. We learn, however, from others, -that they will occasionally acknowledge an obligation by observing, “It -is a favour.” - -Slavishness naturally leads to the remainder of the catalogue of mean -vices. One of their principal precepts forbids lying; but there is no -ordinance so universally disregarded. A person who tells the truth is -considered a good sort of person, but a fool, and incapable of managing -his own affairs.[204] Inseparable from untruthfulness is dissimulation -and deceit. They practise these, also, to perfection. - -“But, as every rule will have its exceptions,” says the Jesuit, “it is -not to be supposed that the Burmese have not some good qualities, and -that estimable persons may not be found amongst them. Indeed, there are -some persons, whose affability, courtesy and benevolence, gratitude, and -other virtues, contrast strongly with the vices of their countrymen. -There are instances on record of shipwrecks on their coasts, when the -sufferers have been relieved in the villages, and treated with a generous -hospitality, which they would probably not have experienced in many -Christian countries.”[205] - -Yes, let the faults of the Burmese be as they will! let them be bad in -every respect! we cannot, will not, imagine these faults to be so deeply -rooted, that a moderate and equitable government could not tear them -up and destroy them. It is the corrupt administration, the merciless -never-ending chancery-like avarice of the officials, that turns their -hearts to stone, and makes them callous, and servile, and tyrannical. -When the British army were at Prome, in 1825, when the Burmese tasted -the blessings of Anglo-Indian justice, they showed as kindly a spirit as -any could have done. It was shameful that the kindly Peguers should have -been so deserted at the critical time, and that they should have borne -what the English army could not be made to feel. We _must_ liberate these -people, we must wrest the sceptre from the palsied grasp of the cruel -Burman kings, even though we retain it ourselves. Then will the blessings -of civilisation, and the peaceful arts that elevate man, extend a gentle -sway over this misguided and persecuted nation. - - - - -BOOK II. - -BURMAN HISTORY. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -1687-1760. - - Alompra, the liberator of Burmah. - - -We may safely say with Symes, even at the present time, that “there are -no countries on the habitable globe, where the arts of civilised life are -understood, of which we have so limited a knowledge, as of those that lie -between the British possessions in India and the empire of China.”[206] -And though of late years this knowledge has been materially increased, -yet much remains to be told, much valuable information to be collected, -ere we can boast of a full and true acquaintance with the country of -Burmah and its capabilities. In the preceding pages, an attempt has been -made (I am myself aware, how imperfectly and unsatisfactorily), to give -a short account of what we actually know of the state of civilisation -in which they live: in the following chapters, it will be attempted to -present the reader with an account of the historical events that have -passed in the Burman peninsula, from the rise of Alompra, the first -king of any consequence, and the founder of the reigning dynasty, to -the present time. I must here impress the fact of the meagreness of our -knowledge of Burman history upon the reader, in order that he may not be -disappointed. - -The geography of Ptolemy indicates the position of Burmah only by Aurea -Regio, Argentea Regio, and Aurea Chersonesus. The only inference to be -drawn from these facts, together with that of Ptolemy distinguishing -several places as _Emporia_, is, that which Symes draws, that there was -trade to those parts of Burmah and the Peninsula of Malacca at an early -period. - -Our knowledge of the commercial relations of the ancients with India has -lately been extended by an interesting discovery made on the coast of -Malabar, of Roman gold coins from Augustus downward.[207] - -Early in the sixteenth century we find the Portuguese masters of Malacca, -and it is from them only that we can learn anything concerning the habits -of the nations then, as now, inhabiting that region. But so meagre and -so overlaid with fiction are their accounts, that it would be useless to -take up time and space in recounting their marvellous histories. - -The Burmans, though formerly subject to the king of Pegu, became -afterward masters of Ava, and caused a revolution in Pegu about the -middle of the sixteenth century.... The Portuguese assisted the Burmans -against the Peguers, and if we may believe Pinto, performed prodigies of -valour. But their influence rapidly declined in Burmah and Arakhan; and -on the ascendancy of the Dutch being established, they rapidly sunk into -insignificance and contempt. The English and Dutch appear both to have -had settlements in Burmah in the beginning of the seventeenth century; -but on the misconduct of the settlers, they were banished from Ava, and -no European of any nation was permitted to enter the country. In 1687, -however, we find the English at Syriam and Negrais, trading rather as -private adventurers, than as on the part of the India Company. On the -latter island, however, the government of Fort St. George had established -a settlement. But men and money were wanting, and the colony seemed to -have languished on, just keeping, as it were, above high-water mark. - -About the year 1740, the Peguers in the provinces of Dalla, Martaban, -Tongo, and Prome, raised the standard of revolt, and the nation being -split into factions, a civil war ensued. In 1744, the British factory in -Syriam was destroyed, and thus an almost fatal blow was given to the -commercial interests at stake in the country. The war lasted long, and -was doubtful enough in its character, till the Peguers, by obtaining -some indifferent arms from a few Europeans still in the country, gained -some advantages over the Burmans, and pursuing their victorious career, -they invested the city of Ava in 1752. It soon surrendered, for the -Burmese were sick at heart, and utterly discouraged. The king, whose -name, according to Sangermano,[208] was Chioekmen, though Symes states -it to have been Dweepdee,[209] was seized, and, together with the whole -court, carried to Pegu, where, after receiving kind treatment for some -time, he was barbarously murdered, after witnessing the slaughter of all -his wives. Two of his sons, however, escaped into Siam, where they were -kindly received. - -Bonna Della, or Beinga Della, king of Pegu, assured of the tranquillity -of the country under his administration, returned to Pegu, leaving -Apporaza in the government of the capital of Burmah. For some time -everything seemed at peace, and all seemed to submit to the new -government with a good grace; but the lull was only the temporary calm -that precedes a furious tempest. The avenger of Burman independence was -about to arise, and tumble the now victorious king of Pegu from his -triumphal chariot! - -The chieftain of Moutzoboo, a small place about twelve miles from the -river, had given his allegiance, but he brooded over the wrongs of this -race.[210] He felt that the Peguers were as dirt under the feet of the -Burmans; and it is not to be doubted, that he foresaw in a rebellion some -advantage to himself. He was ambitious, and resolved to set all on the -cast of a die. His name, Aoingzaya (jaya), was a good omen to him;[211] -and we may well conceive that the resolute chief counted on the aid of -the divinity, since we find him assuming the style or regal name of -Alaong-B’hura, or “The Vowed to Buddha.”[212] Like Charles Edward Stuart, -he seemed to resolve on victory or a death, devoted to the God of his -country. - -When Beinga Della reached Pegu, he caused a proclamation to be made -throughout his territories, in which he set forth in grandiloquent, and -insolent expressions, the results of his campaigns. The proclamation, -couched in the most odious and contemptuous words, increased the hatred -of the Burmans, and caused them to long the more for the hour of -vengeance. - -Alompra, or Alaong-B’hura, had at this time about a hundred followers on -whom he could depend body and soul. Upon hearing of the proclamation, he -judged that it was a favourable juncture for operation; he, therefore, -in his capacity of governor of Moutzoboo, strengthened the stockade -surrounding the town, and conducted everything so well, that he never -caused any suspicion in the minds of the Peguers. Indeed, their attention -and force was concentrated on the Burmese frontier, in order to oppose -and destroy any force collected by the sons of Chioekmen. It may readily -be understood, therefore, that the fifty Peguers at Moutzoboo, were -easily overpowered and despatched by Alompra and his adherents. Probably -he availed himself of some act of oppression or licentiousness on the -part of the careless soldiery, and attacked them when least expected. Not -a man escaped. - -Alompra now showed himself to be as dexterous a politician, as he was -prompt in action. Immediately after this event, he wrote to Apporaza -in the most humble terms, expressing the greatest sorrow for the -unhappy occurrences that had taken place at Moutzoboo, representing -it as a provoked affair wholly unlooked for, and as transitory as it -was violent in its effects. It is even probable that he urged upon the -governor of Ava to investigate the matter, in order that his attachment -to the government of Pegu might be made more apparent. In conclusion, -he expressed himself individually obliged to the governor for his -forbearance, and professed himself an adherent of Beinga Della. This -epistle had the desired effect. Alompra’s only object had been to gain -time, and in this he perfectly succeeded. Apporaza, deceived by his -humility, took no immediate measures against him, and even quitted Ava, -leaving the government in the hands of his nephew, Dotachew, with orders -to keep Alompra in strict confinement, when, in fact, the Peguers should -be able to secure his person. - -The troop which had been detached for the arrest of Alompra was -considerably astonished at finding their entrance into Moutzoboo -disputed. The gates of the stockade were closed, and on their demanding -an entry, they were only laughed at and defied. What could they do? They -were ill-armed, and ill-provisioned; their discipline was lax; their -cause rotten. If they opposed the Burmans, there was little hope of -success; and if they ran away, the dreadful fate which their wives and -children would suffer stared them in the face.[213] - -Under these circumstances it was plain to them that they could only try -the issue of a battle. These thoughts may have passed in quick succession -through their minds; and while they were yet uncertain, Alompra and his -gallant band burst into the midst, and attacked them furiously with -missiles, swords, and spears. The affrighted Peguers, scarcely acquainted -with the power of the clumsy muskets they had with them, though most -probably they had none or but few of these, feeling that now, indeed, the -Devoted to Buddha and his desperate irresistible band were upon them, -threw away their arms and fled; Alompra and the rest pursuing them on -their way for two miles and more. The number of the Peguers thus routed -are estimated at about one thousand. How fearful must the contest have -appeared to the victory-drunken soldiers! The Burmese host seeming -tenfold the number in the gray dawn of the morning, came down like an -avalanche upon them, and swept all away whom it did not destroy. - -After an irregular pursuit for some distance, Alompra returned to -his fortress, aware of the danger of trusting himself too near to a -less panic-struck population. Arrived at that place, he addressed a -few words to his comrades, telling them that they had now cast their -fortunes together, and that he and they were in as great danger; he -called upon them all for assistance, and he invited the Burman towns -in the neighbourhood to assist him in the glorious work he had begun -so auspiciously. The Burmans were scarcely disposed to lend a willing -ear to his exhortations, yet some places gave in their adhesion to his -government. - -Such was the first decisive combat that was to change the fortunes of -Burmah. - -Dotachew, with the characteristic irresolution of a deputy, seems to -have procrastinated frightfully. Probably he was a young man, utterly -unacquainted with the art of war, and placed in the responsible position -he occupied by his uncle, merely that the important office should not -go out of the family; possibly, his very inefficiency, by the strange -contradiction that always pervades a court, led to his promotion; at all -events he was utterly unfit for his business, and at this time, when a -few energetic measures would have crushed the rebellion at once, he was -peculiarly unfitted by his disposition for this important duty. He was -uncertain whether it would be more advisable to march against Alompra -with the forces at his command, not exceeding three thousand, or to -wait for reinforcements from Prome; the third course was to retreat, -or rather, in this case, to run away. I have not space to enter into a -discussion of which the most advisable measure would have been; yet had -he set lustily forward, and cheered his men by a good example, he would -have led them on to a certain, though perhaps not easy, victory. However, -he neither marched forward, or waited at Ava; but discretion seeming to -be the better portion of his valour, he ran away, and, terrified at the -reports, no doubt exaggerated in every way, of the growing power of the -enemy, he never stopped till he reached Pegu, toward the latter end of -the autumn in the year 1753. Alompra meanwhile advanced on Ava, and, -assisted by the enslaved Burmans in the capital, took the city, and put -the few Peguers who had not pursued the valiant fortunes of Dotachew, to -death. Alompra, however, hearing that the Peguese governor had fled, did -not personally conduct the operations at Ava, but deputed this to his -second son, Shembuan, himself remaining, or returning to Moutzoboo. - -Thus matters remained until Beinga Della, the king of Pegu, afraid of -losing the frontier provinces of Prome, Keounzeik and Tambouterra, -assembled a large army at Syriam under the generalship of Apporaza. This -force departed up the Irawadi, in the month of January, 1754. Both France -and England had established factories at Syriam again, at this time; and, -as the English leaned toward the Burman side, that was sufficient reason -for the French to espouse the cause of Beinga Della. However, all their -aid was secret, and until their neighbourhood became the seat of war, -they did not proceed to active measures. - -Apporaza, over whom a species of fatality seemed to hang, had again -chosen a most improper and unfortunate season for commencing operations. -He proceeded with extreme difficulty up the river, and, while his troops -were exhausting their strength amid the marshes of the Irawadi, the -Burmans were preparing for the worst, and, having possession of a fine -country, felt little uneasiness at the approach of the jaded Peguers. No -opposition was made to Apporaza, until he arrived near Ava itself, where -straggling parties of the Burmans began to harass his army. When near -enough to the fort, he sent a message to Shembuan, calling upon him to -surrender, in which case his life would be spared; but vengeance of the -most frightful kind was in store for him if he resisted. Shembuan, well -knowing what value was to be attached to the professions of Apporaza, -merely replied, “that he would defend his post to the last extremity.” - -Apporaza, not willing to waste time in a fruitless siege, determined -to throw some cold water on the Burman cause, and particularly on the -garrison of Ava, by accomplishing something elsewhere. He thus hoped to -restore the drooping spirits of his men, among whom sickness and labour -had spread a sad confusion. Therefore he quitted his position at Ava, to -oppose Alompra, who had collected a tremendous force at Keoum-meouin, -both soldiers and war-boats. Here again, though this was decidedly the -most obstinately-contested battle, the Peguers gave way, and a report -spreading that Shembuan was coming to attack their rear, they fled -hastily. Shembuan presently did come, and the two armies pursued the -luckless Peguers for many miles, thus gaining another great and important -victory. - -Yet the Peguers were not discouraged. Preparations were made to send -forth another army to meet the fate of that which Apporaza had led to -death, not victory. Furthermore, the Peguers showed themselves devoid -of all political sagacity, in taking a measure at this critical time -which could not fail to seal the doom of his party. I said before, that -the old king of Burmah was among the Peguers, and had received kind -treatment; now, they completely changed their tactics, charged him with -a conspiracy, a charge probably not without foundation; implicated -numbers of the Burman nobility in the neighbourhood, and agreed upon a -simultaneous slaughter of the obnoxious persons. Accordingly, on the -13th of October, the Peguers rose, and first torturing and slaughtering -the court of Chioekmen, drowned him in a sack, and proceeded to the -slaughter of the principal Burmans. The measure was not without its -effects. The Burmans of Prome, Donabew, and the remaining border -provinces, retaliated, and deserted to Alompra. - -But events were passing in his court of no little significance. The -eldest son of the deposed king had joined Alompra with a large force of -the Quois or Yoos tribe inhabiting the country of Muddora, east of Ava. -But the prince, not having brains enough to see that Alompra was fighting -for himself, and not for any prince, as arrogantly as imprudently assumed -the style and title of king. However Alompra would not brook two kings in -Burmah, and the prince, soon seeing his mistake, fled to Siam. Alompra, -enraged that the pseudo-king had escaped, slaughtered above a thousand of -the Quois tribe, under pretence of a conspiracy. - -Beinga Della, in the beginning of 1755, marched from Pegu upon the city -of Prome, then occupied by a garrison of Burmans. Here, however, he met -with no degree of success, and when Meinlaw Tzezo, the commander sent by -Alompra to relieve the town, approached, they had not the sense to engage -him in open fight. After a little skirmishing, therefore, he eluded them, -and threw himself into the place. - -Forty days passed without the Peguers gaining any advantage, yet they -prolonged the siege of Prome with no little obstinacy. But Alompra, with -one of those tremendous marches for which he was so celebrated, soon -came rushing down upon them, sweeping away men, stockades, war-boats, -and everything else. Yet considerable bravery was exhibited in the naval -portion of the battle. “Instead of his ineffectual fire from ill-directed -musketry,” says Symes,[214] “the boats closed, and the highest personal -prowess was evinced on both sides; knives, spears, and swords, were -their weapons; after a long and bloody contest, victory declared for the -Burmans, whilst the vanquished Peguers sought safety in a precipitate -flight.” - -This defeat spread consternation and horror throughout the Peguese part -of the population, and while the Burmans hailed the approaching change, -the others fled in all directions. It was not any transitory panic, like -many of those which had taken place before, but an enduring terror, which -relaxed both their mental and bodily strength, and drove them from their -homes, and they wandered, Orestes-like, through the land, not daring to -lay their heads anywhere, for they knew not when the enemy would be upon -them. - -No wonder, then, if a reconnoitring party of the Burmese discovered, on -the 17th of February, 1756, that Bassein was utterly deserted by the -Peguese population. The Burmese that were in the place joined Alompra’s -standard, and the populous emporium of Bassein was left to the English, -who still remained under Captain Baker in their factory. On the 23rd, -the Burman force returned, and marched up to the British post. Captain -Baker received them peacefully, and claimed protection for the servants -and property of the India Company, which was granted him. After remaining -a short while, and burning the remainder of the town, they retired to -Kioukioungee, a town on the opposite side of the river Bassein. - -From this time to the 13th March, nothing of much consequence occurred; -but on that day Alompra, seeing the advantages likely to result from an -alliance with England, sent a deputation to Captain Baker with a letter -for Mr. Brooke, the head of the factories, then resident at Negrais. On -the return of the captain with an order from Mr. Brooke that the deputies -should accompany him to Negrais, the Burmans went to that place to -transact the business. The objects of the embassy were not settled until -the 26th, when the deputies and Captain Baker went back to Bassein. But -what was their astonishment to find it in the hands of the Peguers, who -had occupied the place three thousand strong. The captain was therefore -obliged to send back the deputies to Negrais. By the 23rd of April, -however, the district was again in the hands of the Burmans, as Alompra -had again engaged and defeated Apporaza, at Synyangong. - -The deputies now returned to Bassein, at which place they arrived on the -3rd of June, leaving it again on the 5th for Dagon, as Rangoon was then -called, where Alompra was then staying. - -“The French and English factories at Syriam were at this time in a state -of rivalry, such as might be expected from the spirit of national -emulation, and the avidity of traders on a narrow scale; the situation -of both became at this juncture highly critical; danger approached, -from which they could not hope to be entirely exempt. It was not to be -expected that they would be suffered to remain in neutral tranquillity, -indifferent spectators of so serious a contest: it therefore became -necessary to adopt some decided line of conduct, in order to avoid being -considered as a common enemy, whilst the contending powers seemed equally -anxious to attack them. In this difficult situation, neither the French -nor the English seem to have acted with policy or candour; and the -imprudence of certain individuals finally involved others, as well as -themselves, in fatal consequences. - -“Monsieur Bourno, the chief of the French factory, in the interest of the -Peguers, but apprehensive of the power, and dreading the success of the -Birmans,[215] had recourse to dissimulation, and endeavoured to steer a -middle course. Under pretence of occupying a station where he could more -effectually aid the Peguers, he embarked on board a French ship, and with -two other vessels belonging to his nation, dropped down from Syriam, -and moored in the stream of the Rangoon river. Finding, soon after, -that Alompra was likely to be victorious, he determined, if possible, -to secure an interest in that quarter. With this intent he quitted his -ship, accompanied by two of his countrymen, and proceeded in a boat to -Dagon, where Alompra received him with marks of distinction and kindness; -but on the second day after the departure of M. Bourno, the officer whom -he left in charge of the ship during his absence, in concert with a -missionary who had long resided at the factory, either impelled by fear, -or prevailed upon by some secret influence, weighed anchor suddenly, and -returned to the Peguers at Syriam, without permission from his commander, -or even advising him of his intention. - -“So extraordinary a step surprised Alompra exceedingly; he taxed Bourno -with deceit; the Frenchman protested his own innocence, and argued the -improbability of his assenting to any such measure whilst he remained in -the Birman camp. He sent an order to his officers to return immediately; -an injunction that was disregarded by them, under plea of their -commander being a prisoner. He then requested leave from Alompra to go in -person, and bring back the ship; to this the king consented, on condition -of leaving one of his attendants (Savine, a youth) as a hostage for his -certain return. - -“From the procedure of Mr. Brooke, resident at Negrais, in his reception -of the Birman deputies, and the aid of military stores sent by him to -the Birmans, the English, when it became necessary to avow the side they -meant to espouse, seem to have declared explicitly for the Birmans; and -this principle was adopted not only by the resident at Negrais, but also -by the factory at Syriam. The _Hunter_ schooner, belonging to the India -Company; the _Elizabeth_, a country ship, commanded by Captain Swain; -and two other vessels, left Syriam in the month of May, and joined the -Birmans at Dagon. In the beginning of June the Company’s snow _Arcot_, -bound to Negrais, commanded by a Captain Jackson, and having on board -Mr. Whitehill, a gentleman in the service of the East-India Company, -proceeding to Negrais in an official capacity, put into the Rangoon river -through stress of weather. A boat that had been sent in to fetch a pilot -returned with an account of the state of affairs; and brought a letter -and an invitation from Alompra to Captain Jackson, to carry his vessel -up to Dagon, promising him every aid that the place afforded. On the 6th -of June the _Arcot_ reached Dagon, and Mr. Whitehill went on shore to -pay his respects to the Birman king, by whom he was received in a manner -that gave no apparent cause for complaint.... Until the arrival of the -_Arcot_, with Mr. Jackson and Mr. Whitehill, no subject of offence seems -to have been given to the English by the Birmans.”[216] - -Apporaza had about this time returned to Syriam, and assumed the command -of the Peguese army. He saw, with sorrow and disgust, that the English -were turning to the side of the usurper, and he attempted a diversion -in favour of his master by a negotiation with Captain Jackson. This -gentleman listened readily to the representations of the general, and he -attempted in every way to cause a breach between Alompra and the British. -That his endeavours met with some success may be judged by the fact, that -when, a short time after, the Peguers made an attack upon Dagon, the -English ships maintained a strict neutrality, though they allowed the -Peguers to be beaten back. The Burmans became somewhat suspicious, still -the assurances of friendship, and the promises of assistance, lulled them -to rest again. Alompra quitted the district,—a sufficient guarantee for -his trust in the English; and after quelling the insurrection raised by -the prince on the Siamese frontier, he does not appear to have returned -to Dagon. Meinla-Meingoun was appointed commander of the army. - -About this time the English commenced a correspondence with the Peguers, -and concerted an attack with them in which they would assist them. Thus -were the Peguers to be assisted by both the European fleets! “Confiding -in their new allies, and assured of victory, the war-boats of the Peguers -during the night dropped down the Pegue river, and, with the French -ships, moored in the stream of the Irawadi, waiting the return of tide -to carry them to Rangoon. Dawn of day discovered them to the Birmans, -whose general immediately sent for the English gentlemen, to consult -on the best means of defence. At this interview the Birmans candidly -acquainted Mr. Whitehill how ill satisfied they were with the conduct of -the English commanders during the late action, and desired a promise of -more effective assistance on the present occasion. Mr. Whitehill replied, -that without the Company’s orders he was not authorized to commence -hostilities on any nation; but if the Peguers fired on the English ships, -it would be considered as an act of aggression, and resented accordingly. -How much it is to be lamented,” exclaims Symes, “that such prudent and -equitable principles were not better observed! the departure from them -affixed a stain on the national honour, which the lapse of more than -forty years has not been able to expunge.”[217] - -The forces of the Peguers were two large French ships, an armed snow, -and two hundred teilee, or war-boats. In the afternoon, when within -cannon-shot, the French ships came to anchor, and commenced cannonading -the Burmese fleet, which, to shelter itself from the fire and the galling -musketry from the Peguese boats, had pulled into a creek, under a grove -of mango-trees, whence the fire was returned. They had here, too, raised -a kind of fortification, with a battery of a few ship cannon, which, -from the awkwardness of the gunners, were of little use. “At this -juncture,” continues Symes,[218] “the English ships _Hunter_, _Arcot_, -and _Elizabeth_ commenced a fire on the Birman fleet. Thus assailed -by unexpected foes, the Birmans were obliged to abandon their boats, -and take shelter in the grove. Had the Peguers improved the critical -opportunity, and pursued their advantage with resolution, this action -might have retrieved their declining interests, and restored them to -the possession of the lower provinces. In vain the Europeans persuaded -them to attempt the capture of the Birman fleet; too timid to expose -themselves to a close discharge of musketry from the grove, they were -contented with the _éclat_ of having compelled the enemy to retreat -from their boats, and the rest of the day was spent in distant random -firing. During the night the English ships removed out of the reach of -small-arms, two men being killed on board the _Arcot_. The Peguers kept -their situation for some days, during which much irregular skirmishing -passed; when, having exhausted their ammunition without advancing their -cause, the Peguers thought fit to return to Syriam, accompanied by the -English and French ships, leaving the Birmans in possession of the -fortified grove, and the lines of the newly-projected town.” - -On the arrival of the English, Apporaza, who seems to have been well -aware of the utility of such allies, received them with every mark of -kindness, and wrote to Mr. Brooke at Negrais, offering him various -advantages if he would enter into a compact with them. Mr. Brooke, -disguising the feelings of vexation that he must have felt at the conduct -of his officers, returned a courteous and friendly answer, but required -the presence of Mr. Whitehill and the English vessels. Accordingly, that -gentleman, escorted by twenty war-boats, quitted Syriam, and arrived at -Negrais on the 26th of August. He was followed by the _Hunter_ schooner, -and the _Arcot_ only remained behind, as it had to undergo some repairs -before being seaworthy. All this time Mr. Brooke was continuing his -negotiations with Alompra, and he despatched Captain Baker and Lieutenant -North to the king. These gentlemen proceeded up the river but slowly, the -torrent being swollen and rapid. Above Prome they met a detachment of -Burman troops proceeding to Dagon and the newly-founded city of Rangoon. -Captain Baker had an interview with the chief, who was sanguine as to the -result of the war. The meeting was embarrassing on both sides; on the -part of Captain Baker, because he had the strange occurrences connected -with the English vessels to account for; and on the part of the Burman -general, as he was certain of the power and influence of the English, -and totally ignorant of their intentions. Captain Baker had the farther -misfortune to lose his colleague, Lieutenant North, who died of dysentery -a day or two after continuing his journey. On the 8th of September, -however, he reached Ava, the former metropolis, where he was civilly -received by the governor. On the 16th he was summoned to Moutzoboo, to -attend on the Golden Foot, for Alompra had now assumed the titles of the -empire, as well as the emoluments. - -The interview was a characteristic one on both sides. The king, with -all the pride of an Eastern potentate elevated to the throne by his own -endeavours, swelled with arrogance and vaunted of his successes. He -justly censured the duplicity, real or apparent, of the English at Dagon, -reminding the envoy that he had treated them kindly during his stay; he -said that it was far from grateful thus to break all the promises that -had been made. - -Captain Baker replied with expressions of regret; he solemnly declared -that Mr. Brooke knew nothing of the affair, had been very angry at its -occurrence, and that the hostile movement was utterly unauthorized -by the English resident. Alompra listened with attention and seeming -satisfaction. So ended the first audience. - -At a subsequent meeting, permission was granted by the king for the -erection of factories at Dagon and Bassein; but the English never are -satisfied, and therefore Captain Baker pressed his majesty to cede the -island of Negrais. Strange it is, that, when, but a few days previously, -the Burman cause had been totally deserted by the English, yet, upon the -strength of a few paltry professions, the Burmese were supposed to have -had sufficient confidence in them, as to lead to the surrender of an -island of some little extent, commanding the finest port in the dominions -of Alompra. However, the king showed policy, too; for he neither granted -nor denied their request, but left it for future decision. Baker was -then dismissed, and re-embarked for Negrais on the 29th of September. - -During this time, the Peguers had attempted the capture of the Burman -post at Dagon, with the assistance of the _Arcot_, and two other English -ships. Ten thousand Peguers marched round by land, and three hundred -war-boats, together with a French vessel, accompanied the English ships. -They were again repulsed by the Burmans, who, probably under European -direction, constructed fire-rafts, by which the French ship was placed in -great peril. The land-forces, weakened by their own numbers, and deprived -of the co-operation of the fleet, retreated, and “never dared to hazard -another enterprise.”[219] - -But the Peguers were to suffer more. The Devoted to Buddha was coming, -and who could stand against his bands? He attacked the fort of Syriam by -land and water, and choosing the time of ebb-tide, when the French ship -was aground, he attacked it with gun-boats. Upon this, Bourno desired to -change sides again, and sent a letter to Alompra, offering fresh terms of -accommodation. But the Peguers suspected him of treachery, and removed -him and his adherents into the fort of Syriam, leaving the factory and -vessel deserted. These Alompra immediately seized, and he now let famine -and disease do its work in the over-crowded place, and never quitted -his position until the month of July, 1756. The Peguers were gradually -lulled into security, and Alompra seized a favourable opportunity, made -a vigorous assault upon the place, and, though most of the garrison -escaped, he made all the Europeans prisoners. - -“It has already appeared to have been the determined policy of the French -to espouse the cause of the Peguers; and had succours from Pondicherry -arrived before the state of things became too desperate, affairs would -probably have worn a different aspect, and the Peguers obtained such an -addition to their strength, as would have enabled them to conclude a -peace on advantageous terms. But assistance in war, to be effectual, must -be timely; unless applied while the scales hang nearly even, it often -comes too late, and is found not only to be useless, but even productive -of deeper disappointment. In the present case, the French brought those -supplies of which the Peguers had long buoyed themselves with hopes, -at the unfortunate moment when the communication was cut off, when no -relief could be conveyed to them, and all prospect of retrieving their -disastrous fortunes had completely vanished. - -“Mons. Dupleix, governor of Pondicherry, a man whose comprehensive mind -perceived with clearness whatever could benefit his nation at this -juncture, deeply engaged in the important contest that was ultimately to -determine the sovereignty of the East, being aware of the consequence -of maintaining an influence in Pegu,[220] had, notwithstanding the -exigencies of his own situation, equipped two ships, the _Galathié_ and -_Diligent_, vessels of force, well manned and armed, and sent them, with -a supply of military stores, to the assistance of the Peguers.”[221] - -The _Galathié_ speedily arrived off the Burmese coast, but in -consequence of mistaking the mouth of the Setang for that of the Rangoon -embouchement, it did not get there in time. Alompra’s spies, however, had -already informed him of the approach of the inimical vessel, and when -the captain sent up a boat for a pilot, it was seized. Alompra, then, -after forcing Bourno to write a letter, encouraging the _Galathié_ to -come up the river, sent it with a pilot. Unfortunately for the French -commander, he fell into the trap, and on arriving at Rangoon, he first -learned in what position he was placed, and how fatal the matter had been -to him. The _Galathié_ was then seized, the arms and ammunition brought -on shore, and the papers proved that these supplies were intended for -the Peguers.[222] Alompra, upon being assured of this treachery, ordered -the instant execution of Bourno, Martine, and the rest of the French -prisoners. “This sanguinary mandate,” concludes Symes,[223] “was obeyed -with unrelenting promptitude; a few seamen and Lascars alone escaped, and -these were preserved for no other purpose than to be rendered of use in -the further prosecution of the war, and survived but to experience all -the miseries of hopeless bondage.” - -The _Diligent_ was more fortunate. A storm had compelled her to take -shelter at the Nicobar islands, where she was obliged to remain some -time. Adverse reports spread quickly, and the captain soon heard the -sad fate of his countrymen, and he returned to Pondicherry with the -evil tidings. The time had now passed, and Peguese supremacy and French -ascendancy in Burmah might be numbered among the past events of history. - -It is strange, with the savage character that the man ever bore, that the -French were the only victims on this occasion; and it certainly argues -more in favour of his justice than almost any action of his life. Policy, -too, prevented him from offending the English at the time, though it is -useless to disguise the fact, that they deserved quite as much, and even -more than the French. The measures of Bourno had been infinitely more -decided than those of the English, and an open enemy is ever more of a -friend than a treacherous, creeping friend. But the tragedy was not at an -end. - -Though the fall of Syriam “had determined the fate of the Peguers,” yet -they did not wholly give up hope. I have already in a former chapter -given a description of the capital of Pegu,[224] which I need not -therefore repeat; but still the following passage from Symes will prove -of use in comprehending the details of the siege:[225]— - -“Situated on an extensive plain, Pegue was surrounded with a high and -solid wall, flanked by small towers, and strengthened on each face by -demi-bastions, equidistant; a broad ditch contained about three feet -depth of water; wells or reservoirs supplied the town; the stupendous -pagoda of Shoemadoo,[226] nearly centrical, built on an artificial -eminence, and inclosed by a substantial wall of brick, served as a -citadel, and afforded an enlarged view of the adjacent country. The -extent, however, of the works, the troops necessary to defend them, and -the number of inhabitants within the walls, operated to the disadvantage -of the besieged, and aggravated the distresses they were shortly to -endure.” - -For Alompra, evidently perceiving the excellence of the plan pursued at -Syriam in reducing his foes, again determined to await the natural course -of events, and let starvation do its work in the ranks of the enemy. -The siege of Pegu by Alompra is not dissimilar to the siege of Mexico -by Cortés, and indeed, the whole progress of the movements of Alompra -are worthy of comparison with the acts of the conqueror of Mexico. Alike -indomitable in character, energetic and swift in action, and fitfully -cruel, though not insensible to the gentler voice of remonstrance, they -stand as nearly side by side, as the semi-civilised, impulsive, and -naturally politic Oriental, and the sternly educated, calculating, though -rapidly acting European can. This is not the place for such a discussion, -or many interesting coincidences might doubtless be elicited from a -comparison of both their lives. - -As the Mexicans could look down from their _teocalli_, and behold the -relentless band of Spain around their walls, so could the Peguers look -from the pagoda of Shoemadoo, and behold the natural foes of their race -waiting without, like sheriff’s officers, until the beleaguered were too -weak to hold the door against the besiegers. Meinla-Mein-goung was sent -with a powerful detachment to commence the circumvallation of the town, -and in a few days the Devoted to Buddha followed with the remainder of -the army, and “sat down before the city,” in the month of January, 1757. - -For two months the Burmans persevered in this plan, and, ever vigilant, -allowed none to escape. The immense multitude of Peguers, though but a -small remnant of the nation, caused want to be soon felt; discontent and -mutiny were the consequence of the scarcity of provision, and it seemed -as if the nation would fly to arms against itself. The danger of open -revolt became every day more imminent. The royal family and officers -looked wistfully and anxiously from the pagodas, watching for the first -intimation of any movement among their relentless besiegers. But it was -all in vain. At this juncture, Beinga Della summoned an assembly of all -the family and chiefs of any consequence. Apporaza, the king’s brother; -Chouparea, his son-in-law and nephew; and a general named Talabaan, were -among the principal persons in the assembly. The king, after laying -before them the utter hopelessness of resistance; after reminding them -of the differences existing between parties in the streets of Pegu -itself; after calling upon them to avoid, by the best means in their -power, the dreadful consequences of still stubbornly prolonging their -own sufferings, and feeding the rage of their enemies, advised a timely -submission, and offered to present his unmarried daughter to Alompra as a -means of deprecating his anger. Such an act of homage, he concluded, was -the only way he perceived of turning away the resentment of the Burman -conqueror. - -All heard this proposition with sorrow; but there was nothing for it but -to acquiesce. One chief present, however, ventured to remonstrate, and -this was the valiant general Talabaan. He rose, and inveighing bitterly -against such a course, reprobated the idea of submission; he concluded a -short but comprehensive speech, “with an offer to sally forth at the head -of six hundred chosen followers, and either raise the siege, and procure -an honourable peace, or perish in the attempt; provided, in the event -of success, the king would promise to bestow on him his daughter as the -reward of valour”[227]—for Talabaan secretly loved the maiden. - -The king assented to these terms, believing that Talabaan would also -perform what he had so well planned, and the council was dismissed. -Apporaza, however, always indirectly or directly the cause of misfortune, -having grown envious of the growing influence of Talabaan, worked upon -the king’s mind, representing that an alliance with Alompra was far more -glorious than an alliance with such a pitiful, low-born personage as -Talabaan. Overcome by the artful representations of Apporaza, seconded -by the other chiefs, the king rescinded his assent. At this, Talabaan, -disgusted with the ingratitude of Beinga Della, assembled a few faithful -attendants, sallied forth from the city, and forced his way through the -midst of the Burmans. He then escaped to the Setang river, which he -crossed, and then marched to his family estate of Mondimaa or Martaban. - -After the secession of Talabaan, the former measure proposed by the -king of Pegu was carried out. Arrangements were made between the rival -monarchs, and Beinga Della was reinstated in his position as king of -Pegu, being, however, subject to the king of Ava. - -“Some days elapsed in festive ceremonies, during which both the besiegers -and the besieged had frequent and almost uninterrupted intercourse; the -guards on both sides relaxed in their vigilance, and small parties of -Birmans found their way into the city, whilst the Peguers visited the -Birman camp without molestation or inquiry. Alompra, who, it appears, had -little intention of adhering to the recent compact, privately introduced -bodies of armed men, with directions to secrete themselves within the -city, until their services should be required; arms and ammunition were -also conveyed and lodged in places of concealment. Matters, however, were -not managed with such circumspection as to prevent discovery; Chouparea, -the king’s nephew, received intimation of the meditated treachery; he -instantly ordered the gates of the city to be closed, and having found -out the repositories where the weapons were lodged, and detected many -Birmans in disguise, he gave directions to put to death every man of that -nation who should be found within the walls, and opened a fire upon such -part of the Birman camp as was most exposed to the artillery of the fort. - -“Hostilities now recommenced with exasperated fury; Apporaza with his -royal niece were detained in the Birman camp; the uncle under close -confinement, whilst the lady was consigned to the guardians of the -female apartments. The Peguers having gained no accession to their -strength, and added little to their stores, during the short interval of -tranquillity, were not in a better condition than before to resist the -enemy. The Birmans observed the system of warfare which they at first -adopted; so that in six weeks, famine had again reduced the garrison -to a deplorable state of wretchedness and want; the most loathsome -reptiles were eagerly sought after and devoured, and the clamours of the -soldiers could no longer be appeased. A few secret hoards of grain were -by chance discovered, and many more were suspected to exist; the crowd -thronged tumultuously round the quarters of Chouparea, on whom, after -the secession of Talabaan, and the imprisonment of Apporaza, the care -of defending the fortress entirely devolved. In order to silence and -satisfy those whom he could not restrain, he ordered a general search for -grain, and granted permission to the soldiers forcibly to enter whatever -houses fell under suspicion. This license was diligently improved, and -the house of a near relation of the king was discovered to contain more -grain than either the present situation of affairs or his own wants could -justify. The deposit was demanded, and as resolutely refused. The crowd, -authorized by the permission of Chouparea, proceeded to take by violence -what was not to be obtained by entreaty; a riot ensued, in which some -lives were lost, and the prince was at length obliged to abandon his -house. Repairing to the royal residence, he uttered violent invectives -against Chouparea, whom he accused to the king of harbouring an intention -to deprive his sovereign of life, and seize upon the imperial throne; -and advised his majesty rather to throw himself on the generosity of -the besiegers, and obtain the best terms practicable, than hazard the -danger to which his person and kingdom were exposed from the perfidy -of a faithless and powerful subject. The king, whose imbecility seems -to have equalled his ill fortune, lent an ear to the complaints of a -man stimulated by sudden rage and personal jealousy: the unhappy and -distracted monarch resolved to pursue his counsel; but being too timid -openly to avow his weakness and suspicion, he sent secret proposals to -Alompra to surrender the city to him, stipulating for life alone, and -leaving the rest to the discretion of the conqueror. According to the -plan agreed on, the Birmans advanced to the gates, which were immediately -deserted; the Peguers fled in the utmost panic; many escaped in the -confusion; the Pegue king was made prisoner and the city given up to -indiscriminate plunder.”[228] - -An affecting episode in the fate of the Peguese monarchy was, however, -yet to come. Talabaan, it will be recollected, had fled to Martaban, -where his family resided. This chief was as obnoxious to Alompra as -any one of the Peguese party. His influence was too great to admit of -his being spared or forgotten. Therefore, after the reduction of Pegu, -and the submission of all the country around, he marched to Martaban -with a considerable force. With the few adherents which still clung to -the Peguese general, resistance was absurd; he therefore fled to the -woods, thinking that against him alone would the resentment of Alompra -be directed. Those that remained were seized by the king, and the -unfortunate Talabaan heard in his retreat, that if he himself did not -surrender, the innocent members of his family would be sacrificed to -the fury of the conqueror. All personal feelings of fear now faded from -his bosom; he thought no longer of the vengeance that awaited him, but -surrendering himself a voluntary prisoner, he thus preserved the dear -relations “whom he loved more than life.” Alompra was so much struck -with the unexpected heroism of the outcast, that he pardoned him, and -subsequently raised him to a high position in his court. - -At this time the settlement of Negrais was in a critical position. The -actors there had changed, and a Mr. Newton had succeeded Captain Howe, -resident of the East-India Company, upon Mr. Brooke’s retirement. To -this gentleman Alompra sent a message, requiring his presence at Prome. -Mr. Newton deputed Ensign Lyster thither. The envoy left Negrais on the -27th of June, 1757, and proceeded to Bassein, where he had to await the -arrival of Antonio, a native interpreter descended from a Portuguese -family. On the 13th of July, he was again _en route_, and on the 23rd he -met Alompra on the Irawadi. He immediately had an audience, which led, -as all first audiences do, to nothing. On the 29th, the king halted at -Myan-aong, where a second audience took place. Alompra again adverted -to the English treachery of Dagon, and, presenting some gifts of little -value, in return for the presents from Negrais, he left the remainder to -be settled between Lyster, Antonio, and the Acka-woon, or governor of -the port of Bassein. After some boggling on both sides, the island of -Negrais was ceded to the India Company in perpetuity, together with a -piece of ground opposite Bassein, for a factory. The Company were to give -arms and military stores in return, and aid against the king of Tavoy. -This treaty, the result of bribery, according to Symes,[229] received the -sanction of the king. On the 22nd of August, 1757, formal possession was -taken by Ensign Lyster. - -After these events had taken place, Alompra returned to Moutzoboo, -the capital of the kingdom, and commenced an expedition against the -inhabitants of Cassay; but he soon returned to the south, on learning -that the Peguers had again revolted. - -Many of that nation had fled across the frontier of Siam, whence they -now returned in great force, defeated Namdeoda, the Burmese general, and -recaptured Rangoon, Dalla, and Syriam. But upon Alompra’s dread approach, -the fortune of war changed. Namdeoda returned, retook the towns, and -after a severe engagement, again overthrew the Peguese force. - -At this time, Whitehill, who supposed his treacherous deeds forgotten, -went to Rangoon with a small vessel, laden with such things as were -fitted for the trade to that port. But Alompra had not forgotten him. His -vessel was seized, and he himself was sent to Prome, where he met the -king returning from Moutzoboo. Alompra, probably to allay all suspicions -on the part of the English as to the desperate game he was about to play, -spared Mr. Whitehill’s life, though he made him pay a heavy ransom, and -confiscated his vessel. He was afterwards allowed to return to Negrais -in a Dutch ship. At this time, unhappily for Negrais, Captain Newton -returned to Bengal, taking with him all the available force. He arrived -in Calcutta on the 14th of May, 1759. - -The Armenians, the Jews of the East, ever envious and suspicious of the -progress of the colonies under European administration, looked with an -evil eye upon the settlement of Negrais. Among those at that port, Coja -Pochas and Coja Gregory, were particularly hostile to the English. In -Laveene, the French youth left by Bourno as a hostage, and who had found -favour in Alompra’s eyes, Coja Gregory found a fitting instrument to -execute the plot that he had contrived for the ruin of English prosperity -in Burmah. Whether Alompra knew of the affair long before, is uncertain; -but it is to be inferred from the tenor of his actions, that he did not, -when it came to his knowledge, condemn it. - -Mr. Southby, to whom the government of Bengal had committed the care of -the colony, disembarked from the _Victoria_ snow, on the 4th of October, -1759. The _Shaftesbury_ East-Indiaman was also in harbour, having put -in for water. Antonio, the Portuguese-Burman interpreter, came down to -receive Southby, and was treated well by Mr. Hope, at that time in charge -of Negrais, as well as by the new resident. Antonio’s errand was, of -course, to superintend the conspiracy that was about to burst on the -heads of the devoted Englishmen; but the pretext was to deliver a letter -from Alompra. - -“The address and secrecy with which the intended massacre was concerted, -gave no room for taking any precaution. Antonio, who had paid a visit to -Mr. Southby on the morning of the 6th, was invited by him to dinner on -the same day, at a temporary building belonging to the English. Whilst -the entertainment was serving up, the treacherous guest withdrew. At -that instant a number of armed Birmans rushed into the room, and put -Messrs. Southby and Hope to death. This transaction took place in an -upper apartment. Messrs. Robertson and Briggs happened to be below with -eight Europeans of inferior note; a separate attack was made on these -by another set of assassins, in which five Europeans were slain; the -rest, with Mr. Robertson and Mr. Briggs, shut themselves in a godown, or -storeroom, where they continued on the defensive until the afternoon, -when, receiving a solemn assurance that their lives should be spared, -they surrendered, and experienced the utmost brutality of treatment -from the murderers. Mr. Briggs being wounded, and unable to move with -the alertness required of him, was knocked down, and a period put to -his sufferings, by having a spear run through his body; the rest were -escorted to the water-side, where Antonio, who had retired when the -massacre commenced, was waiting with a boat to receive them. This fellow -had the humanity to unchain the prisoners, and pursued his journey with -them to Dagon or Rangoon, where he expected to find the king, and, -doubtless, to receive a reward for the meritorious part he had acted. - -“A midshipman, of the crew of the _Shaftesbury_, was about to enter the -house when the slaughter commenced; but on hearing the cries of his -countrymen, and perceiving the danger, he fled to the water-side, wounded -by a spear that was cast at him in his retreat. The _Shaftesbury’s_ -pinnace brought away the midshipman, with several black people belonging -to the settlement; the fury of the murderers being indiscriminately -levelled against Europeans and their Indian attendants. The long-boat -also, that had brought on shore some of Mr. Southby’s baggage, was -fortunate enough to push off before the Birmans could get possession -of her, and letting the ensign fly with the union downwards, gave -intimation to the ship, by that token, of some unexpected mischance.”[230] - -In the whole of this diabolical affair, Laveene, the young Frenchman, was -actively engaged. The battery being seized, was turned by him against the -_Shaftesbury_, and the action continued the whole day. Next morning the -Burmese renewed their fire, but the _Shaftesbury_ had hauled beyond the -range of shot, and the _Victoria_ followed her example. - -“That Gregory, the Armenian, was the principal instigator, is a fact of -which no native of the country, who remembers the transaction, entertains -the smallest doubts, as well as that Laveene was the principal agent -and instrument of execution. It is said that the former accused Mr. -Hope, who commanded after the departure of Lieutenant Newton, of having -supplied the Peguers with provisions, and sold to them four or five -hundred muskets; that he had taken pains to instil into his majesty’s -mind a persuasion, that the English were a designing and dangerous -people; who, having acquired Indian territory, first by fraud, and -afterwards by violence, meditated the practice of similar treachery upon -them; and only waited a fit opportunity to wrest from him his empire, -and enslave his subjects, as they had recently done in the instance of -the unsuspecting and abused Mogul. He also added, that the governor of -Negrais prevented vessels from going up to Bassein, by which the royal -revenue was defrauded. These arguments, whether groundless or founded, -were sufficiently plausible to produce the desired effect; and there -is but too much reason to think that some provocation had been given, -though, perhaps, of a trivial nature, and certainly not sufficient to -warrant a step unjustifiable by every law, human and divine.”[231] That -Alompra had some share in the matter, can hardly be doubted. He had -received too many crosses from the English during his conquest of Burmah, -to forget. Besides, the heart of the Oriental despot always rankles with -envy and pride. He looked for an opportunity to make the English feel his -vengeance, and he seized it. Undoubtedly, the Portuguese and Frenchman -had not forgotten the massacre of their own nations; and the latter, -invested with a little brief authority, did the most that his spiteful -heart could do. - -This event forms the last one of any consequence in the life of Alompra, -the liberator and conqueror of Burmah and Pegu. The conquest of Tavoy -shed a brief light upon this portion of his career, and feeling certain -of success, he determined to let the Siamese feel his strength; and he -thought to have vengeance for the assistance that country had given to -the Peguese, during his reduction of their power. He therefore sent an -expedition against Mergui, and on the taking of that place, the army -proceeded against Tenasserim, which soon yielded to the victorious -Burmese. - -He now determined to march against Bangkok, the capital of Siam, and -thus complete the conquest of the peninsula. However, disease overtook -him; the Devoted to Buddha, who had been a victor in a hundred battles, -now succumbed to a single arm; but it was the arm of death, the strong -force that assails every conqueror. Alompra, though he perceived that his -end was drawing near, did not lose his presence of mind, but ordered a -countermarch to his own country, that his arms might not be sullied by a -defeat. But he expired about the 15th of May, 1760, when within two days’ -march of Martaban. - -The following sketch of his character, by Symes, will form a fitting -conclusion to this chapter:— - -“Considering the limited progress that the Birmans had yet made in arts -that refine, and science that tends to expand the human mind, Alompra, -whether viewed in the light of a politician or a soldier, is undoubtedly -entitled to respect. The wisdom of his councils secured what his valour -had acquired; he was not more eager for conquest, than attentive to -the improvement of his territories and the prosperity of his people; -he issued a severe edict against gambling, and prohibited the use of -spirituous liquors throughout his dominions; he reformed the rhooms or -courts of justice; he abridged the power of magistrates, and forbade them -to decide at their private houses on criminal causes, or on property -where the amount exceeded a specified sum; every process of importance -was decided in public, and every decree registered. His reign was short, -but vigorous; and had his life been prolonged, it is probable that -his country would at this day have been farther advanced in national -refinement and the liberal arts. - -“Alompra did not live to complete his fiftieth year: his person, strong -and well proportioned, exceeded the middle size; his features were -coarse, his complexion dark, and his countenance saturnine; and there -was a dignity in his deportment that became his high station. In his -temper, he is said to have been prone to anger; in revenge, implacable; -and in punishing faults, remorseless and severe. The latter part of his -character may, perhaps, have arisen as much from the necessities of his -situation as from a disposition by nature cruel. He who acquires a throne -by an act of individual boldness, is commonly obliged to maintain it -by terror: the right of assumption is guarded with more jealousy than -that of prescription. If we except the last act of severity towards the -English settlers, his conduct, on most occasions, seemed to be marked by -moderation and forbearance; even in that one disgraceful instance, he -appeared to have been instigated by the persuasions of others, rather -than by the dictates of a vindictive mind; and it is manifest, from the -expressions of his successor on a public occasion, that it never was his -intention to consign the innocent, with the supposed guilty, to the same -indiscriminate and sanguinary fate. - -“Be the private character of Alompra what it may, his heroic actions give -him an indisputable claim to no mean rank among the most distinguished -personages in the page of history. His firmness emancipated a whole -nation from servitude, and, inspired by his bravery, the oppressed, in -their turn, subdued their oppressors. Like the deliverer of Sweden, with -his gallant band of Dalecarlians, he fought for that which experience -tells us rouses the human breast above every other stimulant to deeds -of daring valour. Private injuries, personal animosities, commercial -emulation, wars of regal policy, are petty provocations compared to that -which animates the resentment of a people whose liberties are assailed, -whose right to govern themselves is wrested from them, and who are forced -to bend beneath the tyranny of a foreign yoke.”[232] - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -1760-1819. - - Anaundopra—Zempiuscien—Chengaza—Paongoza—Men-ta-ra-gyee. - - -When the political history of a country commences with one bright and -shining event, it is hardly possible to make the continuation of its -career otherwise than “stale, flat, and unprofitable.” How true this is, -was amply proved by Prescott, in the case of Mexico and Peru, when with -all the magical charm of his eloquent pen, he failed to give the History -of Peru the same attractive feature that he had presented in Mexico. -If it were impossible then for a master-hand like his, to invest the -fluctuating events of the civil wars of Peru with the graces of romance, -how difficult will it be for me to do the same by those of Burmah! - -The great event of Burman history, the elevation of Alompra to the -regal or imperial dignity, overshadows all the subsequent occurrences -in that history, although, considered by themselves, they form not the -least interesting episodes of Oriental story. I shall endeavour, in the -following pages, to present them, as they are, to the reader, begging him -to bear in mind the first sentence of this chapter. - -Alompra, on his death-bed, left the succession unsettled, though, -according to Sangermano,[233] he had stipulated for the successive -administration of his seven sons. Whether this was really the case, is -impossible to say; but the eldest brother seems to have ascended the -throne without dispute. His name was Anaundopra; but, as Symes observes, -“neither the mandates of law, nor the claims of equity, can curb the -career of restless ambition;”[234] and as it had proved insufficient to -restrain the father, it was insufficient to restrain the son. Thembuan, -or Zempiuscien, whom we have seen in the government of Ava, raised a -revolt against his brother’s administration. But he had not the solid -talent of his father, and his claims were scarcely recognised by his -immediate followers; consequently it is not very extraordinary that his -rebellion fell to the ground. He hastened to give in his submission, -and his brother appears to have been forgiving enough, for he was soon -restored to favour. - -But the flame of rebellion and revolution was kindled. It wanted but -little to fan it into a formidable sheet of fire. During the absence of -Zempiuscien at Moutzoboo, the general Meinla Nuttoon, marching through -the lower country, raised the standard of revolt, and seizing upon -Tongho, marched upon Ava, which, intimidated by the force attached to -his interests, immediately surrendered. It were foreign to my purpose to -give a detailed account of this insurrection. I will only say, that it -required all the strength of the king to quell it. The siege of Ava was -protracted for seven months, as Nuttoon expected assistance from Siam. - -“These expectations were not realized. Supplies from the country failed, -and want began to make ravages within the walls, although the magazines, -which at the commencement of the siege were full, had been husbanded with -the utmost economy. Discontent is ever the concomitant of distress. The -governor of Mayah Oun, who had embraced Nuttoon’s fortune, deserted from -the fort. Flying to Mayah Oun, he collected his adherents; but not being -able to resist the royal forces, they set fire to the town, and betook -themselves to the woods and jungles, whence they afterwards withdrew to -the eastern provinces, where the authority of the Birman monarch was -yet scarcely recognised. The rebels had likewise evacuated the fort of -Tongho. Towards the end of the year, the garrison in Ava was reduced to -the greatest extremity, and their numbers diminished above one-half by -sickness, famine, and desertion. In this helpless state, without any -chance of relief, Nuttoon made his escape from the fort in disguise; -but had proceeded only the distance of two days’ journey, when he was -discovered by some peasants, and brought back in fetters. The fort of -Ava fell shortly afterwards by the flight of its commandant. Such of -their unfortunate adherents as could not effect their escape, were -without mercy put to death. Nuttoon, likewise, suffered the doom of a -traitor.”[235] - -This was, however, not all. Another revolt was raised by the viceroy of -Tongho, an uncle of the king’s. However, Anaundopra marched to Tongho, -and took the place after a siege of three months, and, according to -Sangermano,[236] put him to death. Symes, however, informs us, that he -was kept a close prisoner in the fort of Ava till his death.[237] - -Talabaan, too, raised a rebellion, which was, however, very soon ended -by the seizure and execution of that general. “So long as that monarch -[Alompra] lived, he conducted himself like a dutiful servant: the death -of his sovereign, however, cancelled in Talabaan’s breast the bonds of -duty and gratitude, and, though faithful to the father, he took the -earliest opportunity to revolt against the son.”[238] In March, 1764, -the king breathed his last, of the same scrofulous complaint that killed -his father, leaving behind an infant son named Momien. The numerous -rebellions against his government would lead us to expect immense -strictness in his character; but he is represented as only severe in -matters of religion; except in this particular, his administration was -forbearing and moderate. The insurrections were more probably induced by -the double reason of ambition on the part of the revolution, and by the -necessary restraint which follows the unlicensed liberties of war. The -people were accustomed to feel themselves masters of all, and now, the -turbulent and unsettled reign of Alompra having closed, they chafed and -bit at the cord like irascible dogs. - -Zempiuscien, as the nearest relation to the infant monarch, became -regent of Burmah, though the authority of the child was probably never -recognised, either by regent or people. After some time, indeed, he -openly assumed the crown, and, at the petition of a sister of Alompra, -sent Momien to the priests, instead of murdering him, as he intended. -His reign was warlike, and marked with many rebellions and revolutions, -which, though raging for the moment, had no effect beyond the fury of the -moment. The principal event and shame of his life, cannot be better told -than in the words of Symes.[239] - -“Whatever respect the glory of conquest, and the wisdom of a -well-regulated government, might attach to the reign of Shembuan, it -must be wholly obscured by the cruelty exercised on the present occasion -[the taking of Rangoon from the Peguers, who had again rebelled] towards -his royal prisoner, the unhappy king of Pegue; and this, too, like a -more recent and equally inhuman regicide,[240] in a nation professing -Christianity and enlightened by science, was perpetrated under the -mockery of justice. Shembuan, not content with exhibiting to the humbled -Peguers their venerable, and yet venerated monarch, bound in fetters, and -bowed down with years and anguish, resolved to take away his life, and -render the disgrace still deeper, by exposing him as a public malefactor, -to suffer under the stroke of the public executioner.... The process of -law in Birman courts of justice, is conducted with as much formality as -in any country on earth. Beinga Della was brought before the judges of -the Rhoom, among whom the Maywoon of Pegue presided. The late king of -Pegue was there accused of having been privy to, and instrumental in -exciting the late rebellion. Depositions of several witnesses, supposed -to be suborned, were taken; the prisoner denied the charge; but his -fate being determined on, his plea availed him nothing. He was found -guilty; and the proceedings, according to custom, were laid before the -king, who passed sentence of death, and accompanied it by an order for -speedy execution. In conformity with this cruel mandate, on the 7th of -the increasing moon, in the month of Taboung,[241] the aged victim was -led in public procession through an insulting population, to a place -called Awabock, three miles without the city, where he met his doom with -fortitude, and had no distinction paid him above the meanest criminal, -except that all the municipal officers attended in their robes of -ceremony to witness his last moments.” - -The death of Beinga Della preceded his own by but a short space of time, -for Zempiuscien, or Shembuan, died in the spring of 1776. - -His son and successor, Zinguza or Chenguza, presented very different -traits of character to those of any of Alompra’s dynasty. He plunged -into the wildest excesses of debauchery, and left the government to -the maladministration of a corrupt court. This proved fatal to him. -The excesses of king and ministers did not pass by unheeded. Momien, -his cousin, had not forgotten that he had an equal right to the -throne, and the disgusting murder committed on the queen, afforded a -pretext for revolt. A conspiracy had been formed by one of Alompra’s -brothers, Men-ta-ra-gyee, the queen’s father, and one of the ministers -whom Chenguza had insulted; Momien was used as a tool to elevate -Men-ta-ra-gyee to the throne. This young man,[242] “taking advantage of -his [Chenguza’s] absence, advanced by night to Ava, in company with about -forty inhabitants of a village called Pongà, and without experiencing any -resistance, made himself master of the palace. Upon which the youth of -Ava, and the neighbouring places, came eagerly to be enrolled, and take -up arms in favour of the new king; who, in the space of five days, was in -possession of the person and kingdom of Zinguzà. But the usurper, whose -name was Paongozà, from the long abode he had made in Paongà, by these -rapid and successful advances, only served as a means to Badonsachen -[the former name of Men-ta-ra-gyee], the reigning sovereign, to mount -upon the throne. For scarcely had he taken possession of the palace, -than he called together all his uncles and made them an offer of the -kingdom; saying, that according to the dispositions of Alompra, to them -it belonged. But they suspected this ingenuous declaration of Paongozà -to be nothing more than a malicious contrivance to pry into their secret -thoughts, and upon their accepting his offers, to give him a pretence for -their destruction; and therefore not only declined to receive it, but -declared themselves, by drinking the water of the oath, his subjects and -vassals.... Paongozà then raised them to their former state, and restored -all the honours whereof they had been deprived by Zinguzà. But they, -a few days later, took that by force, which, when peacefully offered, -they had not dared to accept. For on the 10th of February, 1782, they -suddenly entered the palace, seized Paongozà, and placed on the throne -Badonsachen, third[243] son of Alompra. He, according to custom, caused -the deposed monarch to be thrown into the river, calling him in scorn the -king of seven days.[244] Paongozà at the time of his death, had only -reached his twentieth year. On the following day the unfortunate Zinguzà -underwent the same fate, in his twenty-sixth year; and all his queens and -concubines, holding their babes in their arms, were burnt alive.” - -The particulars of the taking of Zinguzà by Momien, or Moung-Moung, are -as follows:[245]— - -Chenguza had gone to Keoptaloum, a place on the banks of the Irawadi, -about thirty miles from Ava, to celebrate a festival. As he was never -regular in his time of going in or out, no one could tell when he would -return; indeed, he was often late. Having obtained a royal dress, Momien -presented himself at the portal shoedogaa, and demanded admission. -But the haste of the conspirators betrayed them to the sentinel, who, -opening the wicket, and then attempting to close, called out, “Treason!” -However, it was too late, the guards were cut down, and the gate thrown -open to the assailants. These, together with a body of men placed in -ambuscade, occupied all the approaches to the palace, and kept it in a -complete state of blockade. The various court officials, on the approach -of the rebels, shut themselves up within the inclosures of the palace. -Consternation and fright prevailed through the city all the night; the -assailants were expected to attack them, but, in conformity with the -Eastern and American custom, they did not attack the place till the -morning, when they then blew open one of the palace-gates. They were -gallantly met, however, by the guard, commanded by an Armenian, named -Gabriel, who caused no small havoc among them, by three discharges of -artillery from the guns on the top of the gate. However, the conspirators -were too strong, or the defenders too uncertain as to whom they might be -contending with, to withstand them long. Gabriel was killed by the thrust -of a spear, and then his party fled. Thus Momien obtained a speedy and -decisive victory, little dreaming of the speedy fate that awaited him! - -Chenguza was now proclaimed an outlaw, and an armed force was detached -to arrest him. But he had received timely notice of the fall of his -administration, and, leaving all his court behind, escaped to Chagaing, -were he was immediately besieged. Chenguza at first thought of defending -himself; but finding that he was deserted by those on whom he placed his -chief reliance, after a resistance of four days the resolution failed, -and he determined on flying to the Cassay country, there to throw himself -on the protection of the Munnipoora Raja. This intention he privately -communicated to his mother, the widow of Shembuan Praw, who resided -in his palace in the city of Ava. Instead of encouraging her son to -persevere in so pusillanimous a resolve, she earnestly dissuaded him -from flight; urging that it was far more glorious to die even by ignoble -hands, within the precincts of his own palace, than to preserve life -under the ignominious character of a mendicant fed by strangers, and -indebted for a precarious asylum to a petty potentate. Chenguza yielded -to his mother’s counsel, and preferring death to a disgraceful exile, -caused a small boat to be privately prepared, and kept in readiness at -the gaut or landing-place; disguising himself in the habit of a private -gentleman, and attended only by two menials, he left Chagaing by break -of day and embarking, rowed towards Ava, on the opposite shore. When -the boat approached the principal gaut, at the foot of the walls, -he was challenged by the sentinels on duty; no longer desirous of -concealing himself, he called out in a loud voice, that he was “Chenguza -Namdogy-yeng Praw;—Chenguza, lawful lord of the palace.” A conduct at -once so unexpected and so resolute, struck the guards with astonishment, -who, either overawed by his presence, or at a loss how to act for want -of instructions, suffered him to proceed unmolested; the crowd, also, -that so extraordinary a circumstance had by this time brought together, -respectfully made way for him to pass. Scarcely had he reached the gate -of the outer court of the palace, when he was met by the Attawoon, father -of the princess whom he had so inhumanly slain; Chenguza, on perceiving -him, exclaimed, “Traitor, I am come to take possession of my right, -and wreak vengeance on mine enemies!” The Attawoon instantly snatched -a sabre from an attendant officer, and at one stroke cut the unhappy -Chenguza through the bowels, and laid him breathless at his feet. No -person was found to prevent or avenge his death; he fell unlamented, as -he had lived despised.[246] Such was the end of a monarch, accelerated, -probably, by his own daring, which we cannot call heroism, but desperate -madness. - -Men-ta-ra-gyee, in the forty-fourth year of his age, at a period of -life at which men have generally acquired stability of character and -estimation, ascended the throne of his father, the Devoted to Buddha, -whose spirit seems to have lived on in the bosoms of some of his -families. But this king, under the fatal curse that seems to give -the race of Alompra no rest, had no quieter reign than any of his -predecessors. “Kings,” observes the ingenious writer Symes, “have other -enemies to guard against, than avowed foes or rival competitors; the wild -maniac or fanatical enthusiast, often under the influence of frenzy, -directs the poignard to the breasts of monarchs. The Birman king had but -a short time enjoyed the crown, when he had nearly been deprived of his -life and diadem by a person of this description. Magoung, a low-born -man, unconnected with, and it is said, without the privacy of any person -of condition, who had always been remarkable for the regularity of his -actions, and a gloomy cast of thought, had influence enough to form a -confederacy of one hundred men as visionary and desperate as himself. -This troop bound themselves in secrecy and fidelity to each other by -an oath; their object was to take away the life of the king; but to -answer what end, or whom they designed to elevate, is not ascertained. -These desperadoes, headed by Magoung, at daybreak in the morning, made -an attack on the palace. The customary guard over the king’s dwelling -consists of seven hundred, who are well appointed and kept about on duty. -Notwithstanding that, the attempt had nearly succeeded: bearing down -the sentinels, they penetrated into the interior court, and the king -escaped, from the casual circumstance of being in the range of apartments -belonging to the women, which he was least accustomed to frequent. His -guards, who at first shrunk from the fury of the onset, quickly rallied; -their courage and numbers overpowered the assassins; and Magoung was -slain, with all his associates, within the precincts of the palace.”[247] - -Another insurrection speedily followed. A fisherman of the name of -Natchien, a Peguer of Rangoon, proclaimed himself the deliverer of the -Peguers, and called upon that nation to rise against the Burmans. He -succeeded in raising a tumult, in which some of the officials of the -Rhoom were slain; however, the matter was soon put down by the Peter -Laurie of the town, and an examination implicated some five hundred of -the inhabitants of Rangoon, who were executed. This was the last attempt -made by the Peguers to throw off the Burman yoke. From this time forward -his actions seem to have been offensive rather than defensive. In 1783 -he commenced a war with the independent kingdom of Arakhan, which he -subdued, and added to his dominions. In 1786 he made an incursion into -Siam, and secured himself in the possession of Tavoy and Mergui. In 1810 -he fitted out an enterprise against Junk Ceylon, an island belonging to -the Siamese, and to which they were all so unwilling to go.[248] But -from this place he was subsequently expelled by the enemy, and many of -the Burmans were sent to Bangkok as slaves. This king, after a long, -glorious, and cruel reign, of which a considerable part was directed -against the priests, expired in his eighty-first year, at the beginning -of 1819. - -It may here be not uninteresting to give some account of the city of -Ava, the capital of Burmah, whence the kingdom has sometimes been so -called.[249] It lies in lat. 21° 50’N., long. 96° E., and was made the -capital of the country for the third time in 1822. The original name of -the place is Augwa, corrupted in Awa and Ava; but in public writings it -is always named Ratnapura, the City of Gems. Montmorency has given a -description of the place, which I epitomize. - -The city of Ava is surrounded by a brick wall fifteen and a half feet -high, and ten feet thick; there are innumerable embrasures at about the -distance of five feet from each other. The south and west faces of the -town are defended by a deep and rapid torrent, called the Myit-tha, -leading from the Myit-ngé, which is not fordable. On the east the -Myit-ngé forms a considerable part of the defence. The Irawadi, opposite -Sagaing and Ava, is 1,094 yards broad. The circumference of Ava is -about five and a half miles, excluding the suburbs. “In general,” says -Crawfurd, “the houses are mere huts, thatched with grass. Some of -the dwellings of the chiefs are constructed of planks, and tiled, and -there are probably in all not half a dozen houses constructed of brick -and mortar. Poor as the houses are, they are thinly scattered over the -extensive area of the place, and some large quarters are, indeed, wholly -destitute of habitations, and mere neglected commons. Including one large -one in the suburb, lying between the town and the little river, there -are eleven markets or bazaars, composed as usual of thatched huts or -sheds: the three largest are called Je-kyo, Sara-wadi, and Shan-ze.”[250] -The temples are very numerous, and present a gorgeous appearance from -a distance, “far from being realized,” according to Crawfurd, “on a -closer examination. Some of the principal of these may be enumerated: the -largest of all is called Lo-ga-thar-bu, and consists of two portions, -or rather two distinct temples; one in the ancient, and the other in -the modern form. In the former there is an image of Gautama, in the -common sitting posture, of enormous magnitude. Colonel Symes imagined -this statue to be a block of marble; but this is a mistake, for it is -composed of sandstone. A second very large temple is called Angava -Sé-kong; and a third, Ph’ra-l’ha, or ‘the beautiful.’ A fourth temple, -of great celebrity, is named Maong-Ratna. This is the one in which the -public officers of the government take, with great formality, the oath -of allegiance. A fifth temple is named Maha-mrat-muni; I inspected an -addition which was made to this temple a short time before our arrival. -It was merely a Zayat or chapel, and chiefly constructed of wood: it, -however, exceeded in splendour everything we had seen without the palace. -The roof was supported by a vast number of pillars: these, as well as -the ceilings, were richly gilt throughout. The person, at whose expense -all this was done, was a Burman merchant, or rather broker, from whom we -learnt that the cost was forty thousand ticals, about £5,000 sterling. -When the building was completed, he respectfully presented it to his -majesty, not _daring_ to take to himself the whole merit of so pious an -undertaking.”[251] The reader may bear in mind the similarity between -these temples and those of the Peruvians. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -1760-1824. - - British intercourse with Ava—Alves’s mission—Symes’s - mission—Canning—King Nun-Sun—Rise of the Burman war—Its origin - in official aggression—Evacuation of Cachar. - - -We must now return somewhat upon our steps, to observe the changes which -had taken place in European relations with the native kings. We have -to look back to the time of the decease of Alompra. Doubtless, had the -English force in Burmah been adequate to the execution of such a measure, -ample revenge would have been taken, or rather, ample satisfaction would -have been enforced, for the brutal massacre of the English at Negrais: -but their means were not up to the mark. “Perhaps, also,” as Symes -remarks, “they were not ignorant that a discussion of the causes might -only produce useless explanations: a conjecture that is, in some degree, -corroborated by there being no steps taken at any subsequent period when -the British superiority in Asia had crushed all rivalry, to vindicate -the national honour, and chastise the perpetrators of the cruelty.”[252] -Most probably, however, the English government was sensible that the -part their countrymen had acted had been a treacherous one, and that -it would not do to have it thrown in their faces, as it undoubtedly -would have been. In this case the French would have succeeded in their -darling scheme of shaking the importance of the English in the country, -for the accomplishment of which they have never in any way omitted any -opportunity, supporting their plans also by that form of assertion, which -admits of contradiction, but can never be disproved: and a like system of -falsehood had been pursued by the English. - -It was, however, necessary to make some appeal in behalf of the -remaining Europeans, and Captain Alves, who had brought the sad news to -Bengal, was the man selected for the negotiation. He was charged with -letters, which, while they show little desire to uphold the dignity -of England, yet manifest a praiseworthy and heartfelt interest in the -fate of the British. They were signed by Mr. Holwell, the governor of -Bengal, and Mr. Pigot, the governor of Madras. The letter of the latter -gentleman, indeed, was of a more independent character, “and intimated -expectation that the murderers of the English settlers should be brought -to punishment; a requisition that was little attended to, and which -the British government of India never manifested any inclination to -enforce.”[253] - -Captain Alves sailed from Madras with these letters on the 10th of May, -1760. He did not steer direct for Negrais, but addressed a letter to -Gregory the Armenian, then Ackawoon of Rangoon, whom it was desirable to -conciliate, and after exaggerating his influence at court, he entreated -his good offices in behalf of the captives. With these letters a present -of some value was sent. On the 5th of June, he arrived at Diamond Island, -near Negrais, when he reconnoitred the disposition of the natives. -However, his fears were removed, and he landed. Upon this, Antony came -down, and was received with hypocritical cordiality by Alves, and the -interpreter tried all he could to prevent his being considered guilty. In -a short time he received a letter from Mungai Narrataw, one of the royal -family, inviting him to Rangoon; he thought it politic to go thither, and -arrived on the 5th of August. There seemed to be little objection to the -release of the prisoners, and Mr. Robertson was permitted to accompany -Captain Alves to Bassein. Meanwhile, Gregory the Armenian returned, -bearing a letter from Anaundopra, or Namdogee-Praw. “In the translation, -which Gregory, as interpreter, delivered to Captain Alves, the crafty -Armenian introduced passages favourable to himself, attributing the -obtainment of any attention to his intercession; these interpolations -were fabricated, as the imperial mandate did not even mention the name -of Gregory.”[254] Accordingly, on the 22nd of August, Alves took his -departure from Bassein, and, though much annoyed by the officials, he -arrived at Chagaing, the then capital, on the 22nd of September, without -any important event occurring in the interim. - -On the 23rd, Alves had an audience with the king. His majesty seemed -surprised that the English should desire any satisfaction for the -punishment which had been dealt out against the Company’s servants in -consequence of their own ill behaviour. At the same time he regretted -the accident which had involved Mr. Southby in their fate, yet it was -unavoidable; “for,” said the king, “I suppose you have seen that in -this country, in the wet season, there grows so much useless grass and -weeds in the fields, that in dry weather we are forced to burn them to -clear the ground: it sometimes happens that there are salubrious herbs -amongst these noxious weeds and grass, which, as they cannot easily -be distinguished, are indiscriminately consumed with the others; thus -it happened to be the new governor’s lot.”[255] To the other demands, -regarding restitution of property, a decided refusal was returned, except -as regarded the Company’s goods; but the release of the British prisoners -was acceded to. “Having given an order for the release of all English -subjects that were prisoners in his dominions, he desired that two of -the most prudent should remain to take care of the timbers, and reside -at Persaim,[256] where he consented to give the Company a grant of as -much ground as they might have occasion to occupy, under the stipulation -that their chief settlement should be at Persaim, and not at Negrais. -He assigned as a reason, that at Negrais they would be exposed to the -depredations of the French, or any other nation with whom the English -might be at war, without a possibility of his _extending that protection -to them that he wished_: but of which they could always have _the full -benefit_ at Persaim.”[257] But at the same time he stipulated for an -equivalent in arms and other goods, which were _conditionally_ promised -him. - -Falsehood and treachery rarely go unrewarded. And be it ever so well -disguised, some hook _will_ tear a hole in the garment and show the -nakedness beneath. Suddenly, the interpreter Gregory was discovered in -his plans, and his punishment was quick, just, and severe; indeed, he -nearly lost his life. - -The transactions concluded, Captain Alves at length left Chagaing -for Persaim; and leaving Messrs. Robertson and Helass at that place, -he proceeded to Rangoon, whence he returned by the 14th of November. -Having completed his mission, he then sailed for Bengal, which he -reached before the end of the year. From this time down to 1795, under -the administration of Men-ta-ra-gyee, nothing of importance occurred in -the colony. And here I cannot do better than offer a few remarks of Mr. -Macfarlane, the historian of British India, already referred to:— - -“Ava and the Burmese empire either held a direct sovereignty or exercised -control over nearly one-half of the vast regions described in maps as -India beyond the Ganges.... By a series of conquests they had overthrown -all the adjacent nations, and had advanced their frontier to the -shores of the Bay of Bengal, and close to the limits of the Company’s -territories. They proved but troublesome and encroaching neighbours. -During Lord Wellesley’s administration, in 1799, when the mass of the -Anglo-Indian army was engaged in the last war against Tippoo Sultaun, the -Burmese made frequent attacks, and were very troublesome on our then weak -eastern frontier.[258] As exclusive and anti-social as the Chinese, and -quite as proud and insolent in their bearing towards foreign envoys, and -foreigners of all classes, it was difficult to establish any intercourse -with them, or to obtain, by pacific representations, any redress of -grievances. Their government, too, was subject to frequent and sanguinary -revolutions, insurrections, and rebellions; one tyrant being murdered, -and succeeded by another.”[259] - -In 1795, Symes was deputed to the arrogant Men-ta-ra-gyee, to remonstrate -against the incursions of the Burmese troops. “In 1795,” says Macfarlane, -“a Burmese army of five thousand men pursued three rebellious chiefs, -or, as they termed them (and as they might be), robbers, right into -the English district of Chittagong. A strong detachment was sent from -Calcutta to oppose these Burmese; but the officer in command had orders -to negotiate—not to fight. After some tedious negotiations, which ought -not to have been allowed to occupy a single hour, the violators of our -frontier condescended to agree to retire; and they retired, accordingly, -into their own country. Nor was this all. These three men, who had taken -refuge in our territories, were subsequently given up to the Burmese, and -two out of the three were put to death with atrocious tortures.”[260] -Little, however, came of the colonel’s embassy, “except,” as our -historian goes on to remark,[261] “a very interesting book of travels.” -In the year 1809, a French ship attacked a small island belonging to -the Burmese, and the Golden Foot, not understanding the difference -between French and English,[262] sent a sort of mission to Calcutta -to expostulate against the proceeding, and to demand satisfaction. As -this seemed to open the door of the jealously-guarded court of Ava to -some diplomatic intercourse, Lord Minto despatched Lieutenant Canning -on an embassy. This officer reached Rangoon; and the king of Ava, from -the midst of his white elephants, decreed that the Englishman should be -allowed to proceed to the capital, in all safety and honour; but the -incursions into the Company’s territory at Chittagong of a predatory -tribe of Burmese, called the Mughs, and other untoward events, broke off -an intercourse which never could have promised any very satisfactory -result. Both our embassies to Ava appear to have been capital mistakes, -for they exhibited to a semi-barbarous and vain-glorious people a number -of Englishmen in a very humiliating condition, and in the attitude of -supplicants. - -“Lieutenant Canning returned to Calcutta, and disputes continued to occur -on the frontiers of Chittagong and Tippera. As they were not met by -bayonets, the Burmese grew more and more audacious; and at the time when -Lord Minto gave up his authority in India to the earl of Moira, the King -of the World and the Lord of the White Elephants was threatening to march -with forty thousand soldier-pilgrims, from Ava to Benares.” - -We will now return to the history of the Burmese monarchy. At the death -of Men-ta-ra-gyee, his grandson, Nun-Sun, “The Enjoyer of the Palace,” -ascended the throne. His father, the heir-apparent, was the idol of the -people, but an early death had deprived him of the crown to which he was -so justly entitled. Out of policy, Men-ta-ra-gyee, some of whose acts -had contributed to render unpopular, adopted Nun-Sun, his son, to the -exclusion of the rest of the family. The history of this prince is thus -given by Malcom:[263]— - -“He was married in early life to a daughter of his uncle, the Mekaru -prince; but one of his inferior wives, daughter of a comparatively humble -officer, early acquired great ascendancy over his mind, and on his coming -to the throne, was publicly crowned by his side. On the same day the -proper queen was sent out of the palace, and now lives in obscurity. -His plan for securing the succession shows that he was aware that even -the late king’s will would not secure him from powerful opposition. The -king’s death was kept secret for some days, and the interval employed -to station a multitude of adherents in different parts of the city, -to prevent any gatherings. On announcing the demise, the ceremony of -burning was forthwith performed in the palace-yard, at which he appeared -as king, with the queen by his side, under the white umbrella, and at -once took upon himself all the functions of royalty. Several suspected -princes were soon after executed, and many others deprived of all their -estates.... Two years after his accession, the king resolved to restore -the seat of government to Ava. To this he was induced, partly from the -great superiority of the latter location; partly from the devastation of -a fire which burnt a great part of Umerapoora, with the principal public -buildings; partly from a desire to create a more splendid palace; and -partly (perhaps, not least) from the ill omen of a vulture lighting on -the royal spire.[264] The greater part of his time, for two years, was -spent at Ava, in temporary buildings, and superintending in person the -erection of a palace, twice the size of the old one, and other important -buildings. During this period, many citizens, especially those who had -been burnt out, and numbers of the court, settled in the new city, and -the place became populous. On completing the palace (February, 1824), the -king returned to Umerapoora, and, after brilliant parting festivities, -came from thence with great pomp and ceremony, attended by the various -governors, Chobwant, and highest officers. The procession, in which the -white elephant, decorated with gold and gems, was conspicuous, displayed -the glories of the kingdom, and great rejoicings pervaded all ranks.” - -It was at this time that the portentous omens that had menaced the Burman -monarchy found a corroboration in truth; the glow of enmity, never to be -extinguished even in the hearts of civilised men, fanned by the breath of -presumption, had burnt into a flame that scorched and scared the weaker -party. We must stay awhile to consider the causes, and which led to the -appeal to arms in 1824. - -It may be imagined that an outbreak of some kind was far from being -unexpected on the part of the Anglo-Indian government. There were two -interests striving against each other and the world—or rather the -Indian world—within the territories of Burmah. The first of these, -creating more apparent commotion and less real damage, was the struggle -between the dog-like royal family for the bone-like tiara; the second, -more dangerous and more concealed, was the envious and avaricious -passions of the nobles, or more properly, the officials employed by the -Burmese government to defeat its wishes and objects; a task which the -officials of every administration seldom fail to perform to the complete -dissatisfaction of all parties. This has been the true cause of many -disturbances in Burmah; and I am compelled to dissent in some degree -from that feeling which causes Professor Wilson to say, that, “animated -by the reaction, which suddenly elevated the Burmans from a subjugated -and humiliated people, into conquerors and sovereigns, the era of their -ambition may be dated from the recovery of their political independence; -and their liberation from the temporary yoke of the Peguers was the -prelude to their conquest of all the surrounding realms.”[265] This might -be very true of the immediate successors of the great Alompra; but the -power of the dignitaries had, by the time or which we now speak, risen to -a very great pitch, which insensibly overawed and restrained the holder -of the diadem, whoever he might be; and though, indeed, the “vigorous -despotism” of Men-ta-ra-gyee might temporarily set at defiance this -incomprehensible power, yet under the government of Nun-sun, the distant -viceroys first, and gradually the less remote officers, resumed their -former powerful position. And though they acted in subordination to the -crown, and showed a species of heroism in defending its interests, yet -they had raised the storm; and it was for them, they knew, to battle with -it, and uphold that single bond, the destruction of which would have been -totally ruinous to them. - -The organized forays into our territory of Chittagong hardly assumed -any definite form until the end of 1823. “The Burmans,” says Professor -Wilson, “claimed the right of levying a toll upon all boats entering the -mouth of the river, although upon the British side; and on one occasion, -in January, 1823, a boat laden with rice, having entered the river on the -west or British side of the channel, was challenged by an armed Burman -boat, which demanded duty. As the demand was unprecedented, the Mugs, who -were British subjects, demurred payment; on which the Burmans fired upon -them, killed the manjhee, or steersman, and then retired. This outrage -was followed by reports of the assemblage of armed men on the Burman side -of the river, for the purpose of destroying the villages on the British -territory; and in order to provide against such a contingency, as well as -to prevent the repetition of any aggression upon the boats trafficking -on the Company’s side of the river, the military guard at Tek-naf, or -the mouth of the Naf, was strengthened from twenty to fifty men, of whom -a few were posted on the adjoining island of Shapurí; a small islet -or sandbank at the mouth of the river on the British side, and only -separated from the mainland by a narrow channel, which was fordable at -low water.”[266] - -This act attracted the attention of the Arakhan viceroy, who thereupon -demanded its unconditional surrender, claiming it as the property of -the Burmese government. This was certainly untrue; and the existence of -many documents and facts, favourable to the British claims, caused the -resident to propose a friendly discussion of the matter. The fruitless -negotiation met an almost decisive blow on the 24th of September, when -one thousand Burmans landed and overpowered the British force, “killing -three and wounding four of the sipahees stationed there.” - -“In order, however,” observes Wilson, “to avoid till the last possible -moment the necessity of hostilities, the government of Bengal, although -determined to assert their just pretensions, resolved to afford to -the court of Ava an opportunity of avoiding any collision. With this -intent, they resolved to consider the forcible occupation of Shapurí -as the act of the local authorities alone [as, in the first case, it -probably was], and addressed a declaration to the Burman government, -recapitulating the past occurrences, and calling upon the court of Ava -to disavow its officers in Arakan. The declaration was forwarded by ship -to Rangoon, with a letter addressed to the viceroy of Pegu. The tone -of this despatch was that of firmness, though of moderation; but when -rendered into the Burmese language, it may, probably, have failed to -convey the resolved and conciliatory spirit by which it was dictated, -as subsequent information, of the most authentic character, established -the fact of its having been misunderstood as a pusillanimous attempt -to deprecate the resentment of the Burmese; and it was triumphantly -appealed to at the court of Ava as a proof that the British government of -India was reluctant to enter upon the contest, because it was conscious -of possessing neither courage nor resources to engage in it with any -prospect of success; it had no other effect, therefore, than that of -confirming the court of Ava in their confident expectation of reannexing -the eastern provinces of Bengal to the empire, if not of expelling the -English from India altogether.”[267] However, the British reoccupied -Shapurí, and stockaded themselves in that post, while, in retaliation, -the Burmese seized upon the master and officers of the Company’s vessel -_Sophia_, and sent them up the country. - -To continue the story in the words of Macfarlane, who has here ably -epitomized the history of Wilson:—“More and more confirmed in their -idea that we were afraid, from four thousand to five thousand Burmese -and Asamese advanced from Asam into the province of Cachar, and began -to stockade themselves at a post within five miles of the town of -Sylhet, and only two hundred and twenty-six miles from Calcutta. Major -Newton, the officer commanding on the Sylhet frontier, concentrated his -detachment and marched against the invaders. It was at daybreak on the -17th of January, 1824, that he came in sight of their stockade and of -a village adjoining, of which they had taken possession. The Burmese -in the village presently gave way, but those in the stockades made a -resolute resistance, and were not driven out until they had lost about -one hundred men, and had killed six of our sepoys. They then fled to the -hills. Shortly after this action, Mr. Scott, our commissioner, arrived -at Sylhet, and from that point he advanced to Bhadrapoor, in order to -maintain a more ready communication with the Burmese authorities. On the -31st of January, Mr. Scott received a message from the Burmese general, -who justified his advance into Cachar, and declared that he had orders to -follow and apprehend certain persons wherever they might take refuge. In -reply, this Burmese general, who held the chief command in Asam, was told -that he must not disturb the frontiers of the Company, nor interfere in -the affairs of its allies; and that the Burmese invaders must evacuate -Cachar, or the forces of the British government would be compelled to -advance both into Cachar and Asam. To this communication no answer was -received. - -“It was clearly the object of the Burmese to procrastinate the -negotiations until they had strengthened themselves in the advanced -positions they had occupied. The rajah of Synteea, who had been -imperiously summoned to the Burmese camp, and commanded to prostrate -himself before the shadow of the Golden Foot, threw himself upon the -British government for protection; and various native chiefs, whose -territories lay between the frontiers of the Burmese empire and the -frontiers of the British dominions, called loudly for English aid. Thus, -the south-east frontier of Bengal had in fact been kept in constant dread -and danger of invasion for more than a year, while the adjoining and -friendly territories had been exposed to the destructive inroads and the -overbearing insolence of the Burmese and Asamese, for many years. - -“Major Newton did not follow the Burmese he had routed, but, after -driving them from their stockade, he returned to Sylhet, and withdrew -the whole of his force from Cachar. Almost as soon as the major was -within his own frontier, the Burmese advanced again into the country from -which he had driven them, and stockaded some stronger positions. They -were joined by another considerable force, while another detachment, -2,000 strong, collected in their rear, as a reserve, or column of -support. Still advancing, and stockading as they advanced, the main -body of the Burmese pushed their stockades on the north bank of the -river Surma, to within 1,000 yards of the British post at Bhadrapoor. -Captain Johnstone, who commanded at that post, had but a very small -force with him, yet he succeeded in dislodging the invaders from their -unfinished works at the point of the bayonet, and in driving them -beyond the Surma. This was on the 13th of February. On the following -day, Lieutenant-Colonel Bowen joined, and took the command over Captain -Johnstone, and instantly marched in pursuit of the retreating enemy. They -were found stockading themselves in a strong position on the opposite -bank of the Jelingha. As soon as our troops were over, and had fixed -their bayonets, the Burmese cleared out of their stockade, and fled to -the hills. But there was another division of the army of the Lord of -the White Elephant, which had stockaded a much stronger position at -Doodpatlee, where their front was covered by the Surma river, and their -rear rested on steep hills. The exposed face of this intrenchment was -defended by a deep ditch, about fourteen feet wide; a strong fence of -bamboo spikes ran along the outer edge of the ditch, and the approach -on the land side was through jungle and high grass. Lieutenant-Colonel -Bowen, however, marched against this formidable stockade, and attacked -it. The Burmese remained passive till our troops advanced to the bamboo -spikes, when they poured upon them a destructive and well-maintained -fire, which completely checked their advance, although they kept their -ground. When Lieutenant Armstrong had been killed, and four other -officers wounded, and about 150 of our sepoys killed or wounded, Bowen -called off the attacking party, and retired to Jatrapoor, at a short -distance. On the 27th of February, Colonel Innes joined the force at -Jatrapoor, with four guns and a battalion of fresh troops, and assumed -the command. But, in the mean while, the Burmese had retreated from -their formidable position, and retired into their own country, evacuating -the whole of Cachar.”[268] - -Such was the origin and early progress of a war fated to be most -disastrous to all parties concerned in it. We must not introduce so great -a man as the Maha Bundoola at the close of a chapter; so we end it here. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -1824. - - Bundoola—Retreat of Captain Noton—Defeat at Ramoo—Repulse - of the Burmans—Burmese account of the War—Rangoon - expedition—Description of Rangoon. - - -Maha Men-gyee Bundoola, the Burman general, was one of the best of the -subjects of the monarch of Ava. He owed his proud position, not to the -empty promoting system of a European court, but, like an adventurer in -a brave and warlike country, he rose from the ranks, and, pioneer-like, -cut away the overhanging branches between himself and his honourable -goal. Such a change of fortune is not uncommon in Oriental countries; -but it is uncommon to find little court favour at work in his elevation. -He had fought and received honour and solid pudding, yet he had an end -to expect, and the culminating point of his fame had now arrived, and -cab-like, he would have to take care of the post at the corner. That post -was the Anglo-Indian army, and he hazarded himself upon the chance of -overthrowing it, with what success will afterwards be seen. - -“It has been already noticed,” says Wilson,[269] “that a large Burman -force had been assembled in Arakan, under the command of the chief -military officer of the state of Ava, Maha Men-gyee Bundoola, an officer -who enjoyed a high reputation, and the entire confidence of the court, -and who had been one of the most strenuous advisers of the war; in -the full confidence that it would add a vast accession of power to -his country, and glory to himself. His head-quarters were established -at Arakan, where, probably, from ten to twelve thousand Burmans were -assembled. Early in May, a division of this force crossed the Naf, and -advanced to Rutnapullung, about fourteen miles south from Ramoo, where -they took up their position, and gradually concentrated their force to -the extent of about eight thousand men, under the command of the four -rajas of Arakan, Ramree, Sandaway, and Cheduba, assisted by four of the -inferior members of the royal council, or atwenwoons, and acting under -the orders of Bundoola, who remained at Arakan. - -“Upon information being received of the Burmans having appeared, -advancing upon Rutnapullung, Captain Noton moved from Ramoo with the -whole of his disposable force, to ascertain the strength and objects of -the enemy. On arriving near their position, upon some hills on the left -of the road, in which the Burmans had stockaded themselves, they opened -a smart fire upon the detachment, which, however, cleared the hills, -and formed upon a plain beyond them. In consequence, however, of the -mismanagement of the elephant-drivers, and the want of artillery details, -the guns accompanying the division could not be brought into action; -and as without them it was not possible to make any impression on the -enemy, Captain Noton judged it prudent to return to his station at Ramoo, -where he was joined by three companies of the 40th native infantry, -making his whole force about one thousand strong, of whom less than half -were regulars. With these, Captain Noton determined to await at Ramoo -the approach of the Burmans, until the arrival of reinforcements from -Chittagong.” - -In this the captain was most decidedly wrong. It was not only injudicious -to retreat before the barbarian Burmans, but it was reprehensible on his -part to give them so much encouragement and breathing-time. The Burmans -always looked upon the English as “wild foreigners,” and despised them -on account of their creeping, sneaking policy. The first impression made -on their minds by the unresented massacre of Negrais was not forgotten; -and the mission of Alves, Symes, Cox, and Canning, with their undecided, -un-English measures, had added to form the contempt with which they had -learnt to regard the Anglo-Indian government into a tangible shape. These -considerations, joined with the natural arrogance of a semi-civilised -race, with the advantage of a victorious general, with the indecision -of a British officer, all tended to prepare the Burmese for the victory -which was soon to grace their arms. But, in recounting the events at -Ramoo, it must ever be remembered, that the day was lost rather by -British indecision, than gained by Burman valour. Indeed, up to this -time, it is remarkable to what extent snail policy had obtained among the -Indian authorities; and how, partly from want of accurate information, -partly from this mean and truckling spirit, the Anglo-Indian government -had lost consequence in the eyes of the king of Ava. Undoubtedly, the -overcharged work of Colonel Symes had led to an incorrect estimate of -the resources of the country; it is well, however, that I shall hardly -have occasion to return to this, for soon I shall have to record—welcome -task!—the daring scheme of Lord Amherst’s administration, and its -successful, though less fortunate, accomplishment, by Sir Archibald -Campbell. To continue the narrative in the words of the Professor:[270]— - -“On the morning of the 13th of May, the enemy advanced from the south, -and occupied, as they arrived, the hills east of Ramoo, being separated -from the British force by the Ramoo river. On the evening of the 14th, -they made a demonstration of crossing the river, but were prevented by -the fire from the two six-pounders with the detachment. On the morning -of the 15th, however, they effected their purpose, and crossed the river -upon the left of the detachment, when they advanced, and took possession -of a tank; surrounded, as usual, with tanks in this situation, by a high -embankment, which protected them from the fire of their opponents.” -However, the captain, who saw the necessity of action, soon took up a -favourable position, and “a sharp fire was kept up on the Burmans as -they crossed the plain to the tank; but they availed themselves with -such dexterity of every kind of cover, and so expeditiously entrenched -themselves, that it was much less effective than was to have been -expected.” Honour is certainly due to the officers and men so perilously -situated; and it gives us satisfactory proof that Captain Noton’s -previous retreat was not caused by want of courage, but by an indecision, -as unaccountable as it was finally disastrous. - -The Professor proceeds:—“On the morning of the 17th, the enemy’s trenches -were advanced within twelve paces of the picquets, and a heavy and -destructive fire was kept up by them. At about nine A.M., the provincials -and Muglevy abandoned the tank entrusted to their defence, and it was -immediately occupied by the enemy. The position being now untenable, -a retreat was ordered, and effected with some regularity for a short -distance. The increasing numbers and audacity of the pursuers, and the -activity of a small body of horse attached to their force, by whom the -men that fell off from the main body were instantly cut to pieces, filled -the troops with an ungovernable panic, which rendered the exertions of -their officers to preserve order unavailing. These efforts, however, -were persisted in until the arrival of the party at a rivulet, when the -detachment dispersed; and the siphahis, throwing away their arms and -accoutrements, plunged promiscuously into the water. In the retreat, -Captains Noton, Trueman, and Pringle, Lieutenant Grigg, Ensign Bennet, -and Assistant-surgeon Maysmore, were killed. The other officers engaged, -Lieutenants Scott, Campbell, and Codrington, made their escape; but the -two former were wounded: the loss in men was not ascertained, as many -of them found their way, after some interval and in small numbers, to -Chittagong: according to official returns, between six hundred and eight -hundred had reached Chittagong by the 23rd of May; so that the whole -loss, in killed and taken, did not exceed, probably, two hundred and -fifty.”[271] This was, however, enough to arouse the slumbering ire in -British hearts. Colonels Shapland and James speedily revenged the death -of the captain, whose imprudence had cost him so much, and whose courage -and endurance had availed him so little; soon the Burmese lost their -temporary advantage, and never were they to regain it. At the end of July -the enemy fled from all their positions on the Naf. - -The campaign was also speedily terminated in the provinces of Cachar, -and the Burmese were much weakened in all their attempts upon the -Anglo-Indian army. - -“We have thus terminated the first period of the system of defensive -operations,” observes the Professor, “and shall now proceed to the more -important enterprises of an offensive war, to which those we have noticed -were wholly subordinate. The results of the operations described were of -a mixed description, but such as to leave no question of the issue of -the contest. In Asam a considerable advance had been made. In Kachar, -also, a forward position had been maintained; although the nature of -the country, the state of the weather, and the insufficiency of the -force, prevented the campaign from closing with the success with which it -had begun. The disaster at Ramoo, although it might have been avoided, -perhaps, by a more decided conduct on the part of the officer commanding, -and would certainly have been prevented by greater promptitude than -was shown on the despatch of the expected reinforcements, reflected no -imputation upon the courage of the regular troops, and, except in the -serious loss of life, was wholly destitute of any important consequences. -In all these situations the Burmas had displayed neither personal -intrepidity nor military skill. Their whole system of warfare resolved -itself into a series of intrenchments, which they threw up with great -readiness and ingenuity. Behind these defences, they sometimes displayed -considerable steadiness and courage; but as they studiously avoided -individual exposure, they were but little formidable in the field as -soldiers. Neither was much to be apprehended from the generalship that -suffered the victory of Ramoo to pass away, without making the slightest -demonstration of a purpose to improve a crisis of such splendid promises, -and which restricted the fruits of a battle gained to the construction of -a stockade.”[272] - -There is certainly nothing which better shows the little real -self-reliance possessed by the Burmese than the idle manner in which -they neglected to pursue an advantage. One thing must, however, be -always borne in mind, that up to this time they had always been engaged -with energies whose fate might be decided by a single skirmish, or one -complete rout. They had yet to learn how persevering the efforts of -a civilised state are in war. They had now indeed met their masters, -and were about to feel their inferiority; for the Indian government at -Calcutta were already carrying out an excellent and well-conceived idea, -the history of the progress of which it is now my office to relate. But -first, it were not inapposite to listen to the following account of the -Burmese war by the Burmese themselves; it will afford some amusement, -though its strict truth cannot fail to be somewhat doubted. “In the years -1186 and 1187,” according to the Royal Historiographer, “the Kula-pyee, -or white strangers of the West, fastened a quarrel upon the Lord of the -Golden Palace. They landed at Rangoon, took that place at Prome, and -were permitted to advance as far as Yandabo; for the king, from motives -of piety and regard to life, made no effort whatever to oppose them. The -strangers had spent vast sums of money in their enterprise; and by the -time they reached Yandabo, their resources were exhausted, and they were -in great distress. They petitioned the king, who, in his clemency and -generosity, sent them large sums of money to pay their expenses back, and -ordered them out of the country.”[273] - -Ere I proceed to give the English account, I think it right to let the -Burmans speak for themselves; and therefore I have placed this before -the serious history, just as, at Richardson’s, a comic song, by way of -a _bonne bouche_, is placed before the deep tragedy, “Just a-goin’ to -begin.” - -Some little time before the operations in Cachar were brought to a -temporary close, Lord Amherst conceived the idea of diverting the -attention of the Burmese from our possessions to their own, and of -turning what had hitherto been a defensive war, on the part of the -English, into an offensive one. Accordingly, after a formal declaration -of war, and the promulgation of an address containing the details of the -origin of the quarrel, the court commenced active preparations for an -expedition into the enemy’s territory. The idea was a good one, and it -was nobly pursued; yet, though it was successful in its ultimate object, -it unfortunately cost the government more than its proceeds in land can -possibly repay for many years. The military resources of the Burmese -were infinitely over-estimated, while the facilities for obtaining food -and proper housing for the troops were also totally unknown, except from -the work of Symes, who evidently caused the whole mischief, as far as -the inadequate outfit was concerned. The consequences of his hasty views -ought to be a warning to all travellers in countries so little known as -Burmah was then, and, indeed, in many points is now. Symes sacrificed -truth for the sake of making an agreeable and amusing book, which it is -to be hoped no one else will do. - -“The British government was driven into that war by the insolence and -aggressions of the court of Ava, intoxicated with the uninterrupted -success which had attended all its schemes of aggrandisement from -the days of Alompra. The most ambitious of our governors-general had -entertained no views of conquest in that quarter. Lord Hastings had -anxiously staved off the contest, at the close of his administration, by -a political artifice. But Lord Amherst, the most moderate and pacific, -was compelled to add vast provinces, covered for the most part with -trackless forests, miserably under-peopled, unhealthy, and far beyond -our natural boundaries, to our already enormous empire. In this case -there was everything to dissuade from appropriation. It was known that -the climate of one of the provinces was equally deadly to our European -and our native troops; it was known that many years must elapse before -any of them could support their own indispensable establishments; but -there was no escape. It was absolutely necessary to interpose sufficient -barriers between our peaceable subjects, on a frontier where it was -impossible to maintain large military establishments, and their barbarous -neighbours; to provide places of refuge for the reluctant tributaries, -or half-conquered subjects of the Burmese, from whom we had received -cordial assistance during the war; and, not less, to inflict upon -Ava a chastisement, the smart of which might protect us from future -encroachment and annoyance.”[274] - -The plan to be pursued in this campaign was to be as follows:—Rangoon, -the great trading city, was to be the point assailed in the first -instance. This place had its advantages as being the principal maritime -(if it may so be called) place in the Burmese dominions; it was also -remote from the scene of war, that is, not remote enough to admit of -the army remaining where it was in Arakhan, and a fresh levy being made -for the defence of the coast: the harbour was likewise good; and there -the advantages ceased. These manifest good qualities, in the eyes of -the attacking army, were counterbalanced by the extreme unhealthiness -of the place, the difficulty of obtaining food there; a disadvantage, -however, with which the Indian authorities were not acquainted; and the -additional nuisance of the Irawadi not being navigable at the time of -the year selected for the expedition. Upon the acquirement of Rangoon, -the movements of the army were to depend very much upon circumstances, -but an advance was to be attempted in any case. The soldiers for the -enterprise were to be levied both in the presidency of Bengal and in -that of Madras; and the forces were to unite in the harbour of Port -Cornwallis, at the Great Andaman Island, whence the whole squadron was to -proceed to Rangoon, under the general command of Sir Archibald Campbell. - -The observations of an able historian will prove of no little -interest:—“The difficulty of collecting a sufficient force for a maritime -expedition from Bengal, owing to the repugnance which the saphahis -entertain to embarking on board vessels, where their prejudices expose -them to many real privations, had early led to a communication with the -presidency of Fort Saint George, where there existed no domestic call -for a large force, and where the native troops were ready to undertake -the voyage without reluctance. The views of the Supreme Government -were promptly met by Sir Thomas Munro, the governor of Madras, and a -considerable force was speedily equipped. The like activity pervaded the -measures of the Bengal authorities, and by the beginning of April the -whole was ready for sea. - -“The period of the year at which this expedition was fitted out was -recommended by various considerations of local or political weight. -Agreeably to the information of all nautical men, a more favourable -season for navigating the coast to the eastward could not be selected; -and from the account given by those who had visited Ava, it appeared that -the expedition, upon arriving at Rangoon, would be able to proceed into -the interior without delay; the rising of the river, and the prevalence -of a southeasterly wind, rendering June or July the most eligible months -for an enterprise, which could only be effected by water conveyance, -by which it was asserted that a sufficient force might be conveyed to -Amarapura, the capital, in the course of a month or five weeks. That no -time should be lost in compelling the Burmas to act upon the defensive -was also apparent; as, by the extent of their preparations in Arakan, -Asam, and Kachar, they were evidently manifesting a design, to invade the -frontier with a force that would require the concentration of a large -body of troops for the protection of the British provinces, in situations -where mountains, streams, and forests, could not fail to exercise a -destructive influence upon the physical energies of the officers and -men, and would necessarily prevent the full development of the military -resources of the state. To have remained throughout the rains, therefore, -wholly on the defensive, would have been attended, it was thought, with -a greater expense, and, under ordinary circumstances, with a greater -sacrifice of lives than an aggressive movement, as well as with some -compromise of national reputation. The armament, therefore, was equipped -at once, and was not slow in realizing some of the chief advantages -expected from its operations.”[275] - -The Bengal contingent amounted in all to 2,175 men, consisting of two -regiments, the second battalion of the 20th (now 40th) native infantry, -and two companies of artillery; that of Madras was much greater, and -amounted to 9,300 men, making together the somewhat formidable number -of 11,475 men, of whom nearly 5,000 were Europeans. In addition to -the transports, there was a Bengal flotilla of twenty gun-brigs and -rowing-boats, each carrying an eighteen-pounder. The ships in attendance -were H.M.’s sloops _Larne_, Captain Marryatt, and _Sophia_, Captain -Reeves; some Company’s cruisers, and the _Diana_ steam-boat. In the -Madras division were comprised H.M.’s ship _Liffey_, Commodore Grant; -the _Slaney_ sloop of war, and a number of transports and other vessels. -Most of these arrived at Port Cornwallis about the 4th of May, and the -next day the whole fleet set sail for Rangoon, and arrived off the mouth -of that river on the 9th, and anchored within the bar on the following -morning; the vessels then proceeded with the flood to the town of -Rangoon, situated at about twenty-eight miles from the sea, and thus ably -described by a visitor. - -“Built on the left bank of the river, by the great Alompra, in -commemoration of his victories, Yangoon, or Rangoon, offers but a very -poor sample of Burman opulence. Its shape is oval, and round the town -is a wooden stockade, formed of teak piles, driven a few feet into the -ground, and in some places twenty feet high. The tops of these are joined -by beams transversely placed, and at every four feet is an embrasure on -the summit of the walls, which gives it a good deal the appearance of an -ancient fortification. A wet ditch protects the town on three sides, the -other is on the bank of the river. - -“The interior consists of four principal streets, intersecting each at -right angles, on the sides of which are ranged, with a tolerable degree -of regularity, the huts of the inhabitants. These are solely built with -mats and bamboos, not a nail being employed in their formation: they are -raised invariably two or three feet from the ground, or rather swamp, in -which Rangoon is situated, thereby allowing a free passage for the water -with which the town is inundated after a shower, and at the same time -affording shelter to fowls, ducks, pigs, and pariah dogs, an assemblage -which, added to the inmates of the house, place it on a par with an Irish -hovel. The few brick houses to be seen are the property of foreigners, -who are not restricted in the choice of materials for building, whereas -the Burmans are, on the supposition that were they to build brick -houses, they might become points of resistance against the government. -But even these buildings are erected so very badly, that they have more -the appearance of prisons than habitations. Strong iron bars usurp the -place of windows, and the only communication between the upper and lower -stories is by means of wooden steps placed outside. Only two wooden -houses existed much superior to the rest, and these were the palace of -the Maywoon, and the Rondaye, or Hall of Justice. The former of these, -an old dilapidated building, would have been discreditable as a barn in -England, and the latter was as bad.... Two miles north of Rangoon, on -the highest point of a low range of hills, stands the stupendous pagoda, -called the Shoe Dagon Prah, or Golden Dagon.... It is encircled by two -brick terraces, one above the other; and on the summit rises the splendid -pagoda, covered with gilding, and dazzling the eyes by the reflection of -the rays of the sun. The ascent to the upper terrace is by a flight of -stone steps, protected from the weather by an ornamented roof. The sides -are defended by a balustrade, representing a huge crocodile, the jaws of -which are supported by two colossal figures of a male and female Pulloo, -or evil genius, who, with clubs in their hands, are emblematically -supposed to be guarding the entrance of the temple. On the steps the -Burmans had placed two guns, to enfilade the road; and, when I first -saw this spot, two British soldiers were mounting guard over them, and -gave an indescribable interest to the scene: it seemed so extraordinary -to view our arms thus domineering amidst all the emblems and idols of -idolatry, that, by a stretch of fancy, I could almost suppose I saw the -green monsters viewing with anger and humiliation the profanation of -their sanctuaries. - -“After ascending the steps, which are very dark, you suddenly pass -through a small gate, and emerge into the upper terrace, where the great -pagoda, at about fifty yards’ distance, rears its lofty head in perfect -splendour. This immense octagonal gilt-based monument is surrounded by -a vast number of smaller pagodas, griffins, sphinxes, and images of the -Burman deities. The height of the tee,[276] three hundred and thirty-six -feet from the terrace, and the elegance with which this enormous mass is -built, combine to render it one of the grandest and most curious sights a -stranger can notice. From the base it assumes the form of a ball or dome, -and then gracefully tapers to a point of considerable height, the summit -of which is surmounted by a tee, or umbrella, of open iron-work, from -whence are suspended a number of small bells, which are set in motion -by the slightest breeze, and produce a confused though not unpleasant -sound. The pagoda is quite solid, and has been increased to its present -bulk by repeated coverings of brick, the work of different kings, who, -in pursuance of the national superstitions, imagined that, by so doing, -they were performing meritorious acts of devotion.... Facing each of the -cardinal points, and united with the pagoda, are small temples of carved -wood, filled with colossal images of Gaudma. The eastern temple—or, as -we call it, the golden—is a very pretty edifice. The style of building -a good deal resembles the Chinese; it is three stories high, and is -surmounted by a small spire, bearing a tee; the cornices are covered in -the most beautiful manner, and with a variety and neatness of conception -scarcely to be surpassed; and the whole is supported by a number of gilt -pillars.... Round the foot of the pagoda are ranged innumerable small -stone pillars, intended to support lamps on days of rejoicing; and in -their vicinity are large stone and wooden vases, meant for the purpose of -receiving the rice and other offerings made by the pious.”[277] - -Such is Rangoon and its great temple, and the reader will feel, as -Major Snodgrass says, that after “we had been so much accustomed -to hear Rangoon spoken of as a place of great trade and commercial -importance, that we could not fail to feel disappointed at its mean and -poor appearance. We had talked,” continues the gallant author, “of its -custom-house, its dock-yards, and its harbour, until our imaginations -led us to anticipate, if not splendour, at least some visible signs -of a flourishing commercial city; but however humble our expectations -might have been, they must still have fallen short of the miserable and -desolate picture which the place presented when first occupied by the -British troops.”[278] - -An unpardonable piece of Vandalism was attempted by the English, during -their stay at this place. In the temple there was and is a great bell, -famous for its inscription, and this bell the English endeavoured to ship -for Calcutta; however, they were frustrated by the heeling over of the -boat in which it was being conveyed to the ship; the bell sunk to the -bottom, but was subsequently raised and replaced. There is no extenuation -for such a wanton violation of any place of worship; and though it may -be excusable, and indeed proper, to preserve works of ancient art in -museums, yet it was grossly wrong to take advantage of a victory, to -shock the religious feelings of a people, however far from the truth they -may be according to Christian ideas. The action was as reprehensible -as the stealing system of that most miserable of all mean pretenders, -Napoleon; indeed, it was more so, for the bell was not even an ornament. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -1824. - - Arrival at Rangoon—Taking of that town—Position of the - troops—State of the neighbourhood—Confidence of the - king of Ava—Attack of Joazong—Burmese embassy—Capture - of Kemendine—Reinforcements from Madras—Sickness of the - army—Endurance of the British soldier. - - -The country on the way to Rangoon is very flat, and consequently the -vessels were easily seen coming up the river; and they did not escape -the rayhoon of the city. So unusual a number of vessels (they were -forty-five in all) could not fail to arouse some dormant ideas of harm in -the minds of the treacherous officials. At the time of their descrial, -the principal European inhabitants were assembled at the house of Mr. -Sarkies, an Armenian merchant, where they were going to dine. The rayhoon -immediately sent for them, and demanded what the ships were. The reply -was, that there were some expected, and that these were probably them. -As the number of vessels was, however, continually increasing, the -governor was not satisfied, and he seized the equally ignorant Europeans, -and threatened their immediate execution. He also sent notice of his -intention to Sir Archibald Campbell, who declared his determination -of destroying the town altogether if the governor carried his menace -into effect.[279] Upon this the captives were chained and confined in -different places. - -The _Liffey_ was the first to arrive opposite the king’s quay, where a -weak battery was planted, and it anchored at that place about twelve -o’clock in the forenoon; the other ships took their places in different -ways, so as to command the whole neighbourhood. I shall continue in the -words of an eye-witness:— - -“Having furled sails and beat to quarters, a pause of some minutes -ensued, during which not a shot was fired; on our side, humanity forbade -that we should be the first aggressors upon an almost defenceless town, -containing, as we supposed, a large population of unarmed and inoffensive -people; besides, the proclamations and assurances of protection which -had been sent on shore the preceding day led us to hope that an offer of -capitulation would still be made.”[280] However, all the Burmans did was -to pour a feeble, ill-sustained fire into the _Liffey_, which, returning -it with tremendous force, forced away the natives. - -Upon landing, after the second broadside, the author of Two Years in Ava -informs us that “three men lying dead, and the broken gun-carriages, -were the only vestiges of the injury done by the fire from the frigate. -The town was completely deserted. It seemed indeed incredible whither -the inhabitants could have fled to within such a short space of time; -and, as night was coming on, we could not proceed in search of them; the -troops, therefore, remained in and about the town, and the next morning -were placed in positions, in two lines, resting on the Great Pagoda and -the town. On entering the terrace of the Great Pagoda, the advanced guard -discovered in a miserable dark cell four of the European residents at -Rangoon, who were ironed, and had been otherwise maltreated; the others -had been released by us the evening before; so that we had now the -satisfaction of knowing that none of our countrymen were subjected to the -cruelty of the Burman chieftains.”[281] - -After taking possession of the place, proclamations were immediately -sent out among the inhabitants through a few stragglers, assuring the -townspeople of protection, in the hope of inducing them to return. “The -strictest orders were issued to prevent plunder, and a Burman having -claimed several head of cattle which had been seized for the use of the -army, they were immediately restored, in order to prove the sincerity of -our protestations; but none of the inhabitants availed themselves of our -offers, and we understood that the officers of government were driving -the women and children into the interior, as hostages for the good -conduct of the men.”[282] - -The soldiers while at Rangoon were billeted in a long street which leads -from the Dagon Pagoda to Rangoon, and in this exposed situation, without -fresh supplies, they had to await the arrival of information regarding -the position assumed by the Burmese government. Space will not permit me -to refer to the many anxieties which had to be considered in regard to -the present position of our troops, but the reader will find them amply -discussed in Snodgrass;[283] however, I shall lay before the reader a few -remarks of that gentleman, which will amply show the many difficulties -which beset the army. - -“The enemy’s troops and new-raised levies were gradually collecting in -our front from all parts of the kingdom; a cordon was speedily formed -around our cantonments, capable, indeed, of being forced at every point, -but possessing, in a remarkable degree, all the qualities requisite -for harassing and wearing out in fruitless exertions the strength and -energies of European or Indian troops. Hid from our crew on every side -in the darkness of a deep, and, to regular bodies, impenetrable forest, -far beyond which the inhabitants and all the cattle of the Rangoon -district had been driven, the Burmese chiefs carried on their operation -and matured their future schemes with vigilance, secrecy, and activity. -Neither rumour nor intelligence of what was passing within his posts ever -reached us. Beyond the invisible line which circumscribed our position, -all was mystery or vague conjecture.[284].... To form a correct idea of -the difficulties which opposed the progress of the invading army, even -had it been provided with land-carriage and landed at the fine season of -the year, it is necessary to make some allusion to the natural obstacles -which the country presented, and to the mode of warfare generally -practised by the Burmese. Henzawaddy, or the province of Rangoon, is a -delta, formed by the mouths of the Irrawaddy, and, with the exception -of some considerable plains of rice-grounds, is covered by a thick and -tenacious jungle, interspersed by numerous creeks and rivers, from whose -wooded banks an enemy may, unseen and unexposed, render their passage -difficult and destructive. - -“Roads, or anything deserving that name, are wholly unknown in the lower -provinces. Footpaths, indeed, lead through the woods in every direction, -but requiring great toil and labour to render them applicable to -military purposes: they are impassable during the rains, and are only -known and frequented by the Carian tribes, who cultivate the lands, -are exempt from military service, and may be considered as the slaves -of the soil, living in wretched hamlets by themselves, heavily taxed -and oppressed by the Burmese authorities, by whom they are treated as -altogether an inferior race of beings from their countrymen of Pegu.... -The Burmese, in their usual mode of warfare, rarely meet their enemy in -the open field. Instructed and trained from their youth in the formation -and defence of stockades, in which they display great skill and judgment, -their wars have been for many years a series of conquests: every late -attempt of the neighbouring nations to check their victorious career -had failed, and the Burmese government, at the time of our landing at -Rangoon, had subdued and incorporated into their overgrown empire all the -petty states by which it was surrounded, and stood confessedly feared -and respected even by the Chinese, as a powerful and warlike nation. -When opposed to our small but disciplined body of men, it may easily be -conceived with how much more care and caution the system to which they -owed their fame and reputation as soldiers was pursued—constructing their -defences in the most difficult and inaccessible recesses of the jungle, -from which, by constant predatory inroads and nightly attacks, they -vainly imagined they would ultimately drive us from their country.”[285] - -The confidence which the king of Ava had in his own military resources -is amply shown in a speech reported by Snodgrass.[286] “As to Rangoon,” -said the king, “I will take such measures as will prevent the English -from even disturbing the women of the town in cooking their rice.” -This speech, however, only lends additional force to the remark of the -Edinburgh Reviewer, that “the Burmese are much too arrogant even to -attempt to improve themselves; and such as their rabble of soldiery is -now, such it will be found fifty years hence—utterly unable to stand for -a moment against British troops, even when protected by stockades.”[287] -The events at present passing in the kingdom of Ava are but a practical -demonstration of the truth of this assertion. However, such preparations -as could be made were completed. Armies were stockaded in all directions -near Rangoon, nor was the river at all neglected. The boatmen, an -enterprising and brave part of the community, all attached to the royal -interests, were soon in readiness, and a respectable kind of fleet -covered the waters of the Irawadi. - -Nothing of consequence occurred for some days. Some boats, sent up by -Sir A. Campbell to gather intelligence as to the force and resources -of the Burmese, were fired upon on the 15th May, near the village of -Kemendine, and to prevent the recurrence of such an event, a body of men -were embarked in order to drive the enemy from that place. Accordingly, -after some little skirmishing and the loss of some men and officers, the -detachment succeeded in their endeavours. Afterward, however, the Burmese -returned, and annoyed the Anglo-Indian army very much by attempting -to set the fleet on fire. “Our shipping,” says an eye-witness, “were -now daily and nightly exposed to a great deal of danger and annoyance -from an engine of destruction much confided in by our invisible enemy, -and which, if properly managed, might have caused us much injury. This -was a large raft formed of pieces of wood and beams tied together, but -loosely, so that if it came athwart a ship’s bows, it would swing round -and encircle her. On this were placed every sort of firewood, and other -combustibles, such as jars of petroleum or earth oil, which, rising in a -flame, created a tremendous blaze, and as this raft extended across the -river, it often threatened to burn a great portion of our fleet. Rafts of -this description were chiefly launched from Kemendine, where the greater -number of them were constructed; but fortunately the river made a bend -a little above the anchorage, and the current running strong towards -the opposite shore, the rafts were not unfrequently grounded, and thus -rendered useless; whilst, on the other hand, the precautions adopted -by our naval officers of anchoring a number of beams across the river, -in most instances effectually arrested those unwieldy masses in their -descent towards Rangoon.”[288] - -During this time the confidence of the Burmese had increased, and on -the 27th they actually advanced within sight of the picquets, and sat -down. This was observed by Major Snodgrass, who, desirous of knowing -whether they were merely stragglers, or part of any considerable body, -immediately pursued them. He and his men found their way, however, -stopped by a small stockade stretching right across the road. After a -few shots, the British party, only twenty-two in number, charged the -work, and carried it. The natives, sixty in number, immediately fled. -The success which had attended this movement determined Sir Archibald -Campbell in his resolution to attempt a reconnoissance in person; a -measure that was put into execution the next morning. On arriving at the -stockade just mentioned, it was found reoccupied by the Burmese, who were -repairing it with great rapidity. However, on perceiving the troops, -they immediately fled. The same thing took place at a bridge beyond the -village of Kokein, “and,” observes Snodgrass, “at every turn of the road, -breastworks and half-finished stockades, hastily abandoned, proved that -so early a visit was neither anticipated nor provided for.”[289] - -“Our troops,” says the author of Two Years in Ava,[290] “continued -advancing in echellon, the light company of the thirty-eighth on the left -skirting the jungle; the grenadiers in the centre, on the plain; and -the thirteenth on the right: when, at a sudden turn, the light company -observed a stockade about a hundred yards distant, having a ravine full -of water in front of it. A dead silence pervaded the work; and Captain -Piper, instantly forming his men in line, charged up to the stockade, -and through the ravine without firing a shot. When we were within about -thirty yards, the Burmans gave a most terrific yell, accompanied by -beating of drums, tom-toms, and other instruments, and opened a sharp -and well-directed fire, by which we suffered severely. As the enemy was -covered by a thick palisade, with loopholes, we saw not a man; and even -if we had, our fire could not have proved serviceable, as not a single -musket would go off, in consequence of the wet; whereas the Burmans -were protected from the weather by sheds, and consequently their arms -were uninjured. On arriving at the foot of the work, after forcing the -way through a capital abatis, the entrance was found barred up; and the -height of the work, and the want of ladders, preventing escalading, -the men were for some time, therefore, exposed to the assaults of the -enemy, who threw out spears, and tried every effort to drive us off. -They were unavailing: the passage was forced, and the troops rushed on -with the bayonet. Finding this face of the work carried, a number of -Burmans rushed with their spears to the opposite side, and there awaited -the approach of the assailants; but a section dashing at them with the -bayonets, annihilated almost the whole.... Evening was now coming on -fast, we were encumbered with between thirty and forty wounded, without -any means of carrying them, except the officers’ horses, and three -or four doolies;[291] and Sir A. Campbell, therefore, determined on -returning without attacking a small stockade a little farther on, having -first made a forward movement with his troops to see whether the Burman -line, which was still drawn up, would await our approach. It fell back -as we advanced, and we then, after burning the two stockades of Joazong, -recommenced the march home.” In this action several officers were -severely, some mortally, wounded. On the Burmese side the loss was about -four hundred. The commander on the native side was the former Rayhoon of -Rangoon, a man of talent and experience. The enemy retired from the field -during the night, after digging up and horribly mutilating the bodies of -two soldiers who had fallen there the day before! - -The unexpected results of the skirmish opened the eyes of the Burmese -commanders to the inefficacy of their system of warfare. Feeling their -inferiority, and wishing to gain time for altering and strengthening -their defences, the Burmese sent two ambassadors to the English camp. -This was on the 9th June. Major Snodgrass thus describes the whole -interview:[292]— - -“The principal personage of the two, who had formerly been governor of -Bassein, was a stout, elderly man, dressed in a long scarlet robe, with -a red handkerchief tied round his head, in the usual Burman style. His -companion, although dressed more plainly, had much more intelligence -in his countenance; and notwithstanding his assumed indifference and -humble demeanour, it soon became evident that to him the management of -the interview was intrusted, though his colleague treated him in every -respect as an inferior. - -“The two chiefs, having entered the house, sat down with all the ease -and familiarity of old friends; neither constraint nor any symptom of -fear appeared about either; they paid their compliments to the British -officers, and made their remarks on what they saw with the utmost -freedom and good-humour. The elder chief then opened the subject of -their mission, with the question, ‘Why are you come here with ships -and soldiers?’ accompanied with many professions of the good faith, -sincerity, and friendly disposition of the Burmese government. The -causes of the war and the redress that was demanded were again fully -explained to them. The consequences of the line of conduct pursued by -their generals, in preventing all communication with the court, was -also pointed out, and they were brought to acknowledge that a free and -unreserved discussion of the points at issue could alone avert the evils -and calamities with which their country was threatened. Still they would -neither confess that the former remonstrances of the Indian government -had reached their king, nor enter into any arrangement for removing the -barrier they had placed in the way of negotiation, but urged, with every -argument they could think of, that a few days’ delay might be granted, to -enable them to confer with an officer of high rank then at some distance -up the river: they were, however, given to understand, that delay and -procrastination formed no part of our system, and that the war would -be vigorously prosecuted, until the king of Ava thought proper to send -officers with full authority to enter upon a treaty with the British -commissioners. - -“The elder chief, who had loudly proclaimed his love of peace, continued -chewing his betel-nut with much composure, receiving the intimation -of a continuance of hostilities with more of the air and coolness of -a soldier who considered war as his trade, than became the pacific -character he assumed; while his more shrewd companion vainly endeavoured -to conceal his vexation at the unpleasant termination of their mission, -and unexpected failure of their arts and protestations. But although -the visit had evidently been planned for no other purpose than that of -gaining time, the chiefs did not object to carry with them to their camp -a declaration of the terms upon which peace would still be restored; and -that they might take their departure with a better grace, expressed their -intention of repeating their visit in the course of a few days, for the -purpose of opening a direct communication between the British general -and the Burmese ministers. The elder chief, again alluding to his being -no warrior, hoped that the ships had strict orders not to fire upon him; -but while he said so, in stepping into his boat, there was a contemptuous -smile upon his own face and the countenances of his men, that had more of -defiance than entreaty in it.” - -The next morning (June 10th) the British intentions regarding Kemendine -were put into execution. A breach was soon made in the teak-wood stockade -by the cannon, and a column of English and Indian troops stormed the -place. Major Sale, with his detachment, had some hot work, for the -place at which he entered was full of men, who defended themselves with -the bravery of despair. Thirty of the Anglo-Indians fell, though for -them one hundred and sixty Burmese perished. Even when this place was -taken, little had been accomplished, as the principal stockade, about -half a mile distant, had yet to be besieged. “We lost no time,” says an -eye-witness, and actor in the affair, “in advancing to it; and in order -completely to hem the Burmahs in, the flotilla was sent up the river, -beyond the works, so as to prevent their escaping by water; whilst the -land force proceeded through the jungle. The left of our line rested on -the river, and the right was moving round the north of the stockade; thus -completing a semicircle; when it was discovered that, in addition to the -main work, two smaller ones existed further up, which it was impossible -for us with our force to surround; a space of two hundred yards was -therefore unavoidably left between our right and the river, it being -exposed to the fire of both stockades. Night had already approached; the -rain began to pour without intermission, and neither men nor officers -were sheltered from it, or had any cover, not even of great coats. The -night we passed in this situation was such as may easily be imagined.... -The shouts of the Burmahs had a curious effect, much heightened by the -wild scenery of the dark, gloomy forest which surrounded us; first, -a low murmur might be heard, rising as it were gradually in tone, and -followed by the wild and loud huzza of thousands of voices; then, again, -all was silence, save now and then a straggling shot or challenge from -our own sentries; and soon after, another peal of voices would resound -through the trees. This they continued all night; but towards morning -the yells became fainter and fainter, and at daybreak they totally -ceased.”[293] - -In the morning, operations were resumed; and on the storming parties -advancing to the capture, they found, to their astonishment, that the -enemy had decamped! Possession was immediately taken, and a regiment left -in garrison, while the rest returned to cantonments, very much irritated -by the loss of their opponents. Five pieces of cannon were found in the -inclosure, and numbers of jinjals. Outside the upper gate lay a gilt -chattah or umbrella of rank, and some distance beyond, the body of the -elder chief, who had visited the English camp. - -Major Wahab and Brigadier McCreagh returned from Cheduba and Negrais -about this time, having accomplished the purpose for which they were -detached. The capture of these places had not been completed without some -loss and considerable slaughter. Cheduba was expected to have proved of -some use, but it was found that, with the exception of a few buffaloes, -the supplies were not of any utility. About this time also, the force was -augmented by the 89th British regiment from Madras. - -The effects of heavy work in the swamps now began to be seen in the fatal -form of disease among the Anglo-Indian troops. “Constantly exposed to -the vicissitudes of a tropical climate, and exhausted by the necessity -of unintermitted exertion, it need not be a matter of surprise that -sickness now began to thin the ranks and impair the energies of the -invaders. No rank was exempt from the operation of these causes; and many -officers, amongst whom were the senior naval officer, Captain Marryat; -the political commissioner, Major Canning; and the Commander-in-Chief -himself, were attacked with fever, during the month of June. Amongst the -privates, the Europeans especially, the sickness incident to fatigue -and exposure was aggravated by the defective quantity and quality of -the provisions which had been supplied for their use. Relying upon the -reported facility of obtaining cattle and vegetables at Rangoon, it had -not been thought necessary to embark stores for protracted consumption -on board the transports from Calcutta, and the Madras troops landed with -a still more limited stock. As soon as the deficiency was ascertained, -arrangements were made to remedy it; but in the mean time, before -supplies could reach Rangoon, the troops were dependent for food upon -salt meat, much of which was in a state of putrescence, and biscuit, in -an equally repulsive condition, under the decomposing influence of heat -and moisture. The want of sufficient and wholesome food enhanced the evil -effects of the damp soil and atmosphere, and of the malaria from the -decaying vegetable matter of the surrounding forests, and the hospitals -were rapidly filled with sick, beyond the means available of medical -treatment. Fever and dysentery were the principal maladies, and were no -more than the ordinary consequences of local causes; but the scurvy and -hospital gangrene, which also made their appearance, were ascribable as -much to depraved habits and inadequate nourishment as to fatigue and -exposure. They were also latterly, in some degree, the consequences of -extreme exhaustion, forming a peculiar feature of the prevailing fever, -which bore an epidemic type, and which had been felt with equal severity -in Bengal. The fatal operation of these causes was enhanced by their -continuance; and towards the end of the rainy season, scarcely three -thousand men were fit for active duty. The arrival of adequate supplies, -and more especially the change in the monsoon, restored the troops to a -more healthy condition.”[294] - -It is, however, worthy of especial notice, that though the army wanted -provisions, health, and strength, their natural energy did not fail. In -the midst of a crowd of foes, whose numerous force and equipments were -alike unknown to the English soldier, his constitutional dominance of -will flagged not at all, but seemed rather to become stronger, the more -great the odds grew against it. Indeed, one of the authorities I have -quoted tells us, that there went a feeling abroad among the Burmese, that -it was of no use to contend with an English soldier; for, if the arm -he had grasped the top of the stockade with were chopped, he never was -disconcerted, but immediately applied the other; even then they were at -disadvantage, for the skill of the British doctors was so great, that -they could replace the severed limbs upon the trunk; and for this reason -diligent search was always made on the field after the battle, for these -legs and arms! - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -1824. - - Encounters with the Burmese—Capture of Kumeroot—Taking of - Syriam—Storming of Dalla—Conquest of Tenasserim province—The - Invulnerables. - - -From the time of the taking of the stockades at Kemendine, little of -moment occurred up to the 1st of July. About noon on that day the Burmans -came out in great force upon the regiments under Majors Dennie and -Frith, which were deputed to explore the jungle in front of the Great -Pagoda. Then, just as ants flock out of their holes on being disturbed, -the Burmese burst forth in every direction, shouting wildly at the same -time. They were gallantly opposed by Major Frith’s troops. “A column of -three thousand of the enemy now advanced from the jungle into the plain, -directing their march on Puzendoon, where we had a post; another body -moved towards our lines, and began skirmishing with a sepoy picket; and a -large force was also seen moving to the right. This was evidently meant -as an attack on our position; but it would seem that their courage failed -them at the moment for action, as they contented themselves with burning -a few houses at Puzendoon.”[295] Upon their being driven back, they -entered Dalla opposite Rangoon, whence, however, they were driven, though -Lieutenant Isaack, 8th Madras N.I., the commanding officer, was shot. -Vengeance was, however, more than sufficiently taken in the destruction -of the place. Thekia Woongyee, the originator of this plan of attack, -met with a sad disgrace in his recall, while Thamba Woongyee was deputed -to the command of the army in his place. The ex-general, fearful of a -still more dreadful fate should he return to the court, retired to the -neighbourhood of Pegu. - -The new general showed himself an able tactician, by seizing upon one -of the most impracticable and difficult positions in the vicinage, at a -place called Kummeroot, five miles from the Shoe-Dagon Pagoda. This place -it was highly necessary should be captured, and accordingly, on the 8th -of July, the enterprise was determined upon. The following account, by an -eye-witness, is the best that has been given us:[296]— - -“There were two roads leading from the Pagoda in the direction we -wished to pursue, one a mere footpath, the other passable for guns. -General Macbean preferred the former, and left his artillery behind. -The enemy not expecting us by this path, we marched through the jungle -for three miles without seeing a soul, although in the wood to our left -voices could be distinctly heard, and also the sound of the axe falling -on trees, which they were felling to erect their fortifications; but -after marching this distance, two stockades were descried a few yards -in advance. The general instantly halted, to enable the troops, which -were marching in single file (and consequently occupied a great length -of ground), to form column, during which time we could observe small -parties of Burmahs, armed with muskets, coming from the opposite wood -to reinforce the stockades. Firing, also, was heard to the left, which -indicated that Sir Archibald Campbell was engaged; and General Macbean, -therefore, made his dispositions for an attack. Brigadier McCreagh, with -five hundred men from his Majesty’s 13th and 38th regiments, commanded -by Majors Sale and Frith, were formed in a column of subdivisions, and -with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets directed to advance on the -work. This movement was effected with so much rapidity, order, and -regularity, that to be in possession of this stockade, and moving on to -attack the next, was the affair of a moment. The second was abandoned -on the approach of the column, and we then discovered, in a large plain -backed by the jungle, a succession of stockades, amounting in all to -seven. This did not deter the troops from escalading and capturing a -third stockade, and then rushing on to the largest: there the column -experienced some loss, in consequence of the delay in bringing up the -scaling-ladders through the muddy paddy-fields; but when they arrived, -the work was assaulted at all points.... The panic that now took place -among the Burmahs can scarcely be described; rushing in crowds towards -the only gate through which they might escape, they completely choked it -up: others then attempted to climb over the walls, but were mowed down by -our shot, and those at the gate were falling by dozens. Some became quite -desperate, and with their long, dishevelled black hair streaming over -their shoulders, and giving them the most ferocious appearance, seized -their swords with both hands, and dashed on the bayonets of the soldiers, -where they met with that death which they seemed alternately to fear and -despise; whilst others hid themselves in the trenches, full of water, and -there lay motionless, feigning to be dead. The carnage was very great, -at least five hundred men being slain in the main stockade, and amongst -them was Thumba Woonghee.” He, contrary to the usual system of the Burman -chiefs, had endeavoured to instil courage into the hearts of his men by -his own example. However, nothing could avail before the iron soldiers of -the British general. - -On the part of Sir Archibald Campbell, too, the movement had been -singularly successful. He took the other water path, and proceeded, with -a division of about eight hundred men, to ascend the river to the place -where the Lyne river and the Rangoon embouchment flow together. At this -point they found the Burmese had strongly intrenched themselves. The -main stockade was on the tongue of land at the confluence of the waters, -while the two others, evidently constructed with an eye to position, -were situated on the two banks of the Rangoon river, about eight hundred -yards from the principal fortification. But cannon, and good cannon -particularly, can make a breach in any fortification so exposed to fire -from the river, and the day was lost for the Burmese. The broadside of -the _Larne_ frigate, supported by the boats and some other vessels under -the command of Captain Marryat, covered the landing of the troops, who -immediately took the first stockade; this was followed by the immediate -capture of the second, and the principal one was abandoned! So much for -Burmese self-reliance! - -The only force now remaining near Rangoon was that under the former -rayhoon of that place, who hovered about in the neighbourhood of Kykloo. -All the other Burmese detachments had fled to the general rendezvous -of the enemy at Donabew, a place some distance up the river Irawadi. -But as it was necessary that peace should be restored everywhere in the -vicinity of the British army, in order that the poor villagers should not -be afraid of returning, Sir A. Campbell determined to scatter them, and -send them to swell the panic-stricken force at Donabew. Accordingly, on -the 19th of July he despatched twelve hundred men by land to that place, -whilst, with another division of half that number, he himself went up -thither by the Puzendoon creek. However, little came of it; the land -army found it impossible to proceed, and so returned, while the only -result at which the other party arrived was the liberation of some of -the unoffending families of the forced conscripts in the Burmese army. A -feeling of confidence, however, seems to have sprung up in the bosoms of -the peasantry, who now gradually returned home, and even, we are told, -saluted the military as they passed. - -The first act which is worthy of mention in August is the dislodgment of -the Burmese force in Syriam. The matter was rendered necessary, it would -appear, for the same reason that had caused the assault and capture of -Kemendine, viz., the annoyance to which our vessels were exposed from the -fire-rafts that the natives placed such great reliance in, but which, -in reality, were rather annoying than dangerous. It was enough that men -were obliged to be on duty to arrest their progress, and strand them. The -object of Sir Archibald was to spare these men, who, though enfeebled by -disease, yet were bravely bearing up against it. Accordingly, six hundred -men, drafted from the 41st, the Madras European, and the 12th Madras -N.I., under the command of Brigadier Smelt, were embarked for Syriam, Sir -Archibald, it must not be forgotten, accompanying them. - -The old Portuguese factory, of which mention has been made in a previous -chapter, was found to have been converted into a Burmese fortification; -the breaches made in former times by the united efforts of Burmese, -Peguers, Portuguese, and English, were repaired by teak-wood palisades, -and the old guns, rusty and ill cast, were remounted upon the ramparts. - -The Anglo-Indian army was received with a brisk fire, but, as usual, -the Burmese stayed not to await the results of their exertions, but -fled to a pagoda some distance off, whither they were followed by a -detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly. Here, again, although the -place was fortified and turned into a battery, the Burmese fled away, -after discharging the contents of the guns somewhere in the direction -of the British. Enough had been done in previous encounters to show the -perseverance of the English, and so, as every one does, they supposed -that they were invincible, because they had at first conquered. - -It seemed, however, that even the preliminary campaign of the British -army was never to come to an end, and that, although the enemy was ever -being beaten, the Burmese did not even now despair of wearying out the -British, and by keeping them engaged at the threshold of their land, -they hoped to have time to secure the key, and lock the door in their -faces. Therefore, no sooner had operations been satisfactory concluded at -Syriam, than Sir A. Campbell heard of disturbances at Dalla, caused by -the orders of the court for a general conscription. Lieutenant-Colonel -Kelly, with a detachment of four hundred men, was sent thither to quiet -the province. Upon coming near to Dalla creek, they found two stockades, -one on either bank, which it was necessary to storm. The mud clogged the -movements of the troops to some extent, and entailed, by the delay, some -loss upon the British. However, as was ever the case, the intrenchments -were in possession of the troops immediately; for the Burmese fled before -the English again. Their policy seems all to have been thrown overboard, -and it is only on the assumption of each body of the enemy encountering -us only once, that I can reconcile the idea of this continual fear to my -mind.[297] - -“In the impossibility,” says Professor Wilson, “that existed of engaging -in any active operations in the direction of Ava, it was judged advisable -to employ part of the force in reducing some of the maritime provinces of -the Burman kingdom. The district of Tenasserim, comprising the divisions -of Tavoy and Mergui, was that selected for attack, as containing a -valuable tract of sea-coast, as well as being likely to afford supplies -of cattle and grain. Accordingly, an expedition was detached against -those places, consisting of details of his Majesty’s 89th and the 7th -Madras native infantry, with several cruisers and gun-brigs, under -command of Lieutenant-Colonel Miles. They sailed from Rangoon on the -20th of August, and reached the mouth of the river leading to Tavoy on -the 1st of September: some difficulty occurred in working up the river, -in consequence of which the vessels arrived off the town only on the -eighth. A conspiracy amongst the garrison facilitated the capture of the -place; the second in command making the Maiwoon and his family prisoners, -delivered them to the British officer, and the town was occupied without -opposition. At Mergui, whither the armament next proceeded, and where it -arrived on the 6th of October, a more effective resistance was offered: a -heavy fire was opened from the batteries of the town, which was returned -by the cruisers with such effect as to silence it in about an hour. The -troops then landed, and after wading through miry ground, between the -river and a strong stockade which defended the town, and being exposed -to a brisk fire from the enemy, they advanced to the stockade, and -escaladed it in the most gallant style. The enemy fled. The town, when -first occupied, was deserted; but the people soon returned, and both here -and at Tavoy showed themselves perfectly indifferent to the change of -authorities. After leaving a sufficient garrison of the native troops, -and part of the flotilla, Colonel Miles returned with the European -portion of his division to Rangoon, in November, in time to take a part -in the more important operations about to recur.”[298] - -We, too, must now go back to Rangoon, or we shall miss the sight of -some wondrous strange animals, which the Golden Foot sent down from -his capital far away, to oppose and strike terror into the unabashed -invaders. These were the far-famed Invulnerables, to which corps I -have already alluded;[299] and I cannot now do better than introduce -themselves and their deeds to the readers, in the spirited narrative of -Mr. Macfarlane.[300] - -“The Lord of the White Elephant now sent his two brothers, the prince of -Tonghoo and the prince of Sarrawaddy, with a whole host of astrologers, -and a corps of ‘Invulnerables,’ to join the army, and to direct the -future operations of the war. The astrologers were to fix the lucky -moments for attacking: the Invulnerables had some points of resemblance -to the Turkish Delhis; they were the desperadoes or madmen of the army, -and their madness was kept up by enormous doses of opium. The corps of -Invulnerables consisted of several thousand men, divided into classes; -the most select band of all being called the King’s Invulnerables. The -prince of Tonghoo established his head-quarters at Pegu, and the prince -of Sarrawaddy took post at Donoopeu, upon the great river, about sixty -miles from Rangoon. - -“In the beginning of August, the prince of Sarrawaddy sent down a force -to occupy a strong post at the mouth of the Pegu river, a few miles below -Rangoon, giving his people strict orders to block the channel of the -river in our rear, that not one of the ‘wild foreigners,’ or ‘captive -strangers,’ might escape the punishment that was about to overtake them. -Sir Archibald Campbell presently detached a small corps, under Brigadier -Smelt, to dislodge Sarrawaddy’s warriors. Our land-troops were brought -to a stand-still, when within musket-shot of the place, by a deep and -impassable creek; but a party of sailors from his Majesty’s ship _Larne_, -under Captain Marryat, threw a bridge over the creek; and soon as the -column of attack pushed forward, the enemy began to fly, leaving eight -guns and a quantity of ammunition in their stockade. A strong pagoda, -with a numerous garrison, and with cannons pointing down every approach, -was next carried with equal facility. Other ports on the rivers and -creeks were successively and successfully attacked. Such of the enemy as -had had any experience of our way of fighting seldom stopped to fight in -their stockades, but a new set of people from the interior made a good -stand in a succession of stockades on one of the rivers, and cost us the -loss of a good many brave men. These affairs of posts were very numerous. - -“At last the astrologers told the prince of Sarrawaddy that the stars -had told them that the moment was come for a decisive action; and on the -night of the 30th of August, a body of the King’s Invulnerables promised -to attack and carry the Great or Golden Dagon Pagoda, in order that the -princes, and the sages and pious men in their train, might celebrate -the usual annual festival in the sacred place—a place now crowded, not -with Bouges, but with English grenadiers. And, true so far to their -promise, the Invulnerables, at the hour of midnight, rushed in a compact -body from the jungle under the pagoda, armed with swords and muskets. -A small picquet, thrown out in our front, retired in slow and steady -order, skirmishing with the Invulnerables until they reached the flight -of steps leading from the road up to the pagoda. The moon was gone down, -and the night was so dark that the Burmese could be distinguished only -by a few glimmering lanterns in the front; but their noise and clamour, -their threats and imprecations upon the impious strangers, if they did -not immediately evacuate the sacred temple, proved their number to be -very great. In a dense column, they rolled along the narrow pathway -leading to the northern gate of the pagoda, wherein all seemed as silent -as the grave. But, hark! the muskets crash, the cannons roar along the -ramparts of the British posts, drowning the tumult of the advancing -column; and see—see by the flash of our guns, the column reels back, the -Invulnerables fall mortally wounded, and the rest turn their backs on the -holy place, and run with frantic speed for the recovery of the jungle. -Invulnerables ventured no more near any of our posts. But the dysentery -broke out among our troops, killing many of them, and reducing more to a -most emaciated and enfeebled state. Scarcely three thousand duty soldiers -were left to guard our line. Floating hospitals were established at the -mouth of the river; bread was now furnished in sufficient quantities, -but nothing, except change of season or of climate, could restore the -sufferers to health. Mergui and Tavoy, portions of our recent conquests -on the sea-coast, were represented by the medical officers who visited -them as admirable convalescent stations; and thither a number of the -people were sent, and with the most beneficial result.” - -Thus will the personification of plain, blunt valour ever overcome -such as have no real courage, and are upheld only by superstition and -credulity. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -1824-1825. - - Battle of Kykloo—Thantabain—Maha Bundoola—Successes of the - British—Discomfiture of Maha Bundoola—Campbell marches into the - interior—Arrival at Donabew—Repulse—Death of Bundoola—Capture - of Donabew. - - -October began very inauspiciously. Colonel Smith, with about eight -hundred men, was detached against Kykloo on the 5th, and at Tadaghee he -was successful against a stockade. It was not until he had reached this -place that he found the enemy was much stronger than was suspected. The -colonel immediately applied for reinforcements, but he obtained only -native troops and two Europeans. Two howitzers were sent with the Madras -troop, which increased the number of cannon to four. With this force, -inadequate enough to anything effectual, Smith arrived before the Burmese -stockades at Kykloo on the 7th of October. - -The breastworks, which impeded the attack of the principal -fortifications, were soon in the hands of the British. The principal -stronghold was an intrenchment, with a fortified pagoda. Major Wahab -was placed in charge of the storming party. Captain Wilson was directed -to assault the stockades in flank; and a division of the 28th native -infantry was to carry the pagoda; and Colonel Smith took charge of a -reserve parity, to act wherever it was most needed. - -On the advance of Major Wahab, a volley was fired from the pagoda; but -the stockaded Burmese, who seemed to have been superhumanly cunning -_for Burmese_, waited until certain destruction might be dealt from -their position, when they commenced firing with the greatest precision. -Major Wahab and his men were obliged to lie flat on the ground to avoid -the peppering. Like ill-fortune attended the efforts of all the other -divisions, and on a retreat being sounded, the men took to flight. The -loss on this occasion was twenty-one killed, and seventy-four wounded. -However, this reverse was counterbalanced by the success of Major Evans, -at Thantabain, where the first minister of state, the Kyee Woongyee, was -posted. After skirmishing with the war-boats on the river, the detachment -arrived opposite the village, which, after a brisk fire, soon surrendered -on the 8th of October. Next morning the principal stockade was attacked, -and carried without any opposition. The Burmese having always carried off -their dead, it was impossible to find out how many were killed in the -encounter; but the place was riddled with shot, and a bungalow in the -centre almost destroyed. The detachment returned home without the loss of -a man. - -Brigadier M’Creagh, too, speedily returned to the charge at Kykloo, and -finding the place, he went on, and after doing much damage, he returned -to Kykloo and Rangoon. “On their advance,” we are told, “they [the -soldiers] had an opportunity of witnessing the barbarous character of the -enemy, many of the bodies of the sipahis and pioneers, who fell in the -former attack, having been fastened to the trunks of trees, and mutilated -by imbecile and savage exasperation.”[301] - -In such operations as these, many months passed away. Every successive -encounter with the British troops gave the Burmese an additional hint -that they must tax their energies to the utmost in order to bring about -a tolerable issue. It might now be seen that the choicest troops of the -empire must be opposed to the British invaders who had so coolly taken up -their quarters among them; and in the secrecy with which they summoned -Bundoola, the great general of the age, in their estimation, from -Arakhan, they showed much diplomatic genius; for ere Sir A. Campbell knew -he was coming, he was at Donabew, and actively employed in concentrating -all the available force of Burmah and Laos. It was about the end of -August when he left Arakhan, and in November everything was prepared -for a vigorous effort. “No pains nor expense were spared to equip this -favourite general for the field, and by the approach of the season for -active exertions, it was estimated that fifty thousand men were collected -for the advance upon Rangoon, who were to exterminate the invaders, -or carry them captives to the capital, where the chiefs were already -calculating on the number of slaves who were, from their source of -supply, to swell their train. Reports of the return of the Arakhan army -soon reached Rangoon, but some period elapsed before any certainty of its -movements was obtained. By the end of November, an intercepted despatch -from Bundoola, to the governor of Martaban,[302] removed all doubt, -and announced the departure of the former from Prome, at the head of a -formidable host. His advance was hailed with delight, and preparations -were made immediately for his reception.”[303] Gradually and slowly the -Burmese posts were stretched close to Rangoon, Dalla, Kemendine, the -Shoo Dagon to Puzendown creek, and no opposition was offered to their -operations. By the end of December their careful and costly preparations -were completed. On our part there was little fear. Determination was the -ruling sentiment in every bosom, and extraneously there was also no want -of protection by fortifications and shipping. - -The enemy commenced by attacking Kemendine on the 1st of December, but -were repulsed by Major Yates, and Captain Ryers, of H.M.S. _Sophia_; and -though throughout an aggressive skirmishing was carried on, fatiguing our -troops considerably, yet the advantage remained on our side. Fire-rafts, -sent down in great numbers, had no effect, as our seamen were on the -look-out. - -From the 1st to the 5th constant sallies were made under able commanders, -and many of the posts regained from the enemy. The Burmese showed no -want of activity, yet, as a recent writer observes, “little harm was -effected by this show of activity; but as the Burman force could no -longer be permitted to harass the troops with impunity, and it was not -impossible for them to escape from the consequences of a defeat, the -commander-in-chief resolved to become the assailant, and terminate the -expectations in which they had hitherto been permitted to indulge.”[304] -Now, at length, had the time arrived when the primary intentions of the -general might be carried out,—now, indeed, was that grand, resistless -march to begin which finds no parallel in the history of any nation of -modern times save our own. Sallies were continually made,—the men spared -no nerve,—the officers no thought,—all was bent upon the grand idea of -driving the enemy’s vast army back into me heart of the land whence it -had come. First, the Burmese posts at Puzendown were taken _au point de -l’épée_ by Majors Sale and Walker, the latter of whom fell during the -contest,—then the division at Dalla was routed by Lieut.-Colonel Farrier -and Lieut.-Colonel Parlby. Maha Bundoola himself began to be afraid of -the redoubtable “foreigners,” and retired from the active direction -of the battle-field, giving up the executive command to Maha Thilwa, -formerly governor of Asam, who stockaded his troops four miles to the -north at Kokein. Emissaries were now set at work to destroy Rangoon by -fire, and half of it was burnt, including the official quarter of the -Madras commissariat. It became necessary to dislodge this body, and it -was accordingly done under the direction of General Campbell. In fifteen -minutes the strong stockades were in the possession of the British, and -thus fifteen hundred determined men put to the rout twenty thousand—for -such, it appeared, was the enemy’s force—with only the loss of eighteen -killed, though many were wounded. During these engagements the greatest -terror was excited by the _Diana_ steam-packet, by the aid of which many -war-boats were captured. “The Burmans,” concludes Wilson, “no longer -dared attempt offensive operations, but restricted themselves to the -defence of their positions along the river; and the road was now open to -the British army, which, agreeably to the policy that had been enjoined -by the events of the war, prepared to dictate the terms of peace, if -necessary, within the walls of the capital.”[305] - -Maha Bundoola was so dispirited by the events of the last few days, -that he retreated to Donabew again, and concentrated his forces at that -place. His proud heart was broken, however, and he began to treat with -the British residents at Rangoon; however, he would not make any direct -advance to the officials, with whom alone a formal peace could be -concluded. It was intimated to him that he should pursue such a course, -but he returned no answer to the letter, probably feeling reassured by -an accession of forces. The country being now clear, it appeared to Sir -A. Campbell that an immediate advance should be made into the interior; -and the arrival of H. M.’s 47th and some other reinforcements placed him -in a position of being able to do so without fear of losing anything -behind him. On the 11th of February, after the dispersion of the Burmese -garrison in the fort of Syriam, the army was at liberty to move. All fear -of insurrection on the part of the conquered provinces was at an end, as -the Peguers, the principal inhabitants of the district, had deserted to -the side of the British. - -The preliminary movement of the army was the dislodgment of the advanced -guard of the native army at Thantabain, which was effectually done by -Colonel Godwin. This done, the army began its march in three divisions; -one, under General Campbell himself, was to proceed by land, and left -Rangoon on the 13th of February, 1825; the next went by water up the -Irawadi, on the 16th; and the third, under the command of Major Sale, -set out for Bassein, which it was proposed first to occupy, on the 17th. -Brigadier M’Creagh stayed in garrison with the reserve of feeble or -invalid men. - -The water-column, after having taken and destroyed several stockades in -its way, arrived before Donabew on the 6th of March; Brigadier-General -Cotton immediately summoned the garrison to surrender, a summons which -was of course useless. A party was then sent to reconnoitre; and though -the Burmese poured a heavy fire upon our men, a complete knowledge of the -neighbourhood was gained. - -“The fortified post of Donabew was of considerable extent and breadth, -situated on the right bank of the Irawadi, and commanding its whole -channel. The main-work was a stockade parallelogram of one thousand by -seven hundred yards, which was a little withdrawn from the bed of the -river, on a bank rising above its level. The river face mounted fifty -pieces of ordnance, of various sizes. The approach to the main structure -from the south was defended by two outworks, one about four hundred yards -lower down the river, and another about three hundred yards below it. -Each was constructed of square beams of timber, provided with platforms, -and pierced for cannon, and was strengthened by an exterior fosse, the -outer edge of which was guarded with sharp-pointed timbers, planted -obliquely, and a thick abatis of felled trees and brushwood. The lowest -outwork was a square of about two hundred yards, with a pagoda in the -centre; the highest, of an irregular shape, running along the bank of -a rivulet flowing into the main stream; both works were occupied with -strong parties of the enemy.”[306] The first stockade was attacked by -the six hundred men yet at General Cotton’s disposal (the rest being in -garrison, or with the flotilla), and was gained by the loss of twenty of -our men. The faithless Burmese fled, leaving two hundred and eighty of -their comrades in the hands of the enemy. But at the second stockade, -a determined resistance met the fatigued troops, already clogged and -weakened by the care of the numerous prisoners. A destructive fire -was opened on them, and the only safe course was in flight, or, as it -is named to “ears polite,” in a retreat. General Cotton, therefore, -receded to Yoong-yoon, where he awaited the answer to his account of the -proceedings from General Campbell, who, in the mean time, had arrived at -Yuadit, twenty-six miles above Tharawa. That answer was delivered by the -general himself, who joined Cotton before Donabew by the 27th of March, -after much vexation and toil.[307] Operations were immediately commenced; -and notwithstanding numerous sorties (on one occasion, Bundoola himself -headed his seventeen elephants and infantry), they advanced their works, -and fatal were the effects of the mortars and bombs that were thrown -into the thickly-peopled inclosure. The feeling of fear grew strong with -the Burmese; and on the evening of the 31st, a soldier brought a laconic -letter from Bundoola, couched in these terms:—“In war we find each -other’s force; the two countries are at war for nothing, and we know not -each other’s minds!”[308] It seemed from what the soldier knew of the -matter, which was very little, that the Burmese general desired peace. -Very doubtful is the authenticity of this letter, when compared with the -spirited reply seat to General Willoughby Cotton’s summons of surrender. -“We are each fighting for our country, and you will find me as steady in -defending mine, as you in maintaining the honour of yours. If you wish -to see Donabew, come as friends, and I will show it you. If you come as -enemies, LAND!”[309] - -On the 1st of April the batteries opened, and by the 2nd the enemy had -decamped. It was discovered that Bundoola had met his death on the -preceding day, by the bursting of a shell. All the courage of the Burmese -warriors had fled with his departing spirit. The greatest general, -since the golden days of Alompra, the devoted to Buddha; he had won his -way to the most responsible position in the king’s service, only to be -singled out, as it were, by some supernatural power, as the victim of -the fireballs of the persevering islanders of the far-off ocean. No -wonder, then, that the superstitious Burmese, on beholding the fate of -their commander, gave themselves up for lost. What a mysterious power -the English seemed to have of singling out the head of their army, -and destroying him! So they fled, and the British became masters of -Donabew, where they found much welcome supply of corn and military -stores. Notwithstanding the momentary panic of the Avan government, it -soon regained its customary arrogance. The _Edinburgh Review_ has some -remarks, which, though rather premature for our progress in the history, -I shall here introduce. - -“But blood and treasure might be still more unprofitably expended. The -ignorance and arrogance of the court of Ava are almost beyond occidental -credence. When its favourite general, Bundoola, invaded Chittagong, our -southernmost district, at the commencement of the last war, he brought -with him golden fetters to bind Lord Amherst withal; and had orders, -after he had taken Calcutta, to march on to take London! Defeat after -defeat seemed to produce little sobering effect upon the drunkenness of -Indo-Chinese pride; the officers who were flying before our army in its -advance upon the capital, and who must have felt the utter hopelessness -of the contest, were obliged, as their intercepted letters vouched, -to account in the most absurd manner for their inability to stop us; -and the unfortunate wretch who commanded the troops that made the last -stand against us, at a place called Pagahm Mew, was trampled to death by -elephants on his return with the news of his defeat. It was not until our -army arrived within three days’ march of the capital that the king’s eyes -appeared to be opened to any rational sense of his perilous situation; -and there was evidence enough, before we evacuated the country, that -the effect even of such severe discipline as the exaction of a million -sterling towards the expenses of the war, and the cession of some of his -most valued provinces, was not likely to be permanent.”[310] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -1825-1826. - - Arrival at Prome—Prome under English rule—Re-assembly - of the Burmese armies—Negotiations for peace—Battle of - Meaday—Melloon—Yandabo—Treaty of peace. - - -The general did not tarry long at Donabew, but pushed forward toward -Prome, where the rainy season was to be passed. On his way to that place, -he was joined at Tharawa by McCreagh’s reserve column from Rangoon, and -the united forces pushed forward for Prome. The charm was now broken, and -as the British lines advanced, the prince of Tharawadi, at the head of -the opposing army, fell back, and, though strong in numbers, offered no -resistance to the progress of the Anglo-Indian army. Prome was reached by -the 25th of April, and taken without one round of firing. The indecisive -conduct of the prince seems to have arisen partly from a wish to -negotiate a peace, which was attempted at Turriss Miu, a few miles below -Prome. A native soldier came to the camp with a letter from two of the -Atwenwoons, proposing an accommodation; but Sir A. Campbell replied, that -at all events he should advance to Prome: and though another letter was -received from the Atwenwoons, he continued in his resolve. Luckily for -him, he arrived in time to save the place from being stripped of all the -necessaries of life, in the same manner as the towns he had before passed -had been served. On hearing of the arrival of Campbell, Prince Tharawadi -left for Ava, to insist upon a peace being concluded. - -The British had only just arrived in time to stand the change of the -seasons in this place,—a more favourable spot than the lower country -for that purpose. Previous to the setting in of the rainy season, -the thermometer had risen in the shade to 110°, but the nights were -still cool, and the climate was not unhealthy. The monsoon brought its -ordinary effects upon the condition of the European troops, who, though -suffering much less severely than at Rangoon, lost almost one-seventh -of their number between June and October; the native troops were much -more exempt, although not wholly free, from disease. Although the level -of the country was higher than in the coast districts, yet the site of -the town was so low as to be under water at the rise of the river, and -to the east extended for many miles a plain laid out principally in -rice-cultivation; south of the town was a range of low hills, crowned by -the principal pagodas, and thither some of the troops were removed, when -the suburbs in which they had been quartered were found liable to sudden -inundations; supplies were in some abundance, and there was comparatively -little demand for the active services of the force; it seems probable, -therefore, that much of the disease that still prevailed was the -consequence of previous exposure and exhaustion, although ascribable in -some measure to the effects of climate and of ill-selected quarters for -the troops.[311] - -It were almost beyond the limits of this volume to enlarge upon the -prosperous state of Prome under British rule, and Mr. Mac Farlane’s able -sketch will compensate in every way for my own shortcomings. In speaking -of an excursion made by Colonel Graham, partly for forage, and partly -to calm the fears of the natives themselves, the historian of India -continues:[312]—“Almost immediately after their return, the persecuted -and dislodged inhabitants of the town poured in from every quarter, some -from the woods, bringing their families, their cattle, their waggons, and -other property; and some escaped from the military escorts and disjointed -corps of the king’s fugitive army. Food and covering were given to the -starving and naked; and those who had houses and property were secured in -the possession of them. Our British soldiers assisted them in rebuilding -their wooden houses and their bamboo huts, and in a very short time Prome -had risen from its ashes, a greater town than it had been before the war. -As the people were punctually paid for whatever they brought, plentiful -bazaars were soon established, and our soldiers lived in comfort and -abundance, and unmolested ease; while the ill-conducted armies of the -king of Ava, unpaid, unsupplied, and driven up the country, were left to -the alternative of starvation or dispersion. The towns and districts -in our rear followed the example of the provincial capital, and the -banks of the Irawadi below Prome were soon enlivened by the presence of -a contented people. An excellent depôt was soon formed at Prome, with -supplies sufficient not only for the rainy season, but for the long -campaign which possibly might follow. The plains which our soldiers -had traversed on their advance up the country without seeing a single -bullock were again covered with numerous herds; from every pathway of -the deep and extensive forests, which cover far more than half of the -country, droves of the finest oxen—the oxen of Pegu —now issued daily. -The menthagoes, or hereditary headmen of the districts and chief towns, -tendered their allegiance, and were restored to their municipal functions -by the British generals. A state of desolation and anarchy once more -gave way to order and plenty; and from Rangoon to Prome, from Bassein -to Martaban, all classes of natives not only contributed their aid in -collecting such supplies as the country afforded, but readily lent -their services in facilitating the equipment and movement of military -detachments.[313] The only anxiety which the people seemed to find was, -that the English would leave them, and give them back to their old -masters.” - -It was now the rainy season, and the operations of both parties were, -to a certain extent, suspended. Little was done by the British, and -the Burmese made no preparations against any hostile aggression on -our part. The only event that at all did away with the tedium of the -period was the discomfiture of the Thekia Wungyee at Old Pegu, where the -Taliens, who trusted (a sad reliance, as it afterwards was found) in the -British assistance towards the hoped-for object of the recovery of their -independence, rose, and seized as many of the officers of his detachment -as they could secure; one chief of importance was amongst them,—the -Thekia Wungyee himself escaping. Their prize they brought to Rangoon, and -delivered to Brigadier Smith. - -The successes of the British naturally created the utmost dismay at the -metropolis; but the native arrogance of the people, so common in a -semi-civilised race, soon caused the usual lofty tone to be assumed, and -generals stepped forward, willing to risk a combat with the British army, -or pay the hard penalty that awaited an unsuccessful commander. This man -was the Pagahm Wungyee, a chief of no little consequence and considerable -vanity. A leader found, it was necessary to get an army,—a far more -difficult task. It may easily be conceived, that the forces levied in a -hasty manner, and without any attention as to their courage, could not be -very formidable; and so, indeed, it proved on _reconnoissance_. - -But war costs money, as Sir A. Campbell found, and he was now fully -sensible of the fact, that little was to be regained from the enemy. -Therefore, he gave the Burmese government another opportunity of coming -to a peaceful conclusion, by means of a letter addressed to the prince -of Tharawadi, and borne by a servant of that person, who had come under -English protection to Prome. However, it was totally unavailing; no -answer was received, and therefore the hostile preparations of the king -of Ava were continued; and to facilitate these, the commander-in-chief -went down to Rangoon in the _Diana_, and did not return till the 2nd of -August. It was satisfactory to find that, in the lower provinces, “a -state of desolation and anarchy once more gave way to order and plenty; -and from Bassein to Martaban, and Rangoon to Prome, every class of -natives not only contributed their aid to collect such supplies as the -country could afford, but readily lent their services to the equipment -and march of military detachments.”[314] - -Soon after, intelligence was received of the approach of the mighty -armament of Burmah, amounting to 40,000 men (so it was said), under the -command of Memia-Bo, a brother of the king himself. There were also -12,000 at Tongho, under the prince of Tongho. General Cotton was sent to -reconnoitre their force, which he discovered at Meaday, on the 15th, on -the west bank of the river. Our forces, it may be observed, amounted to -but 3,000 men, though 2,000 more were daily expected. The preparations at -Meaday were very energetic, and the force amounted to 16,000 men, at the -lowest estimate. - -At this juncture, a letter of Sir A. Campbell took effect on the -Burmese, and on the 6th September, a boat arrived at Prome, with a flag -of truce, and two commissioners presented a reply from the general of the -Burmese army. Accounts differ as to the terms of the letter, but Wilson -is decidedly the best authority; and according to him, the letter was -proud and unconciliating, yet a wish was expressed in it for a lasting -peace. “Sir Archibald Campbell lost no time in sending two British -officers to Meaday, to offer an armistice, and to propose a meeting of -commissioners from the two armies. The Burmese prime minister tried hard -to delay the meeting. It was found necessary to allow a delay of nearly -two weeks, the Wongees protesting that they must wait until full powers -arrived from their court. The Keewongee, or prime minister, agreed to be -one of the commissioners, and it was finally settled that the meeting -should take place at a spot midway between the two armies, and that each -party should be accompanied by 600 men, the rank of the Keewongee not -permitting him to move with a smaller escort.”[315] - -It seemed, however, impossible to come to any determination with this -uncivilised, changeable race. On discussing matters, on our demanding -compensation, there was much hesitation, and, at last, when the armistice -was on the point of expiring, the Wungyee sent these words to Sir A. -Campbell:— - -“If you wish for peace, you may go away; but if you ask either for money -or territory, no friendship can exist between us. This is Burmese custom.” - -It is, indeed, Burmese custom! Nothing is to be obtained from them -without force; not that they do not feel the demand just, but because -they will hold doggedly to what they can get, though it benefit them not, -nay, even if it be hurtful. - -“The court of Ava,” observes Wilson, “indignant at the idea of conceding -an inch of territory, or submitting to what, in oriental politics, -is held a mark of excessive humiliation, payment of any pecuniary -indemnification, breathed nothing but defiance, and determined instantly -to prosecute the war.”[316] It was then that, on the numerous incursions -of the Burmese, the definite reply was returned to the British -commander-in-chief, proving that, after all, the advances made by the -Burmese were only made to gain time. - -The gallant general now determined to advance boldly on the enemy. His -forces now amounted to 5,000 men, of whom 3,000 were British. Up to the -1st of December, operations were rather unfavourable than otherwise; on -that day, however, fickle fortune again turned over to the English side. -I shall give the events of the day in the words of Wilson:[317] - -“Leaving four regiments of native infantry for the defence of Prome, -General Campbell marched, early on the morning of the 1st of December, -against the enemy’s left, while the flotilla, under Sir James Brisbane, -and the 26th Madras native infantry, acting in co-operation, by a -cannonade of the works upon the river, diverted the attention of the -centre from the real attack. - -“Upon reaching the Nawine river, at the village of Zeonke, the force was -divided into two columns. The right, under Brigadier-General Cotton, -formed of his Majesty’s 41st and 89th regiments, and the 18th and 28th -native infantry, proceeding along the left bank of the river, came in -front of the enemy’s intrenchments, consisting of a series of stockades, -covered on either flank by thick jungle, and by the river in the rear, -and defended by a considerable force, of whom 8,000 were Shans, or people -of Laos, under their native chiefs. The post was immediately stormed. -The attack was led by Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin, with the advanced guard -of the right column, and the stockades were carried in less than ten -minutes. The enemy left three hundred dead, including their general, Maha -Nemyo, and all their stores and ammunition, and a considerable quantify -of arms were taken. The left column, under the commander-in-chief, -composed of his Majesty’s 13th, 38th, 47th, and 87th regiments, and 38th -Madras infantry, which had crossed the Nawine river lower down, came -up as the fugitives were crossing, and completed the dispersion of the -Burman army. - -“Following up the advantage thus gained, General Campbell determined -to attack the Kyee Woongyee in his position, without delay. His force -accordingly marched back to Zeonke, where they bivouacked for the night, -and resumed their march on the following morning at daybreak. The nature -of the country admitted of no approach to the enemy’s defences upon the -hills, except in front, and that by a narrow pathway, accessible to but a -limited number of men in line. Their posts at the foot of the hills were -more readily assailable, and from these they were speedily driven; but -the attack of the heights was a more formidable task, as the narrow road -by which they were approached was commanded by the enemy’s artillery and -breastworks, numerously manned. After some impression had been apparently -made by the artillery and rockets, the first Bengal brigade, consisting -of H.M.’s 13th and 38th regiments, advanced to the storm, supported on -the right by six companies of H.M.’s 87th. They made good their ascent, -in spite of the heavy fire they encountered, and to which scarcely a shot -was returned; and when they had gained the summit, they drove the enemy -from hill to hill, until they had cleared the whole of the formidable -and extensive intrenchments. These brilliant advantages were not gained -without loss; and in the affair of the 1st, Lieutenants Sutherland and -Gossip, of H.M.’s 41st, and Ensign Campbell, of the royal regiment, were -killed; and Lieutenant Proctor, of H.M.’s 38th; Lieutenant Baylee, of -the 87th; and Captain Dawson, of H.M.’s ship _Arachne_, in that of the -second. The division under General Cotton, which had made a circuitous -march to take the enemy in flank, was unable to make its way through the -jungle to bear part in the engagement. On the 5th a detachment from it -proceeded across the river, and drove the right wing of the enemy, not -only from their post upon the river, but from a strong stockade about -half a mile in the interior, completely manned and mounting guns. The -enemy were dispersed with severe loss in killed and prisoners, and their -defences were set on fire.” - -No time was now lost in advancing upon the retreating army. On the 9th of -December the march of the British columns began, and their path lay along -“dismal swamps,” and jungles, which, overrun with every kind of reeds and -elephant-grass, presented a dreary and dispiriting aspect to the troops. -Indeed, the effect of the marshy country was soon felt on the army, for -on the 12th the cholera broke out among the troops, and, according to -Lieutenant-Colonel Tulloch,[318] nearly two regiments were placed in an -unfit condition for action. At Meaday the sight was sad enough. “Within -and among the stockades,” says Mac Farlane,[319] “the ground was strewed -with dead and dying Burmese lying promiscuously together, the victims of -wounds, of disease, or of want. Several large gibbets stood about the -stockade, each bearing the mouldering remains of three or four crucified -Burmese, who had been thus barbarously put to death for having wandered -from their posts in search of food, or for having followed the example of -their chiefs in flying from the enemy.”[320] - -I must pass briefly over subsequent events. Conferences for the purpose -of settling a peace were sought and obtained by the Burmese; but the -negotiations came to nothing. It seemed that all feelings of any kind -had left them. They neither sought to conclude a peace, nor, on the -other hand, did they prepare for contesting the advance of the army on -the capital. At last, after much deliberation and little determination, -a treaty of peace was concluded by commissioners appointed for that -purpose, through the intervention of a priest. However, after all, it -never reached the king for his ratification. “During the conferences,” -however, “the Burman commissioners repeatedly declared their being -furnished with full powers, and their firm persuasion, that whatever -they agreed to, the king would ratify; they expressed their entire -satisfaction with the spirit in which the negotiations had been conducted -by the British commissioners, and their gratification at the prospect -of a speedy renewal of friendly relations; they made no secret of their -motives, and frankly and unreservedly admitted that the king had been -ruined by the war, that the resources of the country were exhausted, and -that the road to Ava was open to the British army. There appears every -reason to credit their assertions, and all who had an opportunity of -exercising personal observation were impressed with this conviction, that -the negotiators were honest.”[321] I cannot, however, but point out to -the reader that there appears to be a singular dash of cunning in their -confessions. The king was ruined, at least so they said; thus it was -useless ever to require money for expenses. Otherwise, there seems to be -simplicity enough. - -Still the war was not at an end. The treaty was not ratified; nor -destined to be. Time was asked, and repeatedly granted; but treachery was -found to be at work again in the Burman hearts. They felt no peace with -the wild foreigners. At last they were told, that on their withdrawing -from Melloon by the morning of the 20th, and their passage to Ava, -hostilities would not be recommenced. But they refused; therefore they -received intimation of an attack on the 18th. “Batteries were accordingly -erected with such expedition,” says Wilson, “that by ten the next -morning, eight and twenty pieces of ordnance were in position on points -presenting more than a mile on the eastern bank of the Irawadi, which -corresponded with the enemy’s line of defence on the opposite shore; nor -had the Burmas been idle, having, in the course of the night, thrown up -additional defences of considerable strength and extent, and well adapted -to the purposes for which they were constructed.”[322] - -The heavy cannonade which ensued, soon drove away the fickle Burmese, and -crowned the British armies with success. It is to be observed, that the -rapidity and precision of the English movements insured our success. Here -was it discovered that the treaty had not been sent to Ava at all, and -when a note was sent by the British to the chief commissioner, informing -him that the treaty had been left behind and would be restored, that -official replied, that a large sum of money had also been left behind, -which he likewise hoped would be refunded. The whole show of negotiation -was a blind for hostile preparations of no avail, as it was afterwards -found. - -“By this time,” says Mr. Mac Farlane,[323] “the Golden Face was -completely clouded with despair. Every hope and every promise had failed; -every day fixed upon by his star-gazers as a lucky day had turned out -an unlucky day; and all his astrologers and soothsayers had proved -themselves to be but cheats and liars. Sir Archibald assured the two -envoys that he was desirous of peace, and that his terms would vary very -little from those which had been offered and accepted by the Wongees at -Melloon. He furnished them with a statement of his terms, and promised -not to pass Pagahm-mew for twelve days. On the following morning, the 1st -of February, 1826, the two delegates quitted the English camp to return -to Ava, the American missionary being sanguine in his expectations of -returning in a few days with cash, and a treaty of peace, duly signed by -the king. Yet, in truth, his Burmese majesty was still undecided, and, in -the course of two or three days, it became known in the British camp that -he was displaying a determination to try the fortune of war once more ere -he submitted. He was probably encouraged herein by a knowledge of the -smallness of the force with which Sir Archibald Campbell was advancing -upon his capital, and by the intelligence received of the defeat of a -weak British detachment, before the strong stockade of Zitoung, in Pegu, -where the commanding officer, Colonel Conroy, and another officer, were -killed, and several wounded, and where the loss in men was very heavy for -so small a force. - -“Sir Archibald Campbell continued his advance. On approaching Pagahm-mew, -a town about a hundred miles above Melloon, he obtained positive -information that a levy of 40,000 men had been ordered; that the Golden -Foot had bestowed upon his new army the flattering appellation of -‘Retrievers of the King’s Glory,’ and that this army had been placed -under the command of a savage warrior, styled Nee Woon-Breen, which has -been, variously translated as ‘Prince of Darkness,’ ‘King of Hell,’ and -‘Prince of the setting Sun.’ - -“Upon the 8th of February, when within a few days’ march of Pagahm-mew, -Sir Archibald ascertained that the Retrievers of the King’s Glory and the -Prince of Darkness were prepared to meet him under the walls of that city. - -“On the 9th, the British column moved forward in order of attack, being -much reduced by the absence of two brigades, and considerably under -2,000 fighting men. The advanced guard was met in the jungle by strong -bodies of skirmishers; and, after maintaining a running fight for several -miles, the column debouched in the open country, and there discovered -the Burmese army, from 16,000 to 20,000 strong, drawn up in an inverted -crescent, the wings of which threatened the little body of assailants -on both their flanks. But Sir Archibald pushed boldly forward upon the -point for their centre, threw the whole weight of his column, broke and -shattered it in the twinkling of an eye, and left the unconnected wings -severed from each other. The Retrievers of the King’s Glory did not fight -so well as those who had been accused of forfeiting his majesty’s glory: -they all fled, as fast as their legs could carry them, to a second line -of redoubts and stockades, close under the walls of Pagahm-mew; but the -British column followed them so closely, that they had little time for -rallying in those works; and as soon as a few English bayonets got within -the stockades, all the Burmese went off screaming like a scared flock of -wild geese. Hundreds jumped into the river to escape their assailants, -and perished in the water; and, with the exception of 2,000 or 3,000 men, -the whole army dispersed upon the spot:” and from this time no opposition -was offered to the British. The Burmese were now wearied out; their -resources, as it has been observed, were exhausted, their spirit broken, -and while the court felt that resistance was impossible, the nobles -individually saw that the Company was a better ally than the sovereign -of Ava; yet it was still attempted to gain some advantage, and inactive -despair, succeeded by active flight, showed the English what the general -sentiment of the Burmese nation was. As a means, however, of gaining some -little advantage, the European prisoners were retained in custody by the -nation; but at Yandabo it chanced that our troops caught sight of several -of the captives, and their misery caused the troops to be more anxious -than ever for vengeance upon the Burmese government. The two or three -prisoners held out as a bait by the Burmese monarch, were not of much -avail. The same sum of twenty-five lacs of rupees was demanded, and the -Burmans had to pay; shuffling was of no use. - -“After halting two or three days at Pagahm,” says Wilson,[324] “General -Campbell resumed his march, which now seemed likely to conduct him to the -capital of Ava. There, one feeling alone prevailed, and although various -reports were thrown out, at one time of the intention of the king to -defend the city to the last extremity, and at another to protract the war -by flying to the mountains, these purposes, if ever conceived, originated -in the anxiety of the moment, and were never seriously entertained. The -king and his ministers felt that they were in the power of the British; -and their only anxiety was that the personal dignity and security of the -sovereign should not be violated. It was with as much satisfaction as -astonishment, therefore, that they learned from Mr. Price, on his return -from Ava, that the British commissioners sought to impose no severer -terms than those which had been stipulated in the treaty of Melloon. To -these there was now no hesitation to accede, although a lurking suspicion -was still entertained that the invaders would not rest satisfied with the -conditions they professed to impose. With a mixture of fear and trust, -Mr. Price was again despatched to the British camp to signify the consent -of the Burman court to the terms of peace; and Mr. Sandford was now set -wholly at liberty, and allowed to accompany the negotiator to rejoin his -countrymen. These gentlemen returned to camp on the 13th of February; but -as the envoy had brought no official ratification of the treaty, Sir A. -Campbell declined suspending his march until it should be received.” - -Thus, at Yandabo the British were met by the returning envoy bearing the -money, and the rest of the required despatches. On the 26th of February, -the memorable treaty of Yandabo was drawn out, and by it British -ascendancy in the farther peninsula of India fully established. - -In order that the reader may be fully acquainted with the bearings of our -negotiations at Yandabo, I shall here give the treaty _in extenso_, from -a late official document.[325] - -“TREATY OF PEACE between the Honourable East-India Company on the -one part, and his Majesty the king of Ava on the other, settled by -Major-General Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B. and K.C.T.S., commanding -the expedition, and senior commissioner in Pegu and Ava; Thomas Campbell -Robertson, Esquire, civil commissioner in Pegu and Ava; and Henry Ducie -Chads, Esquire (captain), commanding his Britannic Majesty’s and the -Honourable Company’s naval force on the Irrawaddy river, on the part of -the Honourable Company; and by Mengyee-Maha-Men-Klah-Kyan-Ten Woongyee, -Lord of Lay-Kaeng, on the part of the king of Ava; who have each -communicated to the other their full powers; agreed to and executed at -Yandaboo, in the kingdom of Ava, on the 24th day of February, in the year -of our Lord 1826, corresponding with the fourth day of the decrease of -the moon Taboung, in the year 1187, Mandina era:— - -“ARTICLE I.—There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the -Honourable Company, on the one part, and His Majesty the King of Ava on -the other. - -“ARTICLE II.—His Majesty the King of Ava renounces all claims upon, and -will abstain from all future interference with, the Principality of -Assam and its dependencies, and also with the contiguous petty states of -Cachar and Jyntia. With regard to Munipore, it is stipulated, that should -Ghumbheer Singh desire to return to that country, he shall be recognised -by the King of Ava as rajah thereof. - -“ARTICLE III.—To prevent all future disputes respecting the boundary-line -between the two great nations, the British Government will retain the -conquered provinces of Arracan, including the four divisions of Arracan, -Ramree, Cheduba, and Sandowey, and His Majesty the King of Ava cedes -all rights thereto. The Annonpeeteetonmien, or Arracan Mountains (known -in Arracan by the name of Yeornabourg or Pokhengloung range), will -henceforth form the boundary between the two great nations on that side. -Any doubts regarding the said line of demarcation will be settled by -Commissioners appointed by the respective Governments for that purpose, -such Commissioners from both powers to be of suitable and corresponding -rank. - -“ARTICLE IV.—His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the British Government -the conquered Provinces of Yeh, Tavoy, Mergui, and Tenasserim, with the -islands and dependencies thereunto appertaining, taking the Saluen River -as the line of demarcation on the frontier. Any doubts regarding their -boundaries will be settled as specified in the concluding part of Article -III. - -“ARTICLE V.—In proof of the sincere disposition of the Burmese Government -to maintain the relations of peace and amity between the nations, and as -part indemnification to the British Government for the expenses of the -war, His Majesty the King of Ava agrees to pay the sum of one crore of -rupees. - -“ARTICLE VI.—No person whatever, whether native or foreign, is hereafter -to be molested by either party, on account of the part which he may have -taken, or have been compelled to take, in the present war. - -“ARTICLE VII.—In order to cultivate and improve the relations of amity -and peace hereby established between the two Governments, it is agreed -that accredited Ministers, retaining an escort or safeguard of fifty -men, from each, shall reside at the Durbar of the other, who shall -be permitted to purchase, or to build a suitable place of residence, -of permanent materials, and a Commercial Treaty, upon principles of -reciprocal advantage, will be entered into by the two High Contracting -powers. - -“ARTICLE VIII.—All public and private debts contracted by either -Government, or by the subjects of either Government, with the other -previous to the war, to be recognised and liquidated upon the same -principles of honour and good faith as if hostilities had not taken place -between the two nations; and no advantage shall be taken by either party -of the period that may have elapsed since the debts were incurred, or in -consequence of the war; and, according to the universal Law of Nations, -it is further stipulated, that the property of all British subjects who -may die in the dominions of his Majesty the King of Ava shall, in the -absence of legal heirs, be placed in the hands of the British Resident -or Consul in the said dominions, who will dispose of the same according -to the tenour of the British law. In like manner, the property of -Burmese subjects, dying under the same circumstances in any part of the -British dominions, shall be made over to the Minister or other authority -delegated by his Burmese Majesty to the Supreme Government of India. - -“ARTICLE IX.—The King of Ava will abolish all exactions upon British -ships or vessels in Burman ports, that are not required from Burman ships -or vessels in British ports: nor shall ships or vessels, the property of -British subjects, whether European or Indian, entering the Rangoon river, -or other Burman ports, be required to land their guns or unship their -rudders, or do any other act not required of Burmese ships or vessels in -British ports. - -“ARTICLE X.—The good and faithful ally of the British Government, his -Majesty the King of Siam, having taken a part in the present war, will, -to the fullest extent, as far as regards his Majesty and his subjects, be -included in the above treaty. - -“ARTICLE XI.—This treaty to be ratified by the Burmese authorities -competent in the like cases, and the ratification to be accompanied by -all British, whether European or native (American), and other prisoners, -who will be delivered over to the British Commissioners; the British -Commissioners, on their part, engaging that the said treaty shall be -ratified by the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council, and the -ratification shall be delivered to his Majesty the King of Ava in four -months, or sooner if possible; and all the Burmese prisoners shall, in -like manner, be delivered over to their own Government as soon as they -arrive from Bengal.” - -Subsequently, the following article was added:— - -“The British Commissioners being most anxiously desirous to manifest the -sincerity of their wish for peace, and to make the immediate execution -of the fifth article of this treaty as little irksome or inconvenient -as possible to His Majesty the King of Ava, consent to the following -arrangements, with respect to the division of the sum total, as specified -in the article before referred to, into instalments; viz., upon the -payment of twenty-five lacs of rupees, or one-fourth of the sum total -(the other articles of the treaty being executed), the army will retire -to Rangoon; upon the further payment of a similar sum at that place, -within one hundred days from this date, with the proviso as above, the -army will evacuate the dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava, with the -least possible delay; leaving the remaining moiety of the sum total to -be paid by equal annual instalments in two years, from this 24th day of -February, 1826, A.D., through the Consul, or Resident in Ava, or Pegu, on -the part of the Honourable the East-India Company.” - -Since the conclusion of this treaty, little has occurred in the kingdom -of general interest, as far as we are concerned, until the recent war. -From the year 1826 to our own day, revolution has overthrown revolution, -and the same spirit is at work at present as in the days of the creator -of Burmese importance, Alompra, with this difference, that while at that -period the turbulent elements disturbing the peace of the peninsula could -in some measure be controlled, as there was a man of consummate talent -and great power capable of so doing, there is now no one; and further, -that if we do not annex the country, there is not a doubt, but that we -shall find a disadvantage in not having done so. In the first place, -the trade with the country will be destroyed by the hardness of the -officials; and, secondly, it has not been forgotten by the Peguese, that -we foully betrayed them in 1827. They are now giving us another trial: -let us show that we are worthy of confidence. - -I shall now close this sketch of the fortunes of the Burmese nation with -a few remarks made during a former crisis by an Edinburgh reviewer, -as they will, no doubt, be found somewhat applicable to the present -time:[326]— - -“The difficulty of dealing with inflated barbarians, and of resisting -the constant provocation to chastise them, not merely into civility, but -into the due observance of their federal obligations, and the necessary -restraint of the plundering propensities of their subjects upon our -borders, is extreme. - -“Yet the dire necessity of entering upon another war with such enemies -must be contemplated with unmixed dislike. There is nothing, either of -honour or profit, to be gained; and the process, from the nature of the -country, and the remoteness of its vital parts from the stations of our -troops, must always be tedious and expensive. The seat and strength -of the government is fixed almost at the upper extremity of the long -valley of the Irrawaddy. The capital is six or seven hundred miles from -the sea. The lower part of the valley is a pestilential swamp during -a considerable portion of the year. Though the shorter route to the -capital, over the Arracan mountains, would unquestionably be taken by our -main army, the expense of transporting a considerable body of troops, -with an adequate supply, not only of military appurtenances, but of -provisions (for the Burmese proved, to our cost, in the last war, that -they could effectually sweep the country of all resources), through such -wildernesses, and by such mere footpaths, would necessarily be great. -These were the circumstances which, joined with much ignorance and -carelessness, rendered the last war so tedious and costly.” - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] Judson, in Documents, pp. 223, 229. - -[2] Or Dr. Buchanan. See his paper in the Edinburgh Philosophical -Journal, vol. ii. p. 99 sqq. - -[3] Penny Cyclopædia, vol. iv, p. 435 sq. - -[4] Penny Cyclopædia, vol. iv. p. 437. - -[5] Embassy to Ava, vol. ii. p. 227 sq. - -[6] Embassy to Ava, vol. iii. p. 233 sq. - -[7] Near Amarapura, however, Symes observed a man in a plantation using a -wheel to a well. See his Ava, vol. ii. p. 87, small edition. - -[8] Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 127 sq. - -[9] Malcom, Travels in South-Eastern Asia, vol. i. p. 96 sq. - -[10] Malcom, vol. i. p. 173 sqq.; and Wallich, _Plantæ Rariores_, &c. - -[11] Prescott’s Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. p. 101-3. - -[12] Malcom, vol. i. p. 167. - -[13] See Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. iv. p. 704. On -the Further Discovery of Coalbeds in Assam, by Capt. F. Jenkins; also -vol. viii. p. 385. The existence of coal has, however, been disputed. - -[14] Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. ii. p. 75 sq. - -[15] The _viss_ is equal to 3½ pounds. The Burmese word is _peik-tha_. - -[16] Japon, Indo-Chine, et Ceylan, par M. Dubois de Jancigny, p. 236. - -[17] Crawfurd’s Ava, vol. ii. p. 222, to whom I am mainly indebted. - -[18] Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, vol. iv. p. 499. - -[19] Races of Man, p. 137. See his Ethnological map. - -[20] Prichard, vol. iv. p. 506. - -[21] Asiat. Res. vol. x. p. 240. - -[22] Low’s Grammar of the T’hay. - -[23] See my remarks in Buckley’s Great Cities of the Ancient World, p. -369. - -[24] In concluding this subject, allow me to refer the reader to some -useful observations on Ethnology by Dr. Prichard, in the Admiralty Manual -of Scientific Inquiry, edited by Sir John Herschel, p. 423-444. - -[25] Embassy to Ava, vol. i. p. 286 sq.; later edition, vol. i. p. 148. - -[26] Sangermano’s Description of the Burmese Empire, p. 58. - -[27] Prescott, Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. p. 80. - -[28] Ava, vol. ii. p. 137 and note. - -[29] Malcom, Travels, vol. i. p. 249. - -[30] My immediate authority is Sangermano, p. 60. This most lucid and -interesting account of the Burmese empire, containing more than its title -imports, deserves the most earnest attention of the historian. Compiled -from Burmese documents, it bears the highest worth in itself. - -[31] Sangermano, p. 64. - -[32] Ava, vol. ii. p. 137. - -[33] In accordance with my suggestions at p. 16 of this work. - -[34] Thucydides, lib. i. c. 138. - -[35] Malcom, vol. i. p. 262. - -[36] Sangermano, p. 66. - -[37] Ava, vol. ii. p. 149 sq. - -[38] Page 74. - -[39] Ava, vol. ii. pp. 152-156. - -[40] Sangermano, p. 67. - -[41] My authority is, as usual, the excellent Sangermano, p. 68. - -[42] This shows how the Burmans fear _justice_. How deeply seated is this -disorder, and who can unseat and drive it away? - -[43] I am indebted to Malcom, vol. i. p. 256, and others. - -[44] Report on Bassein. - -[45] Ava, vol. ii. p. 156. - -[46] Travels, vol. i. p. 256. - -[47] Ava, vol. ii. p. 157. - -[48] This is remarkably applicable to a certain European nation. - -[49] I should not have ventured to say as much as this, had I not -found myself corroborated by Dr. Buchanan Hamilton. His remark is as -follows:—“I should certainly have been silent, had I thought that Captain -Symes or Mr. Wood’s inquiries on these subjects had prepared them to -give their opinions with advantage. But I imagine that this has not -been the case; and I hope the information I here give may be of use to -professional men.”—MS. in the British Museum, Additional MS. No. 13,872. -In the same collection of papers on Ava are a number of communications -from Symes to the Marquis of Wellesley, in the course of his second -embassy. It is but fair to add, that these letters appear written under -more just impressions than his printed journal was. - -[50] Ava, vol. ii. p. 206. - -[51] Residence in Ava, p. 134. - -[52] Embassy to Ava, vol. i. p. 93 sq. - -[53] Governor or chief man. - -[54] Ava, vol. i. p. 98 sq. See also Cox, Residence in Ava, pp. 37-45. - -[55] Cox, on the contrary, was informed that there were five hundred and -twenty wells: this, however, is ably shown to be impossible by Crawfurd, -not by snappish contradiction, but by calculation. The captain was, -evidently, misinformed. - -[56] Ava, vol. ii. p. 178. - -[57] Sangermano, p. 171. - -[58] Ava, vol. ii. p. 162. - -[59] Alves, quoted in Ava, vol. ii. pp. 167-9. - -[60] A tical is worth about two shillings and sixpence. This would be -£6,250. - -[61] See Wilson’s Documents of the Burmese War, Appendix, p. xliv. - -[62] But, after all, this cannot be considered as other than the -substitution of a light or heavy, as the case might be, personal service -for a tax in kind or specie. The tax was taken in labour; that is all the -difference. - -[63] Crawfurd, vol. ii. p. 175. - -[64] See Malcom, vol. i. p. 174. - -[65] Ava, vol. ii. p. 186. - -[66] Page 75. - -[67] Edinburgh Review, No. xliv. p. 354, Jan. 1814. - -[68] I am chiefly indebted to Sangermano, pp. 76-9; and Crawfurd, vol. -ii. pp. 157-9. - -[69] Page 77. - -[70] Description, p. 77. - -[71] Now, however, the soldiers have attempted to get into uniform, and -wear belts and conical cases of tin, to resemble the English cap. - -[72] Snodgrass, Narrative of the Burmese War, pp. 64 and 65. We shall -hereafter return to these excellent “soldiers and gentlemen.” - -[73] Ava, vol. ii. p. 160. - -[74] Burmese War, p. 21. - -[75] Description, p. 78. - -[76] Sangermano, p. 79. - -[77] Burmese War, p. 205. - -[78] Ralph Fitch, in Hakluyt, vol. ii. p. 259. London, 1599. - -[79] See p. 18. - -[80] I have preferred to give the spelling of the black-letter folio, as -it is not very corrupt, and lends additional quaintness to the writer’s -remarks. - -[81] Page 61. - -[82] This intimated that the elephant was the divine ruler of the other -animals, and the scarlet borla of the Peruvian Inca was bound upon its -temples.—Prescott, Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. p. 44. - -[83] Herodotus has recorded the fact of the fishermen of Egypt hanging -their nets around them to keep off the mosquitoes.—Herod. ii. c. 95. - -The following remarks, for which I am indebted to my friend the Rev. J. -G. Wood, M.A., will, I am sure, interest the reader:— - -“The same precautions are taken now. The fisherman plants a pole, usually -his fishing-pole, upright in the ground, and disposes his net over it so -as to form a kind of tent. Under this he sleeps securely, as no flies -dare pass through the meshes of a net, even were they an inch wide. -This may be proved by stretching a series of crossed threads across an -open window. No flies will venture to pass through the spaces, as they -evidently take the net for the toils of some overgrown spider. Should, -however, a gauze curtain be drawn across the window, and a small hole -made in it, plenty of flies will creep through. By thus stretching a net, -it is possible, even in the heat of summer, to enjoy the full benefit -of the fresh air, and yet to have the satisfaction of knowing that your -winged foes are buzzing outside in useless anxiety. There must be no -cross light, or the flies do not appear to see the net.” - -[84] Crawfurd, vol. i. p. 247. - -[85] Description, p. 63. - -[86] Description of the Burmese Empire. Compiled from native documents, -by the Rev. Father Sangermano. Translated from his MS. by W. Tandy. -Published at Rome in 1833, in the invaluable series of the Oriental -Translation Committee. I have abridged the lengthy details in the work of -the father. - -[87] Sangermano, Description, p. 2. See Buchanan, Asiatic Researches, -vol. vi. p. 168. The latter tells us that these measures are not used in -Burmah. Who can wonder at it? - -[88] Strange this is; but at the same time it displays a species of -physical and mechanical knowledge which we should hardly have expected in -these legends. - -[89] Sangermano, p. 3. - -[90] Buchanan, Asiat. Res. vol. vi. p. 175. - -[91] As. Res. vol. vi. p. 175 n. He adds that it would seem to be -identical with the Meru Paravada of the Brahmins. - -[92] The eastern island is named Pioppavideha; the western, Amaragoga; -the northern, Unchegru; and the southern, Zabudiba. The tree of Godama -(mentioned in a former chapter, p. 23) is the _Ficus religiosa_, the -Bŏdhĕ-bayn. - -[93] As. Res. vol. vi. p. 178. - -[94] Sangermano, p. 6. - -[95] Ava, vol. ii. Appendix, No. xi. p. 140. - -[96] As. Res. vol. vi. p. 180. - -[97] Trans. R. A. S. vol. i. p. 566. - -[98] Description, p. 6. - -[99] Page 7. - -[100] Sangermano, p. 20. - -[101] See Sangermano and Malcom, vol. i. pp. 289-294. - -[102] Hesiod, Op. et Dies, lib. i. vv. 120-125. The above must rather be -called a paraphrase than a strict version. - -[103] I have partly availed myself of the able summary of Crawfurd, vol. -ii. p. 274 sq.; as well as Malcom, vol. i. p. 287 sq.; and Sangermano, p. -80 sq. - -[104] Encyclopædia Metropolitana, vol. iii. Miscellaneous, p. 55. - -[105] Vol. iii. p. 56. - -[106] Prinsep’s Tibet, Tartary, and Mongolia, p. 136 and 162 n. - -[107] My immediate authority is Prinsep, in Tibet, &c. pp. 142-144. - -[108] Tibet, Tartary, and Mongolia, p. 145. - -[109] Prinsep, p. 167. - -[110] I quote Prinsep’s summary, p. 168. - -[111] Sangermano, pp. 80 et sqq. - -[112] See my remarks on Buddhism in Peking; Great Cities of the Ancient -World, p. 177. It may be interesting to compare the oath of the witness -at p. 24, with the Buddhist treatise, translated from the Chinese by -myself, in the same work, pp. 181-184. - -[113] As. Res. vol. vi. p. 255. - -[114] Encyclopædia Metropolitana, art. Buddhism, p. 60. - -[115] As. Res. vol. v. p. 115 sq. - -[116] See my essay on the “Ruins of American Civilisation,” pp. 252-259, -in Great Cities of the Ancient World, by my friend the Rev. T. A. -Buckley, B.A.; also Prescott’s Mexico, vol. i. p. 60; and Peru, vol. i. -pp. 91-94. - -[117] Ava, vol. i. p. 392 sq. - -[118] Will no one observe that “correct orthography” is tautology, and -“false orthography” a contradiction? How can our language be pure under -such circumstances? - -[119] I am indebted to Crawfurd, vol. i. p. 397. - -[120] Two Years in Ava, pp. 262 sqq. This most interesting work seems -freer from prejudice than many of its more assuming brethren. - -[121] I am chiefly indebted to Malcom, vol. i. p. 308 sq. - -[122] Pages 89-94; but see also Malcom, _l.c._ - -[123] Travels in Tartary. - -[124] Malcom, vol. i. p. 315 sq. - -[125] Encyclopædia Metropolitana, _s.v._ Buddhism, p. 61. - -[126] Lib. ii. cc. 86-90. - -[127] I am indebted to an account by Mr. Carey in Asiatic Researches, -vol. xvi. p. 186 sq. - -[128] Ava, vol. ii. p. 127. - -[129] The Anacalypsis, vol. i. p. 93. I may here take occasion to remark, -that the author of India in Greece, Mr. Pococke, to whose enthusiastic -labours I would do all the justice in my power, has not, in any part of -that work, acknowledged the manifold obligations under which he lies to -the author of the Anacalypsis. I make this remark more in self-defence -than otherwise, for, upon my attention having been lately turned to -Godfrey Higgins’s work, I there found my own theory of the population -of America anticipated, though not worked out in the manner it might -be done. I must own this, as I am anxious to avoid the imputation of -plagiarism. However, I find myself amply corroborated in some of my own -researches; but the writer’s whole feelings merge into a love of every -kind of mystical foolery that man has ever imagined. - -[130] Malcom, vol. i. p. 321 sq. - -[131] My immediate authority is Malcom, vol. i. p. 278. - -[132] Pali Grammar, with a copious vocabulary in the same language. By -the Rev. B. Clough, 8vo. Colombo. 1824. - -[133] Malcom, vol. i. p. 277. - -[134] Vol. i. p. 277. - -[135] I must not in this place forget to thank the gentlemen at the -Museum for the aid they so courteously and willingly gave me in my -examination of their Burmese MSS. - -[136] Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 305 sq. - -[137] Page 15. - -[138] I do not know but that this ought to be written paruæk.—Buchanan. - -[139] Buchanan, in Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 307. - -[140] Description, p. 141 et sqq. - -[141] Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 172. - -[142] Asiat. Res. vol. ii. p. 285. - -[143] Asiat. Res. vol. vi. p. 174. - -[144] Burmese Empire, p. 111 sq. - -[145] Burmese Empire, p. 113. - -[146] Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. pp. 188-205. - -[147] Description, pp. 11-14. - -[148] Buchanan, _ubi supra_, p. 191; and Sangermano, p. 13. - -[149] See book i. chap. iii. p. 50. - -[150] Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 169 sq. - -[151] Loubère, du Royaume de Siam, vol. ii. p. 102. - -[152] Malcom, vol. i. p. 275. - -[153] Crawfurd, vol. ii. p. 188. - -[154] Malcom, vol. i. p. 275. - -[155] Book i, chap. i. p. 9. - -[156] Sangermano, p. 167. - -[157] Sangermano, p. 167. - -[158] Book i. chap. iii. p. 56. - -[159] Sangermano, p. 126. - -[160] Malcom, vol. i. p. 211. - -[161] Sangermano, p. 124. - -[162] Book i. chap. ii. p. 38. - -[163] South-Eastern Asia, vol. i. p. 212. - -[164] Sangermano, p. 129. - -[165] Sangermano, _ubi supra_, p. 129. - -[166] My principal authority is Sangermano, p. 136. - -[167] My chief authority is Sangermano, pp. 144-146. - -[168] Burmese Empire, p. 146. - -[169] Malcom, vol. i. p. 272. - -[170] Vol. i. p. 7, note. - -[171] Lib. v. tit. 4, ley 16. - -[172] Lib. ix. tit. 2, ley 8. - -[173] Lex Salica, tit. 43, sec. 1, 8. - -[174] Lib. vi. tit. 4, ley 1. - -[175] Lib. vi. tit. 5, leyes 12, 13. - -[176] Lex Salica, tit. 11, sec. 1, 3. - -[177] Embassy to Ava in the year 1795, vol. ii. p. 41 sqq.; later ed. -vol. i. p. 208 sq. - -[178] Called by Sir William Jones, Valmiec. - -[179] Honymaan is worshipped by the Hindoos under the form of an ape, -and is one of the most frequent objects of their adoration; almost every -Hindoo pagoda has this figure delineated in some part of it. Honymaan -(Hanuman) is the term used by the Hindoos to denote a large ape. The -worship was widely extended even among the Mexicans, who portrayed -monkeys in their picture writings. In the Coptic-Egyptian, Haanu -signifies monkey. - -[180] Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 305. - -[181] Stock characters seem as prevalent as at the Victoria or Adelphi. - -[182] Journal of the As. Soc. of Bengal, vol. viii. p. 535 sq. - -[183] I am partly indebted to Cox, Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 497 -sq. - -[184] Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. p. 499. Comp. Symes, vol. ii. p. 226, -small ed. - -[185] Sangermano, p. 127. - -[186] Vol. i. p. 240. - -[187] Vol. i. p. 242. - -[188] Burmese Empire, p. 128. - -[189] My authority is an interesting article in the Journal of the -Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. v. p. 159 sq. - -[190] A territory to the southward of Manipur. - -[191] Sravasti in Oude.—Wilson. - -[192] Yázá is the Burmese pronunciation of Rája. - -[193] Book i. chap. iii. p. 47. - -[194] Ava, vol. i. p. 270, small edition. - -[195] Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, vol. v. p. 164. - -[196] One of the king of Ava’s titles is Nedwet bhuyen—Sun-descended -monarch. Strange coincidence with the Inca boast! - -[197] Mr. Judson has given us a translation of a chronological summary, -which is of extreme value. It is now, together with the text, in the -British Museum.—(Additional MS., No. 12,400.) - -[198] Symes, vol. ii. p. 51 sqq. - -[199] Ib. id. p. 55. - -[200] Symes, vol. ii. p. 58. - -[201] Malcom, vol. i. p. 220. - -[202] Sangermano, p. 119. - -[203] Ibid. - -[204] Sangermano, p. 120. - -[205] Ibid. - -[206] Symes, Ava, vol. i. p. 1. - -[207] The particulars will be found in Captain Drury’s paper in No. V. -of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1851; and in Allen’s -Indian Mail, vol. x. p. 265. - -[208] Burmese Empire, p. 47. - -[209] Ava, vol. i. p. 12. - -[210] My sketch of the Burmese revolution is derived from Symes. - -[211] The first is a Burmese word signifying victory; the second, Pali, -for the same.—Crawfurd, vol. ii. p. 281. - -[212] Jancigny, _Indo-Chine_, p. 255. - -[213] See book i. chap. ii. p. 40. - -[214] Ava, vol. i. p. 34. - -[215] So Symes always spells the word. It is now generally spelt Burmans. - -[216] Symes, vol. i. pp. 43-49. - -[217] Ava, vol. i. pp. 53-55. - -[218] Vol. i. pp. 56-57. - -[219] Symes, vol. i. p. 67. - -[220] Compare the following observations of a late excellent writer -upon India. “M. Dupleix’s wonderful talent for diplomacy and intrigue -soon obtained signal triumphs. His emissaries were everywhere; and the -native princes were all as fickle as faithless. In his intrigues with -them he is said to have derived wonderful assistance from his wife, who -was born in India, and perfectly understood not only the languages, but -also the character of the natives. In his union with this lady, who is -described as being even more ambitious than himself, we may probably -trace the cause of the essentially Oriental spirit of many of his -proceedings.”—Macfarlane’s History of British India, chap. iii. p. 31. -We shall, hereafter, have occasion to return to this work, in connection -with the Burmese war in 1824-26. - -[221] Symes, vol. i. pp. 70-72. - -[222] Sangermano, however, shows, by the ordinance of the port, that the -seizure of the vessel and its contents was nothing remarkable.—See his -Burmese Empire, p. 170. - -[223] Vol. i. p. 74. - -[224] Book i. chap. vi. p. 103. - -[225] Symes, vol. i. p. 76. - -[226] Book i. chap. iii. p. 56. - -[227] Symes, vol. i. p. 81. - -[228] Symes, vol. i. pp. 83-88. - -[229] Ava, vol. i. p. 96. - -[230] Symes, vol. i. pp. 106-109. - -[231] Ib. id. pp. 113-115. - -[232] Symes, vol. i. p. 120 sqq. - -[233] Burmese Empire, p. 48. - -[234] Ava, vol. i. p. 124. - -[235] Symes, vol. i. p. 147 sq. - -[236] Burmese Empire, p. 49. - -[237] Symes, vol. i. p. 150. - -[238] Ib. id. p. 151. - -[239] Ib. id. p. 191 sqq. - -[240] Symes alludes to the fate of Louis XVI. - -[241] See book i. chap. iv. p. 78. - -[242] I continue the narrative in the words of Sangermano, p. 50. - -[243] According to Malcom (vol. i. p. 157), the _fourth_ son. - -[244] His reign, however, included eleven days.—Symes, vol. i. p. 227. - -[245] My chief authority is Symes, vol. i. p. 218 sq. - -[246] Symes, vol. i. pp. 221-224. Sangermano’s account, it will be -perceived, is somewhat different. - -[247] Ava, vol. i. p. 231. - -[248] See book i. chap. ii. p. 40. - -[249] My chief authority is Crawfurd, vol. ii. pp. 1-9. - -[250] Ava, vol. ii, p. 5. - -[251] Ib. id. p. 6. - -[252] Ava, vol. i. p. 131. - -[253] Ava, vol. i. p. 133. - -[254] Symes, vol. i. p. 138. - -[255] Alves in Journal quoted by Symes, vol. i. p. 140. - -[256] Bassein. - -[257] Symes, vol. i. p. 142. - -[258] Marquis Wellesley’s Indian Despatches, &c. - -[259] Macfarlane’s History of British India, p. 355. - -[260] Macfarlane, _l.c._ - -[261] In 1802 Symes again visited Burmah for a diplomatic purpose; but -his letters, while they modify his book, add little of value to our -knowledge of the country. - -[262] This is, however, very problematical. Mr. Macfarlane cannot have -forgotten the whole previous history of European intercourse with the -country, and how many distinctions and quibblings were brought forward at -different times upon that plea. - -[263] Travels, vol. i. p. 159. - -[264] See Sangermano, p. 113. - -[265] Wilson’s Narrative of the Burmese War, p. 1 of the reprint of 1852. - -[266] Wilson, p. 25. - -[267] Wilson, p. 29 sq. - -[268] Macfarlane’s British India, pp. 450-452. - -[269] Burmese War, p. 52, ed. 1852. - -[270] Burmese War, p. 54. - -[271] Burmese War, p. 56 sq. - -[272] Wilson, p. 61. - -[273] Crawfurd’s Ava, vol. i. p. 304. - -[274] Edinburgh Review, vol. lxxi, p. 361, July, 1840. - -[275] Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 63. - -[276] The gilt umbrella surmounting the highest pinnacle of the pagoda. - -[277] Two Years in Ava, p. 26 sqq. This interesting and well-written book -seems to be the production of a naval officer attached to the expedition. -It is by far the most attractive narrative of the proceedings in 1824, -with which I am acquainted. - -[278] Snodgrass, Burmese War, p. 12. - -[279] See Two Years in Ava, p. 25. - -[280] Snodgrass, p. 6. - -[281] Two Years in Ava, p. 24. - -[282] Ibid. p. 29. Cf. book i. chap. ii. p. 40 of this work. - -[283] Burmese War, pp. 15-20. - -[284] Page 16. - -[285] Snodgrass, pp. 20-22. - -[286] Page 25. - -[287] Edinburgh Review, vol. lxxi. p. 358. - -[288] Two Years in Ava, p. 40. - -[289] Burmese War, p. 27. - -[290] Page 43 sq. - -[291] A doolie is a species of litter, used in the East to carry the -wounded from the field of battle. - -[292] Burmese War, pp. 35-37. - -[293] Two Years in Ava, p. 56. So, too, did the wild shouts and savage -songs of the Mexicans strike on the ears of the watching Spaniards. - -[294] Wilson, Burmese War, p. 86 sq., and the authorities quoted there. - -[295] Two Years in Ava, p. 60. - -[296] Two Years in Ava, p. 66 sq. - -[297] I may here mention, that Major Canning, who had accompanied the -expedition as political agent, about this time returned to Calcutta by -the _Nereide_, where, debilitated by the marsh fever of Ava, he shortly -died. - -[298] Burmese War, p. 96. - -[299] Book i. chap. ii. p. 39. - -[300] British India, p. 463 sq. Geijer, the historian of Sweden, well -compares them to the Bersekkars. - -[301] Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 105. - -[302] It may be as well to state, that about this time Colonel Godwin, -after a gallant resistance, took Martaban for the first time; it has -since been given up to the Burmese; but in this last war it was again -taken possession of, and it is now in our hands. - -[303] Wilson, pp. 106, 107. - -[304] Wilson, p. 113. - -[305] Burmese War, p. 119. My limits do not admit of my speaking much of -the war in Arakhan, which was yet undetermined. I shall content myself -with referring to Macfarlane, Wilson, and other historians, merely -adding, that the conquest of the province was completed by the end of -April, 1825. - -[306] Wilson, p. 175. - -[307] I may here mention, that the author of Two Years in Ava has -enriched his book by an excellent and complete plan of the fortress and -works of Donabew, which I most heartily recommend to the student of -military science. - -[308] MacFarlane’s India, p. 479. - -[309] Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 181. - -[310] Edinburgh Review, vol. lxxi. p. 356. - -[311] Wilson, Burmese War, p. 184. - -[312] British India, p. 485. - -[313] “In the month of August, Sir Archibald Campbell went down to -Rangoon, and returned from that place to Prome, in the steam-vessel the -_Diana_, with as much ease and tranquillity as we go from London-bridge -to Ramsgate and back again.”—Mac Farlane. - -[314] Wilson’s Burmese War, p. 196. - -[315] Mac Farlane’s British India, p. 487. - -[316] Wilson, p. 209. - -[317] Burmese War, p. 216. - -[318] Statistical Report. - -[319] British India, p. 490. - -[320] It may not be inapposite here to mention that, according to a -writer in the _Times_ of the 7th of September, 1852, “letters were found -in the stockades at Prome, ordering white slaves to be sent up to Ava, -for the use of the Ava ladies.” - -[321] Wilson, p. 229. - -[322] Burmese War, p. 238. - -[323] British India, p. 492. - -[324] Page 355. - -[325] Papers relating to the Hostilities with Burmah. 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