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diff --git a/old/64257-0.txt b/old/64257-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 841b6f5..0000000 --- a/old/64257-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,18373 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Three Voyages of William Barents, by -Gerrit De Veer - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Three Voyages of William Barents - To the Arctic Regions (1594, 1595, and 1596) - -Author: Gerrit De Veer - -Translator: Charles T. Beke - -Contributor: L. R. Koolemans Beynen - -Release Date: January 11, 2021 [eBook #64257] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net/ for Project Gutenberg (This file - was produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THREE VOYAGES OF WILLIAM -BARENTS *** - - - - - THE THREE - VOYAGES OF WILLIAM BARENTS - TO THE - ARCTIC REGIONS - - (1594, 1595, AND 1596). - - - BY - - GERRIT DE VEER. - - FIRST EDITION EDITED BY - - CHARLES T. BEKE, Phil. D., F.S.A. - 1853. - - Second Edition, with an Introduction, - - BY - - LIEUTENANT KOOLEMANS BEYNEN, - - (ROYAL NETHERLANDS NAVY). - - LONDON: - PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. - - MDCCCLXXVI. - - - - - - - - -COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. - - - The Right Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS, President. - Admiral C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. } Vice-Presidents. - Major-General Sir HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., F.R.S. } - W. A. TYSSEN AMHURST, Esq. - Rev. Dr. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L., F.R.G.S. - J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S. - Vice-Admiral Sir RICHARD COLLINSON, K.C.B. - Captain CRUTTENDEN. - EGERTON V. HARCOURT, Esq. - CHARLES GREY, Esq. - JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A. - R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A. - Sir CHARLES NICHOLSON, Bart., D.C.L. - Vice-Admiral ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S. - Captain PORCHER, R.N. - The Lord STANLEY of Alderley. - EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., F.R.S. - - CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM. C.B., F.R.S., Sec. R.G.S., Honorary Secretary - - - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - Postscript. - - PAGE - - Introduction to the Second Edition i - Introduction to the First Edition lxiii - The True and Perfect Description of Three Voyages clxxv - The Fyrst Part of the Nauigation into the North Seas 1 - A Briefe Declaration of a Second Nauigation 40 - The Third Voyage Northwarde to the Kingdomes of - Cathaia and China 70 - - Appendix. Letter from John Balak to Gerard Mercator 261 - ,, Henry Hudson’s Visit to Novaya Zemlya 265 - ,, Writings of William Barents 273 - - Index 275 - - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PAGE - - Clock found in the Barents’ House in Novaya Zemlya i - Relics found in the Barents’ House xlix - ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ib. - Instrument for finding Longitude lvi - How a frightful, cruel, big bear tare to pieces two of - our companions 63 - A wonder in the heavens, and how we caught a bear 77 - How a bear came unto our boat, and what took place - with him 78 - How our ship stuck fast in the ice, whereby three of - us were nearly lost 99 - How the ice heaved up the fore part of our ship 100 - How we built a house of wood, wherein to keep ourselves - through the winter 108 - The exact manner of the house wherein we wintered 128 - How we shot a bear, wherefrom we got a good hundred - pounds’ weight of grease 154 - How we made ready to sail back again to Holland 180 - How we prepared a way whereby we brought our boats - and goods to the sea 188 - How we were nearly wrecked, and with great danger had - to betake ourselves to the ice 196 - True portraiture of our boats, and how we nearly got - into trouble with the seahorses 218 - - -MAPS. - - Caerte van Nova Zembla to face Title - Caerte van’t Noorderste Russen, Samojeden, - ende Tingoesen landt lxxxvii - - - - - - -ERRATA. - - - Page xxvii, in Note 1, for Zeemosche Bay, read Zeeuwsche Bay. - Page lxii, in third line from bottom of page, for Fiele, read - Tiele. - - - - - - - - -POSTSCRIPT. - - -The Introduction to the second edition of this volume was already -printed when the Arctic exploring ships, H.M.S. Alert and Discovery, -returned to England, and I avail myself of this opportunity to express -the feelings of admiration which the undaunted courage and perseverance -displayed by its gallant crews have given rise to abroad; and to -repeat, with warm enthusiasm, that “welcome-home” which is still -finding expression over the whole civilised world. - -The year 1876 will undoubtedly be written with golden letters in the -annals of English Arctic exploring, for not only the north, but also -the north-east, was the scene of English enterprise. - -At the same time that Captain Nares and Captain Stephenson, under the -most trying circumstances, succeeded in pushing the Government ships -through the heavy barriers of ice which obstructed the outlet of -Smith’s Sound, another Englishman, Mr. Charles Gardiner, boldly -penetrated the Kara Sea. Mr. Gardiner visited Barendsz Yshaven, and -brought home from thence a valuable collection of highly interesting -relics. - -The following is a short account of this very successful cruise. - -The yacht Glow-worm left Hammerfest (Norway) on June 23rd, and made her -first ice on the 4th of July, being about twenty-five miles to westward -of Goose Land (Novaya Zemlya). The approach to the land was found to be -obstructed by solid icefields, but two days afterwards, Mr. Gardiner -succeeded in reaching the land-water, and shaping his course north, he -tried to get as far as Cape Nassau. - -A continuance of westerly winds having blocked up the west coast -entirely, Mr. Gardiner, a few miles north of Matotschkin Schar, was -stopped by an impenetrable barrier of ice, which, closing upon the -land, stretched itself far away to the westward. Finding the ice -barrier which obstructed the entrance of Matotschkin Schar only two -miles broad, Mr. Gardiner, under steam and canvas, forced his way -through, and on the 20th reached the open water in the Straits. To his -great surprise he found the Straits perfectly clear of ice, which, so -early in the season, was a very unusual fact. - -July 25th, his yacht reached the land-water along the east coast, and -shaping her course for White Island, Mr. Gardiner boldly penetrated -into the Kara Sea. Having got about thirty miles in that direction, his -ship was brought up by a heavy solid pack, which stretched away to the -eastward as far as could be seen. Judging that the westerly winds would -have cleared the east coast of Novaya Zemlya, Mr. Gardiner steered -north, with the intention of trying, if possible, to reach Barendsz -Yshaven. - -The weather now became most trying. Continual fogs, numerous icebergs, -and, at intervals, ice all round, made the navigation in these almost -unknown waters very dangerous. The little ship for many days had to -grope her way along the coast like a blind man, but Mr. Gardiner, never -yielding to all these dangers and obstacles, had the well-earned -satisfaction of entering Yshaven at eight o’clock in the morning of the -29th of July. Finding the bay still filled up with fast ice, he -anchored outside of it. - -Amidst fogs and snow-drift he, during three days, made the most careful -researches on and about the spot. He found the ruins of the Old House -fallen completely into decay; but, leaving nothing untouched, and -grubbing in every nook and corner, he gathered from under the ice a -most splendid and highly interesting collection of more than a hundred -different articles. Depositing a record of his having been there, Mr. -Gardiner, on August 2nd, shaped his course for White Island. - -In vain he attempted to make more easting. About thirty miles distance -from the land his yacht was always stopped by impenetrable ice. This -forced him to go south in the land-water, and on the 13th he arrived at -Waygatz Island. In order to cross over to the Yalmal Peninsula, he had -to push his way through very heavy ice; and while coasting north, along -the low Siberian coast, a heavy pack was always in sight on his -portbeam. On August 18th, very thick weather obliged him to drop his -anchor. It blew a gale from the north-west, which, bringing the pack -down on the land, threatened to force the yacht ashore. The position -was very dangerous indeed, and steam was ordered to be kept up ready at -a moment’s notice. - -Not long after, a very large floe, some 1,000 yards in circumference, -drifted down on the little ship, and the pressure was such that the -cable with fifty fathoms parted. In a few minutes, the yacht drew only -eight feet of water under her keel. Mr. Gardiner, however, not only -succeeded in saving his ship, but next day got his lost anchor again; -on which he boldly pushed further north. Three days afterwards, in 67 -deg. 10 min. east longitude and 72 deg. 20 min. north latitude, he -experienced very bad weather. A strong north-east gale, it being very -thick, brought so much ice down that the ship could not hold her -ground. This weather continuing, and it being rather late in the -season, orders were given to return. - -Passing Pet Straits on the 23rd, the yacht was back in Hammerfest on -the 28th of August, after a most successful and interesting cruise, the -history of which adds another bright page to the glorious annals of -English enterprise. - -The collection of the Barendsz relics, which were brought over to -England, consisted of more than a hundred different objects. Remains of -carpenters’ tools, broken parts of old weapons, and sailors’ materials, -form the greater part of the collection. Among the most curious -articles are a wooden stamp with seal, a leaden inkstand, two goose -feather writing pens, a small iron pair of compasses, a little cubic -die-stone, a heavy harpoon with ring, besides twenty well-preserved wax -candles, very likely the oldest in the world now existing. Besides -these, there are three Dutch books, two Dutch coins, an old Amsterdam -ell-measure, together with the ship’s flag of Amsterdam, having been -the first European colour which passed a winter in the Arctic Regions. - -The authenticity of the Barendsz relics is now fully borne out, for in -one of the powder-horns was found the well-known manuscript which -Barendsz left behind, hung up in the chimney. Though much decayed, it -is with the exception of a few words perfectly legible. It is not, as -some have supposed it to be, a kind of journal, but merely a short -record, giving the principal facts we knew already from De Veer’s -accounts. The dates it gives, perfectly agree with the aforesaid -accounts, whilst the record is signed by Heemskerck and William -Barendsz. The signature of Heemskerck is identified, but that of -William Barendsz was, till now, unknown. - -Mr. Gardiner, knowing that the relics brought home by Captain Carlsen -in 1871, were bought by the Netherlandish Government, and convinced of -the great interest which they possess for the native land of the great -explorer, has most generously offered this collection to the Dutch -nation. When this fact becomes known by the general public in Holland, -we feel sure every true Netherlander will be very thankful to Mr. -Charles Gardiner for this generous and courteous act. - - - L. R Koolemans Beynen. - - - - - - - -INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION. - -BY LIEUTT. KOOLEMANS BEYNEN, R.N.N. - - -The re-publication by the Hakluyt Society of the first true polar -voyage ever made, is very opportune, now that the people of England -have revived their interest in maritime enterprise and are waiting with -anxiety the results of the Government expedition up Smith’s Sound, -where the brave explorers in the Alert and Discovery are enduring the -hardships of an Arctic winter. A deep interest in this expedition, -manifested in various ways, is felt throughout the whole civilised -world, and never did ships sail to the Arctic Regions which were -followed with greater sympathy or warmer wishes both at home and -abroad. While we are waiting with increasing impatience for the first -news of their proceedings, the voyages of the stout-hearted Dutch -pioneers of Arctic exploration will be found exceedingly interesting, -showing what the human constitution can endure under good leadership, -and stimulated and controlled by faith and discipline. They have set an -example to all other Arctic navigators, by showing the necessity for -being well prepared to sustain a winter in the polar pack. If future -explorers should find themselves surprised amidst the ice, and -consequently be obliged to winter, let them bear their hardships as -those Dutchmen did, under the command of Heemskerck and the leadership -of William Barendsz. - -The narrative of the three voyages undertaken by the Dutch, towards the -close of the sixteenth century, with a view to the discovery of a -north-east passage to China, was printed for the Hakluyt Society in -1853. Then the learned Dr. Beke, the eminent traveller and geographer, -wrote the introduction. But since that time Novaya Zemlya has been -circumnavigated, the house in which Barendsz and his gallant companions -wintered has been found, whilst its true position and those of many -other points along the coast have been accurately determined. Moreover, -the researches into the Archives and old State papers of the -Netherlands have thrown much new light on the proceedings of the early -Dutch Arctic explorers, and on the circumstances under which these -voyages were undertaken. - -For these reasons, it has been thought advisable, in this second -edition, to lay before the members of the Society the results of -subsequent research. - -It will not be necessary to recall to mind the condition of the -Netherlands at the close of the sixteenth century, now that the -fascinating work of Motley, on the Rise of the Dutch Republic, is -familiar to every one. The heroic Dutchmen, assisted by their not less -gallant English friends, had to fight against superior forces, composed -of the best soldiers and led by the ablest generals of Philip of Spain. -Disposing of resources such as no other prince of the period possessed, -backed by the most renowned captains of the age, and aided by the -religious fanaticism of his subjects, Philip was nevertheless unable to -maintain his hold over the United Provinces, which sought to render -their land independent of Spain, as they had formerly freed it from the -sea. This land had been reclaimed by their fathers in ever recurring -struggles, not only with the ocean, but likewise with the rivers Rhine, -Maas, and Scheldt, which discharge their ice and waters into the North -Sea. Their descendants still continue fighting against heavy odds to -keep their land and property above water, notwithstanding the progress -made in engineering and hydraulics. As an old ship at sea is kept -afloat by continual pumping, caulking, and repairing, so, too, are the -Low Countries preserved from destruction. This constant labour and -enormous expense may be rendered useless at any moment by a sudden rise -in the rivers, an equinoctial storm from the ocean, the breaking up of -the ice, or the melting of the snow on distant mountains; so that, -notwithstanding the indefatigable industry of the people, the bulwarks -may be destroyed behind which they are never safe. In such a school -were the old Dutchmen trained. They knew by sad experience that their -country could only be held by hard fighting with the sea, and it was -also by hard fighting that they were enabled to gain their political -independence, and the liberty to worship God as they pleased. But the -war against Philip was very expensive, and laid a heavy charge upon the -already over-burdened shoulders of the people. Agriculture and dairy -farming could scarcely supply the means to cover the indispensable -outlay necessary for keeping their land above water. Already, in a -petition for the remission of taxes, addressed by the States of Holland -to the Emperor Charles V, we read as follows:— - - - “That Holland is very small, both in length and breadth, almost - with three sides exposed to the sea, and full of downs, swamps, - turf-moors, lakes, and other unfruitful places, where one can - neither sow corn nor graze cattle; wherefore the inhabitants, to - find food for their wives and children, are obliged to go and trade - and traffic in foreign ports, and to export certain tissues, for - which reasons the principal profession of the country is the art of - navigation and the sea trade.” - - -Thus from the earliest times they had looked upon navigation and -commerce as the great source of their wealth, and from this source they -expected to get the means to carry on the war. It may be true that they -worshipped the “almighty dollar”, but not for itself, not only from a -hope of gain, but also from the purest patriotism, because they could -not continue their struggle for independence without money, and this -could only be gained by giving more expansion to commerce, and not -despising small advantages. Hence their natural resolution to search in -every direction for new trade routes, and to risk so many lives and -ships on their desperate exploring expeditions in frozen latitudes, -hoping to reach Cathay and the Spice Islands by going north-about. In -that direction they expected to avoid the superior Spanish naval -forces, which in the infancy of the great struggle they could not -expect to conquer, as very soon afterwards, in 1609, was done by -Heemskerck. He burned the Spanish fleet on their own shores, and thirty -years later the gallant Admiral Marten Harpertszoon Tromp carried his -broom at the mast-head. The cosmographers of the Netherlands were among -the very best in the world, and were well acquainted with all the -fruitless endeavours to find a shorter route to the Indies by the -north-west. - -Several voyages had been made by Englishmen, mentioned in Dr. Beke’s -introduction, towards the north-east, concerning which every particular -was known in the Netherlands. This has since been proved by an -irrefutable fact; for the so-called journals of Barendsz, which were in -1875 brought back to Norway, turned out to be a Dutch translation of -the journals of the English navigators, Pet and Jackman, who, in 1580, -endeavoured to find the north-east passage. This translation was found -in the old wintering house of Barendsz in Novaya Zemlya, and -consequently he must have taken it with him on his last voyage. There -can, therefore, be no doubt that the Netherlanders had watched eagerly, -and with intense interest, the attempts made by the English to find the -north-east passage to the Indies. This may be the reason why a few -Netherlanders tried at first to penetrate over-land in that direction, -for a certain Olivier Brunel succeeded in reaching as far as the Obi -river, travelling all the way on terra firma. Thanks to the industrious -and intelligent researches of the historian of “De Noordsche -Compagnie”, Mr. S. Muller, Fz., we now know a great deal more of this -Olivier Brunel than Dr. Beke did in 1853. - -The history of Brunel has especially roused Mr. Muller’s interest, and -the facts discovered during his researches are so surprising that we -think we cannot do better than give them nearly verbatim. - -At the time that the English settled themselves at the mouth of the -Dwina river, in the neighbourhood of the monastery of St. Nicholas, -they had spared no trouble to maintain themselves continually in the -exclusive possession of the trade in these regions. In this they -succeeded but for a short period. - -Twelve years after their arrival on the shores of the White Sea, the -Dutch had found, at least partially, the track of their predecessors. - -In the year 1565, a certain Philip Winterköning, an exile from -Wardöhuis, entered upon a negotiation with the Netherlanders. By his -intervention a ship was sent out from Enkhuizen, and arrived at a spot, -where a settlement was soon formed, to which they gave the name of -Kola. - -In the following year, 1566, two merchants of Antwerp, Simon van -Salingen and Cornelis de Meyer, steering from Kola along the coast, -ventured to follow in the track of the English to the White Sea. They -landed at the mouth of the Onega, and travelled, disguised as Russians, -overland to Moscow. This courageous voyage was undertaken for no other -object than to settle private affairs; and they did not avail -themselves of the opportunity that thus occurred of establishing -commercial relations with the White Sea. - -However, the settlement at Kola now existed, and from thence efforts -were made to carry on a direct trade with the Dwina. A trustworthy -person was sent for that purpose on board of a Russian ship to -Kholmogory, a town situated in the neighbourhood of the English -settlement of Rose Island. He was instructed to learn the Russian -language, and to try to obtain all possible information respecting the -best manner of establishing commercial relations. That man was no other -than Olivier Brunel, a character well known at that time, but in these -days almost forgotten. - -His name ought to be remembered and honoured as it deserves, for Brunel -was not only the founder of the White Sea trade of the Dutch, but he -was also their first Arctic navigator. For this reason a better account -of him than has been given in the former edition, will not be found out -of place here. Dr. Beke saw in Olivier Brunel and Alferius two distinct -persons, and did not agree with Hamel that they were the same -individual. It is, therefore, necessary in the first place to give Mr. -S. Muller’s arguments as to why he considers Hamel’s opinion the most -trustworthy. - -We know (he says) that, in 1581, two persons, both going under the -uncommon name of Olivier (of whom the one was “natione Belga”, the -other “domo Bruxella”), lived on the shores of the White Sea. When it -is remarked that, in 1578, only a few Netherlanders went to those -shores, this conformity of name and country is indeed very remarkable. -The scholarship of both was the same. The one, Alferius, was, as Balak -says, no scholar, but a man of skilful practice; the other, Brunel, had -passed his life as a commercial discoverer in the north. There is also -a striking conformity in the condition of life of the two men. -Alferius, “captivus aliquot annos vixit in Moscovitarum ditione, apud -viros illic celeberrimos Jakonius et Unekius.” Brunel was for a few -years a prisoner in Russia, and was delivered from his captivity by the -Ameckers, who were very clever Russian merchants, living at -Coolwitsogda, whom Brunel afterwards served. Jakonius and Unekius had -already been taken by Lütke, who probably knew nothing of Brunel, to be -the same as Jakov and Grigory Anikiew. - -Hamel was convinced that by the “Ameckers” the Anikiews from -Sol-Wütschegodsk only could be meant, although Scheltema, his -authority, had changed arbitrarily “Coolwitsogda” (Sol-Wütschegodsk) -into “Cool” (Kola). - -To continue:—Alferius was sent to the Netherlands in 1581; Brunel went -there every year. We find Alferius journeying along the coast of the -Baltic; Brunel often travelled overland to Europe. Alferius, in the -service of his masters, had often been at the Obi; Brunel had been for -years commercial agent of the Russians, who yearly traded with the Obi. -Alferius started from the Netherlands with the design of seeking out -the north-east passage; Brunel is known as the first Dutch Arctic -traveller. - -In fine:—Brunel was one of the inciters of the Dutch Arctic voyages, -and spoke, therefore, with the South-Netherlander Moucheron. Alferius -is known to have had the intention of visiting the South-Netherlander -Mercator, with whose co-operation Moucheron gave that impulse which -resulted in the first expedition of the Netherlanders to the Arctic -regions. - -From all this circumstantial evidence we must draw the conclusion that -Alferius is the same personage as Olivier Brunel, and, based upon this -conclusion, the following history of Brunel has been given by Mr. S. -Muller.— - -Olivier Brunel was born at Brussels in the first part of the sixteenth -century. Of the early years of his life absolutely nothing is known. It -may be that he went in 1565 with the first ships of Enkhuizen to Kola, -or that, escaping from the tyranny of the Spanish Duke of Alva, he came -over to Holland, together with a number of South Netherland merchant -families, such as the Moucherons, the Le Maires, the Usselins, and -others. However, it is quite certain that, soon after the establishment -of the Netherlanders at Kola, he undertook the voyage to Kholmogory -already alluded to. He was not lucky on that occasion, for, watched by -the English, who feared him as a rival, he was handed over to the -Russian Government as a spy, and remained for several years a captive -at Jaroslav. At last assistance made its appearance in the persons of -the brothers Jakov and Grigory Anikiew, who belonged to the celebrated -commercial house of the Strogonoffs at Solvitchegodok. These latter -asked and obtained his liberty of the Czar. - -The generous merchants had every reason to felicitate themselves on the -benefit conferred upon Brunel. Their protégé took a zealous and active -part in the yearly expeditions which were made by the Russians towards -the East. - -Brunel passed overland through the territory of the Samoyeds to -Siberia, as well as by sea along the coast, and in one of his voyages, -crossing the river of Petchora, at last he reached the long-desired Obi -river. In one of these expeditions, which probably now and then went -through the Matthew’s Strait, a passage well known to the Russians, his -guide, a Russian, brought him to Kostin Shar, a strait which by this -means became known to Europe. - -Soon, however, Brunel rendered himself of greater use to his masters by -opening new roads for their trade. Being acquainted with the Dutch -colony at Kola, and with the requisites for Dutch commerce, Brunel -urged the plan of seeking towards the west for a mart to dispose of -Russian produce. To put his plan into execution he himself started, -accompanied by two relations of the Anikiews, and provided with -passports from the Czar. He hired a Dutch ship, and arrived safely at -the city of Dort. There the Russian visitors found a ready market for -the greater part of their goods. The rest was advantageously sold at -Antwerp and Paris, and when Brunel next year returned to his patrons, -the latter were well contented with the results of the voyage. They -decided upon entering into a negotiation with Kola, and from thence -with the Netherlands. In this manner Brunel, as commercial agent of the -Anikiews, yearly visited both places. This state of things did not last -long. Brunel made use of his favourable position to put into execution -the plan to accomplish which he had gone years before to Russia but -with such bad success. He made arrangements with a certain Jan van de -Walle, and in 1577 persuaded him to make a journey overland to Russia, -accompanied by Brunel himself. Van de Walle made excellent use of the -knowledge gained by him on this expedition, for the year following a -Dutch ship under Captain Jan Jakobszmette Lippen, of Alkmaar, anchored -for the first time in the Pudoshemsco mouth of the Dwina. This ship, -having on board Van de Walle as agent, had sailed from Flushing and -belonged to an Antwerp merchant named Gilles van Eychelenberg. Almost -at the same time another ship arrived, belonging to the well-known -Balthazar de Moucheron, and under the command of Adrian Crijt, a -captain in the service of Balthazar. Thus the commerce of the -Netherlands with the White Sea was established. - -Soon after this, Melchior de Moucheron, as commercial agent of his -relation Balthazar, settled at the mouth of the Dwina, and the trading -establishment was then transferred to a harbour in the neighbourhood of -the monastery of Saint Michiel. On this spot, a few years subsequently, -rose the city of Nova Kholmogory, commonly known as Archangel. - -After some hesitation the English left their settlement on Rose Island -and betook themselves to the young, but already prosperous, city of -Archangel. - -Two years had hardly passed after Brunel had set the Dutch trade with -Russia on a secure footing, when we find him occupied with still more -gigantic and adventurous designs. - -As we know, in the year 1580 the English expedition, under the -commanders Pet and Jackman, set out in search of the north-east -passage. It was accompanied by the good wishes of thousands of persons -who assembled to see it start, whilst the whole scientific world -awaited with breathless expectation the result of this further effort. -The Russians, also, who at the mouth of the Dwina daily came into -contact with the servants of the Muscovy Company, doubtless heard of -the expectations which were fostered about the north-east passage. - -This being the case, surely it is not surprising that the Russians, -possessing much more accurate knowledge of the Siberian coast than the -English, should try to make use of that knowledge and also form plans -to find the desired passage. - -A Swedish ship-builder, who had for some years been occupied in the -service of the Anikiews, received the order to construct two ships -fitted up with everything requisite for the exigencies of an Arctic -expedition; and, on the other hand, Brunel, the Dutch voyager, was -instructed to proceed to Antwerp and there hire, at almost any price, -hardy sailors and mates, with whom these vessels were to be manned. - -On his way thither, Brunel, in 1581, arrived at the Island of Oesel, in -the Gulf of Riga. Here he had an interview at Arensburg with a -cosmographer named John Balak, a friend of the renowned Gerard -Mercator. - -Balak, who took much interest in voyages of discovery, and who seems to -have appreciated the enterprising genius of Brunel, gave him a letter -of recommendation to Mercator at Duisburg. From that letter, happily -preserved by Hakluyt, we know the plans and intentions of Brunel. [1] -But Brunel desired that his native country, and not his Russian -benefactors, should have the advantage of his researches. Acting upon -this impulse, he, immediately after his arrival in Holland, tried to -find acceptance for his favourite scheme. - -It may, therefore, be supposed that a few merchants, and amongst them, -beyond all doubt, De Moucheron, influenced by the zealous persuasions -of Brunel, proposed to the noble Prince William the Taciturn a project -for sending out an expedition in order to try and discover the -north-east passage to the Indies. Probably they claimed the aid of the -Government to support their efforts; but the political situation of the -country was too unsettled to allow the States to risk their money in so -doubtful an undertaking. Nevertheless, the prince himself was greatly -in favour of the expedition; yet, to support it with the funds of the -nation was out of the question. - -However, two such enterprising men as Brunel and De Moucheron were not -so easily daunted; for the first Netherland Arctic voyage was -undertaken in 1584, and, in all probability, was fitted out entirely at -the expense of De Moucheron. But to Brunel belongs the honour of the -voyage. This indefatigable traveller sailed with a ship belonging to -the city of Enkhuizen, towards the north, to reach the far-off Empire -of Cathay. Brunel, like a true Dutchman of the period—for the Dutch -were then merchants to the very core—occupied himself on the way with -entering into commercial relations with the Samoyed tribes. - -In the records of the Archives of Utrecht, among the papers of -Buchelius, Mr. Muller has discovered an old letter, in which it is -recounted that Brunel had tried in vain to pass through Pet Strait. - -Be this as it may, it is quite certain that his expedition was most -unfortunate. On his return home, his ship, freighted with a rich cargo -of valuable furs, mountain-crystal, and Muscovy glass, was wrecked in -the shallow mouth of the Petchora river. Brunel, after this sad -occurrence, being perfectly aware that his country was unable at the -moment to assist him in making a new effort, and not daring to return -to the service of his former masters, the Russians, resolved to seek a -new scene of action. Accordingly he presented himself to the King of -Denmark, and offered him his services, in order to try and find the -long-lost Greenland colonies. The proposal of the able Arctic traveller -was eagerly accepted. Brunel immediately entered into the Danish -service, and did not abandon the task before three vain attempts, made -one after another, convinced him of the fruitlessness of his -endeavours. But little more is known of the remaining period of his -life. - -Mr. Muller has called attention to some information furnished by -Purchas’ Pilgrimes iii, p. 831, of which the following is an -extract:—“The rest of this journall, from the death of Master John -Knight, was written by Oliuer Browne” (or Brownel, [2] this last letter -l is unfortunately not distinct). - -It may appear strange that so distinguished a seaman should have been -on board a ship in a subordinate position. Yet, in all likelihood, this -is the true Brunel, for other reasons justify the idea that he was in -English service. - -Firstly, Josiah Logan, in 1611, knew very accurately how to describe -the manner in which Brunel had found “Kostin Shar”. [3] Those -particulars he could not have known from the very brief details given -in the Dutch accounts. Either he must have been personally acquainted -with Brunel or have read something that was written by him. - -And, secondly, the fact that Brunel, after his failure in his Arctic -voyage (1584), had been constantly in Danish and English service, would -account for his absence in the later Dutch Arctic voyages, and would -sufficiently explain the want of acquaintance of Hessel Gerritsz with -Brunel’s further researches. - -It, therefore, is by no means impossible that Brunel, together with -Knight, quitting the Danish for the English service, again visited the -north-west. After this we lose sight of Brunel. It is a great pity that -the evening of the life of this great man should be lost in total -obscurity. Even the year of his death is not exactly known. However, it -is supposed to have taken place in the first years of the seventeenth -century, because, in 1613, Hessel Gerritsz wrote of Brunel’s voyage, as -that of “Oliverii cuiusdam Brunelli”. - -The above is the history of Brunel, as related by Mr. S. Muller. - -If his views are correct, then, in all probability, the first Dutch -Arctic expedition took place in 1584. Now, in that same year, the King -of Spain prohibited to the inhabitants of the Netherlands all trade -with Portugal. Thus it is easy to comprehend that attention was drawn -towards the finding of a northern passage, which would have enabled the -Dutch to open a direct trade with the Indies. Consequently during three -successive years we see different expeditions leaving the Netherland -ports, and boldly penetrating into the Arctic seas. - -Dr. Beke has given, in his introduction, the principal outlines of the -route taken by these expeditions. However, led away by the example of -the German geographer, Petermann, Dr. Beke has made a mistake in laying -down the track of Barendsz in his third voyage. This can be proved -almost mathematically by an extract taken from a log, probably of -Barendsz himself, which is preserved in the very rare work, “Histoire -du Pays, nommé Spitsbergen, etc., par Hessel Gerard, à Amsterdam, -1613.” This extract runs thus:— - - - “May 18, New Style. We set out from the Texel, and arrived on the - 22nd at Fayril, [4] and in the neighbourhood of the Orkneys. - - “June 5. We encountered ice, which, according to our estimation, - came from Greenland; for we judged from our calculations that we - were about 100 nautical miles distant from the said Greenland. The - water was green with a brownish colour. Sounded without finding any - bottom. The ice extended the whole length of the sea, south-east - and north-west, and was either in pieces or in floes. [5] - - “The next day we made our way N.E. and N.E. ¼ N. for a distance of - 36 miles, and came upon a great ice-field, through which it was - impossible to pass. Found no bottom at 120 fathoms. In our opinion, - we were N.W. 220 miles off Luffoden Island, and 400 to 460 miles - from the North Cape. - - “Turning thence towards the east, we arrived at Bear Island on the - 10th of June, in 74° 35′ latitude, and sailing N.E. we came upon an - ice-field, against which we were anchored, and were obliged to - return under the island. - - “From Bear Island we set out, shaping our course W.N.W., thinking - to find towards the north a better passage; for those of the other - vessel wished constantly to draw towards the west, whilst I desired - to go more eastwardly. We made until night, W.N.W., 64 miles, and - during the night till the morning, N.W., 60 miles. - - “June 14. Made till night, N. ¼ W., 88 miles. Then the weather - clearing up, we found ourselves in the neighbourhood of ice, and we - fancied we could see land to the north, but we were not certain. - - “June 15. We hove to, sounded, without finding bottom with 150 - fathoms. Sailed until noon S.E. and S.E. ¼ E., 20 miles, having - attained 78¼° latitude. Then we sailed, wind aft east, 28 miles; - and afterwards, till night, N.N.E., 20 miles. We passed a large - dead whale, on which were several sea-gulls. - - “June 16. Foggy weather, wind west, we sailed until noon, N.N.E., - 84 miles. Came into the ice, and we had to keep away in order to - follow the edge of the ice, N.E. 20 miles. Again we had to put back - S.E. 24 miles, clear of the ice, till shaping a course S.S.W. 16 - miles, we came again in the ice, which was in the morning. - - “June 17. Weather calm until noon. We then found the latitude of - 80° 10′. We tacked, having the wind right ahead to keep clear from - the ice (estoyons passe si, ou 6 lieues?) Wind till night, west; - found bottom at 90 fathoms. During the whole watch we continued - steering S.S.W. 16 miles, having wind from the S.E. We then saw - land, but still kept on towards the W.S.W. The land trended for - about 32 or 36 miles, from W. ¼ S., towards E. ¼ N. It was high - land, and entirely covered with snow, and it extended from the N.W. - to another point. - - “June 18. S.W. ¼ W. 24 miles, and there we found the latitude of - 80°. With wind W. and N.W. we sailed against the wind along the - land till noon, the 20th. Then we had the western point of the land - S.S.W. 20 miles. Continued to sail S.S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 20 miles, - and came close to a large bay, which extended into the land towards - the south; and another bay, before which was an island, and that - bay extended far towards the south. Then sailed anew from the land, - and till night continued steering N.W. ¼ N., 8 miles, and came - again in the ice, owing to which we had to return towards the - south. - - “June 21. It blew very hard and snowed much from the S.W., and we - steered close to the wind, until night, anchored close under the - land, near our companion, just before the entry of the channel. At - 18 fathoms sandy bottom. At the east point of the mouth was a rock, - which was moreover split, a very good landmark. There was also a - small island or rock, about 1⅓ from that eastern one. On the west - point also, was a rock, very near. - - “June 22. Took in ballast of 7 boatsful of stones, thus much - because our ship was little ballasted. And came a great bear, - swimming towards the ship, which we pursued with three boats. He - was killed, and his skin was 12 feet long. This day we entered with - the boat into the entry, to find a better port, which was - necessary, and found inside the land all separated and broken and - some islands, where was good anchorage in several spots. - - “June 23. Looked for our true meridian by means of the Astronomical - Circle, and found before noon 11, and after noon 16 degrees - declination, that the compasses, or the needle turned towards the - N.W., so that the circle proved not correct. We went out of the bay - to seek how far the coast could extend itself, for the weather was - very clear. Could not perceive the end of the land, which extended - itself S. ¼ E., 28 miles, as far as a high and mountainous cape, - which looked as if it was an island. At midnight took the altitude - of the sun 13°, so that we were at the latitude of 79° 24′. - - “June 24. Before noon it was calm, with the wind S.W. The land - (along which we shaped our course) was for the greatest part - broken, rather high, and consisted only of mountains and pointed - hills; for which reason we gave it the name of ‘Spitsbergen’. [6] - We sailed about S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., 28 miles, and then we were - about 40 or 48 miles from the spot where we had anchored the first - time more easterly. - - “In the evening, we again kept out from the land, the north-western - point of it was N.E. of us, and steered out of the coast W. and W. - ¼ S., 32 miles. Until the end of the first watch, sailed towards - the east, and steered S.E., 32 miles, until noon of the 25th. Then - came close to the land, and sailed with wind aft, N.N.E., 8 miles. - And anchored behind a cape in 18 fathoms sandy bottom; and it - seamed to us there was ebb and flow, for we found in the time of 12 - hours a current running from the S.W. and another running from the - N.E., so strong that the buoys of our anchors hid themselves under - the water. This bay, in which we were, ran rather far inland, with - still another interior creek; on the south side there was a low - cape, behind which one could sail, keeping along the northern coast - and stopping behind the cape, having shelter from all winds. Our - men found there teeth of walrus or sea-cows, for which reason we - called that bay ‘Teeth-bay’. We also found there much dung of - stags, and some wool as of sheep. Just south of the cape was a - little creek, like a harbour. - - “June 26. We had the wind north, made sail, and steered S. ¼ E., 40 - miles. At noon we arrived between the mountainous cape and the - terra firma, thinking that the mountainous cape was an island. We - sailed within S. ¼ E. and S., and being a little distance inside - the cape, we found the depth 12 and 10 fathoms good sandy bottom, - and being entered, 32 miles; there was a depth of 50 fathoms stony - bottom, and the land was all covered with snow. Entering about 20 - miles between the cape and the coast of the terra firma, we found - that the cape, which we thought to be an island, was attached by a - sand-bank to the land; for we found a depth of 5 fathoms. There was - ice on the shallows, so that we were obliged to return. That cape, - which we thought to be an island, lies at 79° 5′ latitude; we - called it ‘Cape Bird’, because there were so many birds upon it and - in the neighbourhood. - - “June 27. It was calm, so that we remained floating, without being - able to advance between Cape Bird and the land. - - “June 28. We rounded it, and then sailed S.S.W., 24 miles, always - keeping along the land, which was very mountainous and sharp, with - a beautiful shore. We sailed south and S. ¼ E., 24 miles, and - afterwards S. ¼ W., 12 miles. Found, at noon, the latitude to be - 78⅓°, and we were then in the neighbourhood of ice. Sailed same - distance seaward, to keep clear of the ice, and sailed thus along - the edge of the ice and in the neighbourhood of the land S.E. ¼ S., - 28 miles. And then we were close to a large bay, which extended - itself in the land E.N.E., and was on both sides high and - mountainous. Sailed with N.N.E. wind abaft till night all along the - coast, S.S.E. and S. ¼ W., 20 miles. Then again there was a large - bay, in which was much ice under the land. To keep out of the ice - we steered a little W.S.W., and sailed S. ¼ W., 16 miles. Came into - the ice, for which reason we sailed S.W. 12 miles. - - “June 29. Continued, with a north wind, to sail S.E. ¼ E. and - S.S.E. 20 miles. All along the coast, till noon, south 16 miles, - and found at noon the latitude of 76° 50′. Sailed south and S.S.E. - without finding land, until we saw Bear Island, on the first of - July.” - - -This is all that Hessel Gerritsz has copied out of the log of Barendsz -himself, as he earnestly assures us. - -Dr. Beke, speaking in his introduction of this extract, says:— - - - “Want of time and space prevents us from giving the subject any - lengthened consideration. But from what we have been able to make - out, our impression decidedly is, that it was never written by - Barendsz, but was attributed to him solely for the purpose of - giving to it an authority which it might otherwise not have - possessed.” - - -Dr. Beke then gives his arguments in support of this opinion, and in -order to refute them Mr. Muller makes the following remarks:— - -I do not see (he says) why, after the death of Barendsz, the important -ship’s log should have fallen into the hands of an inferior officer, -even had he been a friend of the deceased. It would seem more probable, -that after Barendsz’s death the skipper and supercargo, Jakob -Heemskerck, would have taken all possible care of that interesting -document, and, on his return to his native country, would have -delivered it to Plancius, or others entitled to it. Admitting that the -log came into the hands of Plancius, we are not at all surprised that -he should allow the perusal of its contents by his friend Hessel -Gerritsz, to assist him in his work of proving that the Dutch were the -real discoverers of Spitsbergen. - -Dr. Beke’s chief argument against the authenticity of the extract above -given, is that in it, instead of Greenland, the newly discovered land -is spoken of as being Spitsbergen, a name, according to him, only given -to that island years afterwards. But Barendsz’s opinion that they -sailed along Greenland is no reason why they should not have given the -name of Spitsbergen to a part of that coast. - -Mr. De Jonge, assistant-keeper of the Royal Archives at the Hague, and -author of the “History of the Dutch East Indies Company”, sets at least -this question at rest by making mention of evidence which he found in -the Archives at the Hague, given by Barendsz’s companion, Captain Rijp, -before the magistrates of Delft, in which it is said:—“And we gave to -that land the name of Spitsbergen, for the great and high points that -were on it.” - -De Veer, [7] it is true, does not make any mention of this name in his -account, but the extract from the ship’s log of William Barendsz, as -Hessel Gerritsz gives it, contains other peculiarities, which are not -found in “De Veer”. - -Dr. Beke, moreover, brings a charge against Hessel Gerritsz of having -intentionally invented wrong courses, but there is no reason why he -should have done so. For, in order to prove the discovery of -Spitsbergen by the Dutch, he had only to refer to the work of “De -Veer”, and the invention of new courses would in no respect have -strengthened his arguments. The difference in the statements of the -courses, and here and there in the account of the circumstances, proves -sufficiently that we have here to do with two quite distinct documents. - -And then, as Mr. Muller remarks, the journal of Barendsz, which gives -fewer anecdotes but more courses, merits even more confidence than the -indistinct statements of De Veer. The very accurate account kept of the -courses, as well as of the observations, the total neglect of all that -could give the journal an agreeable form, everything, in fact, -concerning it, marks the extract as being a log, that is to say, a work -not destined to be used as a pleasant history of the voyage. Moreover, -Barendsz’s statements are much more correct. Barendsz gives -continually, and with great accuracy, the courses which are often -changed several times on the same day, whilst De Veer says repeatedly: -“The courses were about northerly”, without giving any further -indication. Barendsz gives what happened every day, whilst De Veer -sometimes omits a few days. But the journal of De Veer especially loses -in value when we come to compare his account with that of Barendsz. At -once we perceive that he did not keep a strict daily account, but -rather that he had written it at different intervals during the voyage; -for whilst in the main points both accounts quite coincide, the -chronology of De Veer is entirely incorrect. Combining all these -arguments, we may come to the final conclusion:—that the extract given -by Hessel Gerritsz is truly taken from Barendsz’s log, and as such -merits more credit than the account of De Veer. - -This granted, we see that Barendsz’s true track does not go north along -the east coast, as Dr. Beke believes, but runs up along the west side -of the land. Dr. Beke and Dr. Petermann have supposed Barendsz to have -sailed up the east side, and to have circumnavigated the largest island -in the group. This is not possible, for then Barendsz would have known -it to be an island, and therefore could never have thought it to be a -part of Greenland. The track as Dr. Petermann lays it down, has, up to -the present day, never been followed by any known ship, although in the -last ten years many attempts have been made. - -One of the most successful of these voyages was that of Captain Nilsen, -a Norwegian, who, in the remarkably favourable season of 1872, with his -schooner De Freia, pushed as far as 79° 20′ N. latitude, the farthest -point yet attained, on the east coast of Spitsbergen, coming from the -south. Arriving at the very entrance of Hinlopen Strait, Captain Nilsen -was prevented by impenetrable pack-ice from entering that strait, and -had, after sighting Cape Torell, to retrace his steps. - -The question whether Barendsz went north along the west or along the -east coast of Spitsbergen, has been fully treated by Mr. P. A. Tiele, -archivaris at Leyden, who has also demonstrated that the ship’s track, -laid down in the chart of J. Hondius, “Tabula Geographica” of the year -1598, [8] has been printed after a drawing of William Barendsz himself. - -With the extract from the log of Barendsz in our hand, and following -the chart, we believe the true track of Barendsz’s third voyage to have -been as follows:— - -On the 18th of May, 1596, the two ships left the Netherlands, and -arrived on the 10th of June at Bear Island; from whence they departed -on the 13th, shaping their course in a north-westerly direction. - -In the evening of the 14th, or in the morning of the 15th, they fancied -they saw land. [9] - -On the 15th they made more easting, till at the beginning of the first -watch, when they began to steer again more north. On this course they -made, till noon of the 16th, 84 nautical miles. The weather was foggy, -and prevented their seeing any land towards the east. There they -encountered ice, and sailed along the edge of it as much as the wind -allowed, and late on the 17th they saw high land, entirely covered with -snow. - -Till noon of the 20th they continued, in latitude about 80°, to sail -along that land, when they had the western point of the land S.S.W., -only 20 miles. Continuing to sail S.S.W. and S.W. ¼ S., they passed two -bays, which both stretched into the land towards the south. [10] In the -evening of that day they made a fresh effort towards the N.W., but were -again hindered by the ice from pushing further north, and had to -return, anchoring on the evening of the 21st close under the land, in -18 fathoms, sandy bottom, surrounded by several rocks, of which one was -split, “very good to recognise”. [11] - -On the 22nd they inspected, with one of their boats, the north-westerly -point of the land, which they found to be only islands with many good -anchorages. [12] - -The following day they went out of the bay, and, the weather being very -clear, they saw the coast stretching in a southerly direction, and -found at midnight the latitude to be 79° 34′. In the evening they again -made a vain effort to push farther in a more westerly direction. - -On the 25th they anchored in a bay, [13] about 10 miles north of a high -point, which they afterwards christened Cape Bird. That bay ran rather -far inland, and by sailing round its northern shore, it was possible on -the south side of the bay to find shelter from all winds behind a low -point. - -Early in the morning of the 26th they weighed the anchor, made sail, -and arrived at noon between the mountainous cape and the terra firma. -[14] After sailing about 20 miles in a southerly direction, they saw -much ice aground, and on sounding they found only 5 fathoms. These -shallows [15] obliged them to return, but having to strive with foul -winds, and being becalmed, they only, on the 28th, rounded the -mountainous cape, which they called “Cape Bird”, “because there were so -many birds upon it and in the neighbourhood.” This cape lay in 79° 5′ -N. latitude. [16] Steering about 60 miles in a southerly course, they -came close to a large bay, which ran into the land E.N.E. [17] Twenty -miles farther they passed another large bay, [18] in which was “much -ice under the land.” To keep clear of the ice the course now became -more westerly, and at noon on the 29th, in latitude 76° 50′, they lost -sight of the land. [19] Sailing S. and S.S.E. they, on the 1st of July, -returned to Bear Island, where they agreed to separate. - -Barendsz, as we know, went to Novaya Zemlya, and Rijp steered again -towards the north. - -In deciding whether Rijp steered along the west, or went north along -the east coast, opinions are again at variance. Hessel Gerritsz, in the -same work, “Histoire de Spitsbergen, etc.”, speaking on this question, -says:— - - - “Rijp and Barendsz, anchoring at Bear Island on the first of July, - differed much in their opinions. Rijp calculated that the spot - where they were lay N.E. of the North Cape in Norway, whilst - Barendsz, on the contrary, maintained that it was N.W. Whilst the - calculations of Barendsz led him to believe that he was 1000 miles - distant from the Ice Cape of Novaya Zemlya, Rijp pretended to be - only 250 miles distant from the same point, and because Barendsz - thought it better to extend his knowledge of a land already - somewhat known, and thus render easier the passage to the Strait of - Anian, they resolved to separate. They both agreed that Rijp should - investigate towards the north-west and Barendsz towards the N.E. So - that Rijp again set sail towards the north, and came, after - marvellous accidents from ice and winds, to the spot where they had - anchored for the first time in 80°. He had also been up again to - Cape Bird, and he returned from thence with the intention of - rejoining Barendsz.” - - -This statement of Hessel Gerritsz that Rijp proceeded to the same spot -in 80°, where he had already been in company with Barendsz, agrees with -the account of Pontanus in his work on Amsterdam, published in 1614; as -well as with the information of Rijp himself, found in the old records -by Mr. De Jonge. - -Pontanus (p. 168), says: “That Rijp pretended they ought to retrace -their steps till 80°.” Whilst Rijp himself says “that they returned to -the same spot where they had first been” (et prévient au lieu où ils -avoyent esté premièrement). - -This granted, and with the experience of past navigators before us, to -prove the almost impossibility of going north along the east coast of -Spitsbergen, one would be inclined to conclude that Rijp must again -have gone up along the west coast. - -Dr. Beke’s opinion, “that nothing worthy of remark can have occurred to -him, or otherwise it could not have failed to be recorded”, seems fully -borne out by later research. - -Sailing up to 80° N. latitude, Rijp found his further passage again -intercepted by that ice-barrier which (as we are now aware) yearly -obstructs the sea north of Spitsbergen. Not long after he sailed to -Kola, and from thence returned home. - -It is perfectly clear why Barendsz and Rijp should have followed the -west coast in preference to the east. In his previous expeditions -towards Novaya Zemlya, Barendsz had had to contend with masses of ice -constantly driven towards the west, so that he had a perfect knowledge -of the western current; and, consequently, he could not expect to -penetrate along the east coast, against which the ice would be -accumulating. - -Not daunted in his heroic purpose by the remembrance of all the -difficulties with which he had to grapple along the coast of Novaya -Zemlya in penetrating through the pack ice, Barendsz decided upon again -trying what could be done in that direction. - -Subsequent research has added nothing to Dr. Beke’s Introduction, as -far as the further voyage of Barendsz is concerned; but we are able to -lay before our readers the results of several other Arctic expeditions -made by the Dutch after the return on the 29th of October, 1597, of the -survivors of Barendsz’s heroic companions. - -The results of the three voyages made before that date had been, as far -as their real object was concerned, insignificant, and could not be -called an encouragement to make another attempt to find the north-east -passage; and, besides this, the necessity to search for it no longer -existed. - -In the same year in which Heemskerck and his companions entered the -Maas, Houtman returned to the Netherlands with the first Dutch fleet -coming from the East Indies. He had found, without great difficulty, -his way to the East Indies, around the Cape of Good Hope, and -consequently there was no longer any necessity to find a new route -through the Polar ice. - -But when, in 1602, the Dutch East India Company was established, and -received, by its charter (to the detriment of all other Netherlands -ship-owners), the exclusive permission to sail to the East Indies round -the Cape of Good Hope or round Cape Horn, a new inducement was given to -the interlopers to seek the northern passage. The East India Company -saw the danger which threatened it on that side, and was compelled, in -its own interests, if possible, to be the first to discover the north -passage, hoping thus to obtain the monopoly of the northern, as it -already possessed that of the southern route. - -The origin of most of the subsequent expeditions can be traced back to -the contest between monopoly and free trade. - -Hudson, the celebrated English navigator, had just returned from his -voyage in 1608, when the East India Company seized the opportunity, and -invited him over to the Netherlands, desiring to retain him in their -service. After long negotiations, an agreement was entered into, in -which Hudson engaged to seek the north-east passage. Accordingly, on -the 6th of April, 1609, Hudson started from the Texel in a small vessel -called De Halve Maan (the Half Moon). - -But among the interlopers was one Isaac le Maire, a clever merchant and -an inveterate adversary of the Company, who, seeing the preparations -made for the departure of Hudson, had not remained inactive. Thirty -days later, by his zealous exertions, another ship was fitted out, in -order, if possible, to out-do Hudson, and, consequently, the hated East -India Company. This expedition was under the command of Melchior van -Kerckhoven, who left the Dutch ports on the 5th of May, 1609. - -Hudson had gone out with instructions to follow the example of -Barendsz, in seeking for a passage north of Novaya Zemlya. On this -occasion he was again unfortunate; for, as on his preceding voyage in -1608, he could not succeed in rounding Novaya Zemlya. - -On the 5th of May he arrived at the North Cape of Norway; but before he -had sighted Novaya Zemlya he was obliged by his mutinous crew to -return. - -On the 19th he again passed the North Cape, and from thence sailed -towards the N.W. to make new discoveries in that direction. In this he -was much more successful. - -On the other hand, the expedition of Isaac le Maire came to no better -result. Melchior van Kerckhoven penetrated some distance into Pet -Strait, but finding it perfectly blocked by ice of extraordinary -thickness, he was obliged to return without having effected his object. - -Both these expeditions tended to confirm the opinion already -entertained of the great difficulty of finding, in that direction, the -passage to the Indies. The number of those who maintained the -possibility of finding a way straight across the Pole daily increased. -So early as 1527 an Englishman, Robert Thorne, who lived at Sevilla, -had strongly recommended this direction for reaching the Indies. A warm -defender of his doctrines was found in the Dutch cosmographer Plancius. -Maintainer of the existence of an open Polar Sea, Plancius argued that -the cold gradually augmented as far as 66° latitude, but that from -thence to the Pole it again decreased. - -Accordingly, when in 1610 a certain Helisarius Roslin, medical doctor -at Buchsweiler and court physician to the Count of Hanau, presented to -the States a small book, in which he attributed the ill-luck of the -former expeditions only to taking the wrong direction, this coincided -with the views of the supporters of the doctrines proclaimed by -Plancius. - -Consequently, in the year following, two Netherlanders, Ernst van de -Wal and Pieter Aertsz de Jonge, requested the States-General and the -Admiralty of Amsterdam to assist them in fitting out a new expedition. -They positively believed they would find the northern passage, and -jokingly remarked: “That the sun at the far north was rather a -manufacturer of salt than of ice”. The plan, notwithstanding the -disapprobation of many, found support, and in 1611 the Admiralty of -Amsterdam decided on giving their sanction to the new expedition. Two -ships, De Vos and De Craen, were fitted out for the voyage. As -commander of the expedition, Jan Cornelisz May, surnamed “The -Man-Eater”, was appointed. This experienced and skilful sailor had -already been, in 1598, among the first Dutch navigators to round the -Cape of Good Hope on his way to the Indies. On board of the ship De Vos -Ernst van de Walle was appointed supercargo and Pieter Fransz mate. The -ship De Craen, with Pieter Aertsz de Jonge as supercargo and Cornelis -Jansz Mes as mate, was commanded by Symon Willemsz Cat. - -On the 18th of March, 1611, the ships started; but, instead of going -straight north, they again sailed towards Novaya Zemlya, visited Kostin -Shar, but were prevented by the ice from penetrating into the Kara Sea. -The ships were so damaged by their collisions with the ice, that they -were obliged to return to Kildin to repair. From thence they sailed to -North America, wintered there, and afterwards explored the coast-line -between 47° and 42½′ N. latitude. In one of the attempts to land, -Pieter Aertsz de Jonge was killed by the natives. - -In the beginning of 1612 the De Craen returned to Holland, but Captain -May, with his ship the De Vos, sailed again towards Novaya Zemlya, -where he arrived on the 30th of June, 1612. Setting out from thence he -sailed to the north, along the coast of the island; but, -notwithstanding his great perseverance, he met with no better success. -He was checked by a vast barrier of ice, which stretched itself from -the land in a north-westerly direction. He followed the edge of it -until the 14th of July, when he had attained the latitude of 77°, and -then returned to the coast of Novaya Zemlya, where he arrived on the -20th. - -Between the 29th of July and the 9th of August he renewed his -endeavours, and came as far as 77° 45′ N. His attempt to sail straight -to the Pole proved a complete failure. - -On the 26th of August he resolved to give up his trials, and to return -to Holland, where he safely anchored about the 15th of September. Yet -all these misfortunes did not affect the courage of the enterprising -Netherlands merchants. - -The many ships which in the following years left the Dutch ports, bound -on voyages of discovery, were, however, without one exception, sent -towards the north-west, where Hudson, in the last years, had gathered -such unfading laurels. All these trials to the north-west gave, -however, no better results than those to the north-east, and after many -fruitless expeditions in a north-western direction, we see, in the year -1624, a return to the old plans of the sixteenth century, which were -all based on the principle of following a coast-line. - -A ship called De Kat, with twenty-four hands on board, and provided -with stores for two years and a half, was fitted out to renew the -investigations towards the north-east. Cornelis Fennisz Bosman was -appointed commander of the expedition, whilst Willem Joosten Glimmer -accompanied him as supercargo. - -As late as the 24th of June they left the Texel with the design to sail -along the Russian coast through Pet Strait, in the direction of the -Obi. From thence they intended to try to reach Cape Fabin, and seek -through Strait Anian the way to Cathay. The highest expectations were -entertained of this expedition, but the result did not bear them out. - -On the 24th of July, passing the island of Kalgojew, they reached -Novaya Zemlya on the 28th in 70° 55′ N. - -On the 10th of August they entered Pet Strait, and only by great -exertion did they succeed in pushing through it. - -But on the 17th, when the sails were frozen as hard as a plank, so as -to render all working of the ship impossible, the wind drove the -ice-floes with such force against the ship, that it was driven back in -the direction of Pet Strait. Anchoring in the strait, they had to -contend with very heavy storms. The ship was parted from her anchors, -and the strait getting choked with ice, they resolved to retreat. - -Upon the return of Bosman to Holland in the beginning of September, -without having effected his object, the public was greatly -disappointed, and almost denied the strenuous efforts he had made to -conquer all difficulties. It seems that after this bad success the -Netherlands merchants gave up all trials towards the north-east. - -The English and Russians who afterwards continued to seek for a passage -in that direction did not meet with better success. - -In the year 1676 an English expedition was sent towards the north-east; -but the commander, Wood, only explored the edge of the ice between -Spitsbergen and Novaya Zemlya, without rounding this latter island. - -Russian walrus-hunters and fishermen have also made many excursions in -the seas around Novaya Zemlya. The greater part of the Russian -expeditions were made with the object of reaching the Siberian rivers. -Seldom did they go along the east coast northward of Matthew’s Strait. -In the Archiv für Wissenschäftliche Kunde von Russland, these -excursions are described more or less completely. Chronological order -is adhered to, and this rather detailed account of the Russian -expeditions extends from the year 1690 down to the voyages of Lütke, -Bäer, and Krüsenstern. - -One of the most remarkable recorded is that of the Russian navigator, -Sawwä Löschkin, in 1760, of which it is written:— - - - “That in the year 1760 a certain Sawwä Löschkin from Olonoz, formed - the bold design of exploring the east coast of Novaya Zemlya, - because this coast, till then never visited by Russian hunters, - would surpass all other places in abundance of fur-animals. From - this account of the expedition, which in a nautical point of view - has never been surpassed, we know that Löschkin sailed along the - east coast from Burrough Strait, as far as the N.E. point of Novaya - Zemlya in 76° 9′. During this unprecedented voyage he had to - overcome so many obstacles, in consequence of the ice, that he was - obliged to winter twice on the east coast, and to use three summers - in sailing to the N.E. point.” - - -This information leads Mr. de Jonge to the conclusion that Löschkin -must have wintered much more southwardly than Barendsz, else he would -not have wanted three summers to reach the north-east point. For the -rest, that the Russians seldom visited the north-east coast of Novaya -Zemlya may be proved from the fact that, on a chart of the Northern -Polar Sea of 1864, drawn after Russian data and published in the review -of Erman, above alluded to, the north-east coast of Novaya Zemlya is -laid down between 75° N. and 76° 59′, as being very uncertain and -doubtful, and only with the three old Dutch names—“Ice Harbour, Cape -Flessingue, and Cape of Desire”. [20] - -The Russian admiral, Lütke, who was employed in surveying the coast of -Novaya Zemlya from 1821 to 1824, made all his attempts along the west -coast, without being able, however, to round Cape Nassau. All these -trials, made towards the north-east, fully show us the great -difficulties which Barendsz had to encounter, and the gallant -perseverance which enabled him to penetrate thus far into the frozen -seas. A greater proof of this exists in the fact that in 1872 we find -that the steamer Tegethof, under the skilful command of Lieutenant -Weyprecht, not only failed in rounding Novaya Zemlya, but was entirely -closed in by the mighty ice-floes, and driven powerlessly towards the -north-east. However, the sea north of Novaya Zemlya was not always -found obstructed by the ice. During a favourable season ships could -penetrate far to the north-east without the slightest difficulty. This -was often proved by the old Dutch whalers or walrus-hunters, who, -sailing north of Novaya Zemlya, even passed into the Kara Sea. - -The journal of Gerrit de Veer sufficiently proves that the year 1596 -was by no means a favourable season. The Dutch walrus-hunters, among -others Theunis Ys, Cornelis Roule, and William de Vlamingh, [21] -repeatedly frequented these seas north of Novaya Zemlya; but we find no -mention made of their having discovered Barendsz’s winter quarters. -Skipper William de Vlamingh seems to have passed nearest to it. Witsen, -in his work, North and East Tartary, speaks of this skipper’s voyage -thus:— [22] - - - “I was informed by skipper William de Vlamingh of Oost Vlielend, - that when he sailed in the year 1664 to catch whales, he succeeded - in passing along the northern shore of Novaya Zemlya, and rounded - the N.E. point of the island in order to try and be more prosperous - in his fishery than he had been towards the west. Steering S. and - S.W. he came near or about the house in which Heemskerck had - wintered in the year 1596. From the house he sailed E.S.E. till in - about 74° latitude, where he saw nothing but open water. He - afterwards sailed back in the same direction, and 16 days after - having lost sight of Novaya Zemlya he again anchored in the Vlie.” - - -Combining all the information we find in the work of Witsen, there are -reasons for believing that De Vlamingh went on shore on the west and on -the north coasts of Novaya Zemlya, but not on the east coast. - -Mr. de Jonge, speaking about this whaling cruise, remarks:— - - - “According to this account Vlamingh would have been near the house - of Barendsz or thereabout, but Witsen does not say that Vlamingh - went on shore there. This information leads us to conclude that - Vlamingh did not see the wintering house at all, but simply - presumed that he had been near to it or thereabout, or else surely - he would not have failed to have mentioned it.” - - -For the rest, the account of Witsen is rather vague, and exclusively -depends upon verbal communications. These old voyages of the Dutch -walrus-hunters, as well as those of the Norwegian fishermen in the -present day, clearly show us that here, as well as in every other part -of the Arctic Regions, a favourable season might allow the fortunate -navigator who happens to be on the spot to penetrate in a few days -further than any of his predecessors, notwithstanding their unequalled -perseverance and energy. - -Within the last ten years the Norwegians, like the Dutch walrus-hunters -of old, have been making continual inroads into the Kara Sea. This has -been principally due to the discovery of rich fishing-grounds in that -direction. The first of these Norwegian explorers was Captain Carlsen. -With a small fishing-boat of Hammerfest he sailed through Pet Strait, -and, following the Siberian coast, he reached White Island, near the -mouth of the Obi river, without having fallen in with any signs of ice. -It was, indeed, a bold undertaking to penetrate thus with so small a -boat into the Kara Sea; but Captain Carlsen was fully rewarded for the -risk he had run, in making a vast capture of blubber-yielding animals, -which handed him over a profit of £1,100. - -The voyage of the intrepid English walrus-hunter, Captain Palliser, who -in that same season sailed as far as the north coast of Novaya Zemlya, -was of no less importance. Being about half a degree north of Cape -Nassau, he fell in with extensive ice-fields, which, however, were soon -broken up by stormy weather. - -Captain Palliser writes:— - - - “After the ice was broken up and driven away by the heavy gales, I - believe I could have circumnavigated all Novaya Zemlya without much - trouble. We were however prevented from doing so, on account of - having on board the crew of a wrecked fishing smack. For this - reason a great decrease in our provisions had taken place, and - consequently our store would not have been sufficient for so long a - voyage.” - - -Captain Palliser then shaped his course south, came through Matthew’s -Strait into the Kara Sea, and penetrated to within three or four miles -of White Island. - -However, both these voyages were surpassed in intrepidity by the -interesting cruise of the Norwegian, Captain Johannesen. - -On the 1st of May 1869, the schooner Nordland, Captain E. H. -Johannesen, anchored at the Mersduscharsky Island, south of Kostin -Shar. After sailing for some time in the direction of Burrough Strait, -Captain Johannesen changed his course northwardly, and keeping the west -coast continually in sight, he eventually passed Matthew’s Strait on -the 9th of June. - -Ten days later he was close to Cape Nassau, where he experienced a -strong easterly current. - -From here, turning south, the Nordland sailed on the 17th of July -through Matthew’s Strait, and running south in the land-water along the -east coast, Captain Johannesen was, on the 26th July, in Burrough -Strait. At once he resolved to penetrate into the Kara Sea. He followed -the low coast of the country of the Samoyeds in an easterly and -afterwards north-easterly direction, and found himself on the 8th of -August in the immediate neighbourhood of White Island without having -been hindered by the ice. - -The day following he shaped his course north-west, and attained, on the -15th of August, the estimated latitude of 75° 6′ N. and 71° E. -longitude, where he encountered his first ice. Thence, in a westerly -direction, he returned to Novaya Zemlya, which he sighted on the 20th -in 75° 10′ N. latitude and 64° E. longitude. He now sailed along the -east coast, and passed through Burrough Strait on his homeward voyage. -He had repeatedly encountered a heavy swell from the south-east, but -had scarcely met with ice. He must, undoubtedly, have been close to -Barendsz’s winter house, which is placed by Captain Carlsen in 76° 12′ -N. latitude and 68° E. longitude. - -Induced by these advantageous voyages, several Norwegian fishermen -entered the Kara Sea in the following year. - -Again the skilful Captain Johannesen made a cruise which almost -surpassed his former one, having this time circumnavigated Novaya -Zemlya, a feat never before achieved. He visited the east coast of that -island, passing close to, but without perceiving, Barendsz’s winter -quarters. - -F. Torkildsen, commander of the schooner Alpha, was less fortunate. On -the 24th of June he passed through Burrough Strait and entered the Kara -Bay, where he, on the 13th of July, in 68° 40′ N. latitude and 68° E. -longitude, lost his ship. The crew was, however, saved. Captain E. A. -Ulve sailed with his schooner Samson along the west coast of Novaya -Zemlya, and on the 1st of August attained the high latitude of 76° 47′ -in 59° 17′ E. longitude, without sighting any ice. - -Entering on the 8th of August through Matthew’s Strait into the Kara -Sea, and keeping between White Island and the Island of Vaigat, he, on -the 24th of August, when homeward-bound, sailed through Burrough -Strait. - -F. E. Mack, with his schooner Polarstern, found, on the 5th of July, -Matthew’s Strait blocked up with ice; but thirteen days afterwards he -sailed through it, and after crossing the Kara Sea in all directions, -returned on the 21st of August through Burrough Strait. - -Another navigator, Captain P. Quale, pushed more eastwardly. With his -yacht, the Johan Mary, he, in the latitude of 75° 20′ N., attained the -longitude of 74° 35′, and thus found himself eastward of the meridian -which goes across the mouth of the Obi River. - -The following year, encouraged by the partial success of these cruises, -we find the Norwegian seal-hunters again entering this new and -prosperous ground. The southern entries being closed by the ice, the -captains directed their course northwardly, in order to penetrate into -the Kara Sea by rounding Novaya Zemlya. - -Passing over in silence the cruises of Captain F. C. Mack and those of -the brothers Johannesen, we come to the interesting voyage of Captain -Carlsen, the first navigator, who, since 1597, has entered the Ice -Harbour of Barendsz. Captain Elling Carlsen, with his sloop The Solid, -left the harbour of Hammerfest on the 22nd of May, 1871. When rounding -the North Cape of Norway, he met with very heavy squalls and -snow-storms from the north-west. - -On the 28th he passed Vardo, and on the 10th of June, in 68° N. -latitude and 40° 36′ E. longitude, at the northern outlet of the White -Sea, he fell in with the first ice. On the 16th of June he met two -other ships, of which the one had already killed five hundred and the -other a thousand seals. - -On the 19th of July Captain Carlsen reached the coast of Novaya Zemlya, -in the neighbourhood of Mersduscharsky Island, and shaping his course -towards the north, he passed Cape Nassau, rounded Novaya Zemlya, and -anchored on the 18th of August at Cape Hooft, on the east coast. - -On the 24th of August, when he had advanced in a southerly direction -almost as far as 76° N. latitude, he observed much drift ice at a -distance of forty miles from the coast. - -On the 29th of August Carlsen again steered north, and anew anchored at -Cape Hooft. North of Matthew’s Strait, Captain Carlsen had fallen in -with Captain F. Mack, who was provided with better instruments, -supplied by the Meteorological Institution at Christiania. By means of -these instruments, both captains made very correct observations, with -such success that they noted down the north-east point of Novaya Zemlya -as lying in 67° 30′ E. longitude, instead of in 73°, as was given in -the latest charts. They found that the land to the north-east of Novaya -Zemlya lay pointing more towards the north than to the north-east, as -given in the previous charts. These observations proved the -calculations of the old Dutch navigators to have been perfectly -correct, and restored to them the reputation of which they had been so -long defrauded. - -As for the subsequent part of Captain Carlsen’s voyage, we had better -follow his own ship’s log. In it he says:— - - - “Sept. 7. Strong breeze from the south with weather overcast, and - two reefs in the mainsail. Anchored in the afternoon under the land - near Barendsz harbour, where Barendsz wintered. Pumped the ship - free. - - “Friday, 8. Gale from the west with detached sky. We began to - flinch (the animals we had caught on the 6th). Afternoon we - finished flinching and repaired the gaff, which was broken. Let go - also our port anchor. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. During the - night strong breeze. - - “Saturday, 9. Strong breeze from the S.W. Sky overcast. 8 o’clock - forenoon we went under sail and coursed south along the land. 6 - o’clock in the afternoon, we saw walrus on the ice, boats were - lowered, and we caught two of them; we also saw a house on shore, - which had fallen down. At noon we observed the latitude 76° 12′, - the distance from shore guessed. The house on shore was 16 metres - long by 10 metres broad, and the fir-wood planks, of which it was - composed, were 1½ inches thick by from 14 to 16 inches broad, and - as far as we could make out they were nailed together. The first - things we saw amongst the ruins of the house were two ships’ - cooking pans of copper, a crowbar or bar of iron, a gun-barrel, an - alarum, a clock, a chest in which was found several files and other - instruments, many engravings, a flute, and also a few articles of - dress. There were also two other chests, but they were empty, only - filled up with ice, and there was an iron frame over the fire-place - with shifting bar. - - “Sunday, 10. Light breeze from the N.W., almost calm, clear sky, we - sailed along the coast S.S.E. In the afternoon we caught two - walrus. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. During the whole night - calm. - - “Monday, 11. Light breeze from the west. Sky overcast. In the - afternoon the wind freshened from the west. We put three reefs in - the mainsail. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. The whole night gale - from the S.W. - - “Tuesday, 12. Gale from the S.W. We are obliged to return to - Ledenaji Bay (Ice Harbour), where, on the evening of the 9th we had - found the ruined house. At noon we anchored in the bay, and went - again on shore and found several things, viz., candlesticks, - tankards with lid of zinc, a sword, a halberd head, two books, - several navigation instruments, an iron chest already quite rusted. - - “Wednesday, 13. Gale from the W.N.W. At noon we went under sail, - but as we made a little south the wind shifted to the S.W., and in - order to keep off we had to let go both anchors. Storm with snow. 8 - o’clock pumped the ship free. During the night, light breeze. - - “Thursday, 14. Calm with clear sky. 4 o’clock in the morning we - went ashore further to investigate the wintering place. On digging - we found again several objects, such as drumsticks, a hilt of a - sword, and spears. Altogether it seemed that the people had been - equipped in a war-like manner, but nothing was found which could - indicate the presence of human remains. On the beach we found - pieces of wood which had formerly belonged to some part of a ship, - for which reason I believe that a vessel has been wrecked there, - the crew of which built the house with the materials of the wreck - and afterwards betook themselves to the boats. Five sailors’ trunks - were still in the house, which might also have been used as 5 - berths, at least as far as we could make out. We now set to work to - build a cairn, and erected a wooden pole 20 feet high. We placed in - the cairn a description of what we had found, shut up in a double - tin-case, after which we returned on board and went under sail. At - noon the wind was N.E., observed latitude about 76° 7′ N., - longitude 68° E. (Greenwich). We steered in the direction S. by W. - along the land. 8 o’clock pumped the ship free. The whole night - light breeze.” - - -Thus far, we have let the log speak for itself. After having quitted -the house, Carlsen intended to return home by circumnavigating the -island. Following, therefore, the east coast in a southerly direction, -he soon passed several icebergs. - -On the 16th of September he fell in with much ice, which probably by -the west and north-west wind was driven from the land. - -On the 18th it froze so stiff that they had to cut their way through -the ice. - -On the 19th, being becalmed, the ship could move neither forward nor -backward. During the afternoon the wind freshened from the south-west, -upon which they tried to approach nearer to the land. - -On the 20th they had again to cut their way through the ice, which was -already strong enough to bear them. Till eight o’clock in the evening -they worked to reach a lead close to the land. - -On the 21st, Carlsen, in about 74° N. latitude, was, during a storm -from the north-east, in great danger of losing his ship. Closed in by -the ice, he drifted that and both the following days with the ice, in a -south-western direction, during which time he could see from the crow’s -nest open water towards the north-east and east. Not before the 30th of -September, in 72° 25′ N. latitude, did he again succeed in reaching -open water, thus, fortunately, escaping a fate similar to that of -Barendsz. - -The 3rd of October he sailed through Burrough Strait, and anchored on -the 4th of November at Hammerfest, thanking God for his prosperous -voyage. Thus Carlsen (like a true seaman) ends his log. - -News of the discovery, by Captain Elling Carlsen, of a great number of -relics on the beach of Ice Harbour, was soon spread in Hammerfest. In -consequence, on the 12th of November, 1871, in the Hammerfest newspaper -called Finmarksposten, there appeared a leading article entitled -“Captain Elling Carlsen’s Voyage around Novaya Zemlya”. A detailed -account was given in it of the old Dutch voyages towards the -north-east. Notwithstanding some faults, the article was in its main -points correct, and proved that in the far North of Europe the -expeditions of Barendsz had attained a legendary celebrity. - -About the discovery of the winter quarters at Novaya Zemlya the -Finmarksposten communicates a few details which seem to have been given -to the writer by Carlsen himself. - - - “After a lapse of 275 years” (says the Finmarksposten), “Captain - Carlsen found himself in the very spot where, in 1596, Barendsz and - his companions had come on shore, and near to the ruins of the - simple hut constructed by the unfortunate Dutchmen. Captain - Carlsen, as far as lay in his power, made researches on and about - the spot, but the season being far advanced and the obligation he - was under of circumnavigating Novaya Zemlya, obliged him to seize - the first opportunity of proceeding on his voyage. Consequently on - the 10th of September, without having brought his work to a - conclusion, he was obliged to sail. - - “On the 10th and 11th he remained cruising, but in the evening of - the latter day he found himself under the necessity of returning to - Ice Harbour, and thus he was enabled to proceed with his - investigations. - - “On the 13th he set sail, but was again forced to return and - anchor. - - “On the 14th he was enabled to complete his researches. The house, - fallen completely into decay, was so to speak covered and almost - hermetically enclosed by a thick layer of ice. All the objects were - likewise covered by a thick sheet of ice, and this explains the - excellent condition in which many of the articles were found. Such - was their unimpaired condition that one would be inclined to - suppose that they had been placed there but a short time - previously, and one never would believe that they had, during - almost three centuries, been left uncared for. The house, as far as - Captain Carlsen could make out, was 16 metres long by 10 broad, and - nailed together out of fir-wood planks 1½ inches thick by from 14 - to 16 inches broad. The house was in part constructed out of the - materials of the wrecked ship, indications of which still existed - in the remnants of a few oaken timbers scattered on the beach. The - house seemed to have contained for the occupants 5 standing - bed-places. There were 5 ship’s chests, which were however too - decayed to be taken away. In two of the chests were found a few - instruments, such as files, sledge-hammer, a borer, two pairs of - compasses, a few caulking-irons, engravings, a flute, pieces of - navigation instruments, as well as a few books in the Dutch - language, which latter makes it almost certain that the relics - belonged to Barendsz and his companions of the year 1596. In the - centre of the house, where the fireplace had probably stood, a - great iron frame was found, on which two ship’s copper cooking pans - still remained. A few porringers were so rotten that one could only - take away their copper mountings. In addition to these were found - candlesticks and tin-tankards, a crow-bar, two or more gunbarrels, - a gunlock, an alarum with the clock and clock weight belonging to - it, a great iron chest, a grindstone, a few spears and a halberd. - Carlsen relates that round the house were found several large casks - which had been provided with iron hoops, but the staves as well as - the hoops were so rotten that no part of them could be brought - home. Before Captain Carlsen left the place he erected in the - neighbourhood of the house a cairn, on which he placed a pole 10 - metres long. In the cairn was deposited a double tin case, - containing a written account of his having been there on the 13th - of September 1871, and of his having found articles belonging to - the men of the Dutch expedition under Barendsz, who had wintered - there in the years 1596–97.” - - -Such are the particulars about the discovery of the relics in the -winter-house of Novaya Zemlya. - -Up to February 1872, the public in Holland remained ignorant of the -discovery of the winter quarters of Barendsz, and that several objects, -including a few books written in the Dutch language, were brought home. -This news, however, when spread, caused a general sensation throughout -the Netherlands, and measures were immediately taken by the Government -to obtain possession of these interesting relics. Information was at -once obtained as to their whereabouts, and it became known that they -were already in the possession of Mr. Ellis C. Lister Kay, who, -travelling as an English tourist in Norway, and being by chance at -Hammerfest on the arrival of Carlsen, had immediately bought them. Upon -learning the interest which the Netherlands Government took in these -relics, Mr. Kay kindly gave them up, accepting only the same amount as -he had given to obtain possession of them. This courteous behaviour of -Mr. Kay restored to the native land of the great explorer these -precious relics, which had remained hidden for nearly three centuries. -They were afterwards deposited in the model-room of the Naval -Department at the Hague, where a model-house, having an open front, has -been constructed for their reception. This is an exact imitation of the -original at Novaya Zemlya. There these old and touching memorials of a -noble achievement have found a final resting-place in the worthy -company of a number of ancient objects, which each for itself silently -points to some one of the many glorious pages in the annals of Dutch -naval history. To demonstrate that these objects found by Captain -Carlsen originally appertained to Barendsz and his companions, Mr. De -Jonge says:— - - - “The relics bear in themselves the undeniable proof—1st, that they - have belonged to Dutch navigators; and 2nd, that they must belong - to the last period of the 16th century, and especially to that part - included between 1592 and 1598, as I will prove out of the - following description of the objects:— - - “1. An iron frame on four iron feet, with three iron cross bars of - which one is moveable (a kind of iron trivet), was found by Captain - Carlsen in the centre of the house of Barendsz and Heemskerck, - exactly resembling that iron frame which we see also represented in - the centre of the house in the old illustration by Levinus Hulsius - in 1598. - - “2. A round copper cooking pan with handle. Found standing on the - iron frames. - - “3. A ditto larger one, with broken handle, the pan on the upper - side a little dinted. Found standing on the same place. - - “4. Three copper bands, remains most likely of porringers, found - close to the three objects above alluded to. - - “5. A fragment of a copper scoop with handle. - - “6. A round grindstone with iron axis. - - “7. Fragments of a chest with metal handle belonging to it, besides - four other pieces of iron. An iron box made to fit within the - chest, in order therein to deposit valuables. All these things were - half crumbled away. - - “8. The iron cover of the chest (spoken of in No. 7), with - intricate lock-work. - - “9. An iron crow-bar, bent in the middle, at the lower end a point, - the upper end formed like the tail of a swallow. The part which - opens out is worn in a circular shape, having in all probability - served as a rest for the axis of a spit. - - “10. The sieve of a copper scummer. - - “11. A tin plate. - - “12. An iron bar in two pieces. This bar was sawn across at - Hammerfest, as it was presumed to be a gun-barrel. - - “13. Iron striker or sledge-hammer; the handle is broken. - - “14. A borer or auger, with auger-bit. Such an auger is represented - in the illustration, ‘How made ready to sail back to Holland’. - - “15. A ditto, one with larger auger-bit. - - “16. Three gauges, without handles. - - “17. A large chisel, with a wooden handle. - - “18. An adze, of which the handle was broken. - - “19. A caulking-iron. - - “20. A borer, with the handle broken, and two other boring irons. - - “21. Seven iron files, of different dimensions. - - “22. A stone to whet tools. - - “23. Two iron pairs of compasses. - - “24. A broken pocket-knife or cutlass, with horn handle. - - “25. A copper tap of a wine or beer cask. Excellently preserved. - - “26. A wooden siphon of a beer or vinegar cask. - - “27. A wooden trencher, painted red. - - “28. An old Dutch earthenware jar, in which there was still a - little grease. (See a similar jug in the illustration, ‘How we were - wrecked, and with great danger had to betake ourselves to the - ice’.) - - “29. A tin tankard, with lid and handle. Decayed. - - “30. The lower half of another tankard. - - “31. Three tin spoons, of which one is broken. Of the form used in - the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. - - “32. The inner works of a lock. - - “33. A ditto, larger one, with a part of the key. - - “34. An iron weight, of 8 lbs. - - “35. A padlock. - - “36. Two leathern shoes or slippers. These shoes are too small for - a full-grown man. They must consequently have belonged to the - ship’s boy, of whom there is mention in the journal of De Veer, on - the 19th of October, 1596. - - “37. Iron clock-work, in which are seven cog-wheels; the cover is - of iron plates, but partly rusted. The dial-plate is lost, but one - of the hands is still present. There is also a circular-shaped - flexible piece of iron, quite rusted, probably the spring. In the - journal of Gerrit de Veer, at the date of 27th of October, he makes - mention, on that day: ‘They set up the dial and made the clock - strike.’ On the 3rd of December, 1596, ‘The clock was frozen and - might not go, although we hung more weight on it than before’. This - clock agrees in form almost perfectly with the clock drawn in the - illustration of Hulsius. A similar clock is also given in the work - entitled: ‘Le Moyen-âge et la Renaissance, par P. Lacroix et F. - Serré, Paris, 1851’. In the article ‘Corporations de Métier, par A. - Monteil et Rabutanz’, is found a drawing: ‘L’horloger, facsimilé de - planche dessinée et gravée, par Jost Ammon’. This drawing - represents a clock of similar construction to that found in Novaya - Zemlya. This print, in ‘Le Moyen-âge’, seems to have been copied - out of the work of Hartin Schopperus, entitled ‘Panoplia, Omnium - illiberalium, mechanicarum aut sedentariarum artium genera - continens; Cum figuris a Jost Ammon. Francofurti, 1568’. Hence we - come to the conclusion that the clock, with its weight, found at - Novaya Zemlya, belongs, as is proved by its construction, to work - of the sixteenth century. The application of the pendulum took - place later, in 1658. - - “38. One of the weights belonging to the clock. - - “39. A metal clock. This clock, with four perches, stood probably - upon the mechanism described in No. 37. - - “40. A little iron hammer, without doubt part of the striking - apparatus. - - “41. Three copper scales of a balance, having served for weighing - medicines. According to the journal of Mr. G. de Veer, ‘a - barber-surgeon joined the crew of Heemskerck and Barendsz’. - - “42. A six-holed German flute, of beechwood, but without the - mouth-piece. It is broken at the end. - - “43. A part of an instrument, of which one end is constructed of - wood. In this end is found a groove, a round opening, and a wooden - tongue. To this wooden tongue is fastened a copper one, opening out - in three parts, and ending in a point. It is difficult to say to - what instrument this belonged; but it is not quite improbable that - it has been fastened on the axis of a globe, in order to prick the - chart. Globes and plain charts were used at this period for want of - Mercator’s projection. - - “44. A wooden compass card, with moveable wooden hand, in the - centre of which is found a round opening for the point of the axis. - - “45. A wooden rectangle, with three circular segments one within - the other, and subtending the rectangle. The longer arm is broken - in three pieces. - - “46. A semi-circular copper plate, whose case is curved in such a - manner as to form a parallel. Through the middle of the plate runs - a meridian, having in its centre a small screw, which was formerly - moveable, but now fixed by rust. On the left or on the west side of - the meridian are drawn nine arcs, having their centre in the point - of intersection of the meridian and parallel. On these arcs the - degrees are indicated by ciphers, and between these arcs are found - the Dutch words: Wassende Noordoostersche, Afgaande - Noordoostersche, Wassende Noordwestersche, etc. It is difficult to - say in what manner this instrument was used, but probably it is an - instrument that has served for examining and determining the - variations of the compass. If I dare express my opinion, I should - say, that this is the instrument which Plancius, the master of - Barendsz, invented to calculate the longitude at sea. Plancius was - at that time much occupied with his theory of determining the - longitude at sea, by means of the variation of the needle. For - farther details see the work entitled: ‘Rise of the Dutch power in - the East Indies,’ volume i, p. 86. According to Plancius there - existed 8 meridians, under 4 of which there was no variation, and - under the 4 others a maximum variation took place. Calculating upon - these data Plancius imagined that the true longitude could be - found. He therefore adapted a copper plate to the astrolabe - employed at that period, and the object found by Carlsen is - probably this very copper plate, the only one now extant. - - “47. The handle of a sword beautifully formed. A similar handle is - represented on drawing 61, letter B in the work of Mr. D. van der - Kellen, Jr., entitled: ‘Antiquities of the Netherlands.’ - - “48. A sword with ditto handle. - - “49. The point of a sword. - - “50. A part of a spear, with iron spearhead. - - “51. Ditto head without wood. - - “52. The point of a halberd. A nearly equiform halberd is - represented in the illustration. ‘The exact manner of the house - wherein we wintered’. - - “53. The barrel of a heavy musket or matchlock, with breach-pin, - pan, matchstick, a sight on the fore part of the barrel. In the - work ‘Le Moyen-âge et la Renaissance’, par P. Lacroix et F. Seré, - Paris, 1851, T. iv. in the article ‘Armurerie, armes à feu - portatives’, folio xxiii, by F. de Saulcy, is the following - passage: ‘L’arquebuse à mêche resta pendant longtemps l’arme - ordinaire d’une partie de l’infanterie; seulement après en avoir - diminué le poids on lui donna le nom de mousquet, et le mousquet à - mêche était encore en usage dans les armées de Louis XIII’. To this - kind of firearm belongs the barrel spoken of under No. 53. The - mechanism, with which the match was brought on the panpowder was - called ‘le serpentin’. ‘Le serpentin’, says de Saulcy, ‘exigeait - que le soldat eût constamment sur lui une mêche allumée, ou le - moyen de faire du feu: il fallait en outre compasser la mêche, etc. - Pour remédier à cet inconvénient on inventa les platines à rouet, - qui furent employées d’abord en Allemagne et fabriquées, dit on, - pour la première fois en 1517 à Neuremberg. Dans la platine à rouet - la complication du mécanisme avait trop d’inconvénients, pour qu’on - ne cherchât pas à le perfectionner. Les Espagnols y parurent les - premiers. La platine espagnole, appelée souvent platine de - miquelet, présentait au dehors un ressort qui pressait à - l’extrémité de sa branche mobile sur un bras du chien, l’autre bras - de cette pièce lorsqu’on mettait le chien au bandé appuyait contre - une broche, sortant de l’intérieur et traversant le corps de la - platine. On retirait cette broche et le ressort poussait le chien, - qui n’était plus retenu, et la pierre frappait sur un plan d’acier - cannelé, qui faisait corps avec le couvercle du bassinet. Le choc - de la pierre sur les cannelures de l’acier produisait le feu’. The - matchlock under No. 57 seems to be a fragment of such a platine de - miquelet. - - “54. The barrel of a gun of smaller calibre, with three sights. - - “55. Ditto. - - “56. Ditto (broken). - - “57. A part of a matchlock, with cock, and flint-stones. - - “58. Nineteen copper powder horns, some of them covered with - leather, and some still full of powder. These horns were suspended - to a shoulder belt. - - “59. An iron cannon ball. - - “60. A tin bracket pitcher, beautifully engraved. Style - Renaissance. Probably it belonged to the merchandise of which, - according to de Veer, the ship’s cargo partly consisted. The - pitcher is in a perfect state of preservation. - - “61. The upper half of another pitcher. - - “62. Five tin candlesticks on pedestals, beautifully formed, as - they were used in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Probably - merchandise. - - “63. Five ditto, of another form, of which three are broken. - Merchandise. - - “64. Thirteen ditto, but again of another and smaller form; in - three of them the upper part is wanting. - - “65. Two tin boxes, each divided into four compartments, of which - the lower part, if you turn it, can be used as a drinking cup, the - centre as a saltcellar, whilst the upper part is fit for a pepper - box, the top of which unscrews. - - “66. Two ditto, of which only the drinking cups and the upper part - of the pepper box have been preserved. - - “67. Two ditto, of which only the lower part of the drinking cups - has been preserved. - - “68. A tin medallion, on which is represented: ‘Time that uplifts - truth from the earth’, and on which a marginal inscription is to be - read: ‘Abstrusam. Tenebris. Tempus. Me Educit. Tu Auras. H. G. - (Henry or Hurbert Goltzius)’. Inside the margin is found: ‘Veritas - filia temporis’. Probably also an object of merchandise. A - description of similar medals is found in the Dutch work of C. - Leemans, in ‘de Verslagen der Koninklijke Akademie van - Wetenschappen’. - - “69. A ditto medallion in a small wooden frame, representing a - woman seated, holding in her right hand a cross, and in her left a - chalice or goblet, from which a flame like light arises. Behind her - lies one of the tables of the law. A symbol of religion, or of the - New Testament. - - “70. Two ditto medallions, in wooden frames, representing a woman - with a child in her lap, and another in her arms. A third child - seeks refuge near her; this is probably a symbol of Mercy. - - “71. Three copper parts of objects, the original destination of - which is uncertain. - - “72. Two wooden stoppers, either belaying pins, which are used on - small ships to fasten ropes, or pieces of furniture. These objects - have been erroneously taken by Captain Carlsen for drumsticks. - - “73. Nine buttons, and the stopper of a tin bottle. - - “74. The haft of a knife, and another object of carved wood. Not - Dutch work, but apparently of Norwegian or Russian origin. Barendsz - or one of his companions might have obtained these objects on the - former expeditions. Moreover the trade with Archangel gave them - opportunities of buying Russian or Norwegian articles. - - “75. A great number of prints from copper engravings. These prints - have been completely frozen together, and whilst in that state a - beam or other part of the dwelling has fallen upon them, for they - seem to have been broken whilst in congealed condition, and a thaw - has reduced them to a compact mass. The prints are well executed, - but the paper having become too weak, only some of the engravings - have been removed, and those in a torn condition. Some of them - represent Roman heroes, by Goltzius; the ‘Defenders of Harlem’, by - Goltzius. 1857, subscribed Londerseel; ‘Paradise’, by Spranger, - subscribed Bosscher; ‘Pallas, Juno, and Venus in presence of - Paris’, with ‘Bosscher excudit’. Scenes taken from the Bible, such - as ‘The meeting of Esau and Jacob’, ‘Tobias’, etc. Also - representations of Asiatic or Persian horsemen, etc.; a large - drawing, showing a reposing lion, with the monogram HTR. (The H and - R written together, and the T interlaced in the H). The manner of - engraving the names of the engravers proves that all these must - have been the work of the sixteenth century. It may seem strange - that Arctic navigators had prints or engravings on board, but it is - not at all so, for Heemskerck and Barendsz intended to go as far as - China, when they sailed to the North-East. For that purpose they - had merchandise on board, and prints or engravings were often used - as such. This had also been the case on the first voyage to the - East Indies. On a list of goods and merchandise left at Patani, in - Siam, in 1602, a great number of drawings by de Gheyn, Goltzius, - Brengel, etc., are to be found, and among these, facsimiles of - those discovered at Novaya Zemlya, namely, ‘The Three Goddesses’, - ‘The Roman heroes’, etc. - - “76. A folio book bound in leather, and with copper clasps, but - half the binding has mouldered away. The beginning and the end of - this book, as well as the edges, are much decayed, and the title of - the first volume is quite obliterated. The book is divided into two - parts; the first volume, of which the title is obliterated, has - proved to be, after comparison with another specimen of this work, - ‘Die Cronycke van Hollant, Zeeland ende Vrieslant, tot den jare - 1517, etc., tot Delft, by Aelbert Hendricus, wonnende op ’t - Meretveld, Anno 1585’. [23] The second volume, of which the title - is intact, runs: ‘Short and true account of the Government, and the - most remarkable facts that occurred in the country of Holland, - Zeeland, and Friesland, by Albert Hendriksz, anno 1585’. - - “77. A book in quarto (the edges of which are much decayed), - entitled: ‘The Navigation, or the Art of Sailing, by the excellent - pilote, Pieter de Medina, a Spaniard, etc.; with still another new - Instruction on the Principal Points of Navigation, by Michel - Coignet. ’t Hantwerpen, anno 1580’. At the bottom of the page, - where the fifth chapter of the new instruction of Coignet begins, - opposite to a copy of the Astrolabe (the number of the page is worn - out), there is written in the old Dutch, ‘... y myn Jan Aerjanss - ... Pieter Janss ... y (of 17) April ghinghen vij van ... (lyberen - herte?)’. The two last words are almost illegible. Gerrit de Veer - gives, at the end of his recital, the names of those who returned - from Novaya Zemlya. Among these, the names of Jan Aerjanss and - Pieter Janss are not to be found. These were, most likely, the - names of two of the missing crew of whom the names are not - mentioned. Of the seventeen persons who set out, only twelve - returned safely to the Netherlands. A new translation, by Mr. - Martin Everart Brug, of the work of Medina, had been published in - 1598, by Cornelis Claesz, at Amsterdam, with Coignet’s new - instructions. As the copy found at Novaya Zemlya is a publication - of 1580, it follows, as a matter of course, that the Dutch - navigators who had left this copy, dated 1580, at Novaya Zemlya, - must have started before the year 1598, or they would assuredly - have taken the latest edition of so important a work, especially - when printed at Amsterdam, from whence they started. - - “78. A little book, with parchment cover, in octavo, having the - form of a pocket-book, entitled, ‘The History or Description of the - great Empire of China’. This was first written in Spanish by Juan - Gonzales de Mendoza, monk of the Order of St. Augustin, and then - translated from the Italian into Dutch by Corn. Taemsz, and printed - for Cornelis Claesz, book-seller, living at the Gilt Bible, in - North Street, Hoorn, by Jacob de M——, printer, in the town of - Alkmaar. The date of the edition of this copy cannot be given with - exactitude, by reason of the mouldering away of the lower part of - the title-page. The origin of the work can be deduced from the - following facts: In the address to the Good Willing Reader, verso - of the title-page, is written that ‘this little book was edited - after Jan Huyghen van Linschoten had returned to the Netherlands, - but somewhat before the publication of the account of his voyage’. - Jan Huyghen van Linschoten returned to Holland in the autumn of - 1592, and the account of his voyage was published by Cornelis - Claesz in 1595. Thus the translation of Mendoza must have been - published somewhere between 1592 and 1595. I even believe that we - can fix the date of the publishing to be 1595; for the copy found - at Novaya Zemlya is exactly similar, both in form and type, to - another copy still extant, published in Amsterdam by Cornelis - Claesz in 1595. The edition of Amsterdam is exactly similar to the - edition of Hoorn, except the title and the first twelve pages of - the preface, which in the edition of Amsterdam are of the same - purport, but printed in another type. The only difference between - the two works consists in the type of the preface.” - - -On the 17th of August, 1875, M. Gundersen, commander of the Norwegian -schooner Regina, was the first after Carlsen who visited Barendsz’s Ice -Harbour. In a chest, the upper part of which was quite mouldered, he -found an old journal, two charts, and a grapnel with four flukes, three -of which seemed to have been purposely broken off. The charts, pasted -upon sail-cloth, are much injured. The words “Germania inferior” may be -read on them. The journal has proved to be a manuscript Dutch -translation of the narrative of the English expedition of Pet and -Jackman, 1580. - -For the numerous abridgements and summaries of De Veer’s work, I refer -to the learned book of Mr. P. A. Fiele, at Leyden, entitled Mémoire -Bibliographique sur les journaux des Navigateurs Néerlandais: -Amsterdam, 1867. - - - - - - - - -INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST EDITION. - -BY CHARLES J. BEKE, Phil.D. - - -The three voyages undertaken by the Dutch, towards the close of the -sixteenth century, with a view to the discovery of a north-east passage -to China, are deservedly placed among the most remarkable exploits of -that enterprising nation; while the ten months’ residence of the -adventurous seamen at the furthest extremity of the inhospitable region -of Novaya Zemlya, within little more than fourteen degrees of the North -Pole, and their homeward voyage of upwards of seventeen hundred -geographical miles in two small open boats, are events full of romantic -interest. - -The republication by the Hakluyt Society of the narrative of these -three voyages, is most appropriate at this particular juncture, when -public attention is so painfully absorbed by apprehensions as to the -fate of Franklin and his companions. At all times would this work be -read with interest, as giving in plain and simple language, which -vouches for its truth, the first account of a forced winter residence -in the Arctic Regions, patiently and resolutely endured and -successfully terminated; but at the present moment it acquires a far -deeper importance from its representation—faint, perhaps, and wholly -inadequate to the reality—of the hardships which must have been -undergone by our missing countrymen; happy if some of them shall have -survived, like Gerrit de Veer, to tell the tale of their sufferings and -of their final deliverance from their long captivity. - -In adverting to the causes which led to these three expeditions, it -would be quite superfluous to enter upon the general history of Arctic -discovery. All that is requisite for the proper elucidation of the -present subject, is an investigation of the actual state of our -knowledge respecting the precise field of the labours of our Dutch -navigators, previously to the date of their adventurous undertaking. - -Three centuries have now elapsed since the first attempt was made to -discover a north-east passage to China and India. The circumstances -under which this took place, cannot be better detailed than in the -words of Clement Adams, in his account of “the newe Nauigation and -discouerie of the kingdome of Muscouia, by the north-east, in the yeere -1553”, which is printed by Hakluyt in the first volume of his Principal -Navigations. - - - “At what time our marchants perceiued the commodities and wares of - England to bee in small request with the countreys and people about - vs and neere vnto vs, and that those marchandizes which strangers - in the time and memorie of our auncesters did earnestly seeke and - desire, were nowe neglected and the price thereof abated, although - by vs carried to their owne portes, and all forreine marchandises - in great accompt and their prises wonderfully raised: certaine - graue citizens of London, and men of great wisedome, and carefull - for the good of their countrey, began to thinke with themselves - howe this mischiefe might be remedied. Neither was a remedie (as it - then appeared) wanting to their desires, for the auoyding of so - great an inconuenience: for, seeing that the wealth of the - Spaniards and Portingales, by the discouerie and search of newe - trades and countreys was marueilously increased, supposing the same - to be a course and meane for them also to obteine the like, they - thereupon resolued upon a newe and strange nauigation. And whereas - at the same time one Sebastian Cabota, [24] a man in those dayes - very renowned, happened to bee in London, they began first of all - to deale and consult diligently with him, and after much speech and - conference together, it was at last concluded that three shippes - should bee prepared and furnished out, for the search and - discouerie of the northerne part of the world, to open a way and - passage to our men for trauaile to newe and vnknowen kingdomes. - - “And whereas many things seemed necessary to bee regarded in this - so hard and difficult a matter, they first make choyse of certaine - graue and wise persons, in maner of a senate or companie, which - should lay their heads together and giue their iudgements, and - prouide things requisite and profitable for all occasions: by this - companie it was thought expedient that a certaine summe of money - should publiquely bee collected, to serue for the furnishing of so - many shippes. And lest any priuate man should bee too much - oppressed and charged, a course was taken, that euery man willing - to be of the societie should disburse the portion of twentie and - five pounds a piece; so that in short time by this meanes the summe - of sixe thousand pounds being gathered, the three shippes were - bought, the most part whereof they prouided to be newly built and - trimmed.” [25] - - -The three vessels thus fitted out sailed in company from Ratcliff on -the 10th of May, 1553. On their arrival at Harwich, they were detained -there some time; “yet at the last with a good winde they hoysed vp -saile, and committed themselues to the sea, giuing their last adieu to -their natiue country, which they knewe not whether they should euer -returne to see againe or not. Many of them looked oftentimes backe, and -could not refraine from teares, considering into what hazards they were -to fall, and what vncertainties of the sea they were to make triall -of.” [26] - -These gloomy forebodings were not long in finding their realization. In -a violent tempest off the coast of Norway, two of the vessels, the Bona -Esperanza and Bona Confidentia, in the former of which was Sir Hugh -Willoughby, captain-general of the fleet, were driven far out to sea, -and at length put into a small haven on the coast of Lapland, near the -mouth of the river Warsina, [27] where the entire crews of both -vessels, amounting in all to seventy souls, miserably perished from -cold and hunger. - -Before meeting with his untimely end, Willoughby, on the 14th of -August, “descried land, which land (he says, in a note found written in -one of the two ships) we bare with all, hoising out our boat to -discover what land it might be; but the boat could not come to land, -the water was so shoale, where was very much ice also, but there was no -similitude of habitation; and this land lyeth from Seynam [28] east and -by north 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 degrees. Then we plyed to -the northward”. [29] As the subject of Willoughby’s voyage has been -discussed by Mr. Rundall in a recent publication of the Hakluyt -Society, [30] it is here unnecessary to say more than that, whatever -may formerly have been the notions of geographers as to the coast -reached by our hapless countryman, and to which the name of -“Willoughby’s Land” was given, the almost universally received opinion -now is [31] that it was that portion of the western coast of Novaya -Zemlya, which is called by Lütke the Goose Coast (Gänseufer in Erman’s -Translation [32]),—doubtless from the numbers of water-fowl found -there,—and of which the North and South Goose Capes (Syevernuy Gusinuy -Muis and Yuzhnuy Gusinuy Muis) form the two extremities. Mr. Rundall is -therefore fully justified in claiming for Sir Hugh Willoughby, as he so -earnestly does in his work just cited, [33] “the credit of having been -the first Englishman by whom the coast of Novaya Zemlya was visited”; -and as, further, Willoughby was not only the first Englishman, but also -the first European, who had ever been there, the rule and usual -practice in regard to new discoveries fairly warrants the application -of the name of “Willoughby’s Land” to this “Goose Coast”, which our -countryman was thus the first to visit and make known to us. - -In thus attributing the discovery of Novaya Zemlya to Sir Hugh -Willoughby, it is in no wise intended to deny that that island—or chain -of islands, as it may be more correctly designated—was previously known -to the inhabitants of the northern coasts of Russia. The name -itself,—Novaya Zemlya, which in the Russian language signifies “the New -Country” or “Newfoundland”,—and the fact that the early European -navigators, both English and Dutch, who followed in Willoughby’s -footsteps, met with native vessels on the coast, from the crews of -which they learned their way and obtained various particulars of local -information, are quite sufficient to establish the priority of the -Russians. - -Still, the discovery of a country, like any other discovery or -invention in science or the arts, dates properly from the time when the -knowledge of that discovery is first recorded and publicly communicated -to the civilised world; and in this sense even the Russian admiral -Lütke, [34] the great explorer of Novaya Zemlya in modern times, does -not hesitate to acknowledge, that, owing to the absence of all written -records bearing on the subject, his countrymen cannot pretend to lay -claim to the “discovery” of Novaya Zemlya. - -Richard Chancellor, pilot-major of Willoughby’s fleet, was far more -fortunate than his hapless chief. In the third vessel, the Edward -Bonaventure, commanded by Stephen Burrough, he succeeded in entering -the Bay of St. Nicholas, since better known as the White Sea, and on -the 24th of August, 1553, reached in safety the western mouth of the -river Dwina, whence he proceeded overland to the court of the Emperor -of Muscovy or Russia, at Moscow. The result was the foundation of the -commercial and political relations between England and Russia, which -have subsisted, with but brief interruptions, till the present day. - -Shortly after Chancellor had brought his section of Willoughby’s -expedition to so successful an issue, the company of -merchant-adventurers, by whom the three ships had been fitted out, -received a charter of incorporation, bearing date February 6th, 1 and 2 -Ph. and Mar. (1554–5); and subsequently, in the eighth year of Queen -Elizabeth (1566), they obtained an Act of Parliament, in which they are -styled “the Fellowship of English Merchants for Discovery of New -Trades”; a title under which they still continue incorporated, though -they are better known by the designation of the “Muscovy” or “Russia -Company”. - -It is not here the place to discuss the general proceedings of the -Russia Company, important though they be, and highly deserving of being -made the subject of special investigation. All that we have to do is to -notice the expeditions which were undertaken under the auspices of that -company, for the purpose of exploring the seas bounding the Russian -Empire on the north, with a view to the discovery of a north-east -passage to China. - -Of these expeditions, the first was that of Stephen Burrough, who had -in 1553 been the master of Richard Chancellor’s ship, the Edward -Bonaventure, and who now, in 1556, was despatched in the pinnace -Searchthrift to make discovery towards the river Ob. [35] - -Leaving Gravesend on the 23rd of April of the latter year, Burrough, on -the 23rd of May, passed the North Cape, which he had so named on his -first voyage, and on the 9th of June reached Kola, where he fell in -with several small Russian vessels (lodji), all “bound to Pechora, a -fishing for salmons and morses”. [36] The master of one of these boats, -named Gabriel, rendered good service to Burrough, who is diffuse in his -praise of Gabriel’s conduct, as contrasted with that of other Russian -seamen with whom he had to do. - -In the company of these native boats Burrough passed by Svyátoi Nos, -called by him Cape St. John; Kanin Nos (Caninoz); the island of -Kolguev, by mistake called in his journal Dolgoieue; then the second -Svyátoi Nos, and so to “the dangerous barre of Pechora”. Passing still -onwards, he, on St. James’s day, July 25th, “spied certain islands”, -lying to the south of Novaya Zemlya, under one of which he anchored, -naming it “St. James his Island”, [37] and making its latitude to be -70° 42′ N., which according to Lütke [38] is about 10′ too far north. -The next day they “plyed to the westwards alongst the shoare” of the -southern extremity of Novaya Zemlya, where they met with another small -native vessel, the master of which, named Loshak, told them that they -were past the way which should bring them to the Ob;—that the land by -which they were was “called Noua Zembla, that is to say, the New -Land;”—and that “in this Noua Zembla is the highest mountaine in the -worlde, as he thought, and that Camen Bolshay, [39] which is on the -maine of Pechora, is not to be compared to this mountaine; but” (adds -Burrough cautiously) “I saw it not”. [40] - -On the 31st of July, Burrough was “at an anker among the islands of -Vaigats”; on one of which islands he went on shore the following day. -On Monday, the 3rd of August, he continues: “We weyed and went roome -with another island, which was five leagues east-north-east from us; -and there I met againe with Loshak, and went on shore with him, and hee -brought me to a heap of the Samoeds idols, which were in number aboue -300, the worst and the most unartificiall worke that ever I saw. The -eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie; they had the shape of -men, women, and children, very grosly wrought; and that which they had -made for other parts was also sprinckled with blood. Some of their -idols were an olde sticke, with two or three notches made with a knife -in it. I saw much of the footing of the sayd Samoeds, and of the sleds -that they ride in.” [41] - -These particulars clearly prove that the spot thus described by -Burrough is Bolvánovsky Nos (Image Cape), at the north-eastern -extremity of the island of Vaigats, in 70° 29′ N. lat., which place, -according to Lütke, [42] was visited by Ivanov in 1824, and found to be -in precisely the same state as represented by its English discoverer. -There is a second cape of the same name at the south-eastern extremity -of Vaigats Island, in 69° 40′ N. lat., which is the Afgodenhoeck (Idol -Cape) of Linschoten and the Beeldthoeck (Image Cape) of De Veer, and -which is described by the latter in his account of their second voyage, -at pages 53 and 60 of the present volume. Lütke [43] erroneously -identifies this latter cape with the one discovered by Burrough; but -this is evidently a mere oversight, as the two capes of the same name -are distinctly laid down in his chart. - -On the 5th of August, fearing to be hemmed in by the ice, which -approached his ship in immense masses, Burrough returned westwards, and -then southwards; and on the 22nd of the same month, on account of the -north and north-easterly winds, the great quantity of ice, and the -advanced season of the year, he determined on not attempting to proceed -further to the east, but returned round Kanin Nos into the White Sea, -and so to Kholmogorui (Colmogro), the Russian port on the Dwina -previously to the foundation of Archangelsk,—Archangel, or -Novo-Kholmogorui, as it was at first called,—where he arrived on the -11th of September. [44] - -The passage by which Burrough thus sailed between Novaya Zemlya and -Vaigats into the Sea of Kara, is that which by the Russians is called -Karskoi Vorota—the Kara Gate or Strait; and as he was the first -navigator who is recorded to have been there, he must be regarded as -the “discoverer” of that Strait. And that he was so considered by his -contemporaries is established by the fact, that, in the instructions -given by the Russia Company, in 1580, to Pet and Jackman, [45] that -entrance into the Sea of Kara is actually denominated “Burrough’s -Strait”. - -For several years after Stephen Burrough’s voyage in the Searchthrift, -the Russia Company appear to have directed their attention principally -to the trade with the White Sea, and thence, overland, with the -interior of the continent both in Europe and in Asia. Still, it must -not be imagined that they at all abandoned the idea of a north-east -passage to China. On the contrary, there is evidence in the -instructions given by them on the fitting out of two expeditions, at -intervals of twelve years each, that the subject was not lost sight of -by them, and that they neglected no means of obtaining information, -with a view to the eventual realisation of the scheme which was their -principal object in the original formation of the company. - -The former of these two expeditions was in the year 1568, when James -Bassendine, James Woodcocke, and Richard Browne were appointed to -undertake a voyage of discovery along the northern coast of Russia, -“from the river Pechora to the eastwards”. Of this undertaking no -memorial appears to be extant, except the “Commission” issued to the -adventurers; so that it is impossible to say what its success was. But -the instructions contained in that Commission are in themselves of so -interesting a character, as showing in a precise and definite form the -extent of the knowledge of the Arctic Ocean to the east of the White -Sea, possessed by the English at a date mounting up to nearly three -centuries from the present time, that no apology will be necessary for -here reprinting it from the pages of Hakluyt. [46] It must be premised -that the date attributed by that author to this document is 1588; which -is, however, clearly a misprint. For, in the first place, it was in -1568 (not 1588) that Thomas Randolph, by whom the Commission was signed -only a few days after his arrival in Russia, [47] was appointed -ambassador to that country, he having in the following year returned to -England; [48] while in the year 1588 it was Dr. Giles Fletcher who was -our ambassador. [49] And, secondly, this Commission, though appearing -to bear the latter date, is placed by Hakluyt in chronological order -among the documents of the year 1568. - - - A Commission given by vs, Thomas Randolfe, ambassadour for the - Queenes Maiestie in Russia, and Thomas Bannister, etc., vnto Iames - Bassendine, Iames Woodcocke, and Richard Browne; the which - Bassendine, Woodcocke, and Browne we appoint ioyntly together, and - aiders the one of them to the other, in a voyage of discouery to be - made (by the grace of God) by them, for searching of the sea and - border of the coast, from the riuer Pechora to the eastwards, as - hereafter followeth. Anno 1568, the first of August. - - Imprimis, when your barke with all furniture is ready, you shall at - the beginning of the yere (assoone as you possibly may) make your - repaire to the easterne part of the riuer Pechora, where is an - island called Dolgoieue, and from thence you shall passe to the - eastwards alongst by the sea coast of Hugorie, or the maine land of - Pechora; and sailing alongst by the same coast, you shall passe - within seuen leagues of the island Vaigats, which is in the - straight, almost halfe way from the coast of Hugorie unto the coast - of Noua Zembla; which island Vaigats and Noua Zembla you shall - finde noted in your plat, therefore you shall not need to discouer - it, but proceed on alongst the coast of Hugory towards the river - Obba. - - There is a bay betweene the sayd Vaigats and the river Obba, that - doth bite to the southwards into the land of Hugory, in which bay - are two small riuers, the one called Cara Reca, the other Naramsy, - as in the paper of notes which are giuen to you herewith may - appeare: in the which bay you shall not need to spend any time for - searching of it, but to direct your course to the river Ob (if - otherwise you be not constrained to keepe alongst the shore); and - when you come to the river Ob, you shall not enter into it, but - passe ouer into the easterne part of the mouth of the sayd riuer. - - And when you are at the easterne part of the mouth of Obba Reca, - you shall from thence passe to the eastwards, alongst by the border - of the sayd coast, describing the same in such perfect order as you - can best do it. You shall not leaue the sayd coast or border of the - land, but passe alongst by it, at least in sight of the same, - untill you haue sailed by it so farre to the eastwards, and the - time of the yeere [be] so farre spent, that you doe thinke it time - for you to returne with your barke to winter, which trauell may - well be 300 or 400 leagues to the eastwards of the Ob, if the sea - doe reach so farre, as our hope is it doth; but and if you finde - not the said coast and sea to trend so farre to the eastwards, yet - you shall not leaue the coast at any time, but proceed alongst by - it, as it doth lie, leauing no part of it vnsearched or [un-]seene, - unlesse it be some bay or river, that you doe certeinly know by the - report of the people that you shall finde in those borders, or els - some certeine tokens whereby you of your selues may iudge it to be - so. For our hope is that the said border of land and sea doth, in - short space after you passe the Ob, incline east, and so to the - southwards. And therefore we would haue no part of the land of your - starreboord side, as you proceed in your discouery, to be left - vndiscouered. - - But and if the said border of land do not incline so to the - eastwards as we presuppose it, but that it doe proue to incline and - trend to the northwards, and so ioyne with Noua Zembla, making the - sea from Vaigats to the eastwarde but a bay; yet we will that you - do keepe alongst by the said coast, and so bring us certaine report - of that forme and maner of the same bay. - - And if it doe so proue to be a bay, and that you have passed round - about the same, and so by the trending of the land come backe vnto - that part of Noua Zembla that is against Vaigats, whereas you may - from that see the said island Vaigats; if the time of the yeere - will permit you, you shall from thence passe alongst by the said - border and coast of Noua Zembla to the westwards, and so to search - whether that part of Noua Zembla doe ioyne with the land that Sir - Hugh Willoughbie discouered in anno ’53, and is in 72 degrees and - from that part of Noua Zembla 120 leagues to the westwards, [50] as - your plat doeth shew it unto you; and if you doe finde that land to - ioyne with Noua Zembla, when you come to it, you shall proceed - further along the same coast, if the time of the yere will permit - it, and that you doe thinke there will be sufficient time for you - to returne back with your barke to winter, either at Pechora or in - Russia, at your discretion; for we refer the same to your good - iudgements, trusting that you will lose no time that may further - your knowledge in this voyage. - - Note you, it was the 20 of August, ’56, yer [51] the Serchthrift - began to returne backe from her discouerie, to winter in Russia; - and then she came from the island Vaigats, being forcibly driuen - from thence with an easterly winde and yce, and so she came into - the riuer Dwina, and arriued at Colmogro the 11 of September, ’56. - If the yce had not bene so much that yere as it was in the - streights on both sides of the island Vaigats, they in the said - pinnesse would that yeere haue discouered the parts that you are - now sent to seeke; which thing (if it had pleased God) might haue - bene done then; but God hath reserued it for some other. Which - discouerie, if it may be made by you, it shall not only proue - profitable vnto you, but it will also purchase perpetuall fame and - renowne both to you and our countrey. And thus, not doubting of - your willing desires and forwardnesse towards the same, we pray God - to blesse you with a lucky beginning, fortunate successe, and - happily to end the same. Amen. - - -As has already been stated, the results of this expedition are not -known. We may, therefore, pass to the consideration of the voyage of -Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman in the year 1580. For this undertaking -written instructions were in like manner given by the Russia Company, -which have also been preserved by Hakluyt. [52] But as these -instructions correspond in many respects with those given to Bassendine -and his companions, it is here unnecessary to cite more from them than -some few passages requiring particular notice. - -The Commission from the Russia Company to Pet and Jackman was “for a -voyage by them to be made, by God’s grace, for search and discoueries -of a passage by sea by Borough’s Streights and the island Vaigats, -eastwards to the countries or dominions of the mightie prince, the -emperour of Cathay, and in the same unto the cities of Cambalu and -Quinsay, or to either of them”. And for that purpose they were directed -to “saile from this river of Thames to the coast of Finmarke, to the -North Cape there, or to the Wardhouse”; and from thence, continued -their instructions, “direct your course to haue sight of Willoughbies -Land, and from it passe alongst to the Noua Zemla, keeping the same -landes alwayes in your sight on your larboord sides (if conueniently -you may), to the ende you may discouer whether the same Willoughbies -Land be continent and firme land with Noua Zemla or not; -notwithstanding we would not haue you to entangle your selues in any -bay, or otherwise, so that it might hinder your speedy proceeding to -the Island Vaigats. - -“And when you come to Vaigats, we would haue you to get sight of the -maine land of Samoeda, which is ouer against the south part of the same -island, and from thence, with God’s permission, to passe eastwards -alongst the same coast, keeping it alwayes in your sight (if -conueniently you may) untill you come to the mouth of the riuer Ob: and -when you come unto it, passe ouer the said riuers mouth unto the border -of land on the east side of the same (without any stay to bee made for -searching inwardly in the same riuer), and being in sight of the same -easterly land, doe you, in Gods name, proceed alongst by it from thence -eastwards, keeping the same alwayes on your starboord side in sight, if -you may, and follow the tract of it, whether it incline southerly or -northerly (as at times it may do both), untill you come to the country -of Cathay, or the dominion of that mightie emperour.” [53] But in case -they should not be able to reach Cathay, they were directed to attempt -to ascend the river Ob; and if they should not succeed in this, they -were then to “returne backe through Boroughs Streights”, and “discouer -and trie whether Willoughbies Land ioyne continent with Noua Zembla or -not”. [54] - -In pursuance of these instructions, Pet and Jackman sailed from Harwich -on the 31st of May, 1580, in two small barks: namely, the George, of -the burthen of forty tons, under the command of the former, with a crew -of nine men and a boy, and the William, of twenty tons, commanded by -the latter, with a crew of five men and a boy. On June 23rd they -reached Wardhuus, which place they left in company on the 1st of the -following month. On the next day, however, as the William seemed “to be -out of trie and sailed very ill”, she “was willing to goe with Kegor”, -where she might mend her steerage; “whereupon Master Pet, not willing -to go into harborough, said to Master Jackman that if he thought -himselfe not able to keepe the sea, he should doe as he thought best, -and that he in the meane time would beare with Willoughbies Land, for -that it was a parcel of our direction, and would meete him at Veroue -Ostroue, or Vaigats”. [55] - -The name of Veroue Ostroue, here given to the island of Vaigats, does -not occur elsewhere. It is manifestly Russian; though it is difficult -to say what is its correct form, and consequently what its -signification. As to the designation by which that island is generally -known, Witsen states, though without further explanation, that it was -acquired from one Iwan or Ian Waigats; [56] in commenting on which -statement, Lütke says that the name should properly be written -Waigatsch, the Russian termination tsch having been changed by the -Dutch into tz, in the same way as in Pitzora for Petschora, etc. [57] -The correctness of this criticism is, however, questionable. For, long -before the Dutch visited or knew anything of these parts, we find -Englishmen,—who certainly had no difficulty in pronouncing the sound ch -(tsch), which is common to our language, and who in fact always wrote -Pechora (Petschora), and not, like the Dutch, Pitzora,—invariably -writing not Vaigach (Vaigatsch), but Vaigats or Vaygatz. It is -therefore reasonable to conclude that Vaigats is the original -pronunciation of the name, and that the Russian form is merely a -corruption. - -But to return to Pet, who after parting from Jackman continued his -course eastwards, apparently following in Willoughby’s track, till, on -the 4th of July, he saw land in latitude 71° 38′ north, being the coast -of Novaya Zemlya, somewhere about the South Goose Cape. Thence he -coasted along the south-western end of Novaya Zemlya, keeping the same -in sight on the larboard side, as instructed to do, but not nearing it, -on account of ice and fog. [58] On the 10th of July, he approached the -north-western extremity of Vaigatz Island, and landed on a small island -near the coast, where he took in wood and water. [59] Here he remained -till the 14th, when he got out with difficulty on account of the ice, -and “lay along the coast north-west, thinking it to be an island; but -finding no end in rowing so long”, he “supposed it to be the maine of -Noua Zembla”, in which, however, he was in error, and thereby missed -the entrance into the Sea of Kara by Burrough’s Strait. He now altered -his course, and on the 15th “lay south south-west with a flawne sheete, -and so ranne all the same day”; and, after meeting with much more ice, -he on the 17th came into the “Bay of Pechora”. Thence, again taking an -eastward course, he on the 18th had sight of the southern extremity of -Vaigatz, and on the following day entered the passage running between -that portion of the island and the main land of the Samoede country; to -which passage the Dutch, in the voyages which form the subject of the -following pages, gave the name of “the Straits of Nassau”, and which -the Russians call Yugorsky Schar, that is to say, the Ugorian Strait. -Nevertheless, if the first European explorer on record be entitled to -the credit of his discovery, this entrance into the Sea of Kara ought -to bear the name of “Pet’s Strait,” in like manner as the passage into -that sea at the other extremity of Vaigatz Island received the name of -“Burrough’s Strait”. - -From the 19th till the 24th of July, Pet endeavoured to make his way -eastwards in accordance with his instructions, by keeping “the maine -land of Samoeda” always in sight on his starboard side, but was -constantly impeded by the ice. At length he was “constrained to put -into the ice, to seeke some way to get to the northwards of it, hoping -to haue some cleare passage that way, but there was nothing but whole -ice.” [60] - -Meanwhile, Jackman and his crew of five men and a boy, in their frail -bark of twenty tons, had gallantly followed after the George, and on -the morning of the 25th July the two vessels again joined company, the -William being, however, in so disabled a state when she reached her -companion, as to require assistance from the latter. The two vessels -now “set saile to the northwardes, to seeke if they could finde any way -cleare to passe to the eastward; but the further they went that way, -the more and thicker was the ice, so that they coulde goe no further.” -[61] - -At length, seeing the impossibility of advancing either to the east or -to the north, on the 28th of July “Master Pet and Master Jackman did -conferre together what was best to be done, considering that the windes -were good for us, and we not able to passe for ice: they did agree to -seeke to the land againe, and so to Vaygatz, and then to conferre -further. At 3 in the afternoone, we did warpe from one piece of ice to -another, to get from them if it were possible: here were pieces of ice -so great that we could not see beyond them out of the toppe.” [62] - -It was only with the greatest difficulty and peril that they -occasionally made their way through the ice, in which for the most part -they remained so enclosed “that they could not stirre, labouring onely -to defend the yce as it came upon them”; but at length, on the 15th of -August, “they entred into a cleare sea without yce, whereof they were -most glad, and not without cause, and gave God the praise”. [63] On the -day after, they say, “we were troubled againe with ice, but we made -great shift with it: for we gotte betweene the shoare and it. This day, -at twelue of the clocke, we were thwart of the south-east part of -Vaigats, all along which part there was great store of yce, so that we -stood in doubt of passage; yet by much adoe we got betwixt the shoare -and it.” [64] - -They now bore away to the west, passing by the island of Kolguev -(Colgoyeue), on the sands to the south of which both vessels went -aground, on August 20th, in latitude 68° 40′ N., according to their -calculation. Getting off, they proceeded together on their return -voyage; but, only two days afterwards, Pet’s vessel parted from the -William, and saw her no more. [65] - -Arthur Pet, in the George, reached home in safety, arriving at Ratcliff -on the 26th December following; but “the William, with Charles Jackman, -arrived at a port in Norway between Tronden and Rostock in October -1580, and there did winter. And from thence departed againe in -Februarie following, and went in company of a ship of the King of -Denmarke toward Island; and since that time he was never heard of.” -[66] - -This voyage of Pet and Jackman has been noticed more in detail than -might otherwise have been necessary, for the purpose of defending those -able seamen from the animadversions of a recent historian, who says: -“From the meagre narrative of this voyage it is sufficiently evident -that Pet and Jackman were but indifferent navigators, and that they -never trusted themselves from the shore and out of shallow water, -whenever the ice would suffer them to approach it; a situation of all -others, where they might have made themselves certain of being hampered -with ice.” [67] It will, however, in the first place, have been seen -that their express instructions were that they should follow the line -of the Siberian coast, keeping it always in sight on their starboard -side, which instructions they appear to have obeyed to the utmost of -their ability. And, secondly, it was not so much the fixed ice along -the coast which impeded their progress, as the immense masses of -floating ice from the Polar Basin which had drifted into the Sea of -Kara; for, on more than one occasion, it was precisely by getting into -the shallow water, “between the shore and the ice”, that they were -enabled to effect a passage, which in deeper water, where the -ice-masses could float, was denied to them. The fact is that it was -from no want of either knowledge or skill that they were unsuccessful, -but from the like unsurmountable natural causes which, fifteen years -later, compelled the Dutch fleet under Cornelius Nai to turn back from -somewhere about the same spot; [68] and, as Captain Beechey justly -observes, “to this day the hardy Russians have not been able to survey -the eastern side of Nova Zembla; and the ships which passed through the -Waigatz Strait have never been able to proceed far, owing to the -quantity of ice driven into the Sea of Kara”. [69] - -Further, when it is considered who these experienced seamen were, it -will at once be manifest that under no circumstances ought they to be -stigmatised as “indifferent navigators”. Arthur Pet was with Richard -Chancellor and Stephen Burrough in the Edward Bonaventure, on their -first voyage to the Bay of St. Nicholas in 1553, his name standing in -the list of “mariners” sixth before that of William Burrough [70] -(Stephen’s brother). Seven years afterwards, in 1560, he commanded the -Jesus, of London, in the service of the Russia Company. [71] And now, -twenty years later, in the year 1580, a convincing proof is afforded of -the estimation in which he was held, by the interest taken in him and -his expedition by several of the most distinguished navigators and -cosmographers of his time. For, in addition to his Commission from his -employers, in whose service he had been seven-and-twenty years,—whether -constantly or not is immaterial,—he received “Instructions and Notes” -[72] from “Master William Burrough”, Comptroller of the Navy, who had -been his messmate seven-and-twenty years before, together with -“Certaine briefe aduices giuen by Master Dee”, [73] as also “Notes in -writing, besides more priuie by mouth, that were giuen by M. Richard -Hakluyt, of Eiton, in the countie of Hereford, esquire”; [74] and, -further, his voyage was deemed of sufficient importance to form the -subject of a letter to Hakluyt himself from the learned Gerard -Mercator. [75] - -Of Charles Jackman we do not know so much. Yet he, too, had clearly had -experience in Arctic exploration, having been “the mate” on board the -Ayde, one of the vessels of Frobisher’s second expedition, when he was -of sufficient importance to give his name to “Jackman’s Sound”, on the -south side of Frobisher’s Strait. [76] And it is not without -significance that in all the documents above cited, except Mercator’s -letter to Hakluyt, his name is coupled, without any distinction, with -that of so old and experienced a navigator of the Russian Seas as -Arthur Pet. - -Notwithstanding the failure of Pet and Jackman’s undertaking, the -Russia Company appear to have in no wise relaxed in their endeavours to -effect a passage by sea along the northern coast of the Russian -dominions. And that they were, to a considerable extent, successful in -their exertions, is proved by the following two documents, which have -been preserved to us by Purchas. [77] - - - Notes concerning the discouery of the river of Ob, taken out of a - Roll written in the Russian tongue, which was attempted by the - meanes of Antonie Marsh, a chiefe Factor for the Moscouie Company - of England, 1584, with other Notes of the North-east. - - First, he wrote a letter from the citie of Mosco, in the year 7092, - after the Russe accompt, which after our accompt was in the yeare - 1584, unto foure Russes, that vsed to trade from Colmogro to - Pechora and other parts eastward; whose answer was: - - By writings receiued from thee, as also by reports, wee vnderstand - thou wouldest have us seeke out the mouth of the riuer Ob; which we - are content to doe, and thou must giue therefore fiftie rubbles: it - is requisite to goe to seeke it out with two cochimaes or - companies, [78] and each cochima must haue ten men; and wee must - goe by the riuer Pechora vpwards in the spring, by the side of the - ice, as the ice swimmeth in the riuer, which will aske a fortnights - time; and then we must fall into Ouson riuer, and fall downe with - the streame before we come to Ob, a day and a night in the spring. - Then it will hold vs eight dayes to swimme downe the riuer Ob, - before we come to the mouth: therefore send vs a man that can - write; and assure thy selfe the mouth of Ob is deepe. On the Russe - side of Ob soiourne Samoeds, called Vgorskai and Sibierskie - Samoeds; and on the other side dwel another kind of Samoeds, called - Monganet or Mongaseisky Samoeds. We must passe by fiue castles that - stand on the riuer of Ob. The name of the first is Tesuoi-gorodok, - which standeth vpon the mouth of the riuer Padou. The second small - castle is Nosoro-gorodock, and it standeth hard vpon the side of - Ob. The third is called Necheiourgoskoy. The fourth is Charedmada. - The fift is Nadesneàa, that is to say, the castle of Comfort or - Trust, [79] and it standeth vpon the riuer Ob, lowermost of all the - former castles toward the sea. - - Heretofore your people haue bin at the said riuer of Obs mouth with - a ship, and there was made shipwracke, and your people were slaine - by the Samoeds, which thought that they came to rob and subdue - them. The trees that grow by the riuer are firres, and a kinde of - white, soft, and light firre, which we call yell. The bankes on - both sides are very high, and the water not swift, but still and - deepe. Fish there are in it, as sturgeons, and cheri, and pidle, - and nelma, a dainty fish like white salmons, and moucoun, and sigi, - and sterlidi; but salmons [80] there are none. Not farre distant - from the maine, at the mouth of Ob, there is an island, [81] - whereon resort many wilde beasts, as white beares, and the morses, - and such like. And the Samoeds tell vs, that in the winter season - they oftentimes finde there morses teeth. If you would haue us - trauell to seeke out the mouth of Ob by sea, we must goe by the - isles of Vaygats and Noua Zembla, and by the land of Matpheoue, - that is, by Matthewes Land. And assure thy selfe, that from Vaygats - to the mouth of Ob by sea, is but a small matter to sayle. Written - at Pechora, the yeare 7092, the twenty one of February. - - Master Marsh also learned these distances of Places and Ports from - Caninos to Ob by sea. - - From Caninos to the Bay of Medemske (which is somewhat to the east - of the riuer Pechora) is seuen days sayling. The bay of Medemsky is - ouer a day and a halfe sayling. From Medemske Sauorost to Carareca - is sixe dayes sayling. From Carska Bay to the farthest side of the - riuer Ob is nine dayes sayling. The Bay of Carska is from side to - side a day and a nights sayling. - - He learned another way by Noua Zembla and Matthuschan Yar to Ob - more north-eastward. From Caninos to the iland of Colgoieue is a - day and a nights sayling. From Colgoieue to Noua Zembla are two - dayes sayling. There is a great osera or lake vpon Noua Zembla, - where wonderfull store of geese and swannes doe breede, and in - moulting time cast their feathers, which is about Saint Peters day; - and the Russes of Colmogro repaire thither yearely, and our English - men venture thither with them seuerall shares in money: they bring - home great quantitie of doune-feathers, dried swannes and geese, - beares skinnes, and fish, etc. From Naromske reca or riuer to - Mattuschan Yar is sixe dayes sayling. From Mattuschan Yar to the - Perouologi Teupla, that is to say, to the warme passage ouer-land, - compassing or sayling round about the sands, is thirteene dayes - sayling. And there is upon the sands, at a full sea, seuen fathomes - water, and two fathomes at a low water. The occasion of this - highing of the water, is the falling into the sea of the three - riuers, and the meeting of the two seas, to wit, the North Sea and - the East Sea, which make both high water and great sands. And you - must beware that you come not with your shippe near vnto the iland - by the riuer Ob. [82] From Mattuschan Yar to this iland is fiue - dayes sayling. Mattushan Yar is in some part fortie versts ouer, - and in some parts not past six versts ouer. - - The aforesaid Anthonie Marsh sent one Bodan, his man, a Russe - borne, with the aforesaid foure Russes and a yong youth, a Samoed, - which was likewise his seruant, vpon the discouery of the riuer of - Ob by land, through the countrie of the Samoeds, with good store of - commodities to trafficke with the people. And these his seruents - made a rich voyage of it, and had bartered with the people about - the riuer of Ob for the valew of a thousand rubles in sables and - other fine furres. But the emperour hauing intelligence of this - discouery, and of the way that Bodan returned home by, by one of - his chiefe officers lay in waite for him, apprehended him, and - tooke from him the aforesaid thousand markes worth of sables and - other merchandises and deliuered them into the emperours treasurie, - being sealed vp, and brought the poore fellow Bodan to the citie of - Mosco, where he was committed to prison and whipped, and there - detained a long while after, but in the end released. Moreouer, the - emperours officers asked Anthonie Marsh how he durst presume to - deale in any such enterprise. To whom he answered, that, by the - priuileges granted to the English nation, no part of the emperours - dominions were exempted from the English to trade and trafficke in: - with which answere they were not so satisfied, but that they gaue - him a great checke, and forfeited all the aforesaid thousand markes - worth of goods, charging him not to proceede any further in that - action: whereby it seemeth they are very iealous that any Christian - should grow acquainted with their neighbours that border to the - north-east of their dominions; for that there is some great secret - that way, which they would reserue to themselves onely. Thus much I - vnderstood by Master Christopher Holmes. - - -From these documents we gather two very remarkable facts. The first is, -that, previously to the year 1584, an English vessel had crossed the -Sea of Kara, and penetrated as far eastward as the mouth of the river -Ob, where it was wrecked and its crew were murdered by the natives. The -second is, that, at that time, the best way from the White Sea and the -mouth of the Pechora by sea was deemed to be “by the isles of Vaygats -and Nouva Zembla, and by the Land of Matpheoue, that is, by Matthewes -Land”; this being manifestly the same as that which is described as -“another way by Noua Zembla and Mattuschan Yar to Ob, more -north-eastward” than that along the Russian coast, by Kanin Nos, the -mouth of the Pechora, and thence through Yugorsky Shar (“Pet’s Strait”) -and across the Gulf of Kara. And there can be no question that we have -here a record of the discovery of the entrance into the Sea of Kara by -the strait, at present known by the name of Matochkin Shar, in which -the Russian pilot Rosmuislov passed the winter of 1768–1769, and -through which he penetrated into that sea, though prevented by the ice -from proceeding far from the eastern coast of Novaya Zemlya. [83] - -The singular description thus given by Marsh of this passage through -“Mattuschan Yar”, between Novaya Zemlya and “the Land of Matfeov -(Matpheoue)”, does not appear to have been hitherto noticed by any -writer except Dr. Hamel.[83] Unfortunately, that author, through what -would seem to be a systematic omission of all particular reference to -his sources of information, has rendered his work of little value as an -authority; inasmuch as, without having the means of appeal to the -originals, it is impossible to discriminate between the facts and -opinions gathered by him from others, and the conclusions, or sometimes -mere hypotheses, based by himself on such information. - -On the present occasion, however, having the original statements of -Anthony Marsh before us, we can have no hesitation in availing -ourselves of Dr. Hamel’s comments on the same, and in agreeing with him -[84] that the present name Matochkin Shar appears to be merely a -corruption of Matyushin Shar; Matyusha itself being the diminutive of -the Russian proper-name Matvei, or Matthew, which name was probably -that of the first discoverer of this passage. It would also seem that -the expression “Mattuschan Yar”, made use of by Anthony Marsh, is -intended for this Matyushin Shar, and not, as Dr. Hamel supposes, [85] -for the coast (yar?) lying opposite to Novaya Zemlya; and that the -breadth attributed by Marsh to “Mattuschan Yar”, of “in some parts -forty versts over, and in some parts not past six versts over”, is -meant to apply to the supposed breadth of the passage itself. - -There can, further, be no doubt that Dr. Hamel is right in his -conclusion,—indeed, it is self-evident from Marsh’s statement,—that -towards the close of the sixteenth century, and previously to the time -when the Dutch visited those parts, Novaya Zemlya was looked on as an -island extending from Burrough’s Strait (Karskoi Vorota) as far -northwards only as “Mattuschan Yar” (Matyushin Shar): and that the land -lying to the north of this latter passage was not deemed to be a part -of Novaya Zemlya, but had a distinct designation, namely, Matthew’s -Land, which in Russian would be Matvyéeva Zemlya,—an expression which -corresponds precisely with Marsh’s “Land of Matfeov (Matpheoue)”. - -How this Matvyéeva Zemlya, together with Matyushin Shar, should have -been lost from our maps, may be easily explained, though not altogether -in the way attempted by Dr. Hamel. [86] The accompanying fac-simile of -a map drawn by Isaac Massa, and published in 1612 by Hessel Gerard, in -a small volume [87] now very rare, contains (as will be seen) a -delineation of Novaya Zemlya, there shown as an island of not large -extent, and the surrounding regions. The strongly marked entire line -along the western side of Novaya Zemlya, is that of the coast as -furnished to Massa by his Russian authorities: the faint dotted line is -that of the coast as corrected by himself or Gerard from Dutch sources -of information. The proper names, as written in strong and faint -characters respectively, indicate, in like manner, the several sources -from which such names were derived. In this map a broad channel is laid -down between the island of Novaya Zemlya and a terra innominata to the -north of it, to which channel is given the name of “Matsei of tsar”, -which was evidently intended for “Matſeiof tsar”, which again must be -taken to have been written instead of “Matfeiof tsar”, through a mere -clerical error. [88] The faint dotted line along the west coast of -Novaya Zemlya shows that it had been carefully and (considering the -time when it was drawn) very accurately corrected; for we there see -plainly laid down the Mezhdusharsky Ostrov and the two inlets—Kostin -Shar and Podryesov Shar—between which that island lies, and from which -it derives its appellation. [89] - -Had the name Kostin Shar, in any of its chameleon forms, [90] been -retained in its proper place, at the same time that the new name -Matfeiof tsar was introduced to designate the more northerly -channel,—and the map constructed by Gerrit de Veer from William -Barents’s observations, does not warrant the former’s being carried -much higher up than the 71st parallel,—there would most probably have -been no occasion to notice this grave error. But the passage between -Novaya Zemlya (Proper) and Matvyéeva Zemlya not having been observed by -Barents and his companions, and De Veer having in his journal expressed -the opinion that “Constinsarck” goes “through to the Tartarian Sea”, -[91] the corrector of Massa’s map was led to suppose that this passage -must be the same as the “Matfeiof tsar” of the Russians, and he -accordingly placed over the latter the name “Costint sarch” in faint -letters. That in subsequent maps the former name should have been -omitted, and the latter alone retained, is only natural: it is the -usual progress of error. Accordingly, in Gerard’s map of Russia, -dedicated to the emperor Michael Fedorowich in 1614, [92] we find -“Costint sarch” made to extend right across and through the land from -west to east, its latitude being, however, brought down to nearly the -same as in Gerrit de Veer’s map, from which the western coast-line of -Novaya Zemlya is, in general, taken, while the more northerly passage -is altogether lost sight of. - -Still, the existence of this latter passage continued to be known more -than a century later. For, in the year 1705, Witsen published in the -second volume of his Noord en Oost Tartarye, a rough and, for the most -part, very incorrect map of the Samoede country, obtained by him from -Theunis (Antonis) Ys, the master of a trading vessel, who had visited -Novaya Zemlya; in which map the southern portion of that country is -represented as an island, cut off from the northern and far larger -portion by a broad channel, running from north-west to south-east, and -bearing the name of “Matiskin jar, of Mathys-stroom”; with respect to -which channel Witsen remarks, [93] that “it is a passage and -thoroughfare, and not an inlet or river”. - -Notwithstanding the length of time during which the name has been lost, -there does not appear to be any good reason why the original and -correct designation of Matthew’s Strait, Matvyéeva Shar (“Matfeiof -tsar”), or Matyushin Shar, should not be restored to the channel -between the two islands, instead of its continuing to bear the modern -corrupted form of the latter name, Matochkin Shar. - -It likewise seems only right that the name Matthew’s Land (the “Land of -Matpheoue”) or Matvyéeva Zemlya, should not be lost from our maps; and -it is therefore proposed to appropriate that designation to the small -island extending from Matyushin Shar (“Matochkin Shar”) northwards as -far as the channel, in about 74° N. lat., running across the land from -Cross Bay to Rosmuislov’s “Unknown Bay”. - -As to the name Novaya Zemlya, there can be no doubt that it ought still -to continue the generic appellation of the entire series of islands, of -which the country usually known by that name is now found to consist. -But, at the same time, as it is highly expedient that each of those -islands should possess some distinctive specific designation, there is -a propriety in restricting the title of Novaya Zemlya (Proper), as it -appears in the map of Isaac Massa and Theunis Ys, to the southernmost -island of the series, lying between the Kara Gate or Burroughs Strait -to the south and Matyushin Shar or Matthew’s Strait to the north. - -The establishment of the English in the White Sea, and their -explorations to the eastwards, soon induced others to become their -competitors; and of these it is not unnatural that the Russians -themselves should have been among the first. Accordingly, we find that -a short time previously to the year 1581, “two famous men”, named -Yacovius and Unekius—which, as Lütke observes, [94] are manifestly the -Latinised forms of the Russian names Yakov and Anikyi—employed a -Swedish shipwright to build for them two ships in the river Dwina, and -then sent one Alferius, by birth a Netherlander (“natione Belga”), to -Antwerp to engage pilots and mariners, with a view to their employment -on board those ships in discoveries towards the north-east. This -Alferius—or Oliver, as Hakluyt translates the name—was the bearer of a -letter from John Balak to Gerard Mercator, which letter, written in -Latin, was published by Hakluyt in his Principal Navigations, [95] -together with an English translation. - -On account of the very curious matter bearing on our subject which this -letter contains, it is thought advisable to reprint it here in its -English form, and also to give the original Latin in the Appendix, [96] -for the convenience of reference. - - - To the famous and renowned Gerardus Mercator, his reuerend and - singular friend, at Duisburg in Cliueland, these be deliuered. - - Calling to remembrance (most deare friend) what exceeding delight - you tooke, at our being together, in reading the geographicall - writings of Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Plinie, Dion, and the rest, I - reioyced not a little that I happened vpon such a messenger as the - bearer of these presents (whom I do especially recommend vnto you), - who arriued lately here at Arusburg, upon the riuer of Osella. This - mans experience (as I am of opinion) will greatly auaile you to the - knowledge of a certaine matter, which hath bene by you so - vehemently desired and so curiously laboured for, and concerning - the which the late cosmographers do hold such varietie of opinions: - namely, of the discouerie of the huge promontorie of Tabin, and of - the famous and rich countreys subiect unto the emperor of Cathay, - and that by the northeast Ocean Sea. The man is called Alferius, - [97] being by birth a Netherlander, who, for certaine yeeres, liued - captiue in the dominions of Russia, vnder two famous men, Yacouius - and Vnekius, by whom he was sent to Antwerp, to procure skilfull - pilots and mariners (by propounding liberall rewards), to go vnto - the two famous personages aforesayd, which two had set a Sweden - shipwright on worke to build two ships for the same discouerie, - vpon the riuer of Dwina. The passage vnto Cathay by the northeast - (as he declareth the matter, albeit without arte, yet very aptly, - as you may well perceiue, which I request you diligently to - consider), is, without doubt, very short and easie. This very man - himselfe hath trauelled to the riuer of Ob, both by land, through - the countreys of the Samoeds and of Sibier, and also by sea, along - the coast of the riuer Pechora, eastward. Being encouraged by this - his experience, he is fully resolued with himselfe to conduct a - barke laden with merchandize (the keele whereof hee will not haue - to drawe ouer much water) to the Baie of Saint Nicholas, in Russia, - being furnished with all things expedient for such a discouerie, - and with a new supply of victuals at his arrivall there; and also - to hire into his companie certaine Russes best knowen vnto - himselfe, who can perfectly speake the Samoeds language, and are - acquainted with the riuer of Ob, as hauing frequented those places - yeere by yeere. - - Whereupon, about the ende of May, hee is determined to saile from - the Baie of S. Nicholas eastward, by the maine of Ioughoria, and so - to the easterly parts of Pechora, to the island which is called - Dolgoia. And here also hee is purposed to obserue the latitudes, to - suruey and describe the countrey, to sound the depth of the sea, - and to note the distances of places, where and so oft as occasion - shall be offered. And forasmuch as the Baie of Pechora is a most - conuenient place both for harbour and victuall, as well in their - going foorth as in their returne home, in regard of ice and - tempest, he is determined to bestow a day in sounding the flats, - and in searching out the best enterance for ships: in which place, - heretofore, he found the water to be but fiue foote deepe, howbeit - he doubteth not but that there are deeper chanels: and then he - intendeth to proceed on along those coasts for the space of three - or foure leagues, leauing the island called Vaigats almost in the - middle way betweene Vgoria and Noua Zembla: then also to passe by a - certaine baie betweene Vaigats and Ob, trending southerly into the - land of Vgoria, whereinto fall two small riuers, called Marmesia - and Carah, [98] vpon the which riuers doe inhabite an other - barbarous and sauage nation of the Samoeds. He found many flats in - that tract of land, and many cataracts or ouerfals of water, yet - such as hee was able to saile by. When hee shall come to the riuer - of Ob, which riuer (as the Samoeds report) hath seuentie mouthes, - which, by reason of the huge breadth thereof, containing many and - great islands, which are inhabited with sundry sortes of people, no - man scarcely can well discouer; because he will not spend too much - time, he purposeth to search three or foure, at the most, of the - mouthes thereof, those chiefly which shall be thought most - commodious by the aduise of the inhabitants, of whom hee meaneth to - haue certaine with him in his voyage, and meaneth to employ three - or foure boates of that countrey in search of these mouthes, as - neere as possibly he can to the shore, which, within three dayes - iourney of the sea, is inhabited, that he may learne where the - riuer is best nauigable. If it so fall out that he may sayle vp the - riuer Ob against the streame, and mount up to that place which - heretofore, accompanied with certaine of his friends, he passed - vnto by land through the countrey of Siberia, which is about twelue - dayes iourney from the sea, where the riuer Ob falleth into the - sea, which place is in the continent neere the riuer Ob, and is - called Yaks Olgush, borowing his name from that mightie riuer which - falleth into the riuer Ob; then, doubtlesse, hee would conceive - full hope that hee had passed the greatest difficulties: for the - people dwelling there about report, which were three dayes sayling - onely from that place beyond the riuer Ob, whereby the bredth - thereof may be gathered (which is a rare matter there, because that - many rowing with their boates of leather one dayes iourney onely - from the shore, haue bene cast away in tempest, hauing no skill to - guide themselves neither by sunne nor starre), that they haue seene - great vessels, laden with rich and precious merchandize, brought - downe that great riuer by black or swart people. They call that - riuer Ardoh, which falleth into the lake of Kittay, which they call - Paraha, [99] whereupon bordereth that mightie and large nation - which they call Carrah Colmak, which is none other than the nation - of Cathay. [100] There, if neede require, he may fitly winter and - refresh himselfe and his, and seeke all things which he shall stand - in need of; which, if it so fall out, he doubteth not but in the - meane while he shall be much furthered in searching and learning - out many things in that place. Howbeit, he hopeth that hee shall - reach to Cathaya that very sommer, unlesse he be hindered by great - abundance of ice at the mouth of the riuer of Ob, which is - sometimes more, and sometimes lesse. If it so fall out, hee then - purposeth to returne to Pechora, and there to winter; or if he - cannot doe so neither, then hee meaneth to returne to the riuer of - Dwina, whither he will reach in good time enough, and so the next - spring following to proceed on his voyage. One thing in due place I - forgate before. - - The people which dwell at that place called Yaks Olgush, affirme - that they haue heard their forefathers say that they have heard - most sweete harmonie of bels [101] in the lake of Kitthay, and that - they haue seene therein stately and large buildings: and when they - make mention of the people named Carrah Colmak (this countrey is - Cathay), they fetch deepe sighes, and holding vp their hands, they - looke vp to heaven, signifying, as it were, and declaring the - notable glory and magnificence of that nation. I would this Oliuer - were better seene in cosmographie; it would greatly further his - experience, which doubtlesse is very great. Most deare friend, I - omit many things, and I wish you should heare the man himselfe, - which promised me faithfully that he would visite you in his way at - Duisburg; for he desireth to conferre with you, and doubtlesse you - shall very much further the man. He seemeth sufficiently furnished - with money and friends, wherein, and in other offices of curtesie, - I offered him my furtherance, if it had pleased him to haue vsed - me. The Lord prosper the mans desires and forwardnesse, blesse his - good beginnings, further his proceedings, and grant vnto him most - happy issue. Fare you well, good sir and my singular friend. From - Arusburgh, vpon the river of Ossella, the 20 of February, 1581. - - Yours wholy at commandement, - - John Balak. - - -It is not known what success attended this Alferius or Oliver in his -scheme, or what subsequently became of him; unless, indeed, it be -assumed that he is the Oliver Brunel (or Bunel), concerning whom -several unconnected notices are met with, and with respect to whom -various conflicting opinions have been entertained. The early history -of the discovery of Novaya Zemlya would hardly be complete were these -notices and opinions passed over in silence. - -The first mention made of this individual is by Gerrit de Veer, when -speaking, in page 30 of the present work, of “a great creeke, which -William Barents iudged to be the place where Oliuer Brunel had been -before, called Costincsarch”. - -The next is Henry Hudson, who, on his second voyage to discover a -passage to the East Indies by the north-east, in 1608, having entered -into this same creek, in the hope of its affording him a way through -into the Sea of Kara, expresses himself as follows:—“This place vpon -Noua Zembla is another then that which the Hollanders call Costing -Sarch, discouered by Oliuer Brownell: and William Barentsons -obseruation doth witnesse the same. It is layd in plot by the -Hollanders out of his true place too farre north; to what end I know -not, unlesse to make it hold course with the compasse, not respecting -the variation.” [102] - -In this, however, Hudson was mistaken. The creek into which he entered -was really Kostin Shar; and his error in supposing it to be another -“than that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch”, arose from the -circumstance that in the Dutch maps that name had been removed -northwards to Matfeiov-tsar (Matvyéeva Shar) or Matyushin Shar, and -made to supersede the original name. The whole of Hudson’s account of -his visit to Novaya Zemlya is of so interesting a character, that it is -deemed deserving of a place in the Appendix to the present work, [103] -especially as it has hitherto been either overlooked or else made use -of to very little good purpose. - -In 1611, three years after Hudson’s visit to Novaya Zemlya, Josiah -Logan went on a voyage to the Pechora, and on the 27th of August of -that year we find the following entry in his journal, which, like that -of Hudson, is published by Purchas: [104]—“We came to an iland called -Mezyou Sharry, being sixtie versts to the eastwards of Suatinose, and -it is about ten versts in length and two versts broad. At the east end -thereof Oliver Brunell was carried into harbour by a Russe, where he -was land-locked, hauing the iland on the one side and the mayne on the -other.” It is here manifest that Logan’s “Mezyou Sharry” Island is the -Mezhdusharsky Ostrov, or “the island between the two straits”, of the -Russians. [105] - -From these several statements of three seamen, who visited Kostin Shar -at different periods between the years 1594 and 1611, the only facts to -be elicited are, that, at some time previous to the former date, this -strait was first discovered by some well-known individual, named Oliver -Brunel, who was there exposed to some danger or difficulty, from which -he was rescued by the crew of a Russian vessel. That he was, however, -subsequently lost at the mouth of the river Pechora is made known to us -in the work of Hessel Gerard already referred to. [106] - -As this work of Gerard is but little known, the commencement of the -author’s Preface (Prolegomena) shall be reprinted here, both on account -of its clearing up the history of Oliver Brunel, and also because it -shows the important bearing which his adventure had on the subsequent -voyages of the Dutch, which form the subject of the following pages. - - - “Lucri et utilitatis spes animos hominum nunquam non excitavit ad - peregrinas regiones nationesque lustrandas. Ita pretiosæ illæ, - nobis a mercatoribus Russis allatæ pelles, mercatores nostrates - inflammarunt acri quadam cupidine incognitas nobis ipsorum terras, - si fieri posset, peragrandi. Profuit ipsis quadam tenus hac in - parte iter quoddam à Russis conscriptum, Moscovia Colmogroviam, - atque inde Petzoram (ubi incolæ anno Christi 1518 Christianam fidem - amplexi sunt) hinc porro ad fluvium Obi, pauloque ulterius ducens. - Quod quidem plurima falsa veris admiscet, puta de Slatibaba anu - illa (ut fertur) aurea, eiusque filijs, necnon monstruosis illis - trans ipsum Obi hominibus. [107] Transtulit verò descriptionem hanc - Russicam, eamque suis de regionibus Muscovitarum libris inseruit - Sigismundus ab Herberstein, Imperatoris Maximiliani orator. - Ediditque posteà tabulam Russiæ Antonius quidam Wiedus, adjutus ab - Iohanne à Latski, Principe quondam Russo, et ob tumultus post - obitum Magni Ducis Iohannis Basilij in Russia excitatos, in - Poloniam profugo. Quæ tabula I. cuidam Copero, Senatori Gedanensi, - dicata, Russicisque et Latinis descriptionibus aucta, in lucem - prodiit apud Wildam anno Christi 1555. [108] Aliam quoque Russiæ - tabulam ediderunt post modum Angli, qui in tractu illo negotiati - fuerunt. Atque hæ quidam tabulæ et qualescumque descriptiones, - quæque præterea de regionibus hisce comperta sunt, elicuerunt - Oliverium quendam Bunellum, domo Bruxella, uti conscenso navigio - Euchusano, animum induxerit eò sese conferre. Vbi aliquandiu - vagatus, et pellium pretiosarum, vitri Russici, crystallique - montani, ut vocant, adfatim nactus, omnium opum suarum scaphæ - commissarum in undis fluvij Petzoræ triste fecit naufragium. Quæ - tum Anglorum, tum hujus Bunelli, qui et Costinsarcam Novæ Zemlæ - lustraverat, navigationes, cum et Batavis nostris, opum Chinensium - Cathaicarumque odore allectis, animum accendissent, nobiles et - prepotentes Provinciarum Fœderatarum Ordines, duas naves, ductore - Iohanne Hugonis à Linschot, versus fretum quod vulgò Weygats, - totidemque ductore Guilielmo Bernardi, suasu D. Petri Plancij, - recto supra Novam Zemblam cursu sententionem versus ituras, - destinarunt.” - - -Oliver Brunel, or “Bunel”, was therefore no Englishman, but a native of -Brussels; and if the particulars thus recorded of him and of the -motives of his enterprise be correctly stated, he would scarcely seem -to be the Alferius of Balak’s letter to Mercator. Still, the point -cannot be looked on as absolutely decided. One further remark is -necessary with respect to the spelling of his name. On the one hand, it -will be seen that, according to De Veer and Logan, it is “Brunel” or -“Brunell”, while Hudson makes it to be “Brownell”, which latter may, -however, be regarded as merely a broad pronunciation of the word, or -perhaps an attempt to give it a vernacular and significant form;—a -process with respect to proper names not unusual among seamen of all -nations. On the other hand, Gerard writes “Bunel”. But this form cannot -be allowed to stand in opposition to the conjoint authority of the -three seamen, all writing separately and without concert; and we may -quite reasonably conjecture the r to have been left out by Gerard, -through some clerical or typographical error. - -Gerard’s work must have come to the knowledge of Purchas soon after its -publication; for, in the year 1625, it is referred to by the latter -[109] as his authority for the following statement:—“The Dutch -themselues [110] write that after the English Russian trade, one Oliuer -Bunell, moued with hope of gaine, went from Enckhuysen to Pechora, -where he lost all by shipwracke, hauing discouered Costinsarca in Noua -Zemla. These nauigations of the English, and that of Bunell, and the -hopes of China and Cathay, caused the States Generall to send forth two -shippes, vnder the command of Hugo Linschoten, to the Streights of -Wey-gates, and two others, vnder William Bernards, by the perswasion of -P. Plancius, to goe right northwards from Noua Zemla.” - -Nearly a century later, Witsen, in his oft-cited work, [111] writes as -follows:—“Het zijn veele jaren geleden, en lange voor Willem -Barents-zoons reis, dat eenen Olivier Bunel, met een scheepje van -Enkhuizen uitgevaren, deze rivier [Petsora] heeft bezocht, daer hy veel -pelterye, Rusch glas, en bergkristal vergaderd hadde; doch is aldaer -komen te blyven.” Witsen does not cite any authority for this -statement; but it bears internal evidence of having been taken from -Gerard, whose work we know he had before him. That both he and Purchas -should have written the name “Bunel”, and not “Brunel”, is perfectly -natural, and adds nothing to the weight of evidence in favour of the -former spelling. - -The next writer to be mentioned is Johann Reinhold Forster, who, in his -Voyages and Discoveries in the North, [112] after referring to De -Veer’s statement respecting Oliver Brunel,—whom, however, he styles -“Bennel”, on what authority it is impossible to say—adds in a note:—“It -is manifest that the navigators mentioned here, who had been in Nova -Zembla previous to Barentz’s arrival there, were Englishmen; for the -name Oliver Bennel is entirely English, and the name of the inlet, -which Barentz calls Constint Sarch, can hardly have been any other than -Constant Search; but in which of the known voyages of the English into -these parts this place was thus named, or whether Oliver Bennel made a -voyage for the sole purpose of making discoveries, or was cast away -here in his way to other regions, cannot easily be determined, for want -of proper information on the subject.” - -The absurdity of Forster’s derivation of the name Kostin Shar is -manifest from the explanation of it given in page 30 (note 4) of the -present work. And as to the allegation that “the name Oliver Bennel is -entirely English”, it could only have been made by a foreigner. On the -contrary, it may be asserted that such a name as “Bennel” is altogether -un-English; and were it not for the cosmopolitan character of our -English surnames, it might—had it really been that of the individual in -question—in itself be fairly taken as evidence that he was not an -Englishman. With much more reason might we, at the present day, claim -“Brunel” as an English name. Probably Forster had in his mind the -“entirely English” name of Stephen Bennet, the well-known walrus-hunter -on Bear (Cherie) Island. - -But the confusion as to Oliver Brunel does not rest here. Sir John -Barrow, in his work already cited, [113] says:—“The Dutch themselves -admit, that an Englishman of the name of Brunell or Brownell, ‘moved -with the hope of gain, went from Enkhuysen to Pechora’, where he lost -all by shipwreck, after he had been on the coast of Nova Zembla, and -given the name of Costin-sarca (qu. Coasting-search ?) to a bay -situated in about 71½°.” And in another place, [114] the same writer -speaks of Oliver Brunel as “an Englishman, of whom a vague mention only -is made by the Dutch.” - -With the statements of the various writers who preceded Barrow before -us, we can see at a glance, though no authorities are cited by him, -that he took that of Purchas as his basis, modifying it by means of -those of Hudson, Logan, and Forster. It is to be regretted that he did -not refer to the original Dutch authority cited by Purchas. - -The last modern writer who treats of Oliver Brunel is Dr. Hamel, who, -assuming him to be the Alferius of Balak, makes him, in his work -already cited, [115] the subject of an hypothetical biographical -memoir, beginning with the words, “Ich finde es wahrscheinlich”, but -without seeming to be aware of what Gerard says respecting his hero, -except so far only as it is repeated by Witsen. By this writer, -therefore, no additional light is thrown on the subject now under -consideration; and, in fact, it is to the original authority, after -all, that we must revert for the only information that is really -available and useful. - -From this authority, then, we learn that Oliver Brunel, a native of -Brussels, went in a vessel belonging to the town of Enkhuysen on a -trading voyage into the Russian seas, where, after collecting a -valuable cargo, he was lost; and that his enterprise (though -unsuccessful), together with those of the English in the same quarter, -induced the Dutch to set on foot the memorable expeditions which form -the subject of the following pages. If this person was really the -Alferius who was recommended by Balak to Mercator in the year 1581, he -must subsequently have been engaged in the Russian trade for several -years before his unlucky end; or else Gerard, writing in 1612, would -surely not have named him as an immediate cause of an undertaking which -was not projected till 1593. - -It is not, however, to be imagined that the Netherlanders—we can -scarcely speak of the “Dutch” at the earliest period to which we are -now adverting—had no previous connexion with the northern coasts of -Russia, though it is true that that connexion was then but of recent -date. For, as is stated by Edge, the English Russia Company having -“made their first discoverie in the yeere 1553, there was neuer heard -of any Netherlander that frequented those seas vntil the yeere 1578. At -which time they first began to come to Cola, and within a yeere or two -after, one Iohn de Whale [de Walle], a Netherlander, came to the Bay of -Saint Nicholas, being drawne thither by the perswasion of some English, -for their better meane of interloping; which was the first man of that -nation that euer was seene there.” [116] It was this same John de -Walle, who was afterwards present at the coronation of the Emperor -Fedor Ivanovich, at Moscow, on the 10th of June, 1584, when he had a -dispute with Jerome Horsey, the English ambassador, as to precedency, -which was decided by the emperor in favour of the latter. He is -described by Horsey as “a famous merchant of Netherland, being newly -come to Mosco, who gaue himselfe out to be the king of Spaines -subiect.” [117] - -It is unnecessary, for the consideration of the subject before us, to -enter into any details respecting the commercial and political -relations with Russia of the Netherlanders generally, in the first -instance, and eventually of the natives of the United -Provinces—commonly, though not very correctly, called the Dutch—in -particular. It is sufficient to remark, that after their first entrance -into the White Sea, they soon became powerful rivals of the English in -the trade with Russia, and that it was also not long before their -attention was directed to the extension of their commerce to the -eastward of that country, and to the endeavour to reach China and the -Indian Seas by a passage to the north-east. - -Among the earliest and most eminent Dutch merchants trading to the -White Sea, was Balthazar Moucheron, of the town of Middelburg, in -Zeelandt. He it was, who, in the year 1593, in conjunction with Jacob -Valck, treasurer of the same town, and Dr. Francis Maelson, of -Enkhuysen, syndic of West Friesland, conceived the project of fitting -out two fly-boats (vlyboots), each of between fifty and sixty lasts, or -about one hundred tons, burthen, armed and provisioned for eight -months, being one from each of those towns, to attempt a voyage to -China and India by the way of the Northern Ocean. In this enterprise -they were assisted by the courts of admiralty of those two provinces, -having first obtained the necessary permission from the higher -authorities. [118] - -The two vessels thus fitted up were the Swan (Swane), [119] of Ter -Veere, in Zeelandt, under the command of Cornelis Corneliszoon Nai (or -Nay), a burgher of Enkhuysen, who had for some years been a pilot or -master of a merchantman in the Russian trade, in Moucheron’s service, -and was well acquainted with the northern coasts of Europe; having with -him, as under-pilot or mate, Pieter Dirckszoon Strickbolle, also of -Enkhuysen, and, like Nai, in the service of Moucheron. The other vessel -was the Mercury (Mercurius), of Enkhuysen, under the command of Brant -Ysbrantszoon, otherwise Brant Tetgales, a skilful and experienced -seaman, with Claes Corneliszoon as his mate or under-pilot; both being -likewise natives of Enkhuysen. As supercargo and interpreter on board -the Swan went François de la Dale, a relative of Moucheron, who had -resided several years in Russia, and as additional interpreter, -“Meester” Christoffel Splindler, a Slavonian by birth, who had studied -in the university of Leyden; while on board the Mercury the supercargo -was John Hugh van Linschoten, [120] who was likewise engaged to keep a -journal of their proceedings. - -This movement on the part of the merchants of Middelburg and Enkhuysen -had the effect of inducing those of Amsterdam to desire to participate -in the enterprise, or, it should rather be said, to undertake one on -their own account, having the same general object in view, but adopting -a somewhat different mode of carrying it out. Instead of attempting a -way to China by passing between Novaya Zemlya and the Russian -continent, the Amsterdammers, at the instance of the celebrated -cosmographer and astronomer, Peter Plancius, decided on sending their -vessel round to the north of Novaya Zemlya, as offering a far easier -and preferable route. This difference of opinion between the promoters -of the two parts of the first expedition must be borne in mind, as -explaining several circumstances which, in the course of our subsequent -narrative, will have to be adverted to. A third vessel was accordingly -fitted out by the merchants of Amsterdam, aided by the court of -admiralty there. It was of the same size and character as the other -two, and like Tetgales’s vessel was named the Mercury (Mercurius); -[121] its command being entrusted to William Barents, [122] who took -with him also a fishing-boat belonging to Ter Schelling. [123] - -Before proceeding further, a few words must be said respecting the -individual whose name has become inseparably associated with the three -memorable expeditions, of which the first is now under consideration. - -Willem Barentszoon—that is to say, William, the son of Barent or -Bernard—was a native of Ter Schelling, an island belonging to the -province of Friesland, and lying to the north-east of Vlieland or -’tVlie. He was also a burgher of Amsterdam. Of his family and early -life no particulars have been handed down to us. But that he was not of -any considerable family is manifest from his having, like most of his -countrymen in the lower, or even the middle ranks of life, no other -surname than the patronymic, Barents-zoon. He possessed, however, a -good, if not a learned education, as is proved by the translation made -by him from the High Dutch into his native tongue of the “Treatise of -Iver Boty, a Gronlander,” which together with a note written by him on -the tides in the Sea of Kara, was found by Purchas “amongst Master -Hakluyt’s paper,” and preserved by him, and which, following that -laborious collector’s example, we have “thought good to adde hither for -Barents or Barentsons sake.” [124] He appears also to have written the -narrative of the first voyage, which was published by Gerrit de Veer, -and of which a translation is given in the present volume. Nothing to -that effect is stated by De Veer; but as the latter did not go on that -voyage, he must necessarily have obtained the particulars of it from -some one who did, and from Linschoten’s statement [125] it may be -inferred that this was Barents himself. - -But whatever may have been Barents’s general education, it is -unquestionable that he was a man of considerable capacity and talent, -and that as a seaman he was possessed of far more than ordinary -acquirements. By Linschoten he is described as having great knowledge -of the science of navigation, and as being a practical seaman of much -experience and ability; his astronomical observations have stood the -severest tests of modern science; while his feats of seamanship will -bear comparison with those of the ablest and most daring of our modern -navigators. Of his great determination, perseverance, and indomitable -courage, some remarkable instances will be adduced; and that his -personal character, and general conduct, were such as to secure to him -the respect, confidence, and attachment of those who sailed with him, -is clearly manifest from various expressions in Gerrit de Veer’s simple -narrative, and from its tone throughout. - -The name of this able navigator has been written in various ways. The -Dutch usually have Barentsz., which has been adopted in the notes on -Phillip’s text in the present volume, it being the usual native -contraction of the full name, Barentszoon. In the Amsterdam Latin and -French versions of De Veer’s work, the name is translated “filius -Bernardi,” and “fils de Bernard”. Purchas and other early English -writers, have Barents or Barentson, and sometimes even Bernardson. The -first of these forms—namely, Barents—is most conformable to the genius -of our language (in which we have Williams and Williamson, Richards and -Richardson, etc.), at the same time that it accords with that of the -Dutch, in which language this form of name is not uncommon. Barentz and -Barentzen, as it has not unfrequently been written, are incorrect. - -On the 4th of June, 1594, the little fleet lying off Huysdunen, by the -Texel, the commander of the Swan, Cornelis Nai, was named admiral or -commodore, and an agreement made [126] that they should keep company as -far as Kildin, on the coast of Lapland. On the following morning, being -Sunday, the admiral set sail, commanding the others to follow; but as -the Amsterdammers said they were not quite ready, they remained behind, -though, as appears from their journal, [127] they too sailed in the -course of the same day. On the 21st, the Mercury of Enkhuysen arrived -at Kildin, on the 22nd, the Swan, and on the 23rd, Barents’ two -vessels. On the 29th of the same month Barents left Kildin on his -separate voyage to Novaya Zemlya, arranging with the others that, in -case they should not meet beyond that country, but should have to -return, they would wait for one another at Kildin till the end of -September. On the 2nd of July the ships of Nai and Tetgales took their -departure for Vaigats. - -For want of taking a comprehensive view of this, and the subsequent -voyages in which Barents was engaged, most writers on the subject have -fallen into considerable error. By some the two expeditions of Nai and -Barents have been treated as totally distinct; while by others Barents -has been regarded as the chief commander of the whole. Thus, Blaeu, in -the first part of his Grand Atlas, [128] published at Amsterdam in -1667, speaks of this expedition in the following terms:—“Dans cette -grande entreprise, la ville d’Amsterdam, aujourd’huy la plus puissante -des sept Provinces unies, se porta des premières, et fournit deux -vaisseaux, qui furent accompagnez d’un troisiesme de Zelande et d’un -quatrième d’Enchuse, tous quatre excellemment equippez, et qui eurent -pour principal gouverneur et pilote tres-expert Guillaume fils de -Bernard.” It would be a mere loss of time to refer to what other -writers have said on the subject. - -The voyage of William Barents in the Mercury of Amsterdam, forms the -subject of the “First Part” of the present volume. Without entering -here into any needless repetition of the particulars of this voyage, it -shall be merely remarked that on the 4th of July, Barents first came in -sight of Novaya Zemlya in 73° 25′ N. lat., near a low projecting point, -called by him Langenes, whence he proceeded northwards along the coast, -till, on the 10th of the same month, he passed Cape Nassau. [129] Thus -far he had met with no obstacle to his progress. But during the night -of the 13th he fell in with immense quantities of ice, and here his -difficulties began. After vainly endeavouring to make his way through -the ice, he, on the 19th of the month, found himself again close to the -land about Cape Nassau. [130] Nothing daunted, he once more struggled -forwards, and at length, on the last day of July, reached the Islands -of Orange. Here, “after he had taken all that paine, and finding that -he could hardly get through to accomplish and ende his intended voyage, -his men also beginning to bee weary and would saile no further, they -all together agreed to returne back againe.” [131] On the following -day, therefore, they commenced their homeward voyage, and on the 3rd of -August they reached Cape Nassau. - -From a perusal of the mere dry details of their various courses in this -part of their voyage, which are nearly all that is recorded in their -journal, no idea could be formed of the difficulties they had to -contend with, or the amount of labour actually performed. It is only -when their track is laid down on the map,—as it has been, most -carefully and with all possible accuracy, by Mr. Augustus -Petermann,—that their enormous exertions become apparent. The result is -really astonishing. Their voyage from Cape Nassau to the Orange islands -and back occupied them from the 10th of July till the 3rd of August, -being twenty-five days. During this period, Barents put his ship about -eighty-one times, and sailed 1,546 geographical miles, according to the -distances noted in the journal; to which, however, must be added the -courses sailed along the coast, and also those which in some instances -have been omitted to be specified, so that it may be reasonably assumed -that the entire distance gone over was not much (if anything) short of -1,700 miles. This is equal to the distance from the Thames to the -northern extremity of Spitzbergen, or from Cape Nassau to Cape Yakan, -not far from Bering’s Strait. And all this was performed in a vessel of -one hundred tons’ burthen, accompanied by a fishing smack! - -One remarkable fact must not be omitted to be mentioned. On laying down -Barents’s track from the bearings and distances given in his journal, -from the 10th to the 19th of July, being the interval between his -passing Cape Nassau, and being driven back again to that point,—during -which period he tacked about in numerous directions, and sailed more -than six hundred miles,—Mr. Petermann found it to agree so accurately, -that its termination fell precisely upon Cape Nassau, without any -difference whatever. This extreme precision can hardly be regarded as -anything but a singular coincidence. Nevertheless, when viewed in -connexion with Barents’s other tracks, and with his observations -generally, as tested by the recent explorations of Lütke and other -modern navigators, it must still remain a striking proof of the -wonderful ability and accuracy of that extraordinary man. - -After passing Cape Nassau, Barents continued his course southwards -without any remarkable incident, till on the 15th of August he reached -the islands of “Matfloe and Dolgoy,”—Matvyeéa Ostrov and Dolgoi Ostrov -of the Russians, meaning Matthew’s Island and Long Island,—where he -fell in with Nai and Tetgales, who had just arrived there, on their -return from the Sea of Kara through Yugorsky Shar (Pet’s Strait), to -which, with pardonable national vanity, they had given the name of the -Strait of Nassau. Their report was that they had sailed fifty or sixty -Dutch miles (200 or 240 geographical miles) to the eastward of that -strait, and in their opinion had reached about the longitude of the -river Ob, and were not far from Cape Tabin (Taimur), the furthest point -of Tartary, whence the coast trended to the south-east, and afterwards -to the south, towards the kingdom of Cathay. [132] - -After much rejoicing on both sides at their happy meeting, the whole -fleet now sailed homewards in company, and on the 14th of September -came to the Doggers Sand, whence Nai, in the Swan, proceeded to -Middelburg, whilst the other vessels passed by the Texel to their -several ports. - -The reports made by Barents and Linschoten of the results of their -respective voyages were very different in character. The former, though -anything but an illiterate man, could make no pretensions to -scholarship. The latter was an accomplished scholar, as is plainly -shown by his narrative of this first and of the second voyage (which -will be more particularly noticed in the sequel), and by his other -published works; and though the vessels which he accompanied had not in -reality accomplished so much as those of Barents, yet he appears to -have had no difficulty in convincing their employers and the higher -authorities that they had been not far from the realisation of the -object of their voyage. - -That, in the estimation of the Amsterdammers, Linschoten represented -matters in too favourable a light, is manifest from Gerrit de Veer’s -innuendo at the commencement of his description of the second voyage, -that he “de saeck vry wat breedt voort stelde,” [133] which caused -Linschoten to reply that, whether he had done so or not, he left to the -judgment of the discreet reader. [134] - -Our present knowledge of those seas enables us to judge the question -fairly and impartially between the two, and to decide that, when at the -Islands of Orange, Barents had sailed from Kildin, their point of -separation, further in a direct line, and made a more easterly -longitude, than Nai and Tetgales had when at their furthest point on -the eastern side of the Sea of Kara; and that, when there, he was quite -as near as they were to the mouth of the Ob, and as near again to Cape -Taimur; with the certainty, further, that from the former position a -passage eastwards would at most times, if not always, be attended with -fewer difficulties than from the latter. And it cannot be denied that -Linschoten, in stating as he does on the title-page of his work, and at -the commencement of his Introduction, without any qualification, that -he “sailed through the Strait of Nassau to beyond the river Oby,” has -certainly afforded a justification for De Veer’s imputation that he -represented matters “vry wat breedt.” [135] - -Stimulated by Linschoten’s report, the adventurers who had fitted out -the former expedition, with others who now joined them, determined on -dispatching in the following year a large and well-appointed fleet, not -merely in the hope of accomplishing the passage to China which had been -so well commenced, but also with a view to the establishment of an -advantageous trade with that kingdom, and the other countries that -might be discovered and visited in the course of the voyage, in respect -of which trade they obtained from the Government of the United -Provinces certain exclusive privileges and advantages. - -This fleet consisted of seven vessels, namely, two from Zeelandt, two -from Enkhuysen, two from Amsterdam (which city, in consequence of the -want of success of Barents’s first voyage by Novaya Zemlya, was now -willing to take part in the undertaking of the other ports), and one -from Rotterdam. The following are the names of the vessels and of their -commanders. The Griffin (Griffoen), of Zeelandt, of the burthen of 100 -lasts (200 tons), commanded by Cornelis Cornelisz. Nai, who was -appointed admiral or superintendent of the fleet; the Swan (Swane), -also of Zeelandt, of the burthen of 50 lasts (100 tons), which had been -on the former voyage, and was now commanded by Lambert Gerritsz. Oom, -of Enkhuysen; the Hope (Hoope), of Enkhuysen, a new war-pinnace -(oorlogspinas) of 100 lasts, commanded by Brant Ysbrantsz. Tetgales, -vice-admiral; the Mercury (Mercurius), of Enkhuysen, of 50 lasts, which -had been on the former voyage, and was now commanded by Thomas -Willemszoon; the Greyhound (Winthont), of Amsterdam, likewise a new -war-pinnace, of 100 lasts, commanded by William Barents, pilot-major of -the fleet, under whom was Cornelis Jacobszoon as skipper; [136] a yacht -[137] of Amsterdam, of 50 lasts (probably the Mercury of the former -voyage), commanded by Harman Janszoon; and lastly, a yacht of -Rotterdam, of about 20 lasts, or 40 tons burthen, commanded by Hendrick -Hartman. The last-named vessel was commissioned, when the fleet should -have reached Cape Tabin, or so far that it might thence continue its -course southwards without hindrance from the ice, to return and bring -news of their success to Holland. The vessels were all well equipped, -with a double complement of men, and ammunition and victuals for a year -and a half. The interpreter of the fleet was Meester Christoffel -Splindler, as on the former voyage. As supercargoes on behalf of the -merchants of Holland and West Friesland, were Jan Huyghen van -Linschoten, Jacob van Heemskerck, and Jan Cornelisz. Rijp; and for -those of Zeelandt, François de la Dale and N. Buys, with some other -relatives of Balthazar Moucheron. Linschoten and De la Dale were -further appointed chief commissioners of the fleet on behalf of his -excellency prince Maurice and the States General, from whom they -received the following commission:— - - - Instructions to Jan Huygen van Linschoten and Françoys de la Dale, - Chief Commissioners, for the regulation of their conduct in the - kingdom of China, and other kingdoms and countries which shall be - visited by the ships and yachts destined for the voyage round by - the North, through the Vaigats or Strait of Nassau. - - In the first place, after Mr. Christoffel Splindler, the Slavonian, - shall have been on shore and ascertained whether they may land - there, they shall go on shore to the king, governor, or other - authority of the place, to whom they shall, on behalf of these - States, offer all friendship, and shall explain the circumstances - of these States, namely, that they hold communication by sea with - all countries and nations in the whole world, for the purpose of - trafficking, trading, and dealing with them in a friendly and - upright manner, for which they possess many advantages of divers - sorts of merchandise and otherwise. - - Item, that the Government of this Country being surely informed - that upright trade, traffic, and dealings are carried on in the - said kingdoms and countries, have found it good to send thither - some ships, under good order, government, and regulation, with - merchandise, money, and other commodities, in order to begin - dealings, by means of certain trusty and honest persons on board - the said ships, for whom they shall ask free intercourse there, to - the end aforesaid. - - They shall do their best to come to an agreement for a fair, - faithful, upright, and uninterrupted trade, traffic, and - navigation, to the mutual advantage of the said kingdoms and of - these States, as well as of their respective inhabitants; and in - case the same shall be found good there, they shall declare that to - that end it is intended to visit them with a good embassy by the - first opportunity, provided the same shall be agreeable to them. - - They shall explain there what commodities and merchandizes can from - time to time be taken thither from these States; and they shall - also carefully examine so as to ascertain what merchandizes and - wares may, in return for the same, be obtained from those kingdoms - and countries and brought to these States. - - They shall keep a good and accurate account of everything that - shall occur during the voyage, as well on ship-board, in the - discovery of countries and ports, and on all other occasions, as - likewise of that which shall happen to them on shore; so that, - immediately on their return, they may of all things make a good and - faithful report in writing to the Lords the States General. - - Done and concluded in the Assembly of the Lords the States General - of the United Netherlands at the Hague, the 16th of June 1595. - - Sloeth vt. - - By order of the Lords, the States aforesaid. - - C. Aersens, &c. [138] - - -The several vessels composing the fleet having assembled at the Texel, -they all sailed out of Mars Diep on the morning of Sunday, the 2d of -July, 1595. It was not till the 10th of August that they passed the -North Cape, and on the 17th they fell in with ice, being then about -fifty miles distant from the coast of Novaya Zemlya. On the following -day they reached the island of “Matfloe”, [139] and on the 19th came to -the mouth of the strait to the south of Vaigats Island (Yugorsky Shar), -where they found the ice to lie in such quantities, “that the entire -channel was closed up as far as the eye could see, so that it had the -appearance of a continent, which was most frightful to behold”. [140] -Under these circumstances they scarcely knew how to act, but at length -resolved to go into the roadstead called Train-oil Bay (Traenbay -[141]), where, as it was under the shelter of Idol Cape (Afgoden -Hoeck), and thus out of the current which set from the strait, there -was a little open water. [142] The preceding winter appears to have -been more than ordinarily severe, and the ice-masses set in motion by -the summer’s sun were consequently far greater in quantity than usual. -This, coupled with the late period of the year at which, from some -unexplained cause, they had commenced their voyage, soon convinced them -that they had but little prospect of being able to get forward. On the -20th August, while thus lying in Train-oil Bay, a council was held on -board the admiral’s ship, when it was decided that a yacht should be -sent to examine the condition of the strait and the probability of -their getting through, and also that a party of thirty or forty armed -men should proceed across the Island of Vaigats for the same purpose. -The yacht could go no further than Cross Point, where the entire sea -was found to be covered with ice without the least break or opening; -but the crew thence proceeded by land as far as Cape Dispute, though -without better success. The party of men—whom De Veer describes [143] -as fifty-four in number, himself included—returned with a somewhat more -favourable report; for they thought they had discovered a practicable -passage, because they saw so little ice there. [144] In this their -experience agreed with that of Pet and Jackman, who found a passage -close along the shore, between the ice and the land, at times when the -deep sea was entirely filled with ice-masses. [145] - -On the 24th of August a yacht was again sent out to inspect the strait, -and got as far as Cross Point, bringing back the consolatory -intelligence that the ice was beginning to move, and that all was -clear, with open water, as far as Cape Dispute. On the following day -therefore the fleet weighed anchor, and sailed as far as beyond the -latter cape, without meeting with any ice; but soon afterwards they -fell in with such quantities that they were forced to return. That -night they anchored between Cape Dispute and Cross Point, and on the -following day betook themselves to their former station under Idol -Cape, “there to stay for a more convenient time.” [146] Here they were -so entirely surrounded by the ice, that they could walk dry-foot from -one ship to the other. [147] - -The admiral and other officers had now evidently given up all hopes of -effecting a passage, to which result the murmurings of the crews may -perhaps have contributed. Barents, however, with that determination and -perseverance for which he appears to have been distinguished, was not -so satisfied as they were that nothing more could be done; and as on -the 30th of August the ice began again to move, he, on the following -day, had a good many words with the admiral on the subject, [148] after -which he in person crossed over the strait to the main land of the -Samoyedes, where he made inquiries of the natives. On his return the -following day, he again “spake to the admirall to will him to set -sayle, that they might goe forward; but they had not so many wordes -together as was betweene them the day before.” [149] The conversation -which ensued is quaintly told by De Veer, and with an air of perfect -truthfulness. On the following morning (September 2nd), a little before -sun-rise, Barents began to warp his vessel out, when Nai and Tetgales, -on seeing him do so, “began also to hoyse their anchors and to set -sayle.” [150] The result of this movement was, that, with immense -labour and difficulty and no little danger, they succeeded in making -their way through the ice as far as States Island, which they reached -in the evening of the 3rd September; sailing on the following morning a -little further along the channel between that island and the mainland, -so as to be sheltered from the drifting of the ice. [151] - -This was virtually the termination of their voyage. On the following -day (September 4th) a council was held on board the admiral’s ship, -when it was decided that, “in order not to fail in their duty,” -[152]—which means that it was little more than a matter of form,—they -should on the following day make one more endeavour to get through the -ice; and if they did not succeed, that then they should not attempt it -any further, seeing that the time was passing rapidly, and the winter, -with its dreadful cold and long nights, was on the point of setting in. -“For,” adds Linschoten, [153] “it is now sufficiently clear and -manifest that it does not please the Lord God to permit us this time to -proceed further on our voyage of discovery, so that it is not fitting -that we should wilfully tempt Him any longer and run with our heads -against the wall.” - -It cannot be denied that Nai and his companions were beset with great -difficulties, and that any further attempts might have been extremely -hazardous. The crews too of the vessels were now louder in their -murmurs, and complained that their commanders desired their deaths, -inasmuch as being surrounded by the ice, they ran the chance of -remaining locked up during the whole winter; [154] added to which, the -loss of two men, who were killed by a bear on the 6th of September, -[155] was not at all unlikely to augment the panic, and to cause -insubordination among the survivors. - -Finding the sea to continue quite full of ice, a council was again held -on the 8th September on board the admiral’s ship, in order to determine -finally whether they should proceed or return, whereon a great debate -took place. [156] Most of them were of opinion that they should at once -return. To this however, the Amsterdammers were opposed, their opinion -being that some of them should volunteer to remain there with two of -the vessels during the winter, and take their chance of the wintering, -besides seeing whether they could not manage to get through, or else -trying whether they might not be able to make their way to the west of -Vaigats, and so round by the north of Novaya Zemlya. But it was -replied, that the time for doing so was past, and that moreover it did -not accord with their instructions. Nevertheless, if they wished it, -they could do it of their own authority, and then see how they might -afterwards answer for their conduct. [157] - -On the following day the indefatigable Barents “went on shoare on the -south side of the States Iland, and layd a stone on the brinke of the -water, to proue whether there were a tide, and went round about the -iland to shoote at a hare; and returning”—as he says in the only -writing undoubtedly of his original composition which has been -preserved to us—“I found the stone as I left it, and the water neither -higher nor lower; which prooueth, as afore, that there is no flood nor -ebbe.” [158] - -He could scarcely have returned on board before the fleet set sail from -States Island, on their return to the strait; but the ice came in so -thick and with such force, that they could not get through, and -therefore had to put back in the evening. [159] Next day, however, they -succeeded in again reaching Cape Dispute, where they anchored. - -On the 11th, it was decided that they should once more sail towards the -ice, for the purpose of removing all doubts as to the impossibility of -proceeding; but they had not sailed three hours before they reached the -firm ice, which stretched round in all directions, completely -preventing all further passage. [160] They therefore returned and -anchored at Cross Point, where they remained till the morning of the -14th, when Barents weighed his anchor and set his top mast, thinking -once again to try what he could do to further his voyage; but the -admiral, being of another mind, lay still till the 15th of September. -[161] - -On that day, as Linschoten relates in no very courteous language, -“seeing how the weather had set in, the Amsterdammers thought better of -the matter, and let their obstinacy somewhat abate (lieten hun -obstinaetheyt wat sincken), agreeing to conform with all the rest.” -[162] The following protest, which had been drawn up by Linschoten, was -accordingly signed by Barents together with the other officers, [163] -and the same day the whole fleet sailed out from the west end of the -strait homeward bound. - - - PROTEST. - - On this day, the 15th of September, 1595, in the country and in the - roads of the Cross Point, in the Strait of Nassau, where the ships - are now lying at anchor all together, by desire and command of the - admiral, Cornelis Cornelisz., the captains or pilots of all the - aforesaid ships being assembled and met together in the cabin of - the ship of the said admiral, in order that, jointly and each of - them severally, they may without dissimulation and freely declare - their opinion and final decision, and so consult together as to - what is best and most advantageous to be done and undertaken in - respect of the voyage which they have commenced round by the north - towards China, Japan, etc.; and they having maturely and most - earnestly considered and examined the subject, and also desiring - strictly to carry out, as far as is practicable and possible, the - instructions of His Excellency and the Lords the States, for the - welfare and preservation of the same ships, their crews and - merchandize: It is found that they have all of them hitherto done - their utmost duty and their best, with all zeal and diligence, not - fearing to hazard and sometimes to put in peril the ships and their - own persons (whenever need required it), in order to preserve their - honour in everything, and so as to be able with a clear conscience - to answer for the same to God and to the whole world. But inasmuch - as it has pleased the Lord God not to permit it on the present - voyage, they find themselves most unwillingly compelled, because of - the time that has elapsed, to discontinue the same navigation for - this time, being prevented by the ice caused by the severe and - unusually long frost, which, from what they have heard on the - information of others and from their own experience, has this year - been very hard and extraordinary in these parts. All which having - been well considered and discussed by them together, they find no - better means, being forced by necessity, than, with the first fit - weather and favourable wind, to take their course homewards, all - together and in the order in which they came, using every diligence - so as if possible to preserve themselves from the frost which is - momentarily expected to set in, and with God’s help to bring the - ships, before all the perils of winter, into a safe harbour; - inasmuch as at the present time no other better means can be found - to lead them to a better judgment. Protesting before God and the - whole world, that they have acted in this matter as they wish God - may act in the salvation of their souls, and as they hope and trust - cannot be gainsaid or controverted by any of those who have - accompanied them; and they willingly submit themselves to defend - this at all times, if requisite, by means of the fuller and more - detailed journals and notes, which each of them, separately and - without communication with the others, has kept thereof. And in - order that there may be no disorder or idle talking unjustly spread - abroad, to the disadvantage or derogation of those who with such - good will have braved so many perils for the honour and advantage - of our country, whereby they might be deprived of their merited - reward, they have, for their defence and in order to provide before - hand against the same, unanimously signed this Act, which I, Ian - Huyghen van Linschoten, have drawn up at their request, and - together with Françoys de la Dale, as chief commissioners of the - said fleet, have, with the like affirmation and in further - corroboration, in like manner signed, the day and date above - written. - - Cornelis Cornelisz. - Brant Ysbrantsz. - Willem Barentsz. - Lambert Gerritsz. - Thomas Willemsz. - Harmen Ianssz. - Hendrick Hartman. - Ian Huyghen van Linschoten. - Françoys de la Dale. - - -It may well be conceived that it was no easy task for a bold and -resolute sailor, and at the same time a devout and conscientious man, -as William Barents undoubtedly was, to “protest before God, as he -wished He might act in the salvation of his soul”, that it was -impossible for him to do more than he had done, so long as his ship was -staunch and he had a crew willing to go forward with him, or even to -brave a winter residence in those inhospitable regions. Linschoten -speaks of the dissentient Amsterdammers in the plural number; whence it -is to be inferred that Barents did not stand alone, but that Harmen -Ianszoon, the master of the other Amsterdam vessel, was at first of the -same opinion; and, most probably, it was only when he yielded, that -Barents saw himself, however reluctantly, forced to give in. - -After the protest had been so signed, the fleet proceeded on its -homeward voyage, and on the 30th of September reached Wardhuus, where -it remained till the 10th of the following month. The vessels then -again set sail all together; but the vice-admiral’s ship, the Hope, on -board of which was Linschoten, managed to get the start of the rest, -arriving at the Texel on the 26th of October. It was not till the 18th -of the following month that Barents’s vessel arrived in the river Maas. - -The journal of the proceedings of the fleet, which was kept by -Linschoten in pursuance of his instructions, was communicated by him to -the Government immediately on his arrival; but it was not till six -years afterwards that he published his very interesting and valuable -narrative of this voyage, as well as of that of the preceding year so -far as concerns the Enkhuysen vessels, which had sailed through -Yugorsky Shar—“Pet’s Strait” or the “Strait of Nassau”—into the Sea of -Kara. - -So little appears to be known by bibliographers respecting Linschoten’s -narrative of these voyages, that we have scarcely the means of -describing any other editions than those which happen to exist in the -British Museum. - -The earliest of these appeared in Dutch, in 1601, in folio, under the -following title:— - - - Voyagie, ofte Schip-vaert, van Ian Hvyghen van Linschoten, van by - Noorden om langes Noorwegen, de Noortcaep, Laplant, Vinlant, - Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Custen van Candenoes, Swetenoes, - Pitzora, &c. door de Strate ofte Engte van Nassau tot voorby de - Revier Oby. Waer inne seer distinctelicken Verbaels-ghewijse - beschreven ende aenghewesen wordt, alle t’ghene dat hem op de selve - Reyse van dach tot dach bejeghent en voorghecomen is. Met de af - beeldtsels van alle de Custen, Hoecken, Landen, Opdoeningen, - Streckinghen, Coursen, Mijlen, ende d’ander merckelicke dingen - meer: Gelijc als hy’t alles selfs sichtelicken en̄ waerachtelicken - nae’t leven uytgeworpen ende gheannoteert heeft, &c. Anno 1594 en̄ - 1595. - - Ghedruct tot Franeker, by Gerard Ketel. - - -The colophon has— - - - Ghedruct tot Franeker, by Gerard Ketel, voor Ian Huyghen van - Linschoten, resideerende binnen Enchuysen, anno 1601. - - -This rare edition consists of thirty-eight numbered leaves, with a -dedication to the States General, dated June 1st, 1601, on two leaves -unnumbered, and contains numerous maps and coast views by Johannes and -Baptista a Doetechum. It was reprinted at Amsterdam in 1624, likewise -in folio, with the same plates. - -In the first edition, between the dedication and the text, are inserted -several eulogistic poems, the longest of which is an ode on “Vaygats -ofte de Straet van Nassau”, by C. Taemssoon van Hoorn, and another is a -“Lof-dicht”, by Jacobus Viverius, which is directed to be sung to the -tune of the forty-second Psalm. It is worthy of remark, that, even so -early as 1595, allusion was made to the first north-east voyage of -Linschoten in the commendatory verses (which included also the poem on -Vaygats above referred to) at the commencement of the “Reys-gheschrift -van de Navigatien der Portugaloysers in Orienten.........door Jan -Huyghen van Linschoten. Amstelredam, MDXCV. folio”; which work, though -it bears the date of 1595, the register shows to be a portion of the -author’s “Itinerario, Voyage ofte Schipvaert van Jan Huygen van -Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien”, the title-page of which -is dated a year later. This was reprinted in 1604 with the same verses. - -An abstract in Dutch of Linschoten’s narrative was printed at Amsterdam -by G. J. Saeghman, in 4to., with the following title:— - - - Twee Journalen van twee verscheyde Voyagien, gedaen door Jan Huygen - van Linschooten, van by Noorden om, langhs Noorwegen, de - Noordt-Caep, Laplandt, Findlandt, Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Kusten - van Candenoes, Sweetenoes, Pitzora, etc., door de Strate ofte - Enghte van Nassouw, tot voorby de Reviere Oby, na Vay-gats, gedaen - in de Jaren 1594 en 1595. Waer in seer pertinent beschreven ende - aen gewesen wordt, al het geene hem op de selve Reysen van dagh tot - dagh voor gevallen is, als mede de Besschryvingh van alle de - Kusten, Landen, Opdoeningen, Streckingen en Courssen, etc. - T’Amsterdam, Gedruckt by Gillis Joosten Saeghman, in de - Nieuwe-Straet, Ordinaris Drucker van de Journalen ter Zee, en de - Reysen te Lande. - - -This has no date, but was probably printed in or about 1663, the year -in which Saeghman printed the “Verhael van de vier eerste Schip-vaerden -der Hollandtsche en Zeeuwsche Schepen naar Nova Zembla, etc.”, which -will be more particularly described when we come to speak of the -editions of Gerrit de Veer’s work. - -We learn from Mr. Henry Stevens that a copy of this abstract is in the -possession of John Carter Brown, Esq., of Providence, Rhode Island. - -In 1610, appeared a French translation of Linschoten’s voyages, with -the following title:— - - - Histoire de la Navigation de Iean Hvgves de Linscot, Hollandois, et - de son voyage es Indes Orientales: contenante diuerses descriptions - des Pays, Costes, Haures, Riuieres, Caps, et autres lieux iusques à - present descouuerts par les Portugais: Obseruations des coustumes - des nations de delà quant à la Religion, Estat Politic et Domestic, - de leurs Commerces, des Arbres, Fruicts, Herbes, Espiceries, et - autres singularitez qui s’y trouuent: Et narrations des choses - memorables qui y sont aduenues de son temps. Avec annotations de - Bernard Paludanus, Docteur en Medecine,...... à quoy sont - adiovstées quelques avtres descriptions tant du pays de Guinee et - autres costes d’Ethiopie, que des nauigations des Hollandois vers - le Nord au Vaygat et en la nouuelle Zembla. Le tovt recveilli et - descript par le mesme de Linscot en bas Alleman, & nouuellement - traduict en Francois. A Amstelredam, de l’Imprimerie de Theodore - Pierre, MDCX. folio. - - -Although the voyages to the north are thus announced in the title-page, -they are not inserted in the only copy which we have been able to -consult, namely, that in the British Museum; nor is any light thrown on -the matter by bibliographers. - -In the title of the third edition, published at Amsterdam in 1638, -fol., these northern voyages are not announced, nor are they given, but -the edition is described as “troixiesme édition augmentée”. - -The second French edition has not fallen within our reach, but we -believe the date to be 1619. - -The only French version of Linschoten’s narrative of his northern -voyages with which we are acquainted, is that inserted in the fourth -volume of the “Recueil de Voiages au Nord”, published in eight volumes, -Amsterdam, 1715–27, 12mo.; of which another edition, in ten volumes, -12mo., was published at the same place, 1731–38. - -This French version formed the basis of the German description of these -voyages given by Johann Christoph Adelung, at pp. 107–213 of his -Geschichte der Schiffahrten, published at Halle, 1768, 4to. - -An abstract of Linschoten’s work is given in Latin, at fol. 31 of the -first volume of Blaeu’s “Atlas Major sive Cosmographia Blaviana, qua -Solum, Salum, Cœlum accuratissime describuntur”. Eleven volumes in -folio, Amsterdam, 1662. - -In the French edition, entitled “Le Grand Atlas ou Cosmographie -Blaviane”, etc., 12 vols. in folio, Amsterdam, 1663, and republished in -1667, the same appears at fol. 35 of the first volume of the latter -edition, which is the only one in the British Museum. - -It is also at fol. 52 of the first volume of the Spanish edition, -entitled “Atlas Mayor, Geographia Blaviana”, etc.; Amsterdam, 1659–72, -10 vols., fol. - -In the elaborate dissertation on the works of John Blaeu, contained in -the fourth volume of Clement’s “Bibliothèque Curieuse”, mention is -made, at page 277, of an “Atlas Flamand de l’an 1662”. This is -apparently a Dutch edition, to which reference is made by Lütke, under -the title of “J. Blaeu’s Grooten Atlas, of Werelt Beschrijving, Erste -Deel, ’t Amsterdam, 1662”. Beyond this reference, we know nothing of -that edition. - -A German edition is also described by Brunet as announced in a -catalogue of Blaeu’s; but it is not alluded to by Clement, nor can we -find any other trace of it. If ever printed or in progress of printing, -it may have been consumed in the great fire, by which, on the 22nd -February, 1672, nearly all Blaeu’s stock in trade was destroyed. - -In part XII, pp. 20–23, of Levinus Hulsius’s Collection, is an extract -from Linschoten’s Navigation, stating the progress of the Dutch in the -attempt to find the passage, the discovery of which formed a favourite -scheme of his countrymen at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of -the seventeenth centuries. - -Summaries more or less concise, derived apparently from Blaeu’s -abstract, the French “Recueil de Voyages au Nord”, or Adelung’s -“Geschichte der Schiffahrten”, have also been given in most of the -histories of Arctic discovery. - -Gerrit de Veer’s description of the second voyage, contained in the -present volume, must be understood to relate almost exclusively to the -proceedings of Barents’s vessel, as forming one of the fleet under -Nai’s command. This reconciles or explains away such differences as may -appear to exist between his narrative and that of Linschoten. - -Seeing the signal failure of the second expedition, the States General, -after mature deliberation, decided that no further attempt should be -made at the public expense to discover a north-east passage. -Nevertheless, they were still willing to encourage any private -undertaking, by the promise of a considerable reward in the event of -success. [164] And Plantius and Barents persisting in their opinion -that a passage might be effected by the north of Novaya Zemlya, the -authorities and merchants of Amsterdam were induced to take on -themselves the fitting out of another expedition to proceed in that -direction. It consisted of only two vessels—the names and tonnage of -which are not mentioned—of which the one was commanded by Jacob van -Heemskerck, who was also supercargo, and the other by Jan Corneliszoon -Rijp, in the like double capacity. Barents accompanied Heemskerck, with -the rank of chief pilot (opperste stuerman). Surprise has been -expressed that though Barents thus occupied a subordinate station, yet -in the narrative of the voyage he is made to perform the principal -part. This is, however, a mistake, arising from the fact that in the -abridgements and summaries of this narrative, which alone appear to -have been consulted by modern writers, most of the personal matters are -omitted. For it will be seen that in De Veer’s original work, the -skipper (or “maister”, as he is called in Phillip’s translation) is -repeatedly mentioned, and Barents’ subordinate position is clearly and -unequivocally shown. [165] - -A better founded cause of surprise might be, that Barents himself had -not the command of the expedition. Yet for this a sufficient reason -suggests itself. He was evidently resolved to perform (as it were) -impossibilities, rather than fail in a project on which he had set his -heart; and the merchants, however willing to risk their property on the -adventure, may naturally have been disinclined to entrust it absolutely -to one, who would not have hesitated to sacrifice it, or even his own -life, in the attempt to accomplish his long-cherished undertaking. - -In being made subordinate to a nobleman like Jacob van Heemskerck, who, -though no seaman by profession, had already sailed with him, and had -thus had an opportunity of learning and appreciating his many estimable -qualities, Barents, a man of humble birth, could however in no wise -have felt himself humiliated or aggrieved. It was a case similar to -that of Sir Hugh Willoughby and Richard Chancellor, and was moreover -quite in accordance with the practice of those times, which afford -repeated instances of the command of a naval expedition being entrusted -to a soldier, who had probably never before been on salt water. - -But while Heemskerck thus held the superior rank of captain, Barents’s -relation to him was evidently that of an equal, rather than that of an -inferior. This is particularly evidenced in the conversation which took -place between them shortly before Barents’s death, when the latter -called his nominal commander “mate”. [166] And that the crew looked on -Barents as virtually the leader of the expedition is shown, not only by -their appeals to him on all important occasions, but by the curious -fact that in the signatures to the “letter” which they wrote on the eve -of their departure from their winter quarters, [167] the name “WILLEM -BARENTSZ.” is printed in capital letters, while that of Heemskerck, -though placed in rank above Barents’s name, is only in ordinary type, -like those of the rest of the crew. - -We have now to take a rapid glance at some of the most important -results of this third voyage, into the particulars of which, as they -are recorded in De Veer’s journal, it is unnecessary to enter. - -The experience of the two former voyages appears to have impressed -Rijp, even more than Barents himself, with the expediency of giving the -land to the east a wide sea room; for, notwithstanding that they at -first steered their course much more to the northward than before, yet -it was not long before disputes arose between them, Barents contending -that they were too far to the west, while Rijp’s pilot asserted that he -had no desire to sail towards Vaigats. [168] Barents gave way; and the -result was, that on the 9th of June they came to a small steep island, -in latitude 74° 30′, to which they gave the name of Bear Island, from -the circumstance of their killing there a large white bear. [169] - -Seven years later this island was visited by Stephen Bennet, who called -it Cherie Island, after his patron, Master (subsequently Sir) Francis -Cherie, a distinguished member of the Russian Company. This latter name -has usually been inscribed in our English maps, though unjustly, -inasmuch as the merit of the first discovery of the island -unquestionably belongs to the Dutch. Captain Beechey says, indeed, that -“a passage in Purchas seems to imply that it had been known before -Barents made this voyage;” [170] but the only passage bearing on the -subject which we have been able to find, is the statement of Captain -Thomas Edge, in “A briefe Discouerie of the Northern Discoueries of -Seas,” etc., that the Dutch came “to an iland in the latitude of 74 -degrees, which wee call Cherie Iland, and they call Beare Iland,” [171] -as if the former name had been given before the latter. It is to be -hoped that in future English maps, the original and correct name will -always be inserted. - -From Bear Island our adventurers continued their course northwards, and -on the 19th of June, when in latitude 79° 49′ N., they again saw land, -[172] which was supposed by them to be a part of Greenland, but which -subsequent investigation has shown to be the cluster of islands known -by the name of Spitzbergen. Round this land they coasted till the 29th, -when they again sailed southwards towards Bear Island. [173] - -The first discovery of this country by our Dutch navigators is now -universally admitted, though formerly the idea was entertained that -they had been anticipated by Sir Hugh Willoughby. But that Spitzbergen -was actually circumnavigated by them is a fact which, as far as we are -aware, has never been adverted to by any writer on Arctic discovery. -The details of this portion of Barents’ and Rijp’s voyage are neither -full nor precise enough to enable us to follow them minutely in their -course; added to which, the maps of Spitzbergen, especially of its -eastern side, are still not sufficiently trustworthy to render us much -assistance in laying down their track. There can, however, be no doubt -that they sailed up its eastern shores, passed along its northern -extremity, and returned by the western coast. That part of Spitzbergen -which they first saw in 79° 49′ N. lat., seems to be the south-east -coast of the Noord Ooster Land of the Dutch maps, along which they -sailed in a westerly direction, and entered Weygatz or Hinlopen Strait. -This assumption agrees with the above latitude and with those of the -subsequent positions in 79° 30′ [174] and 79° 42′, [175] as also with -the time it took—several days—to get out of that strait. The two havens -described under the date of June 24th, [176] may be the Hecla Bay and -Lomme Bay of Parry. The considerable bay or inlet (gheweldigen inham) -under 79°, to which they came on the following day, and “whereinto they -sailed forty miles at the least, holding their course southward”, [177] -can only be Weide Bay. Finding that its southern extremity “reached to -the firme land”, they were forced to work their way back against the -wind, till they “gate beyonde the point that lay on the west side, -where there was so great a number of birds that they flew against their -sailes”. [178] This point, in consequence, received the name of Bird -Cape. From thence their course is plainly to be traced along the -western coast of Spitzbergen, and so back to Bear Island. - -On the 1st of June, when near that island, disputes again arose between -Rijp and Barents as to the course which they should take. The result -was that they separated, Rijp returning northwards, while Barents -proceeded southwards because of the ice. [179] - -Of Rijp’s subsequent proceedings nothing is known except that he is -stated to have sailed back to Bird Cape, on the west side of -Spitzbergen, whence he returned with the intention of going after -Barents. [180] How far he carried his intention into effect is not -said; but nothing worthy of remark can have occurred to him, or -otherwise it could not have failed to be recorded. We may therefore -conclude that he soon gave up his search after Barents and returned to -Holland, and that, in the following year, he went from thence on a -trading voyage to the coasts of Norway or Russia, and was on the point -of sailing from Kola on his way home, when Heemskerck and the survivors -of his crew arrived there, as is related by De Veer. [181] - -Meanwhile Barents, having cleared the ice, held on his course to the -east till he reached the western shore of Novaya Zemlya, in about -latitude 73° 20′, [182] whence he coasted along the land till he had -passed considerably beyond the furthest point reached by him on his -first voyage, and had rounded the north-eastern extremity of that -country. Here, being at length quite shut in by the ice, and unable to -make his way either forwards towards the north-east, or round by the -eastern side of the land, or even back again by the way he had come, he -and his adventurous companions, on the evening of the 26th of August, -“got to the west side of the Ice Haven, where they were forced, in -great cold, poverty, misery, and grief, to stay all that winter.” [183] - -Before adverting to the subject of the memorable wintering of the Dutch -at this spot, it is necessary to make a few remarks with respect to the -identification of the several points along the coast, which were -reached and noted by them during the course of their first and third -voyages. This is the more needful, because widely different opinions -are entertained by two of the highest living authorities on the -subject, Admiral Lütke and Professor von Baer. - -The former, as is well known, was engaged in surveying the Northern -Ocean between the years 1821 and 1825, during which period he visited -many parts of the western coast of Novaya Zemlya between its southern -extremity and Cape Nassau to the north, and identified most of the -points visited by the Dutch, which he laid down in the map accompanying -the published account of his four voyages, to the German translation of -which allusion has already been made. Professor von Baer, on the other -hand, who also made a scientific visit to Novaya Zemlya in the year -1837, read in the preceeding year, before the Imperial Academy of -Sciences of St. Petersburg, a “Report of the latest Discoveries on the -Coast of Novaya Zemlya”, an illustration of a map of that country -constructed by a pilot in the Russian navy, named Zivolka; of which -report a German translation is published in Berghaus’s “Annalen der -Erd-Vôlker- und Staatenkunde.” [184] - -In this report the learned Professor comes to widely different -conclusions from those of Lütke with respect to the identification of -the several stations visited by the Dutch; the great point of -difference between them being, that Baer bases his arguments almost -exclusively on the distances along the western coast of Novaya Zemlya -recorded by De Veer, especially in the Table given near the end of his -third voyage. [185] - -This Table, however, we cannot but regard as little better than a mere -list of the various stations reached by the Dutch on their return -voyage; the distances, and even the bearings, therein recorded, being -quite untrustworthy, as may indeed be perceived on the most cursory -inspection. Every allowance has, of course, to be made for any -inaccuracies that may exist in that Table, in consideration of the -circumstances under which the return voyage was made; but, even were we -to assume the distances sailed by them in their two small open boats to -have been correctly noted down, still there is a sufficient reason for -contending that those distances, in themselves, are no sure guide, but, -on the contrary, only lead to very erroneous conclusions. For, on a -comparison of them with the differences of latitude recorded by De -Veer,—which, as being the results of astronomical observations made by -so experienced a navigator as Barents was, are subject only to the -imperfections of the instruments employed by him,—it will be seen that -the former, especially between Langenes and Cape Nassau, are throughout -much too small. No reason is given by De Veer for this discrepancy; -and, indeed, it would be difficult to account for it, were it not for -the fact established by the observations of Admiral Lütke, that a very -powerful current from south to north sets along the western coast of -Novaya Zemlya as far as Cape Nassau. The velocity of this current was -ascertained by that intelligent seaman to be as much as sixty miles per -diem, [186] and owing to it he frequently found himself in a latitude -from forty-five to fifty-five miles further north than was shown by his -dead reckoning. [187] A remarkable confirmation of this fact is -afforded by Henry Hudson’s journal of his visit to Novaya Zemlya, -printed in the Appendix to the present work, [188] in which, under the -date of 28th June 1608, it is stated that, between eight o’clock on the -previous evening and four o’clock in the morning, they were drawn back -to the northwards, by a stream or tide, as far as they were the last -evening at four o’clock. Applying this, then, to the case of our Dutch -navigators, we obtain a satisfactory explanation of the apparent -discrepancies in their several data. - -Having premised thus much, and remarking further that the southern -portion of the coast of Novaya Zemlya, and also the northern coast of -Russia, require no discussion here, we shall proceed to the -investigation of the position of the principal points between Langenes -and Cape Nassau, with respect to which a difference of opinion exists. -The former point (as has already been stated) is that which was first -approached by Barents on his first voyage. On the 4th of July 1794, he -found himself, by observation, in latitude 73° 25′, being then about -five or six miles west of Langenes,—a low projecting point reaching far -out into the sea. [189] This agrees best with the Dry Cape (Trockenes -Cap) of the Russian map, which lies in latitude 73° 45′; and Lütke -accordingly identifies Langenes with it. Baer, however, contends for -Britwin Cape, [190] which, after Dry Cape, is the nearest projecting -point of importance. But that cape lies a whole degree further to the -south, and would consequently differ as much as 40′ from Barents’s -observed latitude; and such a difference is more than we are justified -in admitting, inasmuch as 15′ or 20′ must be taken as the maximum of -error. - -The next point to be noted is Loms Bay, which is stated by De Veer to -lie under 74⅓°; [191] the observation not being further particularized, -as in most other cases. This would make its difference of longitude -from Langenes to be 55′; whereas, in De Veer’s map, the difference is -only 20′. Lütke [192] identifies Loms Bay with Cross Bay, though -without sufficiently stating his reasons for so doing. Baer [193] -follows Lütke’s example, saying, however, still less on the subject. -The latitude of Cross Bay is 74° 10′ (Lütke says 74° 20′, but this must -be an error, as his map shows 10′, as does that also of Ziwolka), -making a difference of 25′ from Dry Cape. This would agree with De -Veer’s map, and might, in this case, constitute a reason for -considering the latitude of Loms Bay, as stated by him in his text in -so very general a way, less trustworthy than that in his map. De Veer -also gives [194] a separate plan of Loms Bay, which neither Lütke nor -Baer alludes to, evidently from their not being acquainted with it. On -a comparison of this special plan, as also of De Veer’s general chart, -with the Russian maps, it seems much more probable that Loms Bay is not -Cross Bay, but the bay immediately to the south of it. For Cross Bay -is, in fact, not a bay, but an extensive inlet, of which the end has -not yet been explored, and which is indeed regarded by the best Russian -authorities as forming a strait or passage completely across Novaya -Zemlya, and communicating with Rosmuislov’s Unknown Bay. [195] The -Dutch, however, anchored in Loms Bay, went ashore, erected a beacon -there, and made a plan of the surrounding country; so that they must -assuredly have ascertained whether Loms Bay was a bay or strait. -Moreover, they distinctly describe a “great wide creek or inlet” [196] -as lying to the north-east of Loms Bay, which is also shown in their -plan, and which cannot be any other than Cross Bay itself; and from -this alone it would seem to follow that the bay to the south of that -inlet must be Loms Bay. Had Lütke made a careful survey of the bay, -which he was prevented from doing, and had he also been acquainted with -the Dutch plan, he would no doubt have been able to set this point at -rest. Meanwhile we deem ourselves justified, from what has been -adduced, in regarding the Flache Bay of Lütke, or the Seichte Bay of -Ziwolka (both terms meaning “Shallow Bay”), as the Loms Bay of the -Dutch; and hence Cross Bay will be their “great wide creek or inlet,” -while Lütke’s Cape Prokofyev and Wrangel’s Island [197] will be -respectively their “Capo de Plantius” and their “small Island seawards -from the point.” - -The Admiraliteyts Eyland of the Dutch [198] is unquestionably the -Admiralty Island or Peninsula of the Russians, there not being any -other point to the northward which answers to the description. Its -latitude is not given; but the Dutch and Russian maps agree -satisfactorily. - -Capo Negro, or De Swart Hoeck (Black Point), is stated to be in -latitude 75° 20′, [199] and answers to the first prominent cape in -Lütke’s maps, after passing Admiralty Island, which lies in 75° 28′. - -Willems Eyland [200] is the Wilhelms Insel of Lütke, and the Bücklige -Insel of Ziwolka. For this point the elements of Barents’s observation -for latitude are given, and they can consequently be checked. It is -most satisfactory to find that it differs only 9′ from the latitude -given in the Russian maps, the former being 75° 56′, and the latter 75° -47′. This also confirms the probable correctness of the identifications -of Admiralty Island and Black Point. - -De Hoeck van Nassau, placed by Barents in 76° 30′, [201] can be no -other than Lütke’s Cape Nassau, in 76° 34′. Not only does the latitude -agree within 4′, but likewise its general bearing. There is also -another point of correspondence. It was not till the Hollanders reached -Cape Nassau that their real difficulties began, especially on the first -voyage. This was the most northerly point ever attained by Lütke, and -twice did he come within sight of this cape, but without being able to -reach it. Adverse winds and currents seem always to prevail here, even -in the height of summer. Baer differs, however, [202] from Lütke’s -opinion, and regards his Cape Nassau as the north-easternmost point of -Novaya Zemlya, and identical with either the Ice Cape or Cape Desire of -the Dutch, while he places their Cape Nassau much further down towards -the south-west, though without being able to fix its precise position. -But, for the reasons which have already been adduced, we feel bound to -dissent entirely from the learned Professor’s conclusions; and we -cannot but think that, had he been acquainted with De Veer’s original -narrative, he too would have seen that Lütke’s general identifications -cannot well be disturbed. - -As regards the north-eastern portion of Novaya Zemlya beyond Cape -Nassau, Lütke justly argues [203] that the general accuracy of -Barents’s coast-line, as far as he has been able to check it,—namely, -as far as Cape Nassau,—warrants the assumption that those parts which -lie beyond that cape are in a similar degree correct; and, accordingly, -he adopts from the Dutch map the entire extent of country to the -eastward of Cape Nassau, as laid down in De Veer’s chart. This sound -conclusion is, however, impugned by Baer, [204] who does not hesitate -to erase the whole from his predecessor’s map, and to round off the -north-eastern extremity of Novaya Zemlya at a short distance beyond -Cape Nassau. - -Nevertheless, after mature consideration of the entire subject, we are -bound to declare that not only do we concur in Lütke’s opinion -generally, but we must add that no part of the coast of Novaya Zemlya -was so thoroughly explored by Barents as just that portion which Baer -has thus thought fit to dispute. Barents traced that coast no less than -four times, and his observation of the longitude of his winter station, -which has now for the first time been accurately calculated by Mr. -Edward Vogel (assistant at Mr. Bishop’s observatory), [205] shows a -difference of only about twenty-five miles in the distance between that -spot and Cape Nassau, as laid down in Gerrit de Veer’s chart:—a result -which, as being derived from totally independent data, is conclusive as -to the general accuracy of that chart. - -Consequently, without waiting for any corroboration to be obtained from -future surveys, we deem it perfectly safe to reinsert in our maps the -north-eastern portion of Novaya Zemlya, which has been omitted on the -authority of Zivolka and Baer. This is a matter not without importance, -inasmuch as an extent of at least ten thousand square geographical -miles will thereby be restored to the Russian dominions. And we -likewise consider it due to the memory of the first and only explorer -of this region, that it should bear the specific designation of -“Barents’s Land,” which name is accordingly given to it in the -accompanying map. To that portion of Novaya Zemlya which lies between -Barents’s Land and Matthew’s Land, we have further thought that no more -fitting appellation can be given than “Lütke’s Land,” in honour of that -able navigator, who has done more for the geography of Novaya Zemlya -than any one since the time of Barents. - -For a considerable portion of the preceding remarks on the geography of -Novaya Zemlya we are indebted to Mr. Augustus Petermann, who has -otherwise rendered us much assistance during the progress of our -labours, and by whose care the track of Barents on his several voyages -has been laid down in the accompanying charts, [206] from the data -furnished by Gerrit de Veer’s journals. The route from Kildin to -Langenes on the first voyage, was found by him to agree precisely with -the true distance between the former place and Dry Cape; but the route -from Bear Island to the coast of Novaya Zemlya, on the third voyage, -from its not being so minutely described, could only be laid down -approximately. Those along the more northerly portion of Novaya Zemlya -are sufficiently correct, and some of them are exceedingly precise, as -has been shown in the preceding pages. - -On these voyages a number of soundings were taken in an otherwise -unknown sea, the value of which will be appreciated by nautical men. -Those to the north of Novaya Zemlya are most important. In about -latitude 77° 45′, the highest point reached by Barents, they give a -depth of one hundred and fifty fathoms, without bottom; [207] showing -the unlikelihood of the existence of any other land in that vicinity. -We feel persuaded that navigators of all nations will concur with us in -the propriety of distinguishing the mare innominatum between -Spitzbergen and Novaya Zemlya by the appellation of “the Spitzbergen, -or Barents’s Sea,” as it is called in Mr. Petermann’s chart. - -Barents made so many discoveries and traced so large an extent of -coast, both of Spitzbergen and Novaya Zemlya, that the surveys of the -whole of our recent explorers, put together, are insufficient to -identify all the points visited by him. One inference is obvious, -namely, that an able, fearless, and determined seaman like Barentz -might yet achieve much in those seas. Admiral Lütke was twice prevented -by the ice from proceeding beyond Cape Nassau; but he frequently -alludes to the unfitness of his vessel to venture among the ice, and -gives it clearly as his opinion, at the end of his work, [208] that -better success might be expected from vessels similar to those -despatched from England to the Arctic regions. - -The ten months’ residence of Barents and his companions at the furthest -extremity of Novaya Zemlya, has so often formed the subject of comment -on the part of writers on Arctic discovery, that we deem it unnecessary -to dilate on it here, especially as our other introductory remarks have -already extended to so great a length. - -There can be no doubt that their stay at this particular spot was a -forced one. At the same time, when we bear in mind that, on the second -voyage in the year preceding, Barents and his colleague, Harman -Janszoon, proposed that two of the vessels should winter in the Sea of -Kara; and that, on the fitting out of this third expedition, they took -up “as many vnmarryed men as they could, that they might not be -disswaded, by means of their wiues and children, to leaue off the -uoyage;” [209] it will not be unreasonable to infer that they went -fully resolved and prepared, if obliged, to winter in those -inhospitable regions. - -No words are sufficient to extol their exemplary conduct during their -long and miserable stay there. Though no means are afforded of -determining the precise degree of cold to which they were exposed, -various incidents narrated by De Veer prove that it must have been -intense; and it was not merely a sharp clear cold, which the experience -of other Arctic explorers has shown may be borne to an almost -inconceivable degree, but it was accompanied by terrific storms of wind -and snow, so that “a man could hardly draw his breath,” [210] and they -“could hardly thrust their heads out of the dore.” [211] One advantage -was however derived from the snow which fell in such quantities as -completely to cover up their house, and thereby imparted to it a degree -of comparative warmth, without which it is most probable that their -residence in it would not have been endurable. - -Yet during the whole time perfect order, discipline, and subordination, -joined to the greatest unanimity and good feeling, prevailed among -them. Scarcely a murmur passed their lips; and when, in the beginning -of May, after they had remained shut up more than eight months, and the -weather had the appearance of favouring their departure, some of the -men “agreed amongst themselues to speake unto the skipper (Heemskerck), -and to tell him that it was more than time to see about getting from -thence”; [212] still each man was reluctant to be the spokesman, -“because he had given them to understand that he desired to staie vntil -the end of June, which was the best of the sommer, to see if the ship -would then be loose”. [213] And even when at length they “agreed to -speake to William Barents to moue the master to goe from thence”, De -Veer is careful to explain that “it was not done in a mutinous manner, -but to take the best counsell with reason and good advice, for they let -themselves easily be talked over.” [214] - -Gerrit De Veer’s simple narrative has further an air of unaffected and -unostentatious piety and resignation to the will of Providence, which -contrasts remarkably with the general tone of Linschoten’s works, of -which some instances have been given in the preceding pages; and we may -perceive that the reliance of himself and his comrades on the Almighty -was not less firm or sincere because His name was not incessantly on -their lips. Cheerfulness, and even frequent hilarity, could not fail to -be the concomitants of so wholesome a tone of mind; and these, joined -to the bodily exercise which they took at every possible opportunity, -and the labour which they were compelled to perform in preparing for -their return voyage, must have been very instrumental in preserving -them from sickness. - -Still, with all the means employed to keep themselves in health,—and of -these warm bathing was no inconsiderable one,—it would be wrong to -imagine that they were able to preserve themselves from that dreaded -scourge of Arctic navigators, the scurvy. Lütke observes [215] that “it -is most remarkable that in the account of their long sufferings this -disease is not once mentioned, and that of seventeen men only two died -in Novaya Zemlya.” But it is from having known only the abbreviated -translations of Gerrit de Veer’s journal that the Russian admiral has -been led to view the position of those unfortunate men in this -favourable light. For we see from De Veer’s narrative, [216] that as -early as the 26th of January, 1597, when one of the crew died, he had -even then long lain seriously ill: and two days later it is expressly -stated, [217] that, from their having “long time sitten without motion, -several had thereby fallen sick of the scurvy.” Indeed, when we -consider what they had to undergo for six months, during which period -we find it positively recorded that they suffered from the scurvy, -until on the 28th of July they first met with a remedy, [218]—and how -long previously the disease had shown itself among them cannot be -said,—it is almost miraculous that only five (not two) out of the -seventeen should have fallen victims to it. - -The tradition of the memorable wintering of the Hollanders in the Ice -Haven (Ledyanoi Gávan) is still preserved among the Novaya Zemlya morse -and seal hunters, who call the spot where they so resided Sporai -Navolok. It is not known however whether any remains of the -Behouden-huis, or “house of safety”, have ever been found. [219] - -The most remarkable occurrence during their stay in Novaya Zemlya, was -the unexpected reappearance of the sun on the 24th of January, 1597. -This phenomenon not only caused the greatest surprise to the observers -and their companions, but after their return to Holland gave rise to -much controversy among the learned men of the day. Their opinion -generally was unfavourable to the truth of the alleged fact, as being -“opposed to nature and to reason”. Among these was Robert Robertsz. le -Canu, “homme fort entendu en l’art de la marine, et qui faisoit -profession de l’enseigner aux autres”, who wrote a letter on the -subject to William Blaeu, the father of the celebrated John Blaeu, -which was published by the latter in his Great Atlas. This letter shall -be reproduced here, not merely on account of its giving the objections -which were raised at the time, but because it likewise contains some -curious matters relating personally to our author and his companions, -which it would be wrong to omit. - - - Mon bon amy Guillaume Jansse Blaeu, - - Puisque vous m’avez témoigné desirer que je vous envoyasse un - extrait du discours que j’ay eu avec Jacob Heemskerck, Gerard de - Veer, Jean Corneille Rijp, et plusieurs autres de mes escoliers, - lesquels ayant fait voile en l’an 1596, retournerent en 1597, sans - avoir rien effectué touchant la commission qu’ils avoyent de - reconnoistre les Royaumes de la Chine, & du Cathay, & dans la mesme - année 1597 me vinrent trouver pour me raconter les merveilleuses - aventures de leur voyage, entre lesquelles la plus remarquable - estoit, que le Soleil leur estoit disparu le IV de Novembre en l’an - 1596, & avoyent commencé de le revoir l’an 1597 le 24 de Ianvier, - sous la mesme hauteur de 76 degrez, sous laquelle ils avoient basty - leur maison dans la Nouvelle Zemble, matiere suffisante, ainsi - qu’ils ont escrit, pour exercer long-temps les beaux esprits: & - puis qu’outre vostre propre satisfaction vous me conviez encor à - vous declarer mon sentiment sur ce sujet par l’advis que vous me - donnez des contentions & debats survenus à cette occasion entre - tous les sçavans de l’Europe, je veux vous faire un court recit du - Dialogue que j’ay eu là dessus avec tous ces Messieurs que j’ay - deja nommez, qui avoyent esté spectateurs d’une chose si - extraordinaire, & qui me la raconterent avec grand estonnement; je - raisonnois donc avec eux comme il s’ensuit: - - Considerant en moy mesme qu’ils avoient passé plus de dix semaines - dans un jour perpetuel sans avoir eu aucune nuict, & que pendant un - si long espace de temps le ciel n’avoit pas tousjours esté si clair - qu’on pût, à la faveur de sa lumière, marquer & compter exactement - chaque tour que le Soleil faisoit à l’entour de la terre, je leur - demandois s’ils estoient bien asseurez, qu’il fust le IV de - Novembre lors qu’ils perdirent de veuë le Soleil, d’autant qu’il - estoit en ce temps-là plus de 15 degrez vers le Sud par delà la - ligne; ils me respondirent qu’ils avoyent tousjours eu devant eux - leurs horologes, & leurs sables, en sorte qu’ils n’avoyent pas le - moindre sujet de douter de cette verité. Je m’enquestay de plus, si - leurs horologes, ou leurs monstres, n’avoient jamais manqué, ou - s’ils n’avoyent jamais trouvé leurs sables vuides; & voulus outre - cela sçavoir d’eux, de combien la Lune estoit âgée lors que le - Soleil leur avoit failly: ils demeurerent court à cette - interrogation; ce qui me donna lieu de croire qu’ils n’avoyent pas - bien compté les jours, & que la supputation qui leur marquoit pour - le IV de Novembre, le jour que le Soleil commença à s’absenter - d’eux, estoit fausse. Mais supposé, dis-je, que vous ayez si bien - rencontré dans vostre calcul qu’il fust alors le IV de Novembre, - que mesme vous ayez avec tres-grande justesse compassé tous les - jours d’Esté, d’où pouvez vous tirer certaine asseurance de ne vous - estre pas mesconté d’un seul jour pendant l’Hyver, que la nuit - duroit des onze semaines entieres, puisque vous demeuriez la - pluspart du temps comme ensevelis dans vostre maisonnette, & que - pour la crainte des extremes froidures, des tourbillons de neiges & - des autres rigueures, auxquelles ce climat est exposé durant une si - rude saison, vous n’osiez tant seulement mettre le nez dehors, & ne - pouviez par consequent voir ny Soleil, ny Lune, ny Estoilles. - Gerard de Veer me respondit, qu’ils avoyent perpetuellement veu - l’estoille Polaire par le trou de leur cheminée, par où ils avoyent - encor remarqué tres-distinctement tous les tours que la grande - Ourse faisoit à l’entour de ce Pole; joint qu’ils avoyent tousjours - eu devant eux des monstres, des horologes, & des sables, auxquels - ils prenoyent tres-soigneusement garde tous les jours. Je ne voulus - pas entrer en dispute avec luy là dessus, mais je ne pûs prendre - ses raisons pour argent comptant, & je n’en demeuray nullement - persuadé, veu mesme qu’en Esté ils estoyent assez empeschez à se - defendre de l’attaque des Ours, ainsi qu’ils disoient; & en Hyver - souvent occupez à la chasse des renards: de sorte que, selon mon - advis, ils n’avoient pas tousjours le loisir de vaquer comme il - faut aux observations celestes, ny de gouverner leurs monstres, - horologes, & sables avec l’assiduité necessaire, lesquelles, - peut-estre, ils ont fort souvent trouvé vuides, ou detraquées par - la gelée. Vous croyez donc, Maistre Robert, comme vous nous donnez - à entendre par vos raisons, repartit Iacob Heemskerck, que nous - nous sommes grandement abusez dans nostre calcul? Je n’ay pas cette - croyance là seulement, respondis je, mais de plus une ferme - persuasion, que la faute en est si grande, qu’il vous est - impossible de sçavoir au vray si vous estiez pour lors à la fin de - Ianvier, ou au commencement de Febvrier: car bienque je leur fisse - plusieurs interrogations pour apprendre en quelles parties du ciel - ils avoyent veu la Lune, les Planetes & les Estoilles, & par quel - moyen ils avoyent pris leurs hauteurs le 24 de Janvier, auquel jour - ils disoyent que le Soleil s’estoit monstré à eux, comme aussi pour - sçavoir si c’estoit à six heures du soir, ou à minuit, ou le - lendemain à six heures du matin, et dans quel rombe cette - apparition s’estoit faite, ils ne sceurent neantmoins respondre à - aucunes de mes demandes, d’autant qu’en ce temps-là ils avoyent - manqué de faire telles observations: c’est pourquoy je conclus, - qu’ils s’estoyent bien mespris dans leur compte de la valeur de dix - ou onze jours, ou plus. Le lendemain ils accoururent tous chez moy, - pour me dire qu’ils sçavoyent bien en quel endroit estoit la Lune - le 24 de Janvier, mais je leur respondis que la lecture de quelques - doctes Ephemerides les avoit rendu bien sçavans depuis quelques - heures, & leur avoit enseigné ce qu’ils ignoroient hier lors que je - leur en fis la demande. Gerard de Veer, qui a esté escrivain de la - navigation vers le Nord, me tint plusieurs discours aussi mal - fondez que les precedents, lesquels je m’estois au commencement - proposé de rediger par escrit; mais par apres je ne l’ay pas jugé - necessaire, & m’en suis abstenu, par ce qu’il est demeuré ferme - dans son opinion, & qu’il a du depuis fait imprimer son Journal, - dans lequel il a deduit tout au long cette histoire dans la page - 34, & 35, mais escritte en autres caracteres que le reste, afin - qu’elle fust plus remarquable, [220] comme on peut voir dans ce - mesme livre imprimé à Amsterdam, en l’année 1598, où il escrit, que - tres-voluntiers il rendra compte de son dire: mais je n’ignore pas - quel est le compte, que Gerard de Veer a rendu & envoyé à Martin - Everard de Bruges, demeurant pour lors à Leyde, qui le luy avoit - auparavant demandé par lettre escritte à ce sujet; car luy mesme - m’a monstré cette lettre, et demandé advis de ce qu’il devoit faire - pour le mieux: je luy dis, que tout le conseil que j’avois à luy - donner, estoit qu’il reconnust sa faute, & confessast ingenuement, - que luy, & toute sa compagnie s’estoyent pû mesprendre de quelques - petites journées pendant le grand jour d’Esté qu’ils avoyent eu; & - que pendant la longue nuit d’Hyver, ils en avoyent peu laisser - escouler quelques petites, sans y prendre garde, pendant lesquelles - les insupportables rigueurs du froid les auroient accablez de - sommeil: mais toutes mes remonstrances ont esté vaines; car il - n’avoit pas mis en lumière son Journal pour le corriger par apres; - et jusques à la fin de sa vie il est demeuré dans l’erreur que ses - observations estoyent tres-asseurées: & ce Gerard de Veer a bien - sceu dans son Journal renfermer 56 jours entre le 24 de Ianvier & - le 21 de Mars, dans lequel il escrit que le Soleil estoit pour lors - elevé sur leur Horizon de 14 degrez seulement, au lieu que dans le - mesme temps de ces 56 jours il devoit avoir monté sur le mesme - Horizon à la hauteur de 19 degrez. Je tire cette conclusion de ce - que Gerard de Veer a bien sceu faire entrer 13 ou 14 jours de trop - dans le mesme espace compris entre le 24 de Ianvier & le 21 de - Mars, lesquels il n’a pas craint d’inserer en son Journal, afin de - maintenir & d’affermir son opinion, mais il n’a parlé d’aucune - declinaison: de sorte que je demeure tousjours ferme dans ma - premiere conclusion, à sçavoir, que durant la grande nuit d’Hyver - d’onze semaines, le sommeil les avoit pû gaigner si souvent, & si - long-temps, qu’il estoit le 6 ou 7 de Febvrier, lors qu’ils ont - creu, à cause de leur assoupissement, qu’il n’estoit que le 24 de - Ianvier, lesquels jours ils ont expres enfermez entre le 24 de - Ianvier et 21 Mars, afin de triompher par leurs belles - observations, et d’abuser ainsi les sçavans, & leur donner matiere - de dispute touchant le Iournal de Gerard de Veer. Je laisse aux - autres la liberté de juger ce que leur plaira sur cette affaire, - mais je crois que Gerard de Veer ressemble au Sacristain qui fait - aller l’horologe, laquelle n’ayant pas une fois sonné l’heure comme - le Soleil marquoit, & quelques-uns luy demandant la raison de cette - erreur, il respondit que le Soleil pouvoit mentir, mais que son - horologe ne mentoit jamais: [221] ainsi il me semble que Gerard de - Veer a plustost voulu rejetter la faute sur le Soleil, sur la Lune, - & sur les Estoilles, que de confesser pendant sa vie que son calcul - estoit faux. Voilà en peu de mots ce que j’ay à respondre sur - vostre demande, car je n’ay jamais crû, ny ne puis croire encor à - present, que le Soleil, à quelque hauteur qu’il fust le IV de - Novembre, pourveu qu’il passast par delà la ligne 15 degrez vers le - Sud, manquast à paroistre sur l’Horizon, et commençast à se - monstrer au mesme lieu le 24 de Janvier, eloigné de la ligne de - plus de 19 degrez vers le Sud, & se retrouvast justement à la - hauteur de 14 degrez sur le mesme Horizon; de façon que ce que - Gerard de Veer escrit dans son Journal page 39, contrarie la nature - & raison. C’est pourquoy je repete encor, que pendant le grand jour - d’Esté ils ont obmis à compter quelques revolutions du Soleil; de - mesme que durant la grande nuict d’Hyver le sommeil leur a derobé - beaucoup de temps, & qu’ils n’ont pû asseurement dresser leur - Journal comme auroient fait ceux qui auroient pû soirs & matins - distinguer en jour & en nuict le temps de 24 heures, et compter - ainsi nettement & exactement toutes les journées; chose impossible - à faire aux Pilotes de la Navigation vers le Nord, & auxquels il - faut pardonner en cette occasion; avec cela je finis. Le 15 - Septembre, 1627. [222] - - -From this letter of Robert le Canu it will be perceived, that the fact -of the sun’s disappearance on the 4th of November 1596 was equally -denied by him with that of its reappearance on the 24th of January -following. The former, though differing in degree, was, as far as -regards the fact itself, deemed not less abnormal and “opposed to -nature and to reason” than the latter. It is therefore of importance to -demonstrate that the particulars recorded by Gerrit de Veer concerning -the sun’s latest appearance and final disappearance, are in all -respects absolutely and literally true. - -On the 2nd of November, he states that the sun “did not show its whole -disk, but passed in the horizon along the earth.” On that day, in -latitude 75° 45′ (which was their true position, and not 76° as they -supposed), the sun’s declination was—14° 53′,3; and the complement of -the elevation of the Pole being 14° 15′, the sun’s centre was actually -38′3 below the horizon. But, with an assumed temperature of—8 Fahr., -the refraction would have been as much as 39′,3; and, as “the land -where they were was as high as the round-top of their ship”, an assumed -height of thirty feet would give 5′,4 for the dip of the horizon. -Hence, according to theory, 6′,4 more than the half of the sun’s disk -should have been visible; that is to say, 22′ or 23′, or about -seven-tenths of the entire disk. Consequently De Veer’s statement in -this respect is literally true. On the following day the sun’s centre -was actually 56′,9, and its upper edge about 40′,9, below the horizon. -But the refraction 39′,3 and the dip 5′,4, would have raised it 44′,7 -to the sight; so that 3′,8 or nearly twelve-hundredths of the sun’s -disk ought still to have been visible. De Veer speaks therefore the -pure truth when he says that, on the 3rd of November, “they could see -nothing but the upper edge of the sun above the horizon.” [223] On the -day afterwards the sun’s declination was 15° 30′,5, and consequently -its centre was 1° 15′,5, and its upper edge 59′,5, below the horizon. -And taking the sum of the refraction and the dip at 44′,7, the sun’s -upper edge would have been actually 14′,8 below the visible horizon. -Strictly in accordance with this, we have De Veer’s statement on the -4th of November, “but that we saw the sunne no more, for it was no -longer aboue the horizon”. - -Had Gerrit de Veer and his companions been weak enough to give way to -the dogmatical assertion of their teacher, that “pendant le grand jour -d’esté ils avoyent omis à compter quelques revolutions du soleil”, they -might perhaps at the time, and during the two centuries and a half -which have since elapsed, have enjoyed some little more credit than has -been accorded to them; but they would eventually have deprived -themselves of that triumphant vindication of their character for -perfect truthfulness and sincerity which it is our good fortune to be -the means of now affording to them. - -The reappearance of the sun on the 25th of January 1597, is not, at -least for the present, capable of so complete and satisfactory an -explanation. But hitherto the subject has never been properly -understood, because the facts have never been correctly stated. One of -the most recent examinations of this phenomenon is that made by the -Rev. George Fisher, in his remarks “On the Atmospheric Refraction,” -contained in the “Appendix to Captain Parry’s Journal of a Second -Voyage, etc.”, published in 1825. - -Mr. Fisher’s words are:—“The testimony of De Veer, who wrote the -particulars and who accompanied Barentz to Nova Zembla in his third -voyage, where he wintered in latitude 76° N., in the year 1596–7, has -been so often called in question, with respect to his account of the -re-appearance of the sun, that it is but justice to state that he -appears to be perfectly correct, and his observations consistent with -those made during this voyage. [224] He reports that he, in company -with two others, saw the edge of the sun from the sea side, on the -south side of Nova Zembla, on the 24th of January (or the 3rd of -February, new style) at which time the sun’s declination when it passed -the meridian in that longitude was about 16° 48′ S., and therefore the -true meridian depression of the upper limb at noon was 2° 32′ nearly, -which ought to have been the amount of the refraction [so] that the -limb might have been visible. Now, if the observation at the least -apparent altitude observed on the 23rd January, 1823, at Igloolik, -which was 8′ 40″, be reduced to the horizon, by observing the rapid law -of increase in the refraction visible in the series of observations -made on that day, the horizontal refraction cannot be estimated at less -than 2° 30′, and which, if increased by the apparent dip (which -sometimes amounts to more than 20′ in the winter time, as I have -mentioned when speaking of the terrestrial refraction), will be quite -sufficient to render the upper limb visible; and there is still less -difficulty in believing that they ‘saw the sunne in his full roundnesse -above the horizon’ three days afterwards, since the daily motion in -declination at that time of the year is nearly 18 minutes to the -northward. - -“M. Le Monier, from the observations made on these two days, assures us -that there must have been more than 4½ degrees of refraction, and that -he ‘could neither explain these observations, reject them as doubtful, -nor suppose any error, as was done by most other astronometers.’ How -this conclusion has been deduced from the facts related in the Journal -does not appear, neither is there the least occasion to reject as -doubtful the simple and honest account of the Dutchmen.” - -Now the facts of the case are in reality as follows:—In the first -place, the Dutch reckoned their time according to the new style, which -had already been adopted in the Netherlands. This is not only to be -deduced from the correspondence of their several astronomical -observations with this reckoning alone; but it also admits of direct -proof from the express statement of William Barents, in his note on the -tides at States Island, that the dates were “stilo novo.” - -In the next place, Gerrit de Veer states explicitly that he and two of -his companions “saw the edge of the sun” on the 24th of January, and -that on the 27th of that month they “all went forth and saw the sunne -in his full roundnesse a little aboue the horrison”; and again, that on -the 31st they “went out and saw the sunne shine cleare”; and lastly, on -the 8th of February, they “saw the sun rise south south-east, and went -down south south-west.” On the intervening days, the weather being -cloudy or otherwise unfavourable, they had no opportunity of observing -the sun. [225] - -Now, according to theory, the sun’s upper edge ought not, in 75° 45′ -north latitude, to have been visible till the 9th of February; so that -on the 25th of January (not the 24th, as De Veer erroneously supposed), -at mid-day, the extraordinary and anomalous refraction was as much as -3° 49′, and on the 27th of that month it could not have been much, if -at all, less. On the 8th of February, however, when they “saw the sun -rise S.S.E. and go down S.S.W.”, the entire refraction would have been -2° 10′,7, which is about one degree and a half more than according to -theory it ought to have been; and on the 19th of the latter month, when -they took the sun’s height, the refraction had again attained its -normal amount. - -Without attempting any explanation of the phenomenon thus described, -what we have now to do is to show that Gerrit de Veer and his -companions could not possibly have been materially in error with -respect to their dates. - -Commencing then from the 4th of November, when it has been demonstrated -that their time was strictly correct, we have their subsequent -astronomical observations on December 14th and January 12th, which -establish that till the latter date they were still right in their -time. If, therefore, they lost their reckoning at all, it must have -happened between the 12th and the 25th of January—an interval of only -thirteen days; and certainly neither their oversleeping themselves -(assuming them to have done so), nor any error, however great, in the -rate of their twelve hours’ sand-glass, could in that short interval -have occasioned any gross miscalculation with respect to the time of a -phenomenon which extended over a period of fourteen days. Then again, -on the 19th of February, and also on the 2nd of March, they obtained by -similar astronomical observations the means of checking their time; so -that it is utterly impossible for them to have fallen into any material -error. The mistake of a few hours, which caused them to place the -conjunction of the moon and Jupiter, and consequently the reappearance -of the sun, on the 24th instead of the 25th of January, is only an -additional proof in favour of their general correctness, as it is just -such an error as they were likely to fall into from their inability to -measure their time with strict precision. - -But the fact of the conjunction itself has yet to be noticed. De Veer -tells us that they had watched the approach of the two planets to each -other, till at length they came together in a certain direction and at -a certain time; and that contemporaneously with this occurrence the sun -reappeared. Now there was no other conjunction of those two planets -till 27¼ days later, namely, at noon on the 21st of February, and at -that date the sun had been at least nine days above the horizon; -besides which, the conjunction would not have been visible, on account -of the daylight. Consequently, if the conjunction on the 25th of -January is not intended, the whole account must be an invention and a -fabrication. And to suppose this would assuredly be imputing to De -Veer, not only more deceit, but also very much more skill than he -possessed. For, even assuming him to have been capable of calculating -the place of Jupiter and the time of that planet’s setting, he would -have found (as Mr. Vogel has now found) that at the time of the -conjunction that planet had already set 1 hour and 48 minutes, and was -at the time actually 2° 44′ below the horizon; and it is altogether too -much to suppose that he would have adduced a conjunction, which -according to calculation was invisible, as evidence of another -phenomenon which was equally opposed to the recognized laws of nature. - -We have therefore no alternative but to receive the facts recorded by -De Veer as substantially true, and to believe that owing to the -peculiar condition of the atmosphere, there existed an extraordinary -refraction, not merely on the 25th of January, but continuously during -fourteen days afterwards, at first amounting to nearly four degrees, -but gradually decreasing to about one degree and a half. - -The true facts of the case having at length been clearly made out, they -are left for elucidation by those who are best qualified to investigate -and explain them. The problem is a curious, and, with our still -insufficient knowledge of the laws of atmospheric refraction in high -latitudes, a difficult one. Nevertheless we may confidently rely on the -result being such as eventually to establish the entire veracity of our -Dutch historian. [226] - -With respect to the personal history of Gerrit de Veer we know almost -nothing. From his familiar allusion to “the salt hills that are in -Spaine”, it is to be inferred that he had visited that country at some -time previously to the year 1595, when he joined Barents’s second -expedition. From Robert le Canu’s letter we learn that he had studied -navigation under him, and also that his death occurred some time -previously to the year 1627, when that letter was written. The position -of his name in the two lists of the crew of Heemskerck’s vessel, -between those of the first mate and the surgeon, shows that he was one -of the officers—probably the second mate; and we learn incidentally -that he was a small man, “being the lightest of all their company”. -More than this we know not. - -Of the various editions, abridgments, and summaries of De Veer’s work, -we have collected the following particulars. - -The first printed account of these interesting voyages was published in -Dutch at Amsterdam in the year 1598, under the following title:— - - - Waerachtighe Beschryvinghe van drie seylagien, ter werelt noyt soo - vreemt ghehoort, drie jaeren achter malcanderen deur de - Hollandtsche ende Zeelandtsche schepen by noorden Noorweghen, - Moscovia ende Tartaria, na de Coninckrijcken van Catthay ende - China, so mede vande opdoeninghe vande Weygats, Nova Sembla, en̄ - van’t landt op de 80. gradē, dat men acht Groenlandt tezijn, daer - noyt mensch gheweest is, ende vande felle verscheurende Beyren ende - ander Zeemonsters ende ondrachlijcke koude, en̄ hoe op de laetste - reyse tschip int ys beset is, ende tvolck op 76. graden op Nova - Sembla een huijs ghetimmert, ende 10. maenden haer aldaer onthouden - hebben, ende daer nae meer als 350. mylen met open cleyne schuyten - over ende langs der Zee ghevaren. Alles met seer grooten perijckel, - moyten, ende ongeloofelijcke swaricheyt. Gedaen deur Gerrit de Veer - van Amstelredam. - - Ghedruckt t’Amstelredam, by Cornelis Claesz, op’t water, int - Shrijf-boeck. Ao. 1598. Oblong 4o. - - -This rare and valuable book, a copy of which is in the British Museum, -does not appear to have been hitherto noticed by bibliographers. It -contains sixty-one numbered leaves, in addition to the Dedication on -two leaves not numbered, six maps by Baptista à Doetechum, and -twenty-five plates, which are coloured. The title-page also bears a -plate, in eight partitions, four of which contain reductions from -plates in the volume. - -The following is a translation of Gerrit de Veer’s Dedication. - - - To the Noble, Mighty, Wise, Discreet, and very Provident Lords, the - States General of the United Netherlands, the Council of State, and - the Provincial States of Holland, Zeeland and West Friesland; and - also to the most illustrious Prince and Lord, Maurice, born Prince - of Orange, Count of Nassau, Catzenellenbogen, Vianden, Dietz, etc., - Marquis of Vere and Flushing, etc., Lord of St. Vyt, Doesburg, the - city of Grave, and the countries of Kuyct, etc., Stadtholder and - Captain-General of Gelderland, Holland, Zeeland, West Friesland, - Utrecht, and Overyssel, and Admiral of the sea; and to the Noble, - Honorable, Wise, and Discreet Lords, the Commissioners of the - Admiralty in Holland, Zeeland, and West Friesland. - - My Lords: the art of navigation, which in utility surpasses nearly - all other arts, has now in these latter years and within the memory - of man been wonderfully improved, and has more especially - contributed to the welfare of these States. This has been mainly - the result of the skilful use and practice of navigation, and of - the measurement of the latitudes and bearings of countries - according to the rules of mathematical science; whereby countries - lying on the very confines of the world have been reached, and - their products imported for our use. Thus this child of Astrology - has proved of greater service on the ocean than on land; for, there - it is merely a science, whereas here its usefulness is so much - extended, that various bearings, courses, headlands, and - promontories unmentioned by Ptolemy and Strabo, and unknown for a - long period after that time, have now become known by the - investigations and experiences of this science. And as many - previously unknown places were not found till after repeated - search, so now three unsuccessful trials have been made from these - States to find a passage round by the north to the kingdoms of - Cathay and China; which although hitherto unsuccessful, have not - been altogether useless, nor have they shown the attempt to be - hopeless. For these reasons I have drawn up a brief description of - the three aforesaid voyages (in the last two of which I myself was - engaged), which were made from these States by the north of Norway, - Muscovy, and Tartary, towards the aforesaid kingdoms of Cathay and - China. And I have done so because many interesting circumstances - happened in those voyages, and because I think that the right - course may still be discovered; inasmuch as the direction and - position of Vaygatz and Nova Zembla, and also the eastern part of - Greenland (as we call it) in 80°, are now ascertained, where it was - formerly thought there was only water and no land; and because - there in 80° it was less cold than at Nova Zembla in 76°, and in - 80° aforesaid, in June early in the summer, plants and grass were - growing and beasts that feed on grass were found, while on the - contrary in 76°, in August in the hottest of the summer, there were - found neither plants nor grass, nor animals that feed on grass. - From all which it appears that it is not the proximity of the Pole - which causes the ice and cold, but the Sea of Tartary (called the - Frozen Ocean), and the proximity of the land, round about which the - ice remains floating. For, in the open sea between the land - situated in 80 degrees and Nova Zembla, which lie at a distance of - full 200 (800) miles E.N.E. and W.S.W. of each other, there was - little or no ice; but as often as we approached land we immediately - fell in with the cold and the ice. Indeed, it was by means of the - ice that we always first perceived that we were near land before we - saw the land itself. At the east end of Nova Zembla also, where we - passed the winter, the ice drifted away with a W. and S.W. wind, - and returned with a N.E. wind. Hence it certainly appears, that - between the two lands there is an open sea, and that it is possible - to sail nearer to the Pole than has hitherto been believed; and - this notwithstanding that ancient writers say that the sea is not - navigable within 20 degrees of the Pole because of the intense - cold, and that therefore nobody can live there; whereas we have - both been as far as 80 degrees, and in 76 degrees have with small - means passed the winter; and thus it appears that the said passage - may be effected between the two above-named countries by taking a - N.E. course from the North Cape in Norway. This too was the opinion - of the renowned pilot Willem Barentsz., as well as of Jacob - Heemskerck, our captain and supercargo, who would have dared to - undertake it by keeping that course, its accomplishment being left - to God’s mercy. Yea, notwithstanding that on our last voyage, - through our manifold difficulties, we were entirely exhausted and - ofttimes in peril of death, yet our courage was not so broken but - that if our ship (which became fast in the ice) had been set free a - little sooner, we would once more have made the attempt in that - direction, as a proof that we believed the passage might thereby - have been effected; although this last voyage had been very - troublesome, wherein we (speaking without vanity) made no account - either of labours, difficulties, or danger, in order to bring it to - a successful end, as will appear from the relation thereof; but - neither the time nor the opportunity permitted it. And as the - aforesaid three voyages were made through the gracious assistance - of your Lordships, and thus the fruits which may still result from - them belong to your Lordships, I have taken the liberty of - dedicating to you this narrative, which, if not an eloquent, is at - least a faithful one. - - Praying to God that he will bless with success the government of - your Lordships, in honour of his name, and for the welfare of these - States, - - Your noble, mighty, illustrious, wise, and provident Lordships’ - obedient servant, - - Gerrit de Veer. - - From Amsterdam, the last day but one of April, in the year 1598. - - -Stuck, in his Verzeichnis von aeltern und neuern Land und -Reise-beschreibungen, mentions an edition of De Veer’s work [227] in -1599; but this appears to be purely an error in date,—1599 for 1598,—as -he leaves it to be inferred that he alludes to the first edition. It -was reprinted at Amsterdam in 1605, at the same press. - -Another edition was brought out, as the first part of a collection of -early Dutch voyages at Amsterdam, with the following title:— - - - Oost-Indische ende Uvest-Indische voyagien, Namelijck, De - waerachtighe beschrijvinge vande drie seylagien, drie Jaren achter - malkanderen deur de Hollandtsche ende Zeelandtsche Schepen, by - noorden Noorweghen, Moscovien ende Tartarien nae de Couinckrijcken - van Catthay ende China ghedaen. - - Tot Amsterdam. By Michiel Colijn, Boeck-verkooper, op’t Water, in’t - Huys-boeck, aen de Kooren-marckt. 1619. Oblong 4to. - - -This edition contains eighty numbered leaves. De Veer’s Dedication is -omitted. The plates are copies from those in the former editions, but -smaller and reversed. The colophon reads:— - - - Ghedruckt tot Enchuysen, by Jacob Lenaertsz. Meyn, Boeckvercooper - op de Nieuwe straet int vergulden schrijfboeck. Anno 1617. - - -Latin. In the same year that the first edition of these voyages was -published in Dutch, viz., 1598, a Latin translation was brought out at -Amsterdam by the same publisher. The translator signs himself C. C. A., -and dates his preface, Leyden, July 7th (“nonis Julij”) 1598; thereby -showing that little more than two months had elapsed since the -appearance of the original work. It bears the following title:— - - - Diarivm Navticvm, seu vera descriptio Trium Navigationum - admirandarum, & nunquam auditarum, tribus continuis annis factarum, - à Hollandicis & Zelandicis navibus, ad Septentrionem, supra - Norvagiam, Moscoviam & Tartariam, versus Catthay & Sinarum regna: - tum ut detecta fuerint Weygatz fretum, Nova Zembla, & Regio sub 80. - gradu sita, quam Groenlādiam esse censent, quam nullus unquam - adijt: Deinde de feris & trucibus vrsis, alijsque monstris marinis, - & intolerabili frigore quod pertulerunt. Quemadmodum præterea in - postrema Navigatione navis in glacie fuerit concreta, & ipsi nautæ - in Nova Zembla sub 76. gradu sita, domum fabricarint, atque in ea - per 10. mensium spatium habitarint, & tandem, relictâ navi in - glacie, plura quam 380. milliaria per mare in apertis parvis - lintribus navigarint, cum summis periculis, immensis laboribus, & - incredibilibus difficultatibus. Auctore Gerardo de Vera - Amstelrodamense. - - Amstelredami, ex Officina Cornelij Nicolaij, Typographi ad symbolum - Diarij, ad aquam. Anno M.D.XCVIII. Folio. - - -This edition contains forty-three numbered leaves, and has the same -plates and maps as the Dutch edition; but the Dedication is omitted. A -copy is in the British Museum. - -French. In the same year, and probably near the same time as the -preceding edition, appeared a French translation under the following -title:— - - - Vraye Description de trois Voyages de mer tres admirables, faicts - en trois ans, a chacun an vn, par les navires d’Hollande et - Zelande, av nord par derriere Norwege, Moscovie, et Tartarie, vers - les Royaumes de China & Catay: ensemble les decouvremens du Waygat, - Nova Sembla, & du pays situé souz la hauteur de 80 degrez; lequel - on presume estre Greenlande, où oncques personne n’a esté. Plus des - Ours cruels & ravissans, & autres monstres marins: & la froidure - insupportable. D’avantage comment a la derniere fois la navire fut - arrestee par la glace, & les Matelots ont basti vne maison sur le - pays de Nova Sembla, situé souz la hauteur de 76. degrez, où ils - ont demeuré l’espace de dix mois: & comment ils ont en petittes - barques passé la Mer, bien 350. lieues d’eaue; non sans peril, a - grand travail, & difficultez incroyables. Par Girard Le Ver. - - Imprimé a Amstelredam par Cornille Nicolas, sur l’eaue, au livre à - écrire. Anno M.D.XCVIII. folio. - - -This edition contains forty-four numbered leaves, and the same plates -and maps as the original Dutch edition. There is a copy in the -Grenville Library. It was reprinted in 1600 and in 1609. There is a -copy of the edition of 1609 in the British Museum, in which the same -plates and maps occur as in the first Dutch edition. - -An edition in 8vo. was published at Paris by Chaudière in 1599, under -the title of “Trois navigations admirables faites par les Hollandois et -les Zélandois au Septentrion.” - -Italian. An Italian translation, which was made at the instance of -Gioan Battista Ciotti, by whom it is dedicated to Gasparo Catanei, -appeared at Venice in 1599, in Italic characters. Its title runs thus:— - - - Tre Navigationi fatte dagli Olandesi, e Zelandesi al Settentrione - nella Norvegia, Moscovia, e Tartaria, verso il Catai, e Regno de’ - Sini, doue scopersero il Mare di Veygatz, La Nvova Zembla, et vn - Paese nell’ Ottantesimo grado creduto la Groenlandia. Con vna - descrittione di tvtti gli accidenti occorsi di giorno in giorno a’ - Nauiganti, Et in particolare di alcuni combattimenti con Orsi - Marini, e dell’ eccesiuo freddo di quei paesi; essendo nell’ ultima - Nauigatione restata la Naue nel ghiaccio, onde li Marinari - passorono infinite difficoltà, per lo spatio di diece mesi, e - furono forzati alla fine di passare con li Batelli trecento miglia - di Mare pericolosissimo. Descritte in Latino da Gerardo di Vera, e - Nuouamente de Giouan Giunio Parisio Tradotte nella lingua Italiana. - - In Venetia, presso Ieronimo Porro, e Compagni. 1599. 4to. - - -It contains seventy-nine leaves, with copies of the usual maps and -plates, but badly executed. - -This was reprinted in the third volume of the 1606 edition of Ramusio’s -Navigationi et Viaggi. - -English. The only other language, as far as we are aware, into which De -Veer’s work has been translated, is English; the first and only edition -of which translation, now extremely scarce, is that reproduced in the -present volume. - - - - -ABRIDGEMENTS. - -German. The first and most important German edition of De Veer’s -narrative was an abridgement, published at Nuremberg by Levinus -Hulsius, the dedication of which bears date the 10th of August, 1598, -being little more than three months after that of the original Dutch -work. Its title runs thus:— - - - Warhafftige Relation der dreyen newen vnerhörten seltzamen - Schiffart, so die Holländischen vnd Seeländischen Schiff gegen - Mitternacht, drey Jar nach einander, als Anno 1594, 1595 vnd 1596 - verricht. Wie sie Nortwegen, Lappiam, Biarmiam, vnd Russiam, oder - Moscoviam (vorhabens ins Königreich Cathay vnd China zukommen) - vmbsegelt haben. Als auch wie sie das Fretum Nassoviæ, Waygats, - Novam Semblam, vnd das Land vnter dem 80. Gradu latitud. so man - vermeint das Groenland sey, gefunden: vnd was für gefahr, wegen der - erschröcklichen Bern, Meerwunder, vnd dem Eyss, sie aussgestanden. - Erstlich in Niderländischer sprach beschrieben, durch Gerhart de - Ver, so selbsten die lezten zwo Reysen hat helffen verrichten, jezt - aber ins Hochteutsch gebracht, Durch Levinum Hulsium. Noribergæ, - Impensis L. Hulsij. Anno 1598. 4to. - - -Translator’s dedication two pages. Preface twelve pages. An address to -the reader, headed and subscribed “Gerardus de Veer,” four pages. Text -one hundred and forty-six numbered pages. Thirty-five plates and maps. -The colophon reads:— - - - Gedruckt zu Nürnberg, durch Christoff Lochner, In verlegung Levini - Hulsii, anno 1598. - - -It was re-issued in the year 1602, as the “Dritter Theil” of Hulsius’s -celebrated collection of voyages. This is, however, merely a duplicate -of the edition of 1598, excepting the first sheet, which has been -reprinted, apparently with the view of affording Hulsius an opportunity -of alluding, on the fourth page of his Preface, to the publication of -the beautiful book (“schones Buch”) of Linschoten the year before. The -dedication is dated Nuremberg, 6th February. - -A “secunda editio,” considerably abridged, appeared from the same press -in the same year (1602), with the dedication dated Frankfort, 1st -August: the text of this extends only to one hundred and twenty-one -pages, and the address to the reader and colophon are omitted. In his -dedication, Hulsius informs us, as a reason for this rapidity of -republication, that upwards of 1,500 copies of the former edition had -already been disposed of, and that the demand for the work was still -very great. - -A third and fourth edition, yet further abridged, and similarly forming -the “Dritter Theil” of Hulsius’s collection, appeared respectively in -the years 1612 and 1660. - -Copies of all these editions are in the Grenville Library in the -British Museum. - -This work of Hulsius enjoys a degree of credit among bibliographers, to -which intrinsically it would hardly seem to be entitled. On the -title-page, and also in the publisher’s dedication, it professes to be -a translation from the Dutch of Gerrit de Veer. But it is neither this, -nor is it a true and genuine abridgement. On the contrary, copious -omissions are made throughout, while at the same time passages are -frequently introduced, which are not to be found in the original. It -would be an almost endless task, and one quite out of place here, to -attempt a collation of the two works. Still it is expedient that a -specimen should be adduced of the liberties which Hulsius has taken -with his author; and for this purpose the commencement of his narrative -of the second expedition (pages 16–18) shall be given verbatim. - - - Im Jar nach unserer Erlösung 1595, sein von den Unirten Ständen in - Holl und Seeland, &c., und dem Duchleuchtigen Hochgebornen Fürsten - und Herren, Herren Mauritz, Grafen zu Nassaw, &c., siben Schiff - vorhabens, damit den Weg durch Waygats, und das Fretum Nassoviæ, - nach Cathay und China zufinden, zugerüstet worden: zwey zu - Amsterdam, zwey in Seeland, zwey zu Enckhausen, und einss zu - Roterdam. Deren sechs mit allerley Kauffmanns Wahren, unnd mit Geld - beladen gewest, das sibende aber, war ein Pinasse, welche befehl - hatte, wann die andern sechs Schiffe, umb den Capo oder - Promontorium Tabin (so dass eusserste Eck der Tartarey gegen - Mitternacht ist) gefahren weren, dass er als dann also bald wider - nach Holland um̄wenden und von den andern Schiffen zeittung bringen - solte. - - Das Admiral Schiff war ein Boyer, von Middelburg, genandt der - Greiff, vermöchte 80 Last, das ist 3200 Centner ein zu laden, hatte - 22 Stuck Eysern Geschütz, so Kügel 5 oder mehr pfunden geschossen, - auch zehen Mörser oder Pöler, und sein auff disem Schiff 64 Mann - gewesen. - - Sein Jacht Schiff war ein Flieboot von Armuien in Seeland von 25 - Last, oder 1000 Centner, darauff waren 8 stück, so 2 oder 3 Pfund - Eysen schossen, 4 Mörser, und 18 Mann. - - Das Vice Admiral Schiff war von Enckhausen auss Holland, 96 last - gross, das man mit 3840 Centnern belagen können, und Spes oder die - Hoffnung genannt, darauff 24 stück Eysern Geschütz, so ungefehrlich - 5 pfund Eysen geschossen, zween Mörser, und 58 Mann. - - Sein Jacht Schiff war von Enckhausen von 28 Last, genandt die Jacht - von Glück unnd unglück, darauff waren sechs Eysene stück, 4 Mörser, - und 15 Mann. - - Das Schiff von Amsterdam war ein Pinasse, auff 160 Last, oder 6400 - Centner, genennet der Gülden Windhund, dar auff vier metallene - Stück, deren jedes 45 pfund Eysen schoss, 32 Eyserne Stück, zu 5 - und 6 pfunden, am vordersten theil dess Schiffs waren zwo - Schlangen, die 38 pfund schossen, und 12 Mörser, auch 6 Trommeter, - und andere Spiel: etliche Diamant schneider, Goldarbeyter, auch - andere mehr Ambtleut, oder abgesandte der Stände, uñ 80 - Schiffknecht, und also in allem 108 Mann. In disem Schiff war der - wolerfahren Wilhelm Barentz Oberster Pilot oder Stewrmann, und - Jacob Hembsskirch Oberster Commisari. Auff disem bin ich Gerhart de - Veer auch gewesen. - - Sein Jacht Schiff war auch von Amsterdam, genandt S. Moritz, auff - 27 Last gross, darauff 6 Eysene stück, 5 Mörser, und 13 Mann. - - Das Schiff Roterdam war ein Pinasse, auf 39 Last, oder 1560 - Centner, genandt S. Peters Nachen, darauff 6 Eysene Stück, und 8 - Mörser gewesen. - - Dise Schiff alle waren versehen mit allerley Proviant und Kriegs - munition auff zwey Jar, aussgenommen Roterdam, so allein auff 6 - Monat Proviantirt, auss ursach dass es widerumb solte zu Ruck - kommen, wie gesagt. - - Anno 1595 den 12 Junij, sein wir von Amsterdam nach Texel, da alle - Schiff solten zusamman-kom̄en, gesegelt. - - Den 2 Julij nach Mittag, da der Wind Sudost, und gut für uns war, - namen wir unsern Cours in dem Namen Gottes gegen Nordwest zum Nord. - - Den 5 dito, dess Morgens sahen wir Engelland. - - Den 6 dito, war gross ungewitter auss N.O. - - Den 12 hatten wir guten Wind, nach Mittag sahen wir viel Walfisch, - unnd theils unserm Schiff so nahe, das man auff sie hette springen - können, die am Stewrruder stunden, hetten zu thun genug das Schiff - von den Walfischen hinweg zu steuren. - - Den 15 dito sahen wir das Land Nordwegen. - - -A comparison of the foregoing with Phillip’s translation in pages 42–44 -of the present volume, will at once show how widely Hulsius’s version -differs from the original text of Gerrit de Veer. - -From the use made of De Veer’s name in the “Address to the Reader,” it -might at first sight be imagined that Hulsius was in communication with -the author, and had his authority for the interpolated passages; -though, seeing that Latin and French versions, corresponding strictly -with the original Dutch text, were being simultaneously published at -Amsterdam, it would certainly be difficult to conceive that De Veer -should have lent himself to a work so different in character as this -German version. However, on a closer examination, it is apparent that -this “Address,” notwithstanding that it is made to bear De Veer’s -signature, with the date “Penult. Aprilis Anno 1598,”—which is that of -the author’s original Dedication to the States General and other -authorities of the United Provinces, of which a translation has been -given in pages cxix–cxxii,—is merely made up from that dedication and -from the introductory portion of the author’s narrative of the first -voyage. And, indeed, Hulsius himself does not pretend to do more than -give a translation into German from the original Dutch work; his words -being, “Hab ich auch dise drey letzte Schiffarten gegen Mitnacht, so -bald sie mir in Niderlandischer sprach zukommĕ, ins hochteutsch -versetzt;” so that his use of the author’s name in the way adverted to -is manifestly unjustifiable, and in fact nothing better than a fraud on -the public. - -The foregoing specimen of the differences between the two works has -purposely been taken from the commencement of the narrative of the -second expedition, because we have the independent authority of -Linschoten to fall back upon; in whose work nothing is found to warrant -the interpolations on the 5th and 12th of July, and whose official -description of the vessels composing that expedition—which forms the -basis of the statement made in previous pages of the present -Introduction,—differs materially from that given by Hulsius. - -It is scarcely to be doubted that the latter had an authority of some -sort for these important variations; though had that authority been at -all of an authentic nature, there is no conceivable reason why he -should not have referred to it. On a consideration of the whole case, -we are inclined to believe that he was desirous of imparting to his -production the character of an original work; and hence these -variations in the text, and also the fact that most of his -illustrations are not copies, but free imitations of the plates in the -original Amsterdam editions. - -Before quitting this subject, which is perhaps not undeserving of a -closer investigation, we may adduce a curious instance of erroneous -translation on the part of Hulsius. In the introduction to the -narrative of the second voyage (page 40 of the present work), De Veer -speaks of Linschoten as having been on the first voyage the commissary -or supercargo of the two ships of Zeeland and Enkhuysen—“daer Jan -Huyghen van Linschoten comis op was.” This is rendered by Hulsius (p. -14): “darauff der Hocherfahrne in Schiffsachē Johan̄ Huyghen von -Linschott, Comes oder Oberster gewesen war,” as if Linschoten had -actually been the commander of those two vessels! - -Another German abridgement of De Veer’s narrative was made by the -brothers De Bry, in 1599, and is given as the third article in the -third part of their India Orientalis (or that portion of their -collection commonly known as the Petits Voyages), on the collective -title of which it is described as follows:— - - - Drey Schiffahrten der Holländer nach obermeldten Indien durch das - Mittnächtigsche oder Eissmeer darinnen viel vnerhörte Ebentewer. - Sampt Vielen schönen künstlichen figurn vnd Landtafeln in Kupffer - gestochen vnd an Tag geben durch Jo. Theodor vnd Jo. Israel de Bry, - Gebrüder. Gedruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn durch Mattheum Becker. - M.D.XCIX. folio. - - -It is from this German edition that the plates which accompany the -present volume have been taken. They are copies from those of the -original Amsterdam editions, reversed and more artistically finished. -De Bry, doubtless having Hulsius’s work in his mind, says of them that -they are: “Alles zierlich und nach dem aechten original fürgetragen.” - -This abridgement was reprinted in the German editions of De Bry in 1628 -and 1629. - -Latin. The same abridgement was also given in Latin by De Bry, in the -edition of the India Orientalis of 1601, on the collective title of the -third part of which it is thus described:— - - - Tres nauigationes Hollandorum in modò dictam Indiam per - Septentrionalem seu glacialem Oceanum, vbi mira quædam et stupenda - denarrantur. - - -The sub-title, at page 129, is as follows:— - - - Tertia pars, Navigationes tres discretas, trib. continvis annis per - Septentrionem supra Norvegiam, Mvscoviam et Tartariam, freto - Weygatz & Noua Zembla detectis, ab Hollandis & Zelandis in Cathay & - Chinarum regnum versus orientem susceptas, describens. - - -This abridgement was reprinted in 1629, also as the third article in -the third part of De Bry’s India Orientalis. - -English. In the third volume of Purchas’s collection, pp. 473–518, is -given a faithful abridgement of Phillip’s translation. - - - - -ABSTRACTS OR SUMMARIES. - -Latin. An abstract of De Veer’s work was given in Linschoten’s— - - - Descriptio totius Guineæ tractus, Congi, Angolæ, et Monomotapæ, - eorumque locorum, quæ e regione C. S. Augustini in Brasilia jacent, - etc. Accedit noviter historia navigationum Batavorum in - Septentrionales Oras, Polique Arctici tractus, cum Freti Vaygats - detectione summa fide relata. - - Hagæ-Comitis. Ex officinâ Alberti Henrici. Anno 1599. folio. - - -The narrative of the Three Navigations to the North, which occupies -nine pages, commences at page 17, with the following head-title:— - - - Historia trium navigationum Batavorum in Septentrionem. - Admirabilium ac nunquam ante auditarum trium navigationum Batavorum - in Septentrionales Oras detegendi Freti Vaygats gratia, et in Novam - Zemblam, per hactenus incognita Maria, fidelis relatio. - - -This abstract appears to have been made by Linschoten himself, as Camus -states (p. 191) that this Latin edition of his works was translated by -himself from the Dutch of 1596. - -Although the description of Guinea, to which this abstract forms an -appendix, has a separate title-page and pagination, it is shown by the -register to form part of— - - - Navigatio ac Itinerarium Johannis Hugonis Linscotani in Orientalem - sive Lusitanorum Indiam ... Collecta ... ac descripta per eundem - Belgice, nunc vero Latine redditum Hagæ Comitis ex officinâ Alberti - Henrici. Impensis authoris et Cornelii Nicolai, prostantque apud - Ægidium Elsevirum. Anno 1599. Fol. - - -From the circumstance of this abstract appearing at the end of -Linschoten’s work, it has been by some confounded with his narrative of -his own two Arctic voyages. - -Dutch. In 1646, another abstract of the original narrative appeared in -the first volume of the Dutch collection, entitled:— - - - Begin ende Voortgangh van de Vereenighde Nederlandtsche - Geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie. 1646. obl. 4to. - - -This important work, which is profusely illustrated, has no editor’s -name or place of imprint. It was, however, edited by Isaak Commelin, a -learned Amsterdammer, and printed at Amsterdam, as we learn from -Chalmot’s Biographisch Woordenboek de Nederlanden, in art. Commelin -(Isaak). Chalmot had a good authority for this statement, namely, Isaak -Commelin’s son, Kasper, who, at page 866 of his Beschryvinge van -Amsterdam, declares his father to have been the editor, further -mentioning that this and other works were all printed at Amsterdam by -Jansson. - -It was reprinted in 1648, under the following title:— - - - Verhael van de eerste Schip-vaert der Hollandische ende Zeeusche - Schepen doer’t Way-gat by Noorden Noorwegen, Moscovien ende - Tartarien om, na de Coninckrijcken Cathay ende China, Met drie - Schepen, uyt Texel gezeylt in den Jare 1594. Hier achter is - by-ghevoeght de beschrijvinghe van de Landen Siberia, Samoyeda, - ende Tingæsa. Seer vreemt on vermaackelijck om lesen. T’ Amsterdam. - Voor Ioost Hartgers, Boeck-verkooper in de Easthuys-steegh in de - Boeck-winckel bezijden het Stadt-huys, 1648. 4to. - - -And it re-appeared in 1650 with the same title. This work, though -professing on the title-page to be an account of the first voyage only, -contains an account of the second and third voyages also. - -Another Dutch abstract was printed by G. J. Saeghman at Amsterdam, in -1663, with the following title:— - - - Verhael van de vier eerste Schip-Vaerden der Hollandtsche en - Zeeuwsche Schepen naar Nova Zembla, by Noorden Noorwegen, Moscovien - ende Tartarien om, na de Coninckrijcken Cathay en China. Uytgevaren - in de Jaren 1594, 1595, 1596, en 1609, ende hare wonderlijcke - avontueren, op de Reysen voor gevallen. Den laetsten druck van - nieuws ouersien, en met schoone Figueren verbetert. T’Amsterdam, - Gedruckt by Gillis Joosten Saeghman, Boeckdrucker en Boeck - verkooper, in de Nieuwe Straet. Anno 1663. 4to. - - -We have not had an opportunity of seeing this work, and therefore -cannot say whether or not it is a reprint of the last-mentioned -abstract. The fourth voyage of 1609 can only be that of Henry Hudson, -who undertook it at the instance of the Dutch East India Company. The -journal of this voyage, written by Robert Juet of Limehouse, “master’s -mate”, is given by Purchas in his “Pilgrimes”, vol. iii, pp. 581–595. - -An abstract of De Veer’s work is likewise contained in the first volume -of the several editions of Blaeu’s “Great Atlas”, which have been -already described in page cxxv: in the Latin at page 24; in the French -at page 27; and in the Spanish at page 42. The Dutch edition we have -not seen. - -German. A translation from Saeghman’s abstract appeared in 1675, in a -collection by Rudolf Capel, entitled, “Vorstellungen des Norden”. -Hamburg, 1675, 4to.; in the fifth chapter of which it is entered as -follows:— - - - Die von den Holländern zu vier unterschiedenen mahlen, nemlich in - Jahr c. 1594, 1595, 1596, und 1609, umsonst versuchte Seefarth - durchs Norden nach der Sineser Land Japan und Ost Indien. Auss der - Niederländischen in die Hochteutsche Sprache übersetzet. - - -Another edition appeared in 1678. - -Another abstract in German was given in 1768, in Adelung’s Geschichte -der Schiffahrten, published at Halle, 1768. In speaking of the great -rarity of the original, Adelung acknowledges himself obliged to make -use of the summary in the French collection, next described, which he -collated with that of Capel. - -French. The French collection to which we have just alluded, was edited -by Constantin de Renneville, under the title:— - - - Recueil des Voyages qui ont servi à l’établissement et aux progrès - de la Compagnie des Indes orientales, formée dans les provinces - Unies des Pays Bas. Amst., 1702, 1710, 1716, 1725, in 6 vols.; and - in 1754, in 6 vols. in 12mo. - - -This is an unacknowledged translation, with a slight alteration in the -language at the commencement of the work, from the Dutch collection -already described, “Begin ende Voortgangh,” etc. - -English. In the year 1703, was published an English translation of the -above abstract, which was probably made from the French version by -Renneville. - -A very brief summary of the three voyages is also given in the first -volume of Harris’s Navigantium et Itinerantium Bibliotheca, pp. -550–564. Lond. 1705. Fol. - -The winter’s residence of the Dutch in Novaya Zemlya has been -repeatedly treated of in various forms. The most recent work on the -subject is probably a poem with the title— - - - De Overwintering der Hollanders op Nova Zembla gedicht van Tollens, - met Houtsneden van Henry Brown, naar teekeningen van I. H. I. van - den Bergh. Leeuwarden, G. T. W. Suringar, 1843. 4to. - - -Of the English translation by Phillip, which forms the text of the -present volume, we are unable to speak in very favourable terms. -Independently of a number of errors resulting evidently from the want -of a thorough acquaintance with the Dutch language, the work is -disfigured by numerous typographical errors, arising seemingly from the -circumstance that the translator placed his manuscript in the printer’s -hands, and never saw the work as it passed through the press. In the -notes at the foot of the text, in the present edition, these errors are -corrected, and attention is drawn to those cases in which subsequent -writers, who merely consulted Phillip’s translation of Purchas’s -abridgement of it, have thereby been misled. [228] - -Besides De Veer’s narrative, Phillip translated from the Dutch the -three works mentioned below. [229] As one then who performed so much -for the cause which it is the object of the Hakluyt Society to promote, -he has a claim to our forbearance for all the imperfections of his -translation, which in spite of them, gives still no unapt -representation of the simplicity and quaintness of its Dutch original. - - - -The editor has already acknowledged the aid afforded to him by Mr. -Vogel and Mr. Petermann. He has now also to express his obligation to -Mr. R. H. Major and Mr. W. B. Rye, of the British Museum, for much -valuable assistance in the bibliographical portions of this -Introduction. And he has further to record, that to his worthy friend -and preceptor in the Dutch language, Mr. John Bos,—who was employed by -him to make a new translation of De Veer’s text into English, in order -that he might be spared the inconvenience of collating the whole work -in the Reading Room of the British Museum,—he is indebted for much help -in the preparation of the index at the end of this volume, and also for -many curious particulars of information which none but an old -Amsterdammer could well have supplied. - - - February 15th, 1853. - - - - - - - - -NOTICE. - - -The accompanying Map, which has been reproduced by Mr. F. Muller of -Amsterdam, is issued to Members of the Hakluyt Society, to be bound up -with the volume containing the Three Voyages of Barents. It is the -first Map on which the track of Barents, in his third voyage, is shown. - -The Map is stated (on legends at the top, and also at the foot—to the -right) to have been drawn by Willem Barents himself (“Auctore Wilhelmo -Bernardo”). It was probably drawn by him at his winter quarters in -Novaya Zembya, and brought home by Heemskerk. The legend at the foot -further states that the map was engraved by Baptista-a-Doetichem, -probably a son of Lucas-a-Doetichem, who engraved the plate of the -funeral of Charles V, in 1558. The thirty-six plates in the tenth -edition of Linschoten’s Itinerarium, were all engraved by the son -Baptista, of Doetichem, which is a small town in Guelderland. - -In the same legend it is added “Cornelius Nicolai excudebat.” The Dutch -name of this publisher is Cornelius Claeszoon. He was the celebrated -publisher at Amsterdam who published the three editions of Linschoten’s -Itinerarium in 1595 and 1604, in Dutch. In 1599 he brought out an -abridged Latin translation, in the second part of which is inserted a -short narrative of the Arctic Expedition; quite distinct from the -larger work written by Linschoten, and published in 1601 by Gerard -Ketel at Franeker in Friesland, with entirely different maps, and -without a narrative of the Arctic voyage. - -It is, therefore, clear that the map was first published in 1599 by -Cornelius Claeszoon (who was also publisher of the Journal of De Veer), -in the second part of the abridged Latin edition of Linschoten’s -Itinerarium; but it is wanting in some copies of this second part. - - - C. R. M. - - - - - - - - THE - True and perfect Description - of three Voyages, - so strange and woonderfull, - that the like hath neuer been - heard of before: - - Done and performed three yeares, one after the other, by the Ships - of Holland and Zeland, on the North sides of Norway, Muscouia, and - Tartaria, towards the Kingdomes of Cathaia & China; shewing - the discouerie of the Straights of Weigates, Noua Zembla, - and the Countrie lying vnder 80. degrees; which is - thought to be Greenland: where neuer any man had - bin before: with the cruell Beares, and other - Monsters of the Sea, and the vnsupport- - able and extreame cold that is - found to be in those - places. - - And how that in the last Voyage, the Shippe was so inclosed by - the Ice, that it was left there, whereby the men were forced to build a - house in the cold and desart Countrie of Noua Zembla, wherin - they continued 10. monthes togeather, and neuer saw nor - heard of any man, in most great cold and extreame - miserie; and how after that, to saue their liues, they - were constrained to sayle aboue 350. Duch - miles, which is aboue 1000. miles English, - in litle open Boates, along and ouer the - maine Seas, in most great daunger, - and with extreame labour, vn- - speakable troubles, and - great hunger. - - - Imprinted at London for T. Pauier. - - 1609. - - - - - - - -To the Right Worshipfull, - Sir Thomas Smith Knight, Gouernour - of the Muscouy Company, &c. - - -Right Worshipfvll: Being intreated by some of my Friends, and -principally by M. Richard Hakluyt (a diligent obseruer of all -Proceedings in this nature) to Translate and publish these three yeares -Trauelles and Discoueries of the Hollanders to the North-east; I could -not deuise how to consecrate my Labours so properly to any, as to your -selfe, considering not onely the generall good affection the whole -Kingdome takes notice, that you beare to all Honorable actions of this -kinde, be they for Discouerie, Traffique, or Plantation; but also in -respect of that particular charge, most worthily recommended to your -care, ouer the Trade of the English in those North-east Partes. - -Many attempts and proffers (I confesse) there haue bin to find a -passage by those poorest parts to the richest; by those barbarous, to -the most ciuile; those vnpeopled, to the most popular; those Desarts, -to the most fertile Countries of the World: and of them all, none (I -dare say) vndertaken with greater iudgement, with more obdurate -Patience, euen aduersus Elementa, aduersus ipsam in illis locis rerum -naturam, then these three by the Hollanders. - -If any of our Nation be employed that way in time to come, here they -haue a great part of their Voiage layd open, and the example of that -industrious people (first excited to this and other famous Voyages, by -imitation of some of ours) for the conquering of all difficulties and -dangers; those people (I say) that of all Christians, and for aught I -know, of all Adams Posteritie, haue first nauigated to 81 Degrees of -Northerly Latitude, and wintered in 76, where they had no Inhabitants, -but Foxes, Beares, and Deare, to keepe them company. - -And were it for nothing else, but to register the miraculous prouidence -of the Creator, and his admirable and vnspeakable workes in these -congealed Climats, vnknowen vtterly to the Ancients, and to demonstrate -how much we are obliged to his omnipotent fauour, for planting vs in so -temperate, so ciuill, and so Religious a part of the World, as this -blessed Island; I thinke omission in this kinde were little lesse than -Sacriledge. - -As it is, I humbly desire you to vouch-safe it your protection, and to -esteeme mee, - - - Alwayes deuoted to your seruice, - - William Phillip. - - - - - - - - - - THE FYRST PART - OF THE - NAUIGATION INTO THE NORTH SEAS.. - - -It is a most certaine and an assured assertion, that nothing doth more -benefit and further the common-wealth (specially these countries [230]) -then the art and knowledge of nauigation, in regard that such countries -and nations as are strong and mightie at sea, haue the meanes and ready -way to draw, fetch, and bring vnto them for their maintenaunce, all the -principalest commodities and fruites of the earth, for that thereby -they are inabled to bring all necessary things for the nourishment and -sustentation of man from the vttermost partes of the world, and to -carry and conuay such wares and marchendizes [As the art of nauigation -more increaseth, so there are daily more new countries found out.] -whereof they haue great store and aboundance vnto the same places, -which by reason of the art of nauigation, and the commodities of the -sea, is easily to be effected and brought to passe. Which nauigation as -it dayly more and more increaseth (to the great woonder and admiration -of those, that compare the sea-faring and nauigation vsed in our -forefathers times, yea and that also that hath beene practised in our -age, with that which now at this present is daily furthered and sought -out), so there are continually new voiages made, and strange coasts -discouered; the which [Diligence and continuance effect that which is -sought.] although they be not done by the first, secōd, or third -voiage, but after, by tract of time, first brought to their full -effect, and desired commoditie, and the fruits thereof, by continuance -of time reaped. Yet we must not be abasht, nor dismayed, at the labour, -toile, trauaile, and dāgers sustayned in such uoiages, to that end -made, although as I said [We must not leaue of by some mens dislike or -dispraise in our proceedings.] before the benefit thereof be not had -nor seene in the first, second, third, or more uoiages; for what labour -is more profitable, and worthier praise and commendation, then that -which tendeth vnto the common good and benefit of all men; Although -such as are vnskilfull, contemners, and deriders of mens diligence and -proceedings therein, at the first esteeme it an vnprofitable and -needlesse thing, when as the end prooueth beneficiall and commodious. -If the famous nauigators Cortesius, Nonius, and Megalanes, [231] and -others, that in their times sought out and discovered the kingdomes, -countries, and ilands farre distant from vs, in the extreamest parts of -the world, for the first, second, or third voyage, that had succeeded -vnfortunately with them, had left off and giuen ouer their nauigatiō, -they had not afterward reaped nor enioyed the fruites, benefits, and -commodities thereof. [A thing not continued, can not be effected.] -Alexander magnus (after he had woone all Grecia, and from thence entred -into little and great Asia, and comming to the farthest parts of India, -there found some difficultie to passe) sayd, If we had not gone -forward, and persisted in our intent, which other men esteemed and held -to be impossible, we had still remayned and stayed in the entry of -Cilicia, [232] where [All things are effected in convenient time.] as -now we haue ouerrunne and past through all those large and spacious -countries: for nothing is found and effected all at one time, neither -is any thing that is put in practise, presently brought to an end. To -the which end, Cicero wisely saith, God hath giuen vs some things, and -not all things, that our successours also might have somewhat to doe. -Therefore we must not leaue off, nor stay our pretence in the middle of -our proceedings, as long as there is any commoditie to be hoped, and in -time to be obtayned: for that the greatest and richest treasures are -hardliest to be found. But to make no long digression from our matter, -concerning the dayly furtheraunce of the most necessarie and profitable -art of nauigation, that hath been brought to full effect, not without -great charges, labour, and paines; ouerslipping and not shewing with -how long and troublesome labour and toyle, continually had, the -passages to the East and West Indies, America, Brasilia, and other -places, through the straight of Magellanes, in the South Sea, twise or -thrise passing vnder the Line, [233] and by those meanes other -countries and ilands, were first found out and discouered. - -Let vs looke into the White Seas, [234] that are now so commonly sayled -(on the north side of Muscouia), with what cumbersome labour and toyle -they were first discouered: What hath now made this voyage so common -and easie? is [That which in the beginning is hard, by continuance of -time is made easie and light.] it not the same, and as long a voyage as -it was, before it was fully knowne and found out? I, [235] but the -right courses, which at the first were to be sought, by crossing the -seas from one land to another, and are now to be held aloofe into the -seas and directly sayled, hath, of difficult and toylesome, made them -easie and ready voyages. - -This small discourse I thought good to set downe, for an introduction -vnto the reader, in regard that I haue vndertaken to describe the three -voyages made into the North Seas, in three yeares, one after the other, -behind Norway, and along and about Muscouia, towardes the kingdome of -Cathaia and China: whereof the two last I myself holpe to effect; [236] -and yet brought them not to the desired end that we well hoped. - -First, to shew our diligent and most toylesome labour and [The first -finding is hard, but the second attempt is easier.] paynes taken, to -find out the right course; which we could not bring to passe, as we -well hoped, wished, and desired, and possible might haue found it, by -crossing the seas, if we had taken the right course; if the ice and the -shortnesse of time, and bad crosses had not hindered vs: and also to -stoppe their mouthes, that report and say, that our proceeding therein -was wholly vnprofitable and fruitelesse; which peraduenture in time to -come, may turne vnto our great profite and commoditie. For he which -proceedeth and continueth in a thing that seemeth to be impossible, is -not to be discommended: but hee, that in regarde that the thing seemeth -to be impossible, doth not proceed therein, but by his faint -heartedness and sloath, wholly leaueth it off. - -[Not the nearness of the North Pole, but the Ice in the Tartarian sea, -causeth the greatest cold.] Wee haue assuredly found, that the onely -and most hinderaunce to our voyage, was the ice, that we found about -Noua Zembla, [237] vnder 73, 74, 75, and 76 degrees; and not so much -vpon the sea betweene both the landes: [238] whereby it appeareth, that -not the nearenesse of the North Pole, but the ice that commeth in and -out from the Tartarian Sea, [239] about Noua Zembla, caused vs to feele -the greatest cold. Therefore in regard that the nearenesse of the Pole -was not the cause of the great cold that we felt, if we had had the -meanes to haue held our appoynted and intended course into the -north-east, we had peraduenture found some enteraunce: which course we -could not hold from Noua Zembla, because that there we entred amongst -great store of ice; and how it was about Noua Zembla, we could not -tell, before we had sought it; and when we had sought it, we could not -then alter our course, although also it is vncertaine, what we should -have done, if we had continued in our north-east course, because it is -not yet found out. But it is true, that in the countrie lying vnder 80 -degrees, [240] (which we esteeme to be Greenland) there is both leaues -and grasse to be seene; wherein, such beastes as feed of leaues and -grasse, (as hartes, hindes, and such like beastes) liue: whereas to the -contrary in Noua Zembla, there groweth nether leaues nor grasse, and -there are no beastes therein but such as eate flesh, [241] as beares, -and foxes, &c.; although Noua Zembla lyeth 4, 5, and 6 degrees more -southerly from the Pole, then the other land aforesaid. It is also -manifest, that vpon [Comparison of the heate under the line, with the -cold under the North Pole.] the south and north side of the line of the -sunne on both sides, between both the tropicos, vnder 23 degrees and a -halfe, it is as hot as it is right vnder the Line. What wonder then -should it be, that about the North Pole also, and as many degrees on -both sides, it should not bee colder then right vnder the Pole? I will -not affirme this to bee true, because that the colde on both sides of -the North Pole hath not as yet beene discouered and sought out, as the -heat on the north and south side of the Line hath beene. Onely thus -much I will say, that although we held not our direct pretended [242] -course to the north-east, that therefore it is to be iudged, that the -cold would haue let our passage through that way, for it was not the -sea, nor the neerenesse vnto the Pole, but the ice about the land, that -let and hindered vs (as I sayd before) for that as soon as we made from -the land, and put more into the sea, although it was much [The resolute -intent and opinions of William Barents.] further northward, presently -we felt more warmth; and in yt opinion our pilote William Barents [243] -dyed, who notwithstanding the fearful and intollerable cold that he -endured, yet he was not discouraged, but offered to lay wagers with -diuers of us, that by Gods helpe he would bring that pretended voiage -to an end, if he held his course north-east from the North Cape. But I -will leaue that, and shewe you of the three voyages aforesaid, begun -and set forth by the permission and furtherance of the generall States -of the vnited Prouinces, and of Prince Maurice, as admirall of the sea, -and the rich towne of Amsterdam. Whereby the reader may iudge and -conceaue what is to bee done, for the most profite and advantage, and -what is to be left. - -First you must understand, that in anno 1594 there was 4 ships set -foorth out of the vnited Prouinces, whereof two were of Amsterdam, one -of Zelandt, one of Enckhuysen, that were appointed to saile into the -North Seas, to discouer the kingdomes of Cathaia, and China, north-ward -from Norway, Muscouia, and about Tartaria; whereof William Barents, a -notable skilfull and wise pilote, was commander ouer the ships of -Amsterdam, and with them vpon Whit-sunday [244] departed from Amsterdam -and went to the Texel. - -Upon the fifth of June they sailed out of the Texel, and hauing a good -wind and faire weather, vpon the 23 of June, they arrived at Kilduin in -Muscouia, [245] which for that it is a place well knowen and a common -voyage, I will make no further discription thereof. - -The 29 of June, at foure of the clocke in the after noone, they set -saile out of Kilduin, and so 13 [52] or 14 [56] miles [246] out-right -sailed north-east, with a north north-west wind, and close weather. - -The 30 of June they sayled east north-east 7 [28] miles, till the sunne -was east south-east [about half-past six o’clock in the morning], [247] -with a north wind, with 2 schower sailes, [248] there they cast out -their lead, at 100 fadome deepth, but found no ground. - -From whence the same day they sailed east north-east [249] 5 [20] -miles, till the sunne was full south [¾ past 10, A.M.], hauing the wind -north, with 2 schower sailes, where once againe they cast out the lead -100 fadome deepe, but found no ground; and then from noone to night -[250] the same day, they sailed east, and east and by north 13 [52] -miles, till the sunne was north-west [¼ past 7, P.M.], and there -casting out their lead, they had ground at 120 fadome, the ground being -oasie, [251] and blacke durt. - -The 1 of July, after they had sailed one quarter [252] 4 [16] miles -east, and east and by north, early in the morning they cast out the -lead, and found ground at 60 fadome, where they had an oasie small -sandy ground; and within an houre after they cast out the lead againe, -and had ground at 52 fadome, being white sande mixed with blacke, and -some-what oasie: after that they had sailed 3 [12] miles east and by -north, where they had ground at 40 fadome, being gray sand mixed with -white. From thence they sailed 2 [8] miles east-ward, with a north -north-east winde, there they had ground at 38 fadome, being red sand -mixed with black, the sunne being south-east and by east [¼ past 7, -A.M.]. From thence they sailed 3 [12] miles, east and by south, and -east south-east til noone, where they had the sunne at 70 degrees and -¾, [253] there they cast out the lead againe, and had ground at 39 -fadome, being small gray sand, mixed with blacke stippellen [254] and -pieces of shels. - -Then againe they sailed 2 [8] miles south-east, and then woond [255] -northward with an east north-east wind, and after sailed 6 [24] miles -north-east all that day, [256] with a south-east wind, till the sunne -was north north-west [¼ past 9 P.M.], the weather being cold; and the -lead being cast foorth they found ground at 60 fadome, being small gray -oasie sand, mixed with a little blacke, and great whole shels: [257] -after that the same euening to the first quarter, [258] they sailed 5 -[20] miles, east north-east, and north-east and by east, and after that -east north-east, and north-east and by east 5 [20] miles, vntill the -second of July in the morning, and there they had 65 fadome deepe, the -ground oasie with black slime or durt. - -The same day from morning till noone, they sailed 3 [12] or 4 [16] -miles east north-east, the wind blowing stiffe south-east, whereby at -noone they were forced to take [259] in the fore-saile, and driue with -a schower saile, [260] in mistie weather, for the space of 3 [12] or 4 -[16] miles, vntill euening, holding east, and east and by south: after -that the winde blew south-west, and about 5 of the clocke in the -after-noone, they cast out the lead, but had no ground at 120 fadome. -That euening the weather cleared vp againe, and they sailed about 5 -[20] miles before the wind, east north-east, for the space of 3 houres, -and then againe it began to be mistie, so that they durst not saile -forward, but lay hulling in the wind, [261] where vpon Sunday morning -being the 3 of July, when the sunne was north-east [½ p. 1, A.M.], they -cast out the lead and found ground at 125 fadome, being black durt or -slime. - -From thence they sailed 8 [32] miles east north-east, till the sunne -was south-east [½ p. 7, A.M.], and casting out the lead, found ground -at 140 fadom, being blacke slimie durt, at which time they tooke the -high of the sun and found it to be 73 degrees and 6 minutes, and -presently againe they cast out the lead, and had 130 fadome deepth, the -ground being blacke slime. After that they sayled 6 [24] or 7 [28] -miles further east north-east, till the sunne was north-west [½ p. 7, -P.M.]. - -On Sunday in the morning, being the 3 of July, it was very faire and -cleare weather, the wind blowing south-west, at which time William -Barents found out the right meridien, taking the high of the sunne with -his crosse-staffe, [262] when it was south-east, and found it to be -eleuated in the south-east 28 degrees and a halfe, and when it had -passed ouer west and by north, it was but [263] 28 degrees and a half -aboue the horizon, so that it differed 5 points and a half, which being -deuided there rested 2 points and ¾; so that their compasse was altered -2 points and ¾, as it appeared the same day, when the sunne was in her -higth, betweene south south-west and south-west and by south, for the -sun was south-west and by south, and yet was not declined, and they had -73 degrees and 6 minutes. - -The 4 of July in the morning, they sailed 4 [16] miles east and by -north, and casting out the lead found ground at 125 fadome, being -slimie. That night the weather was mistie againe, and in the morning -the wind was east; then they sailed 4 [16] miles south-east and by -south, till the sunne was east [½ p. 4, A.M.], and then againe they -cast out the lead, and found ground at 108 fadome, black durt; then -they wound north-ward, and sailed 6 [24] miles, north north-east, and -north-east and by north, vntill the sunne was south south-west [¾ p. -11, A.M.], and then they saw the land of Noua Zembla, lying south-east -and by east 6 [24] or 7 [28] miles from them, where they had black -durty ground at 105 fadome. Then they woond southward againe, and -sailed 6 [24] miles, south and by west, till the sunne was west -north-west [5, P.M.], there they had 68 fadome deepe, with durtie -ground as before, the wind being south-east. - -Then they woond east-ward and sailed 6 [24] miles east and by south, at -which time, [264] William Barents took the height of the sunne with his -crosse-staffe, [265] when it was at the lowest, that is between north -north-east and east and by north, [266] and found it to bee eleuated -aboue the horizon 6 degrees and ⅓ part, his declination being 22 -degrees and 55 minutes, from whence substracting the aforesaid height, -there resteth 16 degrees and 35 minutes, which being substracted from -90 degrees, there resteth 73 degrees and 25 minutes; which was when -they were about 5 [20] or 6 [24] miles from the land of Noua Zembla. - -Then they woond east-ward and sailed 5 [20] miles, east and by south, -and east south-east, and past by a long point of land that lay out into -the sea, [267] which they named Langenes: and hard by that point -east-ward there was a great bay, where they went a land with their -boate, but found no people. - -Three [12] or foure [16] miles from Langenes east north-east, there lay -a long [268] point, and a mile [4 miles] east-ward from the said point -there was a great bay, and upon the east side of the said bay, there -lay a rock not very high aboue the water, and on the west side of the -bay, there stood a sharpe little hill, easie to be knowne: before the -bay it was 20 fadome deepth, the ground small blacke stones, like -pease: from Langenes to Cape Bapo [269] east north-east it is 4 [16] -miles. - -From Cape Bapo to the west point of Lombsbay north-east and by north -are 5 [20] miles, and betweene them both there are 2 creekes. Lombsbay -is a great wide bay, on the west side thereof hauing a faire hauen 6, -7, or 8, fadome deepe, black sand: there they went on shore with their -boate, and vpon the shore placed a beacon, made of an old mast which -they found there; calling the bay Lombsbay, because of a certaine kind -of beares [270] so called, which they found there in great aboundance. - -The east point of Lombsbay is a long narrow point, and by it there -lyeth an island, and from that long point to seaward in, there is a -great creeke. [271] This Lombsbay lyeth vnder 74 degrees and ⅓ part. -From Lombsbay to the point of the Admirals Island, [272] they sailed 6 -[24] or 7 [28] miles, north-east and by north. The Admirals Island is -not very faire on [273] the east side, but a farre off very flat, so -that you must shunne it long before you come at it; it is also very -vneuen, for at one casting off the lead they had 10 fadome deepe, and -presently at another casting of the lead they had but 6 fadome, and -presently after that againe 10, 11, and 12 fadome, the streame running -hard against the flats. - -From the east end of the Admirals Island, to Cape Negro, [274] that is -the Black Pointe, they sailed about 5 [20] or 6 [24] miles, east -north-east; and a mile [4 miles] without the Black Point it is 70 -fadome deepe, the ground slimie, as vpon Pamphius: [275] right eastward -of the Blacke Point, there are 2 sharpe pointed hills in the creeke, -that are easie to be knowen. - -The 6 of July, the sunne being north [½ p. 10, P.M.], they came right -before the Blacke Point with faire weather: this Blacke Point lyeth -vnder 75 degrees and 20 minutes. From the Blacke Point to Williams -Island, [276] they sailed 7 [28] or 8 [32] miles, east north-east, and -between them both about halfe a mile [2 miles], there lay a small -island. - -The 7 of July they sailed from Williams Island, and then William -Barents tooke the height of the sunne with his cross-staffe, [277] and -found it to be eleuated aboue the horizon [278] in the south-west and -by south 53 degrees and 6 minutes, [279] his declination being 22 -degrees and 49 minutes, which being added to 53 degrees and 6 minutes, -make 75 degrees and 55 minutes. [280] This is the right height of the -pole of the said island. In this island they found great store of -driff-wood, and many sea-horses, being a kinde of fish [281] that -keepeth in the sea, having very great teeth, which at this day are vsed -insteed of iuorie or elephants teeth: there also is a good road for -ships, at 12 and 13 fadome deep, against all winds, except it be west -south-west and west windes; and there they found a piece of a Russian -ship, [282] and that day they had the wind east north-east, mistie -weather. - -The 9 of July they entered into Beeren-fort, [283] vpon the road vnder -Williams Island, and there they found a white beare, which they -perceiuing, presently entered into their boate, and shot her into the -body with a musket; but the beare shewed most wonderfull strength, -which almost is not to be found in any beast, for no man euer heard the -like to be done by any lyon or cruel beast whatsoeuer: for -notwithstanding that she was shot into the bodie, yet she leapt vp, and -swame in the water, the men that were in the boate rowing after her, -cast a rope about her necke, and by that meanes drew her at the sterne -of the boat, for that not hauing seene the like beare before, they -thought to haue carryed her aliue in the shippe, and to have shewed her -for a strange wonder in Holland; but she vsed such force, that they -were glad that they were rid of her, and contented themselves with her -skin only, for she made such a noyse, and stroue in such sort, that it -was admirable, wherewith they let her rest and gave her more scope with -the rope that they held by her, and so drew her in that sort after -them, by that meanes to wearie her: meane time, William Barents made -neerer to her, [284] but the beare swome to the boate, and with her -fore-feet got hold of the sterne thereof, which William Barents -perceiuing, said, She will there rest her selfe; but she had another -meaning, for she vsed such force, that at last she had gotten half her -body into the boat, wherewith the men were so abashed, that they run -into ye further end of the boate, and thought verily to have been -spoiled by her, but by a strange means they were deliuered from her, -for that the rope that was about her necke, caught hold vpon the hooke -of the ruther, whereby the beare could get no further, but so was held -backe, and hanging in that manner, one of the men boldly stept foorth -from the end of the scute, [285] and thrust her into the bodie with a -halfe-pike; and therewith she fell downe into the water, and so they -rowed forward with her to the ship, drawing her after them, till she -was in a manner dead, wherewith they killed her out-right, and hauing -fleaed her, brought the skinne to Amsterdam. - -The 10 of July, [286] they sailed out of Beren-fort for Williams -Island, and the same day in the morning got to the Island of Crosses, -[287] and there went on land with their pinnace, and found the island -to bee barren, and full of cliffes and rocks, in it there was a small -hauen, whereinto they rowed with their boat. This island is about halfe -a mile [2 miles] long, and reacheth east and west; on the west end it -hath a banke, about a third part of a mile [1⅓ mile] long, and at the -east end also another banke: vpon this island there standeth 2 great -crosses; the island lyeth about 2 [8] long miles from the firme land, -[288] and vnder the east-end thereof there is good road at 26 fadome, -soft ground; [289] and somewhat closer to the island on the strand, at -9 fadome, sandy ground. - -From the Island of Crosses to the point of Cape Nassawe, [290] they -sailed east, and east and by north, about 8 [32] miles: it is a long -[291] flat point which you must be carefull to shunne, for thereabouts -at 7 fadome there were flats or sholes, very farre from the land: it -lyeth almost under 76 degrees and a halfe. From the west end of -Williams Island to the Island with the Crosses is 3 [12] miles, the -course north. [292] - -From Nassaw Point they sailed east and by south, and east south-east 5 -[20] miles, and then they thought that they saw land in north-east and -by east, [293] and sailed towards it 5 [20] miles north-east to discrie -it, thinking it to be another land, that lay northward from Noua -Zembla; but it began to blow so hard out of the west, that they were -forced to take in their marsaile, [294] and yet the wind rose in such -manner, that they were forced to take in all their sailes, and the sea -went so hollow, that they were constrained to driue 16 houres together -without saile, 8 [32] or 9 [36] miles east north-east. - -The 11 of July their boat was by a great wave of the sea sunke to the -ground, and by that meanes they lost it, and after that they drave -without sailes 5 [20] miles, east and by south; at last, the sunne -being almost south-east [½ p. 7, A.M.], the wind came about to the -north-west, and then the weather began somewhat to clear up, but yet it -was very mistie. Then they hoysed vp their sailes againe and sailed 4 -[16] miles till night, that the sunne was north and by east [11, P.M.], -and there they had 60 fadome deepth, muddie ground, and there they saw -certaine flakes of ice, [295] at which time vpon the 12 of July they -woond west, and held north-west, and sailed about a mile [4 miles] with -mistie weather, and a north-west wind, and sailed up and downe west -south-west 3 [12] or 4 [16] miles to see if they could find their boat -againe: after that they wound againe with the wind, [296] and sayled 4 -[16] miles south-east, till the sunne was south-west [1, P.M.], and -then they were close by the land of Noua Zembla, that lay east and by -north, and west and by south; from thence they wound ouer againe till -noone, and sayled 3 [12] miles north and by west; and then, till the -sunne was north-west [¾ p. 6, P.M.], they held north-west and by north -3 [12] miles; then they wound east-ward and sailed 4 [16] or 5 [20] -miles north-east and by east. - -The 13 of July at night, they found great store of ice, as much as they -could descrie out of the top, that lay as if it had been a plaine field -of ice; [297] then they wound west-ward ouer from the ice, and sailed -about 4 [16] miles west south-west, till the sunne was east and by -north [5 A.M.], and that they saw the land of Noua Zembla, lying south -south-east from them. - -Then they wound north-ward againe and sailed 2 [8] miles, till the -sunne was east south-east [½ p. 6, A.M.], and then againe found great -store of ice, and after that sailed south-west and by south 3 [12] -miles. - -The 14 of July they wound northward againe, and sayled with 2 schower -sailes [298] north and by east, and north north-east 5 [20] or 6 [24] -miles, to the height of 77 degrees and ⅓ part, [299] and entred againe -amongst the ice, being so broad that they could not see ouer it, there -they had no ground at 100 fadome, and then it blew hard west -north-west. - -From thence they wound south-ward, and sailed south south-west 7 [28] -or 8 [32] miles, and came againe by the land, that shewed to be 4 or 5 -high hilles. Then they wound northward, and till euening sayled north 6 -[24] miles, but there againe they found ice. - -From thence they wound south-ward, and sailed south and by west 6 [24] -miles, and then againe entred into ice. - -The 15 of July, they wound south-ward againe, sayling south and by west -6 [24] miles, and in the morning were by the land of Noua Zembla -againe, the sunne being about north-east [½ p. 1, A.M.]. - -From thence they wound north-ward againe, and sayled north and by east -7 [28] miles, and entred againe into the ice. Then they wound -south-ward againe, the sunne being west [¾ p. 3, P.M.], and sailed -south south-west, and south-west and by south 8 [32] or 9 [36] miles, -vpon the 16 of July. - -From thence they wound north-ward, and sailed north and by east 4 [16] -miles; after that againe they wound west-ward, and sailed west and by -south 4 [16] miles, and then they sailed north north-west 4 [16] miles, -and then the wind blew north north-east, and it froze hard; this was -upon the 17 of July. - -Then they wound east-ward, and sailed east till noone, 3 [12] miles, -and after that east and by south 3 [12] miles; from thence about -euening they wound northward and sailed north and by east 5 [20] miles, -till the 18 of July in the morning; then they sailed north and by west -4 [16] miles, and there entred againe amongst a great many flakes of -ice, [300] from whence they wound southward, and close by the ice they -had no groūd at 150 fadom. - -Then they sayled about 2 houres south-east, and east south-east, with -mystie weather, and came to a flake of ice, [301] which was so broad -that they could not see ouer it, it being faire still weather, and yet -it froze, and so sailed along by the ice 2 houres; after that it was so -mistie, that they could see nothing round about them, and sailed -south-west two [8] miles. - -The same day William Barents tooke the height of the sun with his -astrolabium, and then they were under 77 degrees and a ¼ of the Pole, -[302] and sailed south-ward 6 [24] miles, and perceiued the firme land, -[303] lying south from them. - -Then they sailed till the 19 of July in the morning, west south-west, 6 -[24] or 7 [28] miles, with a north-west wind and mistie weather; and -after that south-west and south-west and by west 7 [28] miles, the -sunne being 77 degrees 5 minutes lesse. [304] Then they sailed 2 [8] -miles south-west, and were close by the land of Noua Zembla, about Cape -Nassaue. [305] - -From thence they wound north-ward and sailed north 8 [32] miles, with a -west north-west wind and a mist, and till the 20 of July in the morning -north-east and by north 3 [12] or 4 [16] miles; and when the sunne was -east [½ p. 4, A.M.] they wound west, and till euening sailed south-west -5 [20] or 6 [24] miles, with mistie weather, and then south-west and by -south 7 [28] miles, till the 21 of July in the morning. - -Then they wound north-ward againe, and from morning till euening sailed -north-west and by west 9 [36] miles, with mistie weather, and againe -north-west and by west [306] 3 [12] miles; and then wound south-ward, -and till the 22 of July in the morning sailed south south-west 3 [12] -miles, with mistie weather, and till euening south and by west, 9 [36] -miles, all mistie weather. - -After that they wound north-ward againe, and sailed north-west and by -north 3 [12] miles, and then 2 [8] miles north-west; [307] and in the -morning being the 23 of July the wind blew north-west, and then they -cast out the lead, and had 48 fadome muddie ground. - -Then they sailed 2 [8] miles north north-east and north and by east, -and 2 [8] miles north-east, at 46 fadome deepe; after that they wound -west-ward, and sailed west and by north 6 [24] miles; there it was 60 -fadome deepe, muddy ground. - -Then they wound eastward and sailed 3 [12] miles east and by north; -then againe 9 [36] or 10 [40] miles east, and east and by south; and -after that 5 [20] or 6 [24] miles east, and east and by south; and -after that 5 [20] or 6 [24] miles more, east and by south, till -euening, being the 24 of July; then againe 4 [16] miles south-east and -by east, the wind being east north-east. - -Then they woond north-ward, and till the 25 of July in the morning -sailed north, and north and by west, 4 [16] miles; there they had 130 -fadome deepe, muddie ground; then they sailed north-ward, where they -had 100 fadome deepe, and there they saw the ice in the north-east; and -then againe they sailed 2 [8] miles, north and by west. - -Then they woond south-ward towards the ice, and sailed south-east one -mile [4 miles]; after that they wound north-ward againe, and sailed -north 6 [24] miles, and were so inclosed about with flakes of ice, -[308] that out of the top they could not discerne any thing beyond it, -and sought to get through the ice, but they could not passe beyond it, -and therefore in the evening they wound south-ward againe, and sailed -along by the ice, south and west by 5 [20] miles, and after that south -south-east 3 [12] miles. - -The 25 of July at night, they took the height of the sunne, when it was -at the lowest between north and north-east, [309] and north-east and by -north, it being eleuated aboue the horizon 6 degrees and ¾, his -declinatiō being 19 degrees 50 minutes; now take 6 degrees ¾ from 19 -degrees and 50 minutes, and there resteth 13 degrees 5 minutes, which -substracted from 90 there resteth 77 degrees lesse 5 minutes. [310] - -The 26 of July, in the morning, they sailed 6 [24] miles south -south-east, till the sunne was south-west [1, P.M.], and then -south-east 6 [24] miles, and were within a mile of the land of Noua -Zembla, and then wound north-ward from the land, and sailed 5 [20] -miles north-west [311] with an east wind; but in the euening they wound -south-ward againe, and sailed south south-east 7 [28] miles, and were -close by the land. - -Then they wound north-ward againe, and sailed north north-east 2 [8] or -3 [12] miles; from thence they wound south-ward, and sailed south -south-east 2 [8] or 3 [12] miles, and came againe to Cape Trust. [312] - -Then they wounde againe from the land, north-east, about halfe a mile -[2 miles], and were ouer against the sandes of 4 fadome deepe, betweene -the rocke and the land, and there the sands were 10 fadome deepe, the -ground being small black stones; then they sailed north-west a little -while, till they had 43 fadome deepe, soft ground. - -From thence they sailed north-east 4 [16] miles, upon the 27 of July, -with an east south-east wind, and wound south-ward againe, where they -found 70 fadome deepe, clay ground, and sayled south and south and by -east 4 [16] miles, and came to a great creek; and a mile and a halfe [6 -miles] from thence there lay a banke of sande of 18 fadome deepe, clay -sandy ground, and betweene that sand or banke and the land it was 60 -and 50 fadome deepe, the coast reaching east and west by the compasse. - -In the euening they wound [stife [313]] north-ward, and sailed 3 [12] -miles north north-east; that day it was mistie, and in the night -cleare, and William Barents tooke the height of the sunne with his -crosse-staffe, [314] and found it to be eleuated aboue the horizon 5 -degrees 40 minutes, his declination being 19 degrees 25 minutes, from -whence substracting 5 degrees 40 minutes, there resteth 13 degrees 45 -minutes, which substracted from 90 rested 76 degrees 31 minutes [315] -for the height of the Pole. - -Upon the 28 of July, they sailed 3 [12] miles north north-east, and -after that wound south-ward, and sailed 6 [24] miles south south-east, -and yet were then 3 [12] or 4 [16] miles from the land. - -The 28 of July, the height of the sun being taken at noone with the -astrolobiū, it was found to be eleuated aboue the horizon 57 degrees -and 6 minutes, [316] her declination being 19 degrees and 18 minutes, -which in all is 76 degrees and 24 minutes, they being then about 4 [16] -miles from the land of Noua Zembla, that lay all couered ouer with -snow, the weather being cleare, and the wind east. - -Then againe, the sunne being about south-west [1, P.M.], they wound -north-ward, and sailed one mile [4 miles] north north-east, and then -wound againe, and sailed another mile [4 miles] south-east, then they -wound north-ward againe, and sailed 4 [16] miles north-east and -north-east and by north. [317] - -The same day [318] the height of the sunne being taken, it was found to -be 76 degrees and 24 minutes, and then they sailed north-east 3 [12] -miles, and after that north-east and by east 4 [16] miles, and vpon the -29 of July came into the ice againe. - -The 29 of July the height of the sunne being taken with the -crosse-staffe, astrolabium, and quadrant, [319] they found it to bee -eleuated aboue the horizon 32 degrees, her declination being 19 -degrees, which substracted from 32 there resteth 13 degrees of the -equator, which being substracted from 90 there rested 77 degrees; and -then the neerest north point of Noua Zembla, called the Ice Point, -[320] lay right east from them. - -There they found certaine stones that glistered like gold, which for -that cause they named gold-stones, [321] and there also they had a -faire bay with sandy ground. - -Upon the same day they wound south-ward againe, and sailed south-east -[322] 2 [8] miles betweene the land and the ice, and after that from -the Ice Point east, and to the south-ward [323] 6 [24] miles to the -Islands of Orange; and there they laboured forward [324] betweene the -land and the ice, with faire still weather, and vpon the 31 of July got -to the Islands of Orange. And there went to one of those islands, where -they found about 200 walrushen or sea-horses, lying upon the shoare to -baske [325] themselues in the sunne. This sea-horse is a wonderfull -strong monster of the sea, much bigger then an oxe, which keepes -continually in the seas, hauing a skinne like a sea-calfe or seale, -with very short hair, mouthed like a lyon, and many times they lie vpon -the ice; they are hardly killed vnlesse you strike them iust vpon the -forehead; it hath foure feet, but no eares, and commonly it hath one or -two young ones at a time. And when the fisher-men chance to find them -vpon a flake of ice [326] with their yong ones, shee casteth her yong -ones before her into the water, and then takes them in her armes, and -so plungeth vp and downe with them, and when shee will reuenge herselfe -vpon the boats, or make resistance against them, then she casts her -yong ones from her againe, and with all her force goeth towards the -boate; whereby our men were once in no small danger, for that the -sea-horse had almost stricken her teeth into the sterne of their boate, -thinking to ouerthrowe it; but by means of the great cry that the men -made, shee was afraid, and swomme away againe, and tooke her yong ones -againe in her armes. They haue two teeth sticking out of their mouthes, -on each side one, each beeing about halfe an elle long, and are -esteemed to bee as good as any iuorie or elophants teeth, specially in -Muscouia, Tartaria, and there abouts where they are knowne, for they -are as white, hard, and euen as iuory. [327] - -Those sea-horses that lay basking [328] themselues vpon the land, our -men, supposing that they could not defend themselues being out of the -water, went on shore to assaile them, and fought with thē, to get their -teeth that are so rich, but they brake all their hatchets, curtle-axes, -[329] and pikes in pieces, and could not kill one of them, but strucke -some of their teeth out of their mouthes, which they tooke with them; -and when they could get nothing against them by fighting, they agreed -to goe aboard the ship, to fetch some of their great ordinance, to -shoot at them therewith; but it began to blow so hard, that it rent the -ice into great peices, so that they were forced not to do it; and -therewith they found a great white beare that slept, which they shot -into the body, but she ranne away, and entred into the water; the men -following her with their boat, and kil’d her out-right, and then drew -her vpon the ice, and so sticking a half pike vp-right, bound her fast -vnto it, thinking to fetch her when they came backe againe, to shoot at -the sea-horses with their ordinance; but for that it began more and -more to blow, and the ice therewith brake in peeces, they did nothing -at all. - -After that W. Barents had begun this uoyage vpon the fifth of June, -1594, and at that time (as I sayd before) set saile out of the Texell, -the 23 of the same month arriving at Kilduin in Muscouia, and from -thence tooke his course on the north side of Noua Zembla, wherein he -continued till the first of August, with such aduentures as are before -declared, till he came to the Island of Orange: [330] after he had -taken all that paine, and finding that he could hardly get through, to -accomplish and ende his pretended [331] voyage, his men also beginning -to bee weary and would saile no further, they all together agreed to -returne back againe, to meet with the [Theire returne backe againe.] -other ships [332] that had taken their course to the Weygates, or -Straights of Nassawe, [333] to know what discoueries they had made -there. - -The first of August they turned their course to saile backe againe from -the Islands of Orange, and sailed west and west by south 6 [24] miles -to the Ice Point. - -From the Ice Point to the Cape of Comfort, [334] they sailed west and -somewhat south 30 [120] miles: betweene them both there lyeth very high -land, but the Cape of Comfort is very low flat land, and on the west -end thereof there standeth foure or fiue blacke houels or little hilles -like country houses. [335] - -Upon the 3 of August, from the Cape of Comfort they wound north-ward, -and sailed 8 [32] miles north-west and by north, and north north-west; -and about noone they wound south-ward till euening, and sailed south -and by west, and south-south-west 7 [28] miles, and then came to a long -narrow point of land one Cape Nassaw. [336] - -In the euening they wound north-ward againe, and sailed north and by -east 2 [8] miles; then the winde came north, and therefore they wound -west-ward againe, and sailed north north-west one mile [4 miles]; then -the wind turned east, and with that they sailed from the 4 of August in -the morning till noone west and by north 5 [20] or 6 [24] miles; after -that they sailed till euening south-west 5 [20] miles and after that -south-west 2 [8] miles more, and fell vpon a low flat land, which on -the east-end had a white patche or peece of ground. - -After that they sailed till morning, being the 5 of August, west -south-west 12 [48] miles, [337] then south-west 14 [56] miles, and then -west 3 [12] miles till the 6 of August. - -The 6 of August they sailed west south-west 2 [8] or 3 [12] miles; then -south-west, and south-west and by south, 4 [16] or 5 [20] miles; then -south-west and by west 3 [12] miles, and then south-west and by west 3 -[12] miles; and after that west south-west and south-west and by south -3 [12] miles, till the 7 of August. - -The 7 of August till noone they sailed 3 [12] miles west south-west, -then 3 [12] miles west, and then they wound south-ward till euening, -and sailed 3 [12] miles south-east and south-east and by east, then -againe west south-west 2 [8] miles, after that they sailed south 3 [12] -miles, till the 8 of August in the morning, with a west south-west -winde. - -The 8 of August they sailed south-east and by south 10 [40] miles, and -then south-east and by east vntil euening 5 [20] miles, and then came -to a low flat land, that lay south-west and by south, and north-east -and by north, and so sailed 5 [20] miles more, and there they had 36 -fadome deepe, 2 [8] miles from the land, the ground blacke sand; There -they sailed towards the land, till they were at 12 fadome, and halfe a -mile [2 miles] from the land it was stony ground. - -From thence the land reacheth south-ward for 3 [12] miles, to the other -low point that had a blacke rocke lying close by it; and from thence -the land reacheth south south-east 3 [12] miles, to another point; and -there lay a little low island from the point, and within halfe a mile -[2 miles] of the land it was flat ground, at 8, 9, and 10 fadome deepe, -which they called the Black Island, [338] because it showed blacke -aboue; then it was very mistie, so that they lay in the wind [339] and -sailed 3 [12] miles west north-west; but when it cleared vp, they wound -towards the land againe, and the sunne being south [¼ to 11 A.M.], they -came right against the Blacke Island, and had held their course east -south-east. - -There W. Barents tooke the height of the sunne, it being vnder 71 -degrees and ⅓; and there they found a great creeke, which William -Barents iudged to be the place where Oliuer Brunel [340] had been -before, called Costincsarth. [341] - -From the Blacke Island, they sailed south and south and by east to -another small [342] point 3 [12] miles, on which point there stood a -crosse, and therefore they called it the Crosse Point; [343] there also -there was a flat bay, and low water, [344] 5, 6, or 7 fadome deep, soft -ground. [345] - -From Crosse Point they sailed along by the land south south-east 4 [16] -miles, and then came to another small [346] point, which behinde it had -a great creeke, that reached east-ward: this point they called the -Fifth Point or S. Laurence Point. [347] From the Fifth Point they -sailed to the Sconce Point [348] 3 [12] miles, south south-east, and -there lay a long blacke rocke close by the land, whereon there stood a -crosse; then they entered into the ice againe, and put inward to the -sea [349] because of the ice. Their intent was to saile along the coast -of Noua Zembla to the Wey-gates, but by reason that the ice met them -they wound west-ward, and from the 9 of August in the euening, till the -10 of August in the morning, sayled west and by north 11 [44] miles, -and after that 4 [16] miles west north-west, and north-west and by -west, the winde being north; in the morning [350] they wound east-warde -againe, and sailed vntill euening 10 [40] miles east and east and by -south; after that east and east and by north 4 [16] miles, and there -they saw land, and were right against a great creeke, where with their -boat they went on land, and there found a faire hauen 5 fadome deepe, -sandy ground. This creeke on the north side hath 3 blacke points, and -about the 3 points [351] lyeth the road, but you must keepe somewhat -from the 3 point, for it is stonie, and betweene the 2 and 3 point -there is another faire bay, for north-west, north, and north-east -winds, blacke sandy ground. This bay they called S. Laurence Bay, and -there they tooke the height of the sunne, which was 70 degrees and ¾. - -From S. Laurence Bay, south south-east 2 [8] miles to Sconce Point, -there lay a long [352] blacke rocke, close by the land, [353] whereon -there stood a crosse; there they went on land with their boat, and -perceiued that some men had bin there, and that they were fled to saue -themselues; [354] for there they found 6 sacks with rie-meale buried in -the ground, and a heap of stones by the crosse, and a bullet for a -great piece, and there abouts also there stood another crosse, [355] -with 3 houses made of wood, after the north-countrey manner: and in the -houses they found many barrels of pike-staues, [356] whereby they -coniectured that there they vsed to take salmons, [357] and by them -stood 5 or 6 coffins, by graues, [358] with dead men’s bones, the -coffins standing vpon the ground all filled vp with stones; there also -lay a broken Russia ship, [359] the keele thereof being 44 foot long, -but they could see no man on the land: it is a faire hauen for all -winds, which they called the Meale-hauen, [360] because of the meale -that they found there. - -From the black rocke or cliffe with the crosse, 2 [8] miles south -south-east, there lay a low island a little into the sea, from whence -they sailed 9 [36] or 10 [40] miles south south-east; there the height -of the sunne [361] was 70 degrees and 50 minutes, when it was south -south-west. - -From that island they sailed along by the land 4 [16] miles south-east -and by south; there they came to 2 islands, whereof the uttermost lay a -mile [4 miles] from the land; those islands they called S. Clara. - -Then they entered into the ice again, and wound inward to sea, in the -wind, [362] and sailed from the island [363] vntill evening, west -south-west 4 [16] miles, the wind being north-west; that evening it was -very mistie, and then they had 80 fadom deepe. - -Then againe they sailed south-west and by west, and west south-west 3 -[12] miles; there they had 70 fadome deepe, and so sayled till the -thirteenth of August in the morning, south-west and by west foure [16] -miles; two houres before they had ground at fiftie sixe fadome, and in -the morning at fortie five fadome, soft muddy ground. - -Then they sayled till noone sixe [24] miles south-west, and had twentie -foure fadome deepe, black sandie ground; and within one houre after -they had two and twentie fadome deepe, browne reddish sand; then they -sailed sixe [24] miles south-west, with fifteene fadome deepe, red -sand; after that two [8] miles south-west, and there it was fifteene -fadome deepe, red sand, and there they sawe land, and sayled forward -south-west untill evening, till we were within halfe a mile [2 miles] -of the land, and there it was seven fadome deepe, sandy ground, the -land being low flat downes reaching east and west. - -Then they wound from the land and sailed north, and north and by east 4 -[16] miles; from thence they wound to land againe, and sayled til the -14 of August 5 [20] or 6 [24] miles south-west, sailing close by the -land, which (as they gesse [364]) was the island of Colgoyen; [365] -there they sailed by the lād east-ward 4 [16] miles; after that 3 [12] -miles east, and east and by south; then the weather became mistie, -whereby they could not see the land, and had shallow flat water [366] -at 7 or 8 fadome; then they took in the marsaile [367] and lay in the -wind [368] till it was cleare weather againe, and then the sunne was -south south-west [¾ p. 11 a.m.], yet they could not see the land: there -they had 100 fadome deepe, sandy ground; then they sailed east 7 [28] -miles; after that againe 2 [8] miles east south-east, and south-east -and by east; and againe till the 15 of August in the morning, 9 [36] -miles east south-east; then from morning till noone they sailed 4 miles -east south-east, and sailed over a flat or sand of 9 or 10 fadome -deepe, sandy ground, but could see no land; and about an houre before -noone it began to waxe deeper, for then wee had 12 and 13 fadome water, -and then wee sayled east south-east 3 [12] miles, till the sunne was -south-west [1 p.m.]. - -The same daye the sunne being south-west, [369] William Barents tooke -the height thereof, and found it to be elevated above the horizon 35 -degrees, his declination being 14 degrees and ¼, so yt as there wanted -55 degrees of 90, which 55 and 14 degrees and ¼ being both added -together, made 69 degrees 15 minutes, which was the height of the Pole -in that place, the wind being north-west; then they sailed 2 [8] miles -more east-ward, and came to the islands called Matfloe and Delgoy, -[370] and there in the morning they meet with the other shippes of -their company, being of Zelandt and Enck-huysen, [371] that came out of -Wey-gates the same day; there they shewed each other where they had -bin, and how farre each of them had sailed, and discouered. - -The ship of Enck-huysen had past the straights of Wey-gates, and said, -that at the end of Wey-gates he had found a large sea, [372] and that -they had sailed 50 [200] or 60 [240] miles further east-ward, and were -of opinion that they had been about the riuer of Obi, [373] that -commeth out of Tartaria, and that the land of Tartaria reacheth -north-east-ward againe from thence, whereby they thought that they were -not far from Cape Tabin, [374] which is ye point [375] of Tartaria, -that reacheth towards the kingdom of Chathai, north-east and then -south-ward. [376] And so thinking that they had discouered inough for -that time, and that it was too late in the yeare to saile any further, -as also that their commission was to discouer the scituation, and to -come home againe before winter, they turned againe towards the -Wei-gates, and came to an island about 5 miles great, lying south-east -from Wei-gates on the Tartarian side, and called it the States Island; -[377] there they found many stones, that were of a cristale mountaine, -[378] being a kind of diamont. - -When they were met together (as I sayd before) they made signes of ioy, -discharging some of their ordinance, and were merry, the other shippes -thinking that William Barents had sailed round about Noua Zembla, and -had come backe againe through the Wei-gates: and after they had shewed -each other what they had done, and made signs of ioy for their meeting, -they set their course to turne backe againe for Holland; and vpon the -16 of August they went vnder the islands of Matfloe and Delgoy, and put -into the road, because the wind was north-west, and lay there till the -18 of August. - -The 18 of August they set saile, and went forward west north-west, and -almost west and by north, and so sailed 12 [48] miles; and then west -and by south 6 [24] miles, and came to a sand of scarce 5 fadome deepe, -with a north-west wind; and in the evening they wound northward, and -sailed east north-east 7 [28] or 8 [32] miles, the wind being -northerly; and then they wound westward, and sailed till the 19 of -August in the morning, west 2 [8] miles; then 2 [8] miles south-west, -and after that 2 [8] miles south-east; there they wound west-ward -againe, and sailed till evening with a calme, and after that had an -east winde, and at first sailed west north-west, and north-west and by -west 6 [24] or 7 [28] miles, and had ground at 12 fadome: then till the -20 of August in the morning, they sayled west north-west, and -north-west and by west, 7 [28] miles with an easterly wind; and then -againe sailed west north-west, and north-west and by west 7 [28] miles; -then west north-west 4 [16] miles, and draue [379] forward till euening -with a calme: after that they sailed west north-west and north-west and -by west 7 [28] miles, and in the night time came to a sand of 3 fadome -deepe right against the land, and so sailed along by it, first one mile -north, then 3 [12] miles north north-west, and it was sandy hilly land, -and many points: [380] and then sailed on forward with 9 or 10 fadome -deepe, along by the land till noone, being the 21 of August, north-west -5 [20] miles; and the west point of the land, called Candinaes, [381] -lay north-west [382] from them 4 [16] miles. - -From thence they sailed 4 [16] miles north north-west, and then -north-west and by north 4 [16] miles, and 3 [12] miles more north-west, -and north-west and by north, and then north-west 4 [16] miles, til the -22 of August in the morning: and that morning they sailed north-west 7 -[28] miles, and so till euening west north-west and north-west and by -west 15 [60] miles, the wind being north; after that 8 [32] miles more, -west north-west; and then till the 23 of August at noone, west -north-west 11 [44] miles, the same day at noone the sunne was eleuated -aboue the horizon 31 degrees and ⅓ part, his declination was 11 degrees -and ⅔ partes; so that it wanted 58 degrees and ⅔ of 90 degrees, and -adding the declination being 11 degrees ⅔ to 58 degrees and ⅔ partes, -then the height of the Pole was 70 degrees and ⅓ part: then they sailed -north-west, and north-west and by west, till euening 8 [32] miles; and -then north-west and by west, and west north-west 5 [20] miles; and then -vntill the 24 of August in the morning, north-west and by west 6 [24] -miles; after that west, and west south-west 3 [12] miles, and then -passed close by the island of Ware-huysen [383] in the roade. From -Ware-huysen hither-ward, because the way is well knowne, I neede not to -write thereof, but that from thence they sailed altogether homeward, -and kept company together till they came to the Texel, where the ship -of Zelandt [The end of this voyage] past by, and William Barents with -his pinnace came vpon a faire day, [384] being the 16 of September, -before Amsterdam, and the ship of Enck-huysen to Enck-huysen, from -whence they were set foorth. William Barents’ men brought a sea-horse -to Amsterdam, being of a wonderfull greatnesse, which they tooke vpon a -flake of ice, and killed it. - - - - - - - - - - - A BRIEFE DECLARATION OF - A SECOND NAUIGATION MADE IN ANNO - 1595, Behinde Norway, Moscouia, - and Tartaria, towards the kingdoms - of Cathaia and China. - - -The 4 ships aforesaid being returned home about harvest-time, in anno -1594, they were in good hope that the voiage aforesaid would be done, -by passing along through the Straights of Weygates, and specially by -the report made by the 2 ships of Zelandt and Enck-huysen, wherein John -Huyghen of Linschoten was committed, [385] who declared the manner of -their trauell in such sort, [386] that the Generall States and Prince -Maurice resolued, in the beginning of the next yeare, to prepare -certaine ships, not only (as they went before) to discouer the passage, -but to send certaine wares and merchandises thither, wherein the -marchants might lade what wares they would, with certaine factors to -sell the saide wares, in such places as they should arrive, neither -paying fraight nor custome. Peter Plantins, [387] a learned -cosmographer, being a great furtherer and setter forward of this -uoiage, and was their chiefe instructer therein, setting downe the -scituation of the coasts of Tartaria, Cathaia, and China; but how they -lye it is not yet sufficiently discouered, for that the courses and -rules by him set downe were not fully effected, by meanes of some -inconueniencies that fell out, which, by reason of the shortnesse of -time could not be holpen. The reasons that some men (not greatly -affected to this uoyage) vse to propound, to affirme it not possible to -be done, are taken (as they say) out of some old and auncient writers: -which is, yt 350 miles [388] at the least of the North Pole on both -sides are not to be sailed, which appeareth not to be true, for that -the White Sea, and farther north-ward, is now sayled and daily fisht -in, cleane contrary to the writings and opinions of auncient writers; -yea, and how many places hath bin discouered that were not knowne in -times past? It is also no marueile (as in the beginning of the first -description of this uoyage I haue sayd), [389] that vnder the North -Pole for 23 degrees, it is as cold on both sides, one as the other, -although it hath not beene fully discouered. Who would beleeue that in -the Periudan mountaines, [390] and the Alpes, that lye betweene Spaine, -Italie, Germanie, and France, there is so great cold, that the snow -thereon neuer melteth, and yet lye a great deale nearer the sunne, then -the countries lying on the North Seas doe, being low countries. [391] -By what meanes then is it so cold in those hilles? onely by meanes of -the deepe uallies, wherein the snow lyes so deepe, that the sunne -cannot shine upon the ground, by reason that the high hilles keepe the -sunne from shining on them. So it is (as I iudge) with the ice in the -Tartarian Seas, which is also called the Ice Sea, about Noua Zembla, -where the ice that commeth into those seas out of the riuers that are -in Tartaria and Cathaia, can not melt, by reason of the great quantitie -thereof, and for that the sun sheweth not high aboue those places, and -therefore casteth not so great a heat, as it can easily melt: which is -the cause that the ice lyeth there still, as the snowe doth in the -hilles of Spaine aforesayd, and that the sayd ice maketh it farre -colder there, then it is a greate deal neerer the Pole in the large -seas; [392] and although those places that are not discouered, cannot -bee so well described as if they were discouered, yet I thought good to -say thus much for a memoriall; and now I will proceed to the -declaration of the second uoyage made into the North Seas. [393] - -In anno 1595, the generall States of the vnited prouinces, and Prince -Maurice, caused seuen shippes to bee prepared to sayle through the -Wey-gates, or the Straights of Nassaue, [394] to the kingdome of -Cathaia and China: two out of Amsterdam, two out of Zelandt, two out of -Enck-huysen, and one out of Roterdam: sixe of them laden with diuers -kindes of wares, marchandizes, and with money, and factors to sell the -said wares; the seuenth beeing a pinace, that had commission, when the -other shippes were past about the Cape de Tabin [395] (which is the -furthest point of Tartaria), or so farre that they might saile foorth -southward without any let or hinderance of the ice, to turne backe -againe, and to bring newes thereof. And I being in William Barents -ship, that was our chiefe pilote, [396] and James Hems-kerke chiefe -factor, [397] thought good to write downe the same in order as it is -here after declared, as I did the first uoyage, according to the course -and stretching of the land as it lyeth. - -First, after we had been mustered at Amsterdam, and euery man taken an -oath that was then purposely ministered vnto vs, [398] vpon the 18 of -June wee sailed to the Texel, from thence to put to sea with other -ships that were appointed to meet vs at a certaine day; and so to begin -our uoiage in the name of God. - -The 2 of July, wee set saile out of the Texel, in the morning at breake -of day, holding our course north-west and by north, and sayled about -sixe [24] miles. - -After that wee sailed north north-west 18 [72] miles, till the 3 of -July in the morning, being then as we esteemed vnder 55 degrees; then -the wind being north-west, and north north-west, calme weather, we -sailed west and west and by south 4 [16] miles, till the 4 of July in -the morning: after that, the winde being north north-west and rather -more northerly, wee sayled west and west and by north 15 [60] miles, -till the 5 of July in the morning, and after that 8 [32] miles more, -till the sunne was west [¼ to 4 P.M.] - -Then we wound about and sailed 10 [40] miles north-east, till the 6 of -July in the morning, and so held on our course for the space of 24 [96] -miles till the 7 July, the sunne being south [¾ p. 10 A.M.], and held -the same course for 8 [32] miles, till midnight. - -Then wee wound about and sailed west south-west fourteene [56] miles, -till the ninth of July in the morning; and then againe wee wound -north-eastward till evening, and so sayled about tenne [40] miles. - -And then eighteene [72] miles more, east-ward, [399] till the tenth of -July in the euening; then we wound about againe and sailed south-west, -eight [32] miles, till the 11 of July, the sunne then being south-east -[½ p. 7 A.M.] - -Then wee wound north and north and by east, about sixteene [64] miles, -till the twelue of July, [400] and then north and by west tenne [40] -miles. - -The 13 of July wee wound about againe, and sailed south-west and west -south-west 10 [40] miles, till about three houres before euening; then -wee wound againe, and sailed north north-east 10 [40] miles, till the -14 of July, the sunne being south south-east [9 A.M.], and then north -and by east and north north-east 18 [72] miles, till the 15 of July in -the morning: after that north and by east 12 [48] miles vntill euening; -then wee saw Norway, and then wee sayled north and by east 18 [72] -miles, till the 16 of July in the euening; at that time the sunne being -north-west [½ p. P.M.]; and vpon the 17 of July, north-east and -north-east and by north, 24 [96] miles, till the sunne was in the west -[¾ p. 3 P.M.] - -Then againe wee sayled north-east, [401] 20 [80] miles, till the 18 of -July, the sunne being north-west; from thence wee sayled north-west and -by north 18 [72] miles, till the 19 of July, when the sunne was west. - -From thence againe we wound about, north-east and by north and -north-east, till the 20 of July, while sixe glasses were run out, in -the first quarter, [402] and then stayed for our pinnace, that could -not follow vs because the wind blew so stiffe: that quarter [403] being -out, we saw our company lying to lee-ward, [404] to stay for vs, and -when wee were gotten to them, wee helde our course (as before) till -euening and sailed about 30 [120] miles. - -Then we sayled south-east and by east 26 [104] miles, till the 21 of -July in the euening, when we set our watch, and held on the same course -for 10 [40] miles till the 22 of July, the sun being south south-east -[9 A.M.]: the same euening, [405] the sun being south south-west [¾ p. -11 A.M.], we saw a great whale right before our bough, [406] that lay -and slept, which by the rushing of the ship that made towards it, and -the noyse of our men, awaked and swamme away, or els wee must haue -sailed full vpon her; and so wee sayled eight [32] miles, till the -sunne was north north-west [¼ p. 9 P.M.]. - -The twenty-third [407] of July wee sayled south-east and by south -fifteene [60] miles, till the sunne was south south-west and saw land -about foure [16] miles from vs. Then wee wound of from the land, when -the sunne was about south south-west, and sayled twentie-foure [96] -miles till euening, that the sunne was north-west. [408] - -After that we sayled north-ward tenne [40] miles, till the twenty-fifth -[409] of July at noone, and then north north-west eight [32] miles, -till mid-night; then wee wound about againe, and sayled east south-east -and south-east and by south, till the twenty sixe of July, the sunne -being south, and had the sunne at seauentie one degrees and ¼. [410] - -The sunne being south south-west, wee wounde about againe and sayled -north-east and by north, till the seauen and twentie of July, the sunne -being south; being vnder 72 degrees and ⅓ partes. [411] - -After that, wee sayled full north-east [412] 16 [64] myles, till the 28 -of July, the sunne being east [½ p. 4 A.M.]. Then we wound about againe -south and by east, till the sunne was north-west, and sayled 8 [32] -miles. After that, south-east and by south 18 [72] miles, till the 29 -[413] of July at midnight. - -After that, we wound about againe, east and by north, and sayled eight -[32] miles, till the 30 of July, when the sunne was north [½ p. 10 -P.M.]; then we wound south south-east, with [414] calme weather, till -the 31 of July, that the sunne was west north-west [415] [5 P.M.], and -sayled sixe [24] miles. - -From thence wee sayled east-ward 8 [32] myles, till the first of August -about midnight, in calme faire weather, and saw Trumpsand [416] -south-east from vs, the sunne being north [½ p. 10 P.M.], and wee being -tenne [40] miles from the land; and so sayled till the sunne was east -[½ p. 7 P.M.], with a litle cold gale [417] out of the east north-east; -and after that, south-east 9 miles and a halfe [38 miles], till the -sunne was north-west. - -Then we wound about againe, being halfe a mile [2 miles] from the land, -and sayled east and by north three [12] miles, till the 3 of August, -the sunne south-west [1 P.M.]; and then along by the land about 5 [20] -miles. - -Then we wound about again, because there lay a rocke or sand, that -reached about a mile and a halfe [6 miles] out from the land into the -sea, whereon Isbrant, the uize-admiral, [418] stroke with his shippe: -but the weather being faire and good, he got off againe. When he stroke -vpon it, he was a litle before vs: and when we heard him cry out, and -saw his shippe in danger, wee in all haste wound about; and the wind -being north-east and by east, and south-east, and south-east and by -south, [419] wee sayled 5 [20] or 6 [24] myles along by the land, till -the sunne was south, vpon the 4 of August. - -Then we tooke the height of the sunne, and found it to be seauentie and -one degrees and ¼. At which time till noone [420] wee had calme -weather: and hauing the wind southerly wee sayled east and by north, -till the fifth of August, the sunne being south-east [½ p. 7 A.M.], the -North Cape [421] lying about two [8] miles east from vs; and when the -sunne was north-west [½ p. 7 P.M.], the Mother and her Daughters [422] -lay south-ward from vs four [16] miles, and in that time we sailed -about fourteene [56] miles. - -Then we sailed east north-east till the 6 of August, when wee had the -sunne west north-west [5 P.M.], and then Isbrandt, the uize-admiral, -came to vs with his ship, and so bating some of our sayles, [423] wee -sayled about 10 [40] miles. - -Then wee hoysed vp our sayles againe, [424] till the sunne was -north-west, and after that halde vp againe [425] with an east and east -north-east wind, and sailed south and by west with a stiffe gale till -the 7 of August, that the sunne was south-east; then there came a ship -of Enckhuysen out of the White Sea, and then we esteemed that wee had -sailed about 8 [32] miles. - -The sunne being south [¾ p. 10 A.M.], the North Cape lay south-west and -by south from vs about a mile and a halfe [6 miles], and the Mother and -her Daughters south-west from vs about 3 [12] miles; then hauing an -east and by north wind we wound about, and held our course north and by -east, and sailed 14 [56] miles till the 8 of August, when the sunne was -south-west [1 P.M.]; then we wound south and by east, and so held her -course till the 9 of August, that the sunne was south; and then we saw -a high point of land south-east from vs, and another high point of land -south-ward, [426] about 4 [16] miles from vs, as we gest, [427] and so -we sailed about 14 [56] miles: and then againe we wound north-east and -by north, till the 10 of August, the sun being east [½ p. 4 A.M.], and -sailed about 8 [32] miles; after that we wound south-ward againe, till -the sunne was north-west [½ p. 7 P.M.], and sailed, as we gest, 10 [40] -miles. - -Then wee wound about againe, when the North Cape lay west and by south -from vs about 9 [36] miles, the North-kyen [428] being south and by -west from vs about 3 [12] miles, and sailed north north-east till the -11 of August, in very mistie weather 10 [40] miles, till the sunne was -south [¾ p. 10 A.M.] - -From thence wee wound about againe, with an east north-east wind, and -sailed south-east and by south 8 [32] miles, till the sunne was -south-west [1 P.M.] vpon the 12 of August; then the North-kyen lying -south-west and by south from vs about 8 [32] miles, we lay and draue at -sea, in calme weather, [429] till the 13 of August, when the sunne was -south south-west [¾ p. 11 A.M.], and in that time sailed about 4 [32] -miles. - -Then we sailed south-east and by east about 4 glasses, [430] and the -Iron-hogge with her companie (being marchants) [431] took their course -south-ward, and wee sailed till the 14 of August (when the sunne was -south) about 18 [72] miles, and from thence for the most part held one -course till the 15 of August, the sunne being east, and there we cast -out the lead and found 70 fadome deepe, and sailed 38 [152] miles till -the sunne was south. - -The sunne being south, [432] and the height thereof being taken, it was -found to be 70 degrees and 47 minutes; then in the night time wee cast -out the lead, and found ground at 40 fadome, it being a bancke; the -sunne being north-west [½ p. 7 P.M.], we cast out the lead againe and -had ground at 64 fadome, and so wee went on east south-east till the 16 -of August, the sunne being north-east [½ p. 1 A.M.], and there the line -being out, we found no ground at 80 fadome; and after that we sailed -east and east and by south, and in that time wee cast the lead often -times out, and found ground at 60 and 70 fadome, either more or lesse, -and so sailed 36 [144] miles, till the sunne was south. - -Then we sailed east, and so continued till the 17 of August, the sunne -being east [½ p. 4 A.M.] and cast out our lead, and found 60 fadome -deepe, clay [433] ground; and then taking the height of the sunne, when -it was south-west and by south, we found it to be 69 degrees and 54 -minutes, and there we saw great store of ice all along the coast of -Noua Zembla, and casting out the lead had 75 fadome soft[1] ground, and -so sayled about 24 [96] miles. - -After that we held diuers courses because of the ice, and sayled -south-east and by east and south south-east for the space of 18 [72] -miles, till the 18 of August, when the sunne was east, and then wee -cast out the lead againe, and found 30 fadome soft [434] ground, and -within two houres after that 25 fadome, red sand, with small shels; -[435] three glasses [436] after that we had ground at 20 fadome, red -sand with blacke shels, [437] as before; then we saw 2 islands, which -they of Enckhuysen gaue the names of Prince Maurice and his brother, -[438] which lay from us south-east 3 [12] miles, being low land, and -then we sailed 8 [32] miles, till the sunne was south. [¾ p. 10 A.M.] - -Then we sailed east, and oftentimes casting out the lead we found 20, -19, 18, and 17 fadome deepe, good grounde mixed with blacke shels, -[439] and saw the Wey-gates (the sunne being west) [¾ p. 3 P.M.], which -lay east north-east from vs about 5 [20] miles; and after that we -sailed about 8 [32] miles. - -Then we sailed vnder 70 degrees, [440] vntill we came to the Wey-gates, -most part through broken ice; and when we got to Wey-gates, we cast out -our lead, and for a long time found 13 and 14 fadome, soft [441] ground -mixed with blacke shels; [442] not long after that wee cast out the -lead and found 10 fadome deepe, the wind being north, and we forced to -hold stifly aloofe, [443] in regard of the great quantity of ice, till -about midnight; then we were forced to wind north-ward, because of -certaine rocks that lay on the south side of Wey-gates, right before vs -about a mile and a halfe [6 miles], hauing ten fadome deepe: then wee -changed our course, and sailed west north-west for the space of 4 -glasses, [444] after that we wound about againe east and east and by -south, and so entred into Wey-gates, and as wee went in, we cast out -the lead, and found 7 fadome deepe, little more or lesse, till the 19 -of August; and then the sunne being south-east [½ p. 7 A.M.] we entered -into the Wey-gates, in the road, the wind being north. - -The right chanell betweene the Image Point [445] and the Samuters land -[446] was full of ice, so that it was not well [447] to be past -through, and so we went into the road, which we called the Trayen Bay, -[448] because we found store of trayen-oyle there: this is a good bay -for the course of the ice, [449] and good almost for all windes, and we -may saile so farre into it as we will at 4, 5, and 3 fadome, good -anchor-ground: on the east side it is deepe [450] water. - -The 20 of August, the height of the sunne being taken with the -crosse-staffe, [451] wee found that it was eleuated aboue the horizon -69 degrees 21 minuts, [452] when it was south-west and by south, being -at the highest, or before it began to descend. - -The 21 of August we went on land within the Wey-gates [453] with foure -and fiftie men, to see the scituation of the countrey, and being 2 [8] -miles within the land, we found many vel-werck trayen, and such like -wares, [454] and diuers footsteps of men and deere; whereby wee -perceived that some men dwelt thereabouts, or else vsed to come -thither. - -And to assure vs the more thereof, wee might perceiue it by the great -number of images, which we found there upon the Image or Beelthooke -[455] (so called by us) in great aboundance, whereof ten dayes after we -were better informed by the Samuters [456] and the Russians, when we -spake with them. - -And when wee entered further [457] into the land, wee vsed all the -meanes we could, to see if we could find any houses, or men, by whom -wee might bee informed of the scituation of the sea [458] there abouts; -whereof afterwards wee had better intelligence by the Samuters, that -tolde vs, that there are certaine men dwelling on the Wey-gates, [459] -and vpon Noua Zembla; but wee could neither finde men, houses, nor any -other things; so that to have better information, we went with some of -our men further south-east into the land, towards the sea-side; [460] -and as we went, we found a path-way made with mens feete in the mosse -or marsh-ground, about halfe knee deepe, for that going so deepe wee -felt hard ground vnder our feete, which at the deepest was no higher -than our shoes; and as wee went forward to the sea coast, wee were -exceeding glad, thinking that wee had seene a passage open, where wee -might get through, because we saw so little ice there: and in the -euening entering into our ship againe, wee shewed them that newes. -Meanetime our maister [461] had sent out a boat to see if the Tartarian -Sea [462] was open, but it could not get into the sea because of the -ice, yet they rowed to the Crosse-point, [463] and there let the boate -lye, and went ouer the land to the West Point, [464] and there -perceiued that the ice in the Tartarian Sea lay full vpon the Russian -coastes, and in the mouth of Wey-gates. - -The twentie three of August wee found a lodgie [465] or boate of -Pitzore, [466] which was sowed together with bast or ropes, [467] that -had beene north-ward to seeke for some sea-horses teeth, trayen, [468] -and geese, which they fetcht with their boat, to lade in certaine -shippes that were to come out of Russia, through Wey-gates. - -Which shippes they sayd (when they spake with vs), were to saile into -the Tartarian Sea, by the riuer of Oby, [469] to a place called Vgolita -[470] in Tartaria, there to stay all winter, as they vsed to doe euery -yeere: and told vs that it would yet bee nine or tenne weekes ere it -began to freeze in that place, and that when it once began to freeze, -it would freeze so hard, that as then men might goe ouer the sea into -Tartaria (along vpon the ice), which they called Mermare. [471] - -The 24 of August in the morning betimes, we went on board of the -lodgie, to haue further information and instruction of the sea on the -east side of Wey-gates, and they gaue vs good instruction such as you -haue heard. - -The 25 of August we went againe to the lodgie, and in friendly maner -spake with them, we for our parts offering them friendship; and then -they gaue vs 8 fat geese, [472] that lay in the bottome of their boat: -we desired that one or two of them would goe with vs on board our ship, -and they willingly went with vs to the number of seuen; and being in -our ship they wondered much at the greatnesse and furniture of our -ship: and after they had seene and looked into it in euery place, [473] -we set fish, [474] butter, and cheese before them to eat, but they -refused it, saying that that day was a fasting day with them; but at -last when they saw some of our pickled-herrings, they eat them, both -heads, tayles, skin, and guts; [475] and hauing eaten thereof, we gaue -them a small ferkin of herrings, for the which they gaue vs great -thankes, knowing not what friendship they should doe vs to requite our -courtesie, and we brought them with our pinnace into the Traen-Bay. - -About noone wee hoysed vp our anchors with a west north-west wind; the -course or stretching of Wey-gates is east to the Cruis point, [476] and -then north-east to the Twist point, [477] and somewhat more easterly: -From thence the land of Wey-gates reacheth north north-east, and north -and by east, and then north, and somewhat westerly; we sayled -north-east and east-ward [478] 2 [8] miles, by the Twist point, but -then we were compelled to saile backe again, because of the great store -of ice, and tooke our course to our road aforesaid; and sayling backe -againe wee found a good place by the Crosse point to anchor in, that -night. - -The 26 of August in the morning we hoysed anchor, and put out our -forke-saile, [479] and so sailed to our old road, there to stay for a -more conuenient time. - -The 28, 29, and 30 of August till the 31, the winde for the most part -was south-west, and William Barents our captaine sayled to the south -side of Wey-gates, and there went on land, [480] where wee found -certaine wilde men (called Samuters), [481] and yet not altogether -wilde, for they being 20 in number staid and spake with our men, being -but 9 together, about a mile [4 miles] within the land, our men not -thinking to find any men there (for that we had at other times beene on -land in the *Wey-gates, and saw none); at last, it being mistie -weather, they perceiued men, [482] fiue and fiue in a company, and we -were hard by them before [483] we knew it. Then our interpreter went -alone towards them to speake with them; which they perceiuing sent one -towardes vs, who comming almost to our men, tooke an arrow out of his -quiuer, offering to shoote at him; wherewith our interpretor, being -without armes, was afraide, and cryed vnto him, saying (in Russian -speach), shoote not, we are friends: which the other hearing, cast his -bow and arrowes to the ground, therewith giuing him to vnderstand that -he was well content to speake with our man: which done, our man called -to him once againe, and sayd, we are friendes; whereunto he made -answere and sayd, then you are welcome: and saluting one the other, -bended both their heades downe towardes the ground, after the Russian -manner. This done, [484] our interpreter questioned with him about the -scituation and stretching of the sea east-ward through the straightes -of Wey-gates; whereof he gaue vs good instruction, saying, that when -they should haue past a poynt of land about 5 dayes sayling from thence -(shewing [485] north-eastward), that after that, there is a great sea -(shewing towardes the south-east vpward [486]); saying, that hee knew -it very well, for that one had been there that was sent thither by -their king with certaine souldiers, [487] whereof he had been captaine. - -The maner of their apparell is like as we vse to paint wild men; but -they are not [488] wilde, for they are of reasonable iudgement. They -are apparelled in hartes [489] skins from the head to the feete, -vnlesse it be the principallest of them, which are apparelled, whether -they bee men or women, like vnto the rest, as aforesayd, vnlesse it bee -on their heads, which they couer with certaine coloured cloth lyned -with furre: the rest wear cappes of hartes or buckes skinnes, the rough -side outwardes, which stand close to their heades, and are very fitte. -They weare long hayre, which they plaite and fold and let it hang downe -vpon their backes. They are (for the most part all) short and low of -stature, with broad flat faces, small eyes, short legges, their knees -standing outwards; and are very quicke to goe and leape. They trust not -strangers: for although that wee shewed them all the courtesie and -friendship that wee could, yet they trusted vs not much: which wee -perceiued hereby, that as vpon the first of September we went againe on -land to them, and that one of our men desired to see one of their -bowes, they refused it, making a signe that they would not doe it. Hee -that they called their king, had centinels standing abroad, to see what -was done in the countrie, and what was bought and sould. At last, one -of our men went neerer to one of the centinels, to speake with him, and -offered him great friendship, according to their accustomed manner; -withall giuing him a bisket, which he with great thankes tooke, and -presently eate it, and while he eate it, hee still lookt diligently -about him on all sides what was done. - -Their sleades [490] stood alwayes ready with one or two hartes in them, -that runne so swiftly with one or two men in them, that our horses were -not able to follow them. One of our men shot a musket towards the sea, -wherewith they were in so great feare that they ranne and leapt like -mad men; yet at last they satisfied themselues when they perceiued that -it was not maliciously done to hurt them: and we told them by our -interpretor, that we vsed our peeces in stead of bowes, whereat they -wondered, because of the great blow and noyse that it gaue and made: -and to shew them what we could doe therewith, one of our men tooke a -flatte stone about halfe a handfull broad, and set it vpon a hill a -good way off from him: which they perceiuing, and thinking that wee -meant some-what thereby, 50 or 60 of them gathered round about vs, and -yet some-what farre off; wherewith hee that had the peece, shotte it -off, and with the bullet smote the stone in sunder, whereat they -woondred much more then before. - -After that we tooke our leaues one of the other, with great friendship -on both sides; and when we were in our penace, [491] we al put off our -hattes and bowed our heades vnto them, sounding our trumpet: they in -their maner saluting vs also, and then went to their sleads againe. - -And after they were gone from vs and were some-what within the land, -one of them came ryding to the shore, to fetch a rough-heawed image, -that our men had taken off the shore and carried into their boate: and -when he was in our boate, and perceiued the image, hee made vs a signe -that wee had not done well to take away that image; which wee -beholding, gaue it to him again: which when he had receiued, he placed -it vpon a hill right by the sea side, and tooke it not with him, but -sent a slead to fetch it from thence. And as farre as wee could -perceiue, they esteemed that image to be their god; [492] for that -right ouer against that place in the Wey-gates, which we called -Beelthooke, [493] we found certaine hundreds of such carued images, all -rough, about the heads being somewhat round, and in the middle hauing a -litle hill instead of a nose, and about the nose two cuttes in place of -eyes, and vnder the nose a cutte in place of a mouth. Before the -images, wee found great store of ashes, and bones of hartes; whereby it -is to be supposed that there they offered vnto them. - -Hauing left the Samuters, the sunne being south-ward, [494] William -Barents, our captaine, spake to the admirall to will him to set sayle, -that they might goe forward; but they had not so many wordes together, -as was betweene them the day before; [495] for that when the admirall -and vize-admirall had spoken with him, [496] the admirall seeming to be -well contented therewith, said vnto him: Captaine, [497] what think you -were best for vs to doe? he made answere, I thinke we should doe well -to set sayle, and goe forward on our uoyage, that wee may accomplish -it. Whereunto the admirall answeared him, and sayd: Looke well what you -doe, captaine: [498] at which time, the sunne was north-west [½ p. 7 -P.M.]. - -The 2 of September, a litle before sunne rising, wee put foorth our -anckor [499] to get out, for that the winde as then blew south -south-west; it being good weather to get out, and ill weather to lie -still: for we lay under a low bancke. [500] The admirall and -vize-admirall seeing vs making out, began also to hoyse their anckors, -and to set sayle. - -When wee put out our focke-sayle, [501] the sunne was east and by south -[½ p. 5 A.M.]; and then we sayled to the Crosse-poynt, and there wee -cast anckor to stay for the vize-admirals pinnace; which with much -labour and paines in time got out of the ice, by often casting out of -their anckor, [502] and in the euening shee got to vs. In the morning, -about 2 houres before sunne rising, we set sayle, and by sunne rising -we got within a mile [4 miles] east-ward of the Twist-poynt, [503] and -sayled north-ward 6 miles, till the sunne was south [¾ p. 10 A.M.]. -Then wee were forced to wind about, because of the great quantitie of -ice, and the mist that then fell; at which time the winde blew so -vncertaine that we could hold no course, but were forced continually to -winde and turne about, [504] by reason of the ice and the -vnconstantnesse of the wind, together with the mist, so that our course -was vncertaine, and we supposed that we had sailed south-ward vp -towardes the Samuters countrey, and then held our course south-west, -till the watchers [505] were north-west from vs; then we came to the -point of the States Island, [506] lying east-ward about a musket shot -from the land, having 13 fadome deepe. - -The 4 of September, we hoysed anchor because of the ice, and sailed -betwene the firme land and the States Island, where wee lay close by -the States Island at 4 and 5 fadome deepe, and made our shippe fast -with a cable cast on the shoare; and there we were safe from the course -of the ice, [507] and diuers time went on land to get [508] hares, -whereof there were many in that island. - -The 6 of September, some of our men went on shore vpon the firme land -to seeke for stones, which are a kinde of diamont, [509] whereof there -are many also in the States Island: and while they were seeking ye -stones, 2 of our mē lying together in one place, a great leane white -beare came sodainly stealing out, and caught one of them fast by the -necke, who not knowing what it was that tooke him by the necke, cried -out and said, Who is that that pulles me so by the necke? Wherewith the -other, that lay not farre from him, [510] lifted vp his head to see who -it was, and perceiuing it to be a monsterous beare, cryed and sayd, Oh -mate, it is a beare! and therewith presently rose vp and ran away. - -The beare at the first faling vpon the man, bit his head in sunder, -[511] and suckt out his blood, wherewith the rest of the men that were -on land, being about 20 in number, ran presently thither, either to -saue the man, or else to driue the beare from the dead body; and hauing -charged their peeces and bent their pikes, [512] set vpon her, that -still was deuouring the man, but perceiuing them to come towards her, -fiercely and cruelly ran at them, and gat another of them out from the -companie, which she tare in peeces, wherewith all the rest ran away. - -We perceiuing out of our ship and pinace that our men ran to the -sea-side to save themselues, with all speed entered into our boates, -and rowed as fast as we could to the shoare to relieue our men. Where -being on land, we beheld the cruell spectacle of our two dead men, that -had beene so cruelly killed and torne in pieces by the beare. Wee -seeing that, incouraged our men to goe backe againe with vs, and with -peeces, curtleaxes, [513] and halfe pikes, to set vpon the beare; but -they would not all agree thereunto, some of them saying, Our men are -already dead, and we shall get the beare well enough, though wee oppose -not our selues into so open danger; if wee might saue our fellowes -liues, then we would make haste; but now wee neede not make such -speede, but take her at an aduantage, with most securitie for our -selues, for we haue to doe with a cruell, fierce and rauenous beast. -Whereupon three of our men went forward, the beare still deuouring her -prey, not once fearing the number of our men, and yet they were thirtie -at the least: the three that went forward in that sort, were Cornelius -Jacobson, [514] maister of William Barents shippe, William Gysen, -pilote of the pinace, and Hans van Nufflen, William Barents purser: -[515] and after that the sayd maister and pilote had shot three times -and mist, the purser stepping somewhat further forward, and seeing the -beare to be within the length of a shot, presently leauelled his peece, -and discharging it at the beare, shot her into the head betweene both -the eyes, and yet shee held the man still faste by the necke, and -lifted vp her head, with the man in her mouth, but shee beganne -somewhat to stagger; wherewith the purser and a Scotishman [516] drew -out their courtlaxes, and stroke at her so hard that their courtlaxes -burst, [517] and yet she would not leaue the man. At last William -Geysen went to them, and with all his might stroke the beare vpon the -snowt with his peece, at which time the beare fell to the ground, -making a great noyse, and William Geyson leaping vpon her cut her -throat. The seuenth of September wee buryed the dead bodyes of our men -in the States Island, and hauing fleaed the beare, carryed her skinne -to Amsterdam. - -The ninth of September, wee set saile from the States Island, [518] but -the ice came in so thicke and with such force, that wee could not get -through; so that at euening wee came backe againe to the States Island, -the winde being westerly. There the admirale and the pinace of Roterdam -fell on ground by certaine rockes, but gote off againe without any -hurt. - -The tenth of September wee sayled againe from the States Island towards -the Wey-gates, and sent two boates into the sea to certifie vs what -store of ice was abroad; and that euening we came all together into -Wey-gates, and anckored by the Twist Point. [519] - -The 11 of September in the morning, we sailed againe into the Tartarian -Sea, [520] but we fell into great store of ice, so that wee sailed back -againe to the Wey-gates, and anckored by the Crosse Point, and about -mid-night we saw a Russian lodgie, [521] that sailed from the -Beeltpoint [522] towardes the Samuters land. The 13 of September, the -sunne being south [¾ p. 10 A.M.], there beganne a great storme to blow -out of the south south-west, [523] the weather being mistie, -melancholly, [524] and snowie, [525] and the storme increasing more and -more, we draue through. [526] - -The 14 of September the weather beganne to bee somewhat clearer, the -winde being north-west, and the storme blowing stiffe [527] out of the -Tartarian Sea; but at euening it was [528] faire weather, and then the -wind blewe north-east. The same day our men went on the other side of -Wey-gates on the firme land, [529] to take the depth of the channel, -and entered into the bough behinde the islands, [530] where there stood -a little howse made of wood, and a great fall of water into the land. -[531] The same morning we hoysed vp our anckor, [532] thinking once -againe to try what we could doe to further our uoyage; but our admirall -being of another minde, lay still till the fifteene of September. - -The same day in the morning the winde draue in from the east end of the -Wey-gates, [533] whereby wee were forced presently to hoyse anchors, -and the same day sailed out from the west ende of the Wey-gates, with -all our fleete, and made home-wardes againe, and that day past by the -islands called Matfloe and Delgoy, [534] and that night wee sayled -twelue [48] miles, north-west and by west, till Saterday in the -morning, and then the winde fell north-east, and it began to snow. - -The 16 of September, from morning to evening, wee sayled west -north-west 18 [72] miles, at 42 fadome deepe; in the night it snowed, -and there blew very much winde out of the north-east: the first quarter -[535] wee had 40 fadome deepe, but in the morning we saw not any of our -ships. - -After that wee sailed all the night againe till the 17 of September in -the morning, with two schower sailes, [536] north-west and by west and -west north-west 10 [40] miles; the same day in the second quarter we -had 50 fadome deepe, and in the morning 38 fadome deepe, sandy ground -with blacke shels. [537] - -Sunday in the morning wee had the winde north and north-west, with a -great gale, and then the admirals pinnace kept vs company, and sailed -by vs with one saile from morning to evening, south south-west and -south-west and by south, for the space of 6 [24] miles. - -Then we saw the point of Candynaes [538] lying south-east from vs, and -then wee had 27 fadome deepe, redde sand with blacke shels. Sunday at -night wee put out our focke sayle, [539] and wound northward ouer, and -sayled all that night till Munday in the morning, 7 [28] or 8 [32] -miles north-east and north-east and by east. - -The 18 of September in the morning, wee lost the sight of the pinnace -that followed vs, and till noone sought after her, but wee could not -finde her, and sailed [540] east-ward 3 [12] miles, and from noone till -night wee sailed north and by east foure [16] miles. And from Munday at -night till Tuesday in the morning, north-east and by north, seuen [28] -miles; and from morning till noone, north-east and by north, 4 [16] -miles; and from noone till night, north-east, [541] 5 [20] or 6 [24] -miles, at 55 fadome deepe; the same euening wee woond south-ward, and -sailed so till morning. - -The 20 of September, wee sayled south and by west and south south-west, -7 [28] or 8 [32] miles, at 80 fadome deepe, black slimie ground; from -morning till noone wee sailed with both our marsh sailes, [542] -south-west and by west 5 [20] miles, and from noone to night west and -by south 5 [20] miles. - -The 21 of September from night [543] till Thurseday in the morning, wee -sayled one quarter [544] west, and so till day, still west, 7 [28] -miles, at 64 fadome deepe, oasie ground. - -From morning till noone, south-west 5 [20] miles, at 65 fadome deepe, -oasie ground: at noone wee wound north-ward againe, and for three -houres sayled north-east two [8] myles: then we wound westward againe, -and sayled till night, while halfe our second quarter was out, [545] -with two schoure sayles, [546] south south-west and south-west and by -south sixe [24] myles. After that, in the second quarter, wee wound -north-ward, and sayled so till Fryday in the morning. - -The 22 of September wee sayled north and by east and north north-east 4 -[16] miles: [547] and from morning till noone, north-east, 4 [16] -myles. Then wee wound west-ward againe, and sayled north-west and by -west and north-west three [12] miles. After that, the first quarter, -[548] north-west and by west, fiue [20] miles; the second quarter, west -and by north, foure [16] miles; and till Saterday in the morning, being -the 23 of September, west south-west and south-west and by west, foure -[16] miles. From Saterday in the morning till euening wee sayled with -two schoure sailes, [549] south-west and south-west and by west, 7 [28] -or 8 [32] miles, the winde being north north-west. In the euening we -wound north-ward, and sayled till Sunday in the morning, being the 24 -of September, with two schoure sayles, very neare east, with a stiffe -north north-west wind, 8 [32] miles; and from morning till noone, east -and by south, three [12] miles, with a north winde. Then we wound -west-ward, and till euening sayled west south-west three [12] miles; -and all that night till Monday in the morning, the 25 of September, -west and by south, sixe [24] miles, the winde being north. In the -morning the wind fell north-east, and we sailed from morning till -euening west and west and by north, 10 [40] miles, hauing 63 fadome -deepe, sandy ground. - -From euening till Tuesday in the morning, being the 26 of September, we -sailed west 10 [40] miles, and then in the morning wee were hard by the -land, about 3 [12] miles east-ward from Kildwin; [550] and then we -wound off from the land, and so held off for 3 houres together; after -that we wound towards the land againe, and thought to goe into Kilduin, -but we were too low; [551] so that after-noone we wound off from the -land againe, and till euening sailed east north-east 5 [20] miles; and -from euening til two houres before Wednesday in the morning, being the -27 of September, we sailed east 6 [24] miles; then we wound west-ward, -and till euening sailed west and by north 8 [32] miles, and in the -euening came againe before Kilduin; then wee wound farre off from the -land, and sailed 2 quarters [552] north-east and by east and east -north-east 6 [24] miles; and about [553] Friday in the morning, being -the 28 of September, wee wound about againe, and sayled with diuers -variable windes, sometimes one way, then another way, till euening; -then wee gest [554] that Kilduin lay west from vs foure [16] miles, and -at that time wee had an east north-east winde, and sayled north -north-west and north-west and by north, till Satterday in the morning -12 [48] or 13 [52] miles. - -The nine and twentieth of September in the morning, wee sayled -north-west and by west foure [16] miles; and all that day till euening -it was faire, still, pleasant, and sunne-shine weather. In the euening -wee went west south-west, and then wee were about sixe [24] miles from -the land, and sayled till Sunday in the morning, beeing the 30 of -September, north north-west eight [32] miles; then wee wound towardes -the land, and the same day in the euening entered into Ward-house, -[555] and there wee stayed till the tenth of October. And that day wee -set sayle out of Ward-house, and vpon the eighteene of Nouember wee -arriued in the Maes. - -The course or miles from Ward-house into Holland I haue not here set -downe, as being needlesse, because it is a continuall uoiage knowne to -most men. - - - THE END OF THE SECOND VOYAGE. - - - - - - - - - - THE THIRD VOYAGE NORTH-WARD - TO THE KINGDOMES OF CATHAIA - and China, in Anno 1596. - - -After that the seuen shippes (as I saide before) were returned backe -againe from their north uoiage, with lesse benefit than was expected, -the Generall States of the United Prouinces consulted together to send -certaine ships thither againe a third time, [556] to see if they might -bring the sayd uoyage to a good end, if it were possible to be done: -but after much consultation had, they could not agree thereon; yet they -were content to cause a proclamation to be made, [557] that if any, -either townes or marchants, were disposed to venture to make further -search that way at their owne charges, if the uoyage were accomplished, -and that thereby it might bee made apparent that the sayd passage was -to be sayled, they were content to give them a good reward in the -countryes behalfe, naming a certaine summe [558] of money. Whereupon in -the beginning of this yeare, there was two shippes rigged and set -foorth by the towne of Amsterdam, to sayle that uoyage, the men therein -being taken vp vpon two conditions: viz., what they should have if the -uoyage were not accomplished, and what they should have if they got -through and brought the uoiage to an end, promising them a good reward -if they could effect it, thereby to incourage the men, taking vp as -many vnmarryed men as they could, that they might not bee disswaded by -means of their wiues and children, to leaue off the uoyage. Upon these -conditions, those two shippes were ready to set saile in the beginning -of May. In the one, Jacob Heemskerke Hendrickson was master and factor -for the wares and marchandise, [559] and William Barents chiefe pilote. -In the other, John Cornelison Rijp [560] was both master and factor for -the goods that the marchants had laden in her. - -The 5 of May all the men in both the shippes were mustered, and vpon -the tenth of May they sayled from Amsterdam, and the 13 of May got to -the Vlie. [561] The sixteenth wee set saile out of the Vlie, but the -tyde being all most spent [562] and the winde north-east, we were -compelled to put in againe; at which time John Cornelisons ship fell on -ground, [563] but got off againe, and wee anchored at the east ende of -the Vlie. [564] The 18 of May wee put out of the Vlie againe with a -north-east winde, and sayled north north-west. The 22 of May wee saw -the islands of Hitland [565] and Feyerilland, the winde beeing -north-east. The 24 of May wee had a good winde, and sayled north-east -till the 29th of May; then the winde was against vs, and blewe -north-east in our top-sayle. [566] The 30 of May we had a good winde, -[567] and sailed north-east, and we tooke the height of the sunne with -our crosse-staffe, and found that it was eleuated aboue the horizon 47 -degrees and 42 minutes, [568] his declination was 21 degrees and 42 -minutes, so that the height of the Pole was 69 degrees and -twentie-foure minutes. - -The first of June wee had no night, and the second of June wee had the -winde contrary; but vpon the fourth of June wee had a good winde out of -the west north-west, and sayled north-east. - -And when the sunne was about south south-east [½ p. 9 A.M.], wee saw a -strange sight in the element: [569] for on each side of the sunne there -was another sunne, and two raine-bowes that past cleane through the -three sunnes, and then two raine-bowes more, the one compassing round -about the sunnes, [570] and the other crosse through the great rundle; -[571] the great rundle standing with the vttermost point [572] eleuated -aboue the horizon 28 degrees. At noone, the sunne being at the highest, -the height thereof was measured, and wee found by the astrolabium that -it was eleuated aboue the horizon 48 degrees and 43 minutes, [573] his -declination was 22 degrees and 17 minutes, the which beeing added to 48 -degrees 43 minutes, it was found that wee were vnder 71 degrees of the -height of the Pole. - -John Cornelis shippe held aloofe from vs and would not keepe with vs, -but wee made towards him, and sayled north-east, bating a point of our -compasse, [574] for wee thought that wee were too farre west-ward, as -after it appeared, otherwise wee should haue held our course -north-east. And in the euening when wee were together, [575] wee tolde -him that wee were best to keepe more easterly, because we were too -farre west-ward; but his pilote made answere that they desired not to -goe into the Straights of Weygates. There course was north-east and by -north, and wee were about 60 [240] miles to sea-warde in from the land, -[576] and were to sayle north-east [577] when wee had the North Cape in -sight, and therefore wee should rather haue sailed east north-east and -not north north-east, because wee were so farre west-ward, to put our -selues in our right course againe: and there wee tolde them that wee -should rather haue sayled east-ward, at the least for certaine miles, -vntill wee had gotten into our right course againe, which by meanes of -the contrary winde wee had lost, as also because it was north-east; but -whatsoeuer wee sayde and sought to councell them for the best, they -would holde no course but north north-east, for they alleaged that if -wee went any more easterly that then wee should enter into the -Wey-gates; but wee being not able [with many hard words] [578] to -perswade them, altered our course one point of the compasse, to meete -them, and sayled north-east and by north, and should otherwise haue -sayled north-east and somewhat [579] more east. - -The fifth of June wee sawe the first ice, which wee wondered at, at the -first thinking that it had been white swannes, for one of our men -walking in the fore-decke, [580] on a suddaine beganne to cry out with -a loud voyce, and sayd that hee sawe white swans: which wee that were -vnder hatches [581] hearing, presently came vp, and perceiued that it -was ice that came driuing from the great heape, [582] showing like -swannes, it being then about euening: at mid-night wee sailed through -it, and the sunne was about a degree eleuated aboue the horizon in the -north. - -The sixth of June, about foure of the clocke in the after-noone, wee -entred againe into the ice, which was so strong that wee could not -passe through it, and sayled south-west and by west, till eight glasses -were runne out; [583] after that wee kept on our course north -north-east, and sayled along by the ice. - -The seuenth of June wee tooke the height of the sunne, and found that -it was eleuated aboue the horizon thirtie eight degrees and thirtie -eight minutes, his declination beeing twentie two degrees thirtie eight -minutes; which beeing taken from thirtie eight degrees thirty eight -minutes, wee found the Pole to bee seuentie foure degrees: there wee -found so great a store of ice, that it was admirable: and wee sayled -along through it, as if wee had past betweene two lands, the water -being as greene as grasse; and wee supposed that we were not farre from -Greene-land, and the longer wee sayled the more and thicker ice we -found. - -The eight of June wee came to so great a heape of ice, that wee could -not saile through it, because it was so thicke, and therefore wee wound -about south-west and by west till two glasses were runne out, [584] and -after that three glasses [585] more south south-west, and then south -three glasses, to sayle to the island that wee saw, as also to shunne -the ice. - -The ninth of June wee found the islande, that lay vnder 74 degrees and -30 minutes, [586] and (as wee gest) it was about fiue [20] miles long. -[587] - -The tenth of June wee put out our boate, and therewith eight of our men -went on land; and as wee past by John Cornelisons shippe, eight of his -men also came into our boate, whereof one was the pilote. Then William -Barents [our pilot] asked him whether wee were not too much west-ward, -but hee would not acknowledge it: whereupon there passed many wordes -betweene them, for William Barents sayde hee would prooue it to bee so, -as in trueth it was. - -The eleuenth of June, going on land, wee found great store of sea-mewes -egges vpon the shoare, and in that island wee were in great danger of -our liues: for that going vp a great hill of snowe, [588] when we -should come down againe, wee thought wee should all haue broken our -neckes, it was so slipperie [589] but we sate vpon the snowe [590] and -slidde downe, which was very dangerous for vs to breake both our armes -and legges, for that at the foote of the hill there was many rockes, -which wee were likely to haue fallen vpon, yet by Gods help wee got -safely downe againe. - -Meane time William Barents sate in the boate, and sawe vs slide downe, -and was in greater feare then wee to behold vs in that danger. In the -sayd island we found the varying of our compasse, which was 13 degrees, -so that it differed a whole point at the least; after that wee rowed -aboard John Cornelisons shippe, and there wee eate our eggs. - -The 12 of June in the morning, wee saw a white beare, which wee rowed -after with our boate, thinking to cast a roape about her necke; but -when we were neere her, shee was so great [591] that we durst not doe -it, but rowed backe again to our shippe to fetch more men and our -armes, and so made to her againe with muskets, hargubushes, halbertes, -and hatchets, John Cornellysons men comming also with their boate [592] -to helpe vs. And so beeing well furnished of men and weapons, wee rowed -with both our boates vnto the beare, and fought with her while foure -glasses were runne out, [593] for our weapons could doe her litle hurt; -and amongst the rest of the blowes that wee gaue her, one of our men -stroke her into the backe with an axe, which stucke fast in her backe, -and yet she swomme away with it; but wee rowed after her, and at last -wee cut her head in sunder with an axe, wherewith she dyed; and then we -brought her into John Cornelysons shippe, where wee fleaed her, and -found her skinne to bee twelue foote long: which done, wee eate some of -her flesh; but wee brookt it not well. [594] This island wee called the -Beare Island. [595] - -The 13 of June we left the island, and sayled north and somewhat -easterly, the winde being west and south-west, and made good way; so -that when the sunne was north [¼ p. 11 P.M.], we gest that wee had -sayled 16 [64] miles north-ward from that island. - -The 14 of June, when the sunne was north, wee cast out our lead 113 -fadome deepe, but found no ground, and so sayled forward till the 15 of -June, when the sunne was south-east [½ p. 8 A.M.], with mistie and -drisling [596] weather, and sayled north and north and by east; about -euening it cleared up, and then wee saw a great thing driuing [597] in -the sea, which we thought had been a shippe, but passing along by it -wee perceiued it to be a dead whale, that stouncke monsterously; and on -it there sate a great number of sea meawes. At that time we had sayled -20 [80] miles. - -The 16 of June, with the like speed wee sayled north and by east, with -mistie weather; and as wee sayled, wee heard the ice before wee saw it; -but after, when it cleared vp, wee saw it, and then wound off from it, -when as wee guest wee had sayled 30 [120] miles. - -The 17 and 18 of June, wee saw great store of ice, and sayled along by -it vntill wee came to the poynt, which wee could not reach, [598] for -that the winde was south-east, which was right against vs, and the -point of ice lay south-ward from vs: yet we laueared [599] a great -while to get beyond it, but we could not do it. - -The 19 of June we saw land againe. Then wee tooke the height of the -sunne, and found that it was eleuated aboue the horizon 33 degrees and -37 minutes, her declination being 23 degrees and 26 minutes; which -taken from the sayd 33 degrees and 37 minutes, we found that we were -vnder 80 degrees and 11 minutes, which was the height of the Pole -there. [600] - -This land was very great, [601] and we sayled west-ward along by it -till wee were vnder 79 degrees and a halfe, where we found a good road, -and could not get neere to the land because the winde blew north-east, -which was right off from the land: the bay reacht right north and south -into the sea. - -The 21 of June we cast out our anchor at 18 fadome before the land; and -then wee and John Cornelysons men rode on the west side of the land, -and there fetcht balast: and when wee got on board againe with our -balast, wee saw a white beare that swamme towardes our shippe; -wherevpon we left off our worke, and entering into the boate with John -Cornelisons men, rowed after her, and crossing her in the way, droue -her from the land; where-with shee swamme further into the sea, and wee -followed her; and for that our boate [602] could not make way after -her, we manned out our scute [603] also, the better to follow her: but -she swamme a mile [4 miles] into the sea; yet wee followed her with the -most part of all our men of both shippes in three boates, and stroke -often times at her, cutting and heawing her, so that all our armes were -most broken in peeces. During our fight with her, shee stroke her -clowes [604] so hard in our boate, that the signes thereof were seene -in it; but as hap was, it was in the forehead of our boate: [605] for -if it had been in the middle thereof, she had (peraduenture) -ouer-throwne it, they haue such force in their clawes. At last, after -we had fought long with her, and made her wearie with our three boates -that kept about her, we ouercame her and killed her: which done, we -brought her into our shippe and fleaed her, her skinne being 13 foote -long. - -After that, we rowed with our scute about a mile [4 miles] inward to -the land, [606] where there was a good hauen and good anchor ground, on -the east-side being sandie: there wee cast out our leade, and found 16 -fadome deepe, and after that 10 and 12 fadom; and rowing further, we -found that on the east-side there was two islands that reached -east-ward into the sea: on the west-side also there was a great creeke -or riuer, which shewed also like an island. Then we rowed to the island -that lay in the middle, and there we found many red geese-egges, [607] -which we saw sitting vpon their nests, and draue them from them, and -they flying away cryed red, red, red: [608] and as they sate we killed -one goose dead with a stone, which we drest and eate, and at least 60 -egges, that we tooke with vs aboard the shippe; and vpon the 22 of June -wee went aboard our shippe againe. - -Those geese were of a perfit red coulor, [609] such as come into -Holland about Weiringen, [610] and euery yeere are there taken [Red -geese breed their yong geese under 80 degrees in Green-land.] in -abundance, but till this time it was neuer knowne where they [laid and] -hatcht their egges; so that some men haue taken vpon them to write that -they sit vpon trees [611] in Scotland, that hang ouer the water, and -such egges as fall from them downe into the water [612] become yong -geese and swimme there out of the water; [613] but those that fall vpon -the land burst in sunnder and are lost: [614] but this is now found to -be contrary, and it is not to bee wondered at that no man could tell -where they breed [615] their egges, for that no man that euer we knew -had euer beene vnder 80 degrees, nor that land vnder 80 degrees was -neuer set downe in any card, [616] much lesse the red geese that breed -therein. - -It is here also to be noted, that although that in this land, which we -esteeme to be Greene-land, lying vnder 80 degrees and more, there -groweth leaues and grasse, and that there are such beasts therein as -eat grasse, as harts, buckes, and such like beastes as liue thereon; -yet in Noua Zembla, under 76 degrees, there groweth neither leaues nor -grasse, nor any beasts that eate grasse or leaues liue therein, [617] -but such beastes as eate flesh, as beares and foxes: and yet this land -lyeth full 4 degrees [further] from the North Pole as Greeneland -aforesaid doth. - -The 23 of June we hoysted anchor againe, and sayled north-west-ward -into the sea, but could get no further by reason of the ice; and so wee -came to the same place againe where wee had laine, and cast anchor at -18 fadome: and at euening [618] being at anchor, the sunne being -north-east and somewhat more east-warde, wee tooke the height thereof, -and found it to be eleuated above the horizon 13 degrees and 10 -minutes, his declination being 23 degrees and 28 minutes; which -substracted from the height aforesaid, [619] resteth 10 degrees and 18 -minutes, which being substracted from 90 degrees, then the height of -the Pole, there was 79 degrees and 42 minutes. - -After that, we hoysted anchor againe, and sayled along by the west side -of the land, [620] and then our men went on land, to see how much the -needle of the compasse varyed. Mean time, there came a greate white -beare swimming towardes the shippe, and would haue climbed up into it -if we had not made a noyse, and with that we shot at her with a peece, -but she left the shippe and swam to the land, where our men were: which -wee perceiuing, sayled with our shippe towardes the land, and gaue a -great shoute; wherewith our men thought that wee had fallen on a rocke -with our shippe, which made them much abashed; and therewith the beare -also being afraide, swam off againe from the land and left our men, -which made vs gladde: for our men had no weapons about them. - -Touching the varying of the compasse, for the which cause our men went -on land to try the certaintie thereof, it was found to differ 16 -degrees. - -The 24 of June we had a south-west winde, and could not get aboue the -island, [621] and therefore wee sayled backe againe, and found a hauen -that lay foure [16] miles from the other hauen, on the west side of the -great hauen, and there cast anchor at twelue fadome deepe. There wee -rowed a great way in, and went on land; and there wee founde two -sea-horses teeth that waighed sixe pound: wee also found many small -teeth, and so rowed on board againe. - -The 25 of June we hoysted anchor againe, and sayled along by the land, -and went south and south south-west, with a north north-east winde, -vnder 79 degrees. There we found a great creeke or riuer, [622] -whereinto we sailed ten [40] miles at the least, holding our course -south-ward; but we perceiued that there wee could not get through: -there wee cast out our leade, and for the most part found ten fadome -deepe, but wee were constrained to lauere [623] out againe, for the -winde was northerly, and almost full north; [624] and wee perceaued -that it reached to the firm land, which we supposed to be low-land, for -that wee could not see it any thing farre, and therefore wee sailed so -neere vnto it till that wee might see it, and then we were forced to -lauere [back], and vpon the 27 of June we got out againe. - -The twenty eight of June wee gate beyonde the point that lay on the -west-side, where there was so great a number of birds that they flew -against our sailes, and we sailed 10 [40] miles south-ward, and after -that west, to shun the ice. - -The twenty nine of June wee sayled south-east, and somewhat more -easterly, along by the land, till wee were vnder 76 degrees and 50 -minutes, for wee were forced to put off from the land, because of the -ice. - -The thirteeth of June we sayled south and somewhat east, and then we -tooke the height of the sun, and found that it was eleuated aboue the -horizon 38 degrees and 20 minutes, his declination was 23 degrees and -20 minutes, which being taken from the former height, it was found that -wee were vnder 75 degrees. [625] - -The first of July wee saw the Beare-Island [626] againe, and then John -Cornelison and his officers came aboard of our ship, to speak with vs -about altering of our course; but wee being of a contrary opinion, it -was agreed that wee should follow on our course and hee his: which was, -that hee (according to his desire) should saile vnto 80 degrees againe; -for hee was of opinion that there hee should finde a passage through, -on the east-side of the land that lay vnder 80 degrees. [627] And vpon -that agreement wee left each other, they sayling north-ward, and wee -south-ward because of the ice, the winde being east south-east. - -The second of July wee sailed east-ward, and were vnder 74 degrees, -hauing the wind north north-west, and then wee wound ouer another bough -[628] with an east north-east winde, and sayled north-ward. In the -euening, the sunne beeing about north-west and by north [9 P.M.], wee -wound about againe (because of the ice) with an east winde, and sailed -south south-east; and about east south-east sun [629] [¼ p. 7 A.M.] we -wound about againe (because of the ice), and the sunne being south -south-west [½ p. 12 P.M.] we wound about againe, and sailed north-east. - -The third of July wee were vnder 74 degrees, hauing a south-east and by -east wind, and sailed north-east and by north: after that we wound -about againe with a south wind and sayled east south-east till the -sunne was north-west [¼ p. 8 P.M.], then the wind began to be somewhat -larger. [630] - -The fourth of July wee sailed east and by north, and found no ice, -which wee wondered at, because wee sailed so high; [631] but when the -sunne was almost south, we were forced to winde about againe by reason -of the ice, and sailed westward with a north-wind; after that, the -sunne being north [11 P.M.], wee sailed east south-east with a -north-east wind. - -The fifth of July wee sailed north north-east till the sunne was south -[11 A.M.]: then wee wound about, and went east south-east with a -north-east winde. Then wee tooke the height of the sunne, and found it -to bee eleuated aboue the horizon 39 degrees and 27 minutes, his -declination being 22 degrees and 53 minutes, which taken from the high -aforesaid, we found that wee were under the height of the Poole -seuentie three degrees and 20 minutes. [632] - -The seuenth of July wee cast out our whole lead-lyne, but found no -ground, and sailed east and by south, the wind being north-east and by -east, and were vnder 72 degrees and 12 minutes. - -The eight of July we had a good north [by] west wind, and sailed east -and by north, with an indifferent cold gale of wind, [633] and got -vnder 72 degrees and 15 minutes. The ninth of July we went east and by -north, the wind being west. The tenth of July, the sunne being south -south-west [9 A.M.], we cast out our lead and had ground at 160 fadome, -the winde being north-east and by north, and we sailed east and by -south vnder 72 degrees. - -The 11 of July we found 70 fadome deepe, and saw no ice; then we gest -that we were right south and north from Dandinaes, [634] that is the -east point of the White-Sea, that lay southward from vs, and had sandy -ground, and the bancke stretched north-ward into the sea, so that wee -were out of doubt that we were vpon the bancke of the White Sea, for -wee had found no sandy ground all the coast along, but onely that -bancke. Then the winde being east and by south, we sayled south and -south and by east, vnder 72 degrees, and after that we had a south -south-east winde, and sayled north-east to get ouer the bancke. - -In the morning wee draue forward with a calme, [635] and found that we -were vnder 72 degrees, and then againe wee had an east south-east -winde, the sunne being about south-west [2 P.M.], and sayled -north-east; and casting out our lead found 150 fadome deepe, clay -ground, and then we were ouer the bancke, which was very narrow, for -wee sailed but 14 glasses, [636] and gate ouer it when the sunne was -about north north-east [¼ p. 12 A.M.]. - -The twelfth of July wee sayled north and by east, the winde being east; -and at euening, [637] the sunne being north north-east, we wound about -againe, hauing the winde north north-east, and sayled east and by south -till our first quarter [638] was out. - -The thirteenth of July wee sayled east, with a north north-east wind: -then we tooke the height of the sunne and found it to bee eleuated -aboue the horizon 54 degrees and 38 minutes, [639] his declination was -21 degrees and 54 minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, the -height of the Pole was found to be 73 degrees; and then againe wee -found ice, but not very much, and wee were of opinion that wee were by -Willoughbies-land. [640] - -The fourteenth of July wee sailed north-east, the winde being north -north-west, and in that sort sayled about a dinner time [641] along -through the ice, and in the middle thereof wee cast out our leade, and -had 90 fadome deepe; in the next quarter wee cast out the lead againe -and had 100 fadome deepe, and we sayled so farre into the ice that wee -could goe no further: for we could see no place where it opened, but -were forced (with great labour and paine) to lauere out of it againe, -the winde blowing west, and wee were then vnder seuentie foure degrees -and tenne minutes. - -The fifteenth of July wee draue through the middle of the ice with a -calme, [642] and casting out our leade had 100 fadome deepe, at which -time the winde being east, wee sayled [south-] west. - -The sixteenth of July wee got out of the ice, and sawe a great beare -lying vpon it, that leaped into the water when shee saw vs. Wee made -towards her with our shippe; which shee perceiuing, gotte vp vpon the -ice againe, wherewith wee shot once at her. - -Then we sailed east south-east and saw no ice, gessing that wee were -not farre from Noua Zembla, because wee sawe the beare there vpon the -ice, at which time we cast out the lead and found 100 fadome deepe. - -The seuenteenth of July we tooke the height of the sunne, and it was -eleuated aboue the horizon 37 degrees and 55 minutes; his declination -was 21 degrees and 15 minutes, which taken from the height aforesaid, -the height of the Pole was 74 degrees and 40 minutes: [643] and when -the sunne was in the south [11 A.M.], wee saw the land of Noua Zembla, -which was about Lomsbay. [644] I was the first that espied it. Then wee -altered our course, and sayled north-east and by north, and hoysed vp -all our sailes except the fore-saile and the lesien. [645] - -The eighteenth of July wee saw the land againe, beeing vnder 75 -degrees, and sayled north-east and by north with a north-west winde, -and wee gate aboue the point of the Admirals Island, [646] and sayled -east north-east with a west winde, the land reaching north-east and by -north. - -The nineteenth of July wee came to the Crosse-Island, [647] and could -then get no further by reason of the ice, for there the ice lay still -close vpon the land, at which time the winde was west and blewe right -vpon the land, and it lay vnder 76 degrees and 20 minutes. There stood -2 crosses vpon the land, whereof it had the name. - -The twenteeth of July wee anchored vnder the island, for wee could get -no further for the ice. There wee put out our boate, and with eight men -rowed on land, and went to one of the crosses, where we rested vs -awhile, to goe to the next crosse, but beeing in the way we saw two -beares by the other crosse, at which time wee had no weapons at all -about vs. The beares rose vp vpon their hinder feete to see vs (for -they smell further than they see), and for that they smelt us, -therefore they rose vpright and came towards vs, wherewith we were not -a little abashed, in such sort that wee had little lust [648] to laugh, -and in all haste went to our boate againe, still looking behinde vs to -see if they followed vs, thinking to get into the boate and so put off -from the land: but the master [649] stayed us, saying, hee that first -beginnes to runne away, I will thrust this hake-staffe [650] (which hee -then held in his hand) into his ribs, [651] for it is better for vs -(sayd hee) to stay altogether, and see if we can make them afraid with -whooping and hallowing; and so we went softly towards the boate, and -gote away glad that wee had escaped their clawes, and that wee had the -leysure to tell our fellowes thereof. - -The one and twenteeth of July wee tooke the height of the sunne, and -found that it was eleuated aboue the horizon thirtie fiue degrees and -fifteene minutes; his declination was one and twentie degrees, which -being taken from the height aforesaide, there rested fourteene degrees, -which substracted from ninetie degrees, then the height of the Pole was -found to be seuentie sixe degrees and fifteene minutes: [652] then wee -found the variation of the compasse to be iust twentie sixe degrees. -The same daye two of our men went againe to the crosse, and found no -beares to trouble vs, and wee followed them with our armes, fearing -lest wee might meet any by chance; and when we came to the second -crosse, wee found the foote-steps of 2 beares, and saw how long they -had followed vs, which was an hundreth foote-steps at the least, that -way that wee had beene the day before. - -The two and twentie of July, being Monday, wee set vp another crosse -and made our marke[s] thereon, and lay there before the Cross Island -till the fourth of August; meane time we washt and whited [653] our -linnen on the shoare. - -The thirtie of July, the sunne being north [½ p. 10 P.M.], there came a -beare so neere to our shippe that wee might hit her with a stone, and -wee shot her into the foote with a peece, wherewith shee ranne halting -away. - -The one and thirteeth of July, the sunne being east north-east [¾ p. 2 -A.M.], seuen of our men killed a beare, and fleaed her, and cast her -body into the sea. The same day at noone (by our instrument) wee found -the variation of the nedle of the compasse to be 17 degrees. [654] - -The first of August wee saw a white beare, but shee ranne away from vs. - -The fourth of August wee got out of the ice to the other side of the -island, and anchored there: where, with great labour and much paine, -wee fetched a boate full of stones from the land. - -The fifth of August wee set saile againe towardes Ice-point [655] with -an east wind, and sailed south south-east, and then north north-east, -and saw no ice by the land, by the which wee lauered. [656] - -The sixth of August we gate about the point of Nassawe, [657] and -sayled forward east and east and by south, along by the land. - -The seuenth of August wee had a west south-west wind, and sayled along -by the land, south-east and south-east and by east, and saw but a -little ice, and then past by the Trust-point, [658] which wee had much -longed for. At euening we had an east wind, with mistie weather, so -that wee were forced to make our ship fast to a peece of ice, that was -at least 36 fadome deep vnder the water, and more than 16 fadome aboue -the water; which in all was 52 fadome thick, for it lay fast vpon -ground the which was 36 fadome deepe. The eight of August in the -morning wee had an east wind with mistie weather. - -The 9 of August, lying still fast to the great peece of ice, it snowed -hard, and it was misty weather, and when the sunne was south [¾ p. 10 -A.M.] we went vpon the hatches [659] (for we alwayes held watch): -where, as the master walked along the ship, he heard a beast snuffe -with his nose, and looking ouer-bord he saw a great beare hard by the -ship, wherewith he cryed out, a beare, a beare; and with that all our -men came vp from vnder hatches, [660] and saw a great beare hard by our -boat, seeking to get into it, but wee giuing a great shoute, shee was -afrayd and swamme away, but presently came backe againe, and went -behinde a great peece of ice, whereunto wee had made our shippe fast, -and climbed vpon it, and boldly came towardes our shippe to enter into -it: [661] but wee had torne our scute sayle in the shippe, [662] and -lay with foure peeces before at the bootesprit, [663] and shotte her -into the body, and with that, shee ranne away; but it snowed so fast -that wee could not see whither shee went, but wee guest that she lay -behinde a high hoouell, [664] whereof there was many vpon the peece of -ice. - -The tenth of August, being Saterday, the ice began mightily to breake, -[665] and then wee first perceiued that the great peece of ice -wherevnto wee had made our shippe fast, lay on the ground; for the rest -of the ice draue along by it, wherewith wee were in great feare that -wee should be compassed about with the ice, [666] and therefore wee -vsed all the diligence and meanes that wee could to get from thence, -for wee were in great doubt: [667] and being vnder sayle, wee sayled -vpon the ice, because it was all broken vnder us, [668] and got to -another peece of ice, wherevnto wee made our shippe faste againe with -our sheate anchor, [669] which wee made fast vpon it, and there wee lay -till euening. And when wee had supped, in the first quarter [670] the -sayd peece of ice began on a sodaine to burst and rende in peeces, so -fearefully that it was admirable; for with one great cracke it burst -into foure hundred peeces at the least: wee lying fast to it, [671] -weied our cable and got off from it. Vnder the water it was ten fadome -deepe and lay vpon the ground, and two fadome above the water: and it -made a fearefull noyse both vnder and aboue the water when it burst, -and spread it selfe abroad on all sides. - -And being with great feare [672] gotten from that peece of ice, we came -to an other peece, that was size fadome deepe vnder the water, to the -which we made a rope fast on both sides. - -Then wee saw an other great peece of ice not farre from vs, lying fast -in the sea, that was as sharp aboue as it had been a tower; whereunto -wee rowed, and casting out our lead, wee found that it lay 20 fadome -deepe, fast on the ground vnder the water, and 12 fadome aboue the -water. - -The 11 of August, being Sunday, wee rowed to another peece of ice, and -cast out our lead, and found that it lay 18 fadom deepe, fast to the -ground vnder the water, and 10 fadome aboue the water. The 12 of August -we sailed neere [673] vnder the land, ye better to shun ye ice, for yt -the great flakes that draue in the sea [674] were many fadome deepe -under the water, and we were better defended from them being at 4 and 5 -fadome water; and there ran a great current of water from the hill[s]. -There we made our ship fast againe to a peece of ice, and called that -point the small Ice Point. [675] - -The 13 of August in the morning, there came a beare from [676] the east -point of the land, close to our ship, and one of our men with a peece -shot at her and brake one of her legs, but she crept [677] vp the hill -with her three feet, and wee following her killed her, and hauing -fleaed her brought the skinne aboard the ship. From thence we set saile -with a little gale of winde, [678] and were forced to lauere, but after -that it began to blow more [679] out of the south and south south-east. - -The 15 of August we came to the Island of Orange, [680] where we were -inclosed with the ice hard by a great peece of ice where we were in -great danger to loose our ship, but with great labour and much paine we -got to the island, the winde being south-east, whereby we were -constrained to turne our ship; [681] and while we were busied -thereabouts and made much noise, a beare that lay there and slept, -awaked and came towards vs to the ship, so that we were forced to leaue -our worke about turning of the ship, and to defend our selues against -the beare, and shot her into the body, wherewith she ran away to the -other side of the island, and swam into the water, and got vp vpon a -peece of ice, where shee lay still; but we comming after her to the -peece of ice where shee lay, when she saw vs she leapt into the water -and swam to the land, but we got betweene her and the land, and stroke -her on the head with a hatchet, but as often as we stroke at her with -the hatchet, she duckt vnder the water, whereby we had much to do -before we could kill her: after she was dead we fleaed her on the land, -and tooke the skin on board with vs, and after that turned [682] our -ship to a great peece of ice, and made it fast thereunto. - -The 16 of August ten of our men entring into one boat, rowed to the -firm land at Noua Zembla, and drew the boate vp vpon the ice; which -done, we went vp a high hill to see the cituation of the land, and -found that it reached south-east and south south-east, and then againe -south, which we disliked, for that it lay so much southward: but when -we saw open water south-east and east south-east, we were much -comforted againe, thinking yt wee had woon our voyage, [683] and knew -not how we should get soone inough on boord to certifie William Barents -thereof. - -The 18 of August we made preparation to set saile, but it was all in -vaine; for we had almost lost our sheat anchor [684] and two new ropes, -and with much lost labour got to the place againe from whence we came: -for the streame ran with a mighty current, and the ice drave very -strongly vpon the cables along by the shippe, so that we were in fear -that we should loose all the cable that was without the ship, which was -200 fadome at the least; but God prouided well for vs, so that in the -end wee got to the place againe from whence we put out. - -The 19 of August it was indifferent good weather, the winde blowing -south-west, the ice still driuing, and we set saile with an indifferent -gale of wind, [685] and past by ye Point of Desire, [686] whereby we -were once againe in good hope. And when we had gotten aboue the point, -[687] we sailed south-east into the sea-ward 4 [16] miles, but then -againe we entred into more ice, whereby we were constrained to turn -back againe, and sailed north-west vntil we came to ye land againe, -which reacheth frō the Point of Desire to the Head Point, [688] south -and by west, 6 [24] miles: from the Head Point to Flushingers Head, -[689] it reacheth south-west, which are 3 [12] miles one from the -other; from the Flushingers Head, it reacheth into the sea east -south-east, and from Flushingers Head to the Point of the Island [690] -it reacheth south-west and by south and south-west 3 [12] miles; and -from the Island Point to the Point of the Ice Hauen, [691] the land -reacheth west south-west 4 [16] miles: from the Ice Hauens Point to the -fall of water or the Streame Bay [692] and the low land, it reacheth -west and by south and east and by north, 7 [28] miles: from thence the -land reacheth east and west. - -The 21 of August we sailed a great way into the Ice Hauen, and that -night ankored therein: next day, the streame [693] going extreame hard -eastward, we haled out againe from thence, and sailed againe to the -Island Point; but for that it was misty weather, comming to a peece of -ice, we made the ship fast thereunto, because the winde began to blow -hard south-west and south south-west. There we went [694] vp vpon the -ice, and wondred much thereat, it was such manner of ice: for on the -top it was ful of earth, and there we found aboue 40 egges, and it was -not like other ice, for it was of a perfect azure coloure, like to the -skies, whereby there grew great contentiō in words amongst our men, -some saying that it was ice, others that it was frozen land; for it lay -vnreasonable high aboue the water, it was at least 18 fadome vnder the -water close to the ground, and 10 fadome aboue the water: there we -stayed all that storme, the winde being south-west and by west. - -The 23 of August we sailed againe from the ice south-eastward into the -sea, but entred presently into it againe, and wound about [695] to the -Ice Hauen. The next day it blew hard north north-west, and the ice came -mightily driuing in, whereby we were in a manner compassed about -therewith, and withall the winde began more and more to rise, and the -ice still draue harder and harder, so that the pin of the rother [696] -and the rother were shorne in peeces, [697] and our boate was shorne in -peeces [698] betweene the ship and the ice, we expecting nothing else -but that the ship also would be prest and crusht in peeces with the -ice. - -The 25 of August the weather began to be better, and we tooke great -paines and bestowed much labour to get the ice, wherewith we were so -inclosed, to go from vs, but what meanes soeuer we vsed it was all in -vaine. But when the sun was south-west [½ p. 2 P.M.] the ice began to -driue out againe with the streame, [699] and we thought to saile -southward about Noua Zembla, [and so westwards] to the Straites of -Mergates. [700] For that seeing we could there find no passage, we -hauing past [701] Noua Zembla, [we] were of opinion that our labour was -all in vaine and that we could not get through, and so agreed to go -that way home againe; but comming to the Streame Bay, we were forced to -go back againe, because of the ice which lay so fast thereabouts; and -the same night also it froze, that we could hardly get through there -with the little wind that we had, the winde then being north. - -The 26 of August there blew a reasonable gale of winde, at which time -we determined to saile back to the Point of Desire, and so home againe, -seeing yt we could not get through [by the way towards] ye Wergats, -[702] although we vsed al the meanes and industry we could to get -forward; but whē we had past by ye Ice Hauen ye ice began to driue wt -such force, yt we were inclosed round about therewith, and yet we -sought al the meanes we could to get out, but it was all in vaine. And -at that time we had like to haue lost three men that were vpon the ice -to make way for the ship, if the ice had held ye course it went; but as -we draue back againe, and that the ice also whereon our men stood in -like sort draue, they being nimble, as ye ship draue by thē, one of -them caught hould of the beake head, another vpon the shroudes, [703] -and the third vpon the great brase [704] that hung out behind, and so -by great aduenture by the hold that they took they got safe into the -shippe againe, for which they thanked God with all their hearts: for it -was much liklier that they should rather haue beene carried away with -the ice, but God, by the nimbleness of their hands, deliuered them out -of that danger, which was a pittifull thing to behold, although it fell -out for the best, for if they had not beene nimble they had surely dyed -for it. - -The same day in the euening we got to the west side of the Ice Hauen, -where we were forced, in great cold, pouerty, misery, and griefe, to -stay all that winter; the winde then being east north-east. - -The 27 of August the ice draue round about the ship, and yet it was -good wether; at which time we went on land, and being there it began to -blow south-east with a reasonable gale, and then the ice came with -great force before the bough, [705] and draue the ship vp foure foote -high before, and behind it seemed as if the keele lay on the ground, so -that it seemed that the ship would be ouerthrowne in the place; -whereupon they that were in the ship put out the boate, [706] therewith -to saue their liues, and withall put out a flagge to make a signe to vs -to come on board: which we perceiuing, and beholding the ship to be -lifted vp in that sort, made all the haste we could to get on board, -thinking that the ship was burst in peeces, but comming vnto it we -found it to be in better case than we thought it had beene. - -The 28 of August wee gat some of the ice from it, [707] and the ship -began to sit vpright againe; but before it was fully vpright, as -William Barents and the other pilot went forward to the bough, [708] to -see how the ship lay and how much it was risen, and while they were -busie vpon their knees and elbowes to measure how much it was, the ship -burst out of the ice with such a noyse and so great a crack, that they -thought verily that they were all cast away, knowing not how to saue -themselues. - -The 29 of August, the ship lying vpright againe, we vsed all the meanes -we could, with yron hookes [709] and other instruments, to breake the -flakes of ice that lay one heap’d vpō the other, but al in vaine; so -that we determined to commit our selues to the mercie of God, and to -attend ayde from him, for that the ice draue not away in any such sort -that it could helpe vs. - -The 30 of August the ice began to driue together one vpon the other -with greater force than before, and bare against the ship wh a -boystrous south [by] west wind and a great snowe, so that all the whole -ship was borne vp and inclosed, [710] whereby all that was both about -and in it began to crack, so that it seemed to burst in a 100 peeces, -which was most fearfull both to see and heare, and made all ye haire of -our heads to rise vpright with feare; and after yt, the ship (by the -ice on both sides that joined and got vnder the same) was driued so -vpright, in such sort as if it had bin lifted vp with a wrench or vice. -[711] - -The 31 of August, by the force of the ice, the ship was driuen vp 4 or -5 foote high at the beake head, [712] and the hinder part thereof lay -in a clift [713] of ice, whereby we thought that the ruther would be -freed from the force of the flakes of ice, [714] but, notwithstanding, -it brake in peeces staffe [715] and all: and if that the hinder part of -the ship had bin in the ice that draue as well as the fore part was, -then all the ship [716] would haue bin driuen wholly vpon the ice, or -possibly haue ran on groūd, [717] and for that cause wee were in great -feare, and set our scutes and our boate [718] out vpon the ice, if -neede were, to saue our selues. But within 4 houres after, the ice -draue awaye of it selfe, wherewith we were exceeding glad, as if we had -saued our liues, for that the ship was then on float againe; and vpon -that we made a new ruther and a staffe, [719] and hung the ruther out -vpon the hooks, that if we chanced to be born [720] vpon the ice -againe, as we had bin, it might so be freed from it. - -The 1 of September, being Sunday, while we were at praier, the ice -began to gather together againe, so that the ship was lifted vp -[bodily] two foote at the least, but the ice brake not. [721] The same -euening [722] the ice continued in yt sort still driuing and gathering -together, so that we made preparation to draw our scute and the boate -ouer the ice vpon the land, the wind then blowing south-east. - -The 2 of September it snowed hard with a north-east wind, and the ship -began to rise vp higher vpō the ice, [723] at which time the ice burst -and crakt with great force, so that we were of opinion to carry our -scute on land in that fowle weather, with 13 barrels of bread and two -hogsheads [724] of wine to sustaine our selues if need were. - -The 3 of September it blew [just as] hard, but snowed not so much, ye -wind being north north-east; at which time we began to be loose from -the ice whereunto we lay fast, so that the scheck brake from the -steuen, [725] but the planks wherewith the ship was lyned held the -scheck fast and made it hang on; [726] but the boutloofe and a new -cable, if we had falled vpon the ice, brake by the forcible pressing of -the ice, [727] but held fast againe in the ice; and yet the ship was -staunch, which was wonder, in regard yt ye ice draue so hard and in -great heapes as big as the salt hills that are in Spaine, [728] and -within a harquebus shot of the ship, betweene the which we lay in great -feare and anguishe. - -The 4 of September the weather began to cleare vp and we sawe the -sunne, but it was very cold, the wind being north-east, we being forced -to lye still. - -The 5 of September it was faire sunshine weather and very calme; and at -euening, when we had supt, the ice compassed about us againe, and we -were hard inclosed therewith, the ship beginning to lye upon the one -side and leakt sore, [729] but by Gods grace it became staunch againe, -[730] wherewith [731] we were wholly in feare to loose the ship, it was -in so great danger. At which time we tooke counsell together and caried -our old sock saile, [732] with pouder, lead, peeces, muskets, and other -furniture on land, to make a tent [or hut] about our scute yt we had -drawē vpon the land; and at that time we carried some bread and wine on -land also, with some timber, [733] therewith to mend our boate, that it -might serve vs in time of neede. - -The 6 of September it was indifferent faire sea-wether [734] and -sun-shine, the wind being west, whereby we were somewhat comforted, -hoping that the ice would driue away and that we might get from thence -againe. - -The 7 of September it was indifferent wether againe, but we perceiued -no opening of the water, but to the contrary it [735] lay hard inclosed -with ice, and no water at all about the ship, no not so much as a -bucket full. The same day 5 of our men went on land, but 2 of them came -back againe; the other three went forward about 2 [8] miles into the -land, and there found a riuer of sweet water, where also they found -great store of wood that had bin driuen thither, and there they foūd -the foote-steps of harts and hinds, [736] as they thought, for they -were clouen footed, some greater footed than others, which made them -iudge them to be so. - -The 8 of September it blew hard east north-east, which was a right -contrary wind to doe vs any good touching the carrying away of the ice, -so that we were stil faster in the ice, which put vs in no small -discomfort. - -The 9 of September it blew [strongly from the] north-east, with a -little snowe, whereby our ship was wholly inclosed with ice, for ye -wind draue the ice hard against it, so that we lay 3 or 4 foote deepe -in the ice, and our sheck in the after-steuer brake in peeces [737] and -the ship began to be somewhat loose before, but yet it was not much -hurt. - -In the night time two beares came close to our ship side, but we -sounded our trumpet and shot at them, but hit them not because it was -darke, and they ran away. - -The 10 of September the wether was somewhat better, because the wind -blew not so hard, and yet all one wind. - -The 11 of September it was calme wether, and 8 of vs went on land, -euery man armed, to see if that were true as our other three companions -had said, that there lay wood about the riuer; for that seeing we had -so long wound and turned about, sometime in the ice, and then againe -got out, and thereby were compelled to alter our course, and at last -sawe that we could not get out of the ice but rather became faster, and -could not loose our ship as at other times we had done, as also that it -began to be [near autumn and] winter, we tooke counsell together what -we were best to doe according to the [circumstances of the] time, [in -order] that we might winter there and attend such aduenture as God -would send vs: and after we had debated vpon the matter, to keepe and -defend ourselues both from the cold and the wild beastes, we determined -to build a [shed or] house vpon the land, to keep vs therein as well as -we could, and so to commit ourselves vnto the tuition of God. And to -that end we went further into the land, to find out [How God in our -extremest need, when we were forced to live all the winter upon the -land, sent vs wood to make vs a house and to serue vs to burne in the -cold winter.] the conuenientest place in our opinions to raise our -house vpon, and yet we had not much stuffe to make it withall, in -regard that there grew no trees, nor any other thing in that country -convenient to build it withall. But we leauing no occasion unsought, as -our men went abroad to view the country, and to see what good fortune -might happen unto vs, at last we found an unexpected comfort in our -need, which was that we found certaine trees roots and all, (as our -three companions had said before), which had been driuen vpon the -shoare, either from Tartaria, Muscouia, or elsewhere, for there was -none growing vpon that land; wherewith (as if God had purposely sent -them vnto vs) we were much comforted, being in good hope that God would -shew us some further fauour; for that wood served vs not onely to build -our house, but also to burne and serve vs all the winter long; -otherwise without all doubt we had died there miserably with extreme -cold. - -The 12 of September it was calme wether, and then our men went vnto the -other side of the land, to see if they could finde any wood neerer vnto -vs, but there was none. [738] - -The 13 of September it was calme but very mistie wether, so that we -could doe nothing, because it was dangerous for vs to go into the land, -in regard that we could not see the wild beares; and yet they could -smell vs, for they smell better than they see. - -The 14 of September it was cleere sunshine wether, but very cold; and -then we went into the land, and laid the wood in heapes one vpō the -other, that it might not be couered over with ye snow, and from thence -ment [739] to carry it to the place where we intended to builde our -house. - -The 15 of September in the morning, as one of our men held watch, wee -saw three beares, whereof the one lay still behind a piece of ice [and] -the other two came close to the ship, which we perceiuing, made our -peeces ready to shoote at them; at which time there stod a tob full of -beefe [740] vpon the ice, which lay in the water to be seasoned, [741] -for that close by the ship there was no water; one of the beares went -vnto it, and put in his head [into the tub] to take out a peece of the -beefe, but she fared therewith as the dog did with ye pudding; [742] -for as she was snatching at the beefe, she was shot into the head, -wherewith she fell downe dead and neuer stir’d. [There we saw a curious -sight]: the other beare stood still, and lokt vpon her fellow [as if -wondering why she remained so motionless]; and when she had stood a -good while she smelt her fellow, and perceiuing that she [lay still -and] was dead, she ran away, but we tooke halberts and other armes with -vs and followed her. [743] And at last she came againe towardes us, and -we prepared our selues to withstand her, wherewith she rose vp vpon her -hinder feet, thinking to rampe at vs; but while she reared herselfe vp, -one of our men shot her into the belly, and with that she fell vpon her -fore-feet again, and roaring as loud as she could, ran away. Then we -tooke the dead beare, and ript her belly open; and taking out her guts -we set her vpon her fore-feet, so that she might freeze as she stood, -intending to carry her wt vs into Holland if we might get our ship -loose: and when we had set ye beare vpon her foure feet, we began to -make a slead, thereon to drawe the wood to the place where we ment -[744] to build our house. At that time it froze two fingers thicke in -the salt water [of the sea], and it was exceeding cold, the wind -blowing north-east. - -The 16 of September the sunne shone, but towardes the euening it was -misty, the wind being easterly; at which time we went [for the first -time] to fetch wood with our sleads, and then we drew foure beames -aboue [745] a mile [4 miles] vpon the ice and the snow. That night -againe it frose aboue two fingers thicke. - -The 17 of September thirteene of vs went where the wood lay with our -sleads, and so drew fiue and fiue in a slead, and the other three -helped to lift the wood behind, to make vs draw the better and with -more ease; [746] and in that manner we drew wood twice a day, and laid -it on a heape by the place where we ment to build our house. - -The 18 of September the wind blew west, but it snowed hard, and we went -on land againe to continue our labour to draw wood to our place -appointed, and after dinner the sun shone and it was calme wether. - -The 19 of September it was calme sunshine wether, and we drew two -sleads full of wood sixe thousand paces long, [747] and that we did -twice a day. - -[The 20 of September we again made two journeys with the sledges, and -it was misty and still weather.] - -The 21 of September it was misty wether, but towards euening it cleared -vp, and the ice still draue in the sea, but not so strongly as it did -before, but yet it was very cold, [so that we were forced to bring our -caboose [748] below, because everything froze above.] - -The 22 of September it was faire still weather, but very cold, the wind -being west. - -The 23 of September we fetcht more wood to build our house, which we -did twice a day, but it grew to be misty and still weather againe, the -wind blowing east and east-north-east. That day our carpentur (being of -Purmecaet [749]) dyed as we came aboord about euening. - -The 24 of September we buryed him vnder the sieges [750] in the clift -of a hill, hard by the water, [751] for we could not dig vp the earth -by reason of the great frost and cold; and that day we went twice with -our sleads to fetch wood. - -The 25 of September it was darke weather, the wind blowing west and -west south-west and south-west, and the ice begā somewhat to open and -driue away; but it continued not long, for that hauing driuen about the -length of the shott of a great peece, [752] it lay three fadomes deepe -vpon the ground: and where we lay the ice draue not, for we lay in the -middle of the ice; but if we had layne in the [open or] maine sea, we -would haue hoysed sayle, although it was thē late in the yeare. The -same day we raised up the principles [753] of our house, and began to -worke hard thereon; but if the ship had bin loose we would haue left -our building and haue made our after steuen of our ship, [754] that we -might haue bin ready to saile away if it had bin possible; for that it -grieued vs much to lye there all that cold winter, which we knew would -fall out to be extreame bitter; but being bereaued of all hope, we were -compelled to make necessity a vertue, and with patience to attend what -issue God would send vs. - -The 26 of September we had a west wind and an open sea, but our ship -lay fast, wherewith we were not a little greeued; but it was God’s -will, which we most [755] patiently bare, [756] and we began to make up -our house: [757] part of our men fetch’d wood to burne, the rest played -the carpenters and were busie aboute the house. As then we were -sixteene men in all, for our carpenter was dead, and of our sixteene -men there was still one or other sicke. - -The 27th of September it blew hard north-east, and it frose so hard -that as we put a nayle into our mouths (as when men worke carpenters -worke they vse to doe), there would ice hang thereon when we tooke it -out againe, and made the blood follow. The same day there came an old -beare and a yong one towards vs as we were going to our house, beeing -altogether (for we durst not go alone), which we thought to shoot at, -but she ran away. At which time the ice came forcibly driuing in, and -it was faire sunshine weather, but so extreame cold that we could -hardly worke, but extremity forced vs thereunto. - -The 28 of September it was faire weather and the sun shon, the wind -being west and very calme, the sea as then being open, but our ship lay -fast in the ice and stirred not. The same day there came a beare to the -ship, but when she espied vs she ran away, and we made as much hast as -we could [758] to build our house. - -The 29 of September in the morning, the wind was west, and after-noone -it [again] blew east, [759] and then we saw three beares betweene vs -and the house, an old one and two yong; but we notwithstanding drew our -goods from the ship to the house, and so got before ye beares, and yet -they followed vs: neuertheless we would not shun the way for them, but -hollowed out as loud as we could, thinking that they would haue gone -away; but they would not once go out of their foote-path, but got -before vs, wherewith we and they that were at the house made a great -noise, which made the beares runne away, and we were not a little glad -thereof. - -The 30 of September the wind was east and east south-east, and all that -night and the next day it snowed so fast that our men could fetch no -wood, it lay so close and high one vpon the other. Then we made a great -fire without the house, therewith to thaw the ground, that so we might -lay it about the house that it might be the closer; but it was all lost -labour, for the earth was so hard and frozen so deep into the ground, -that we could not thaw it, and it would haue cost vs too much wood, and -therefore we were forced to leaue off that labour. - -The first of October the winde blew stiffe north-east, and after noone -it blew north with a great storme and drift of snow, whereby we could -hardly go in [760] the winde, and a man could hardly draw his breath, -the snowe draue so hard in our faces; at which time wee could not see -two [or three] ships length from vs. - -The 2 of October before noone the sun shone, and after noone it was -cloudy againe and it snew, but the weather was still, the winde being -north and then south, and we set vp our house [761] and vpon it we -placed a may-pole [762] made of frozen snowe. - -The 3 of October before noone it was a calme son-shine weather, but so -cold that it was hard to be endured; and after noone it blew hard out -of the west, with so great and extreame cold, that if it had continued -we should haue beene forced to leaue our worke. - -The fourth of October the winde was west, and after noone north with -great store of snow, whereby we could not worke; at that time we -brought our [bower] ankor vpon the ice to lye the faster, when we lay -[763] but an arrow shot from the [open] water, the ice was so much -driuen away. - -The 5 of October it blew hard north-west, and the sea was very open -[764] and without ice as farre as we could discerne; but we lay still -frozen as we did before, and our ship lay two or three foote deepe in -the ice, and we could not perceiue otherwise but that we lay fast vpon -the ground, [765] and there [766] it was three fadome and a halfe -deepe. The same day we brake vp the lower deck of the fore-part [767] -of our ship, and with those deales [768] we couered our house, and made -it slope ouer head [769] that the water might run off; at which time it -was very cold. - -The 6 of October it blew hard west [and] south-west, but towardes -euening west north-west, with a great snow [so] that we could hardly -thrust our heads out of the dore by reason of ye great cold. - -The 7 of October it was indifferent good wether, but yet very cold, and -we calk’t our house, and brake the ground about it at the foote -thereof: [770] that day the winde went round about the compasse. - -The 8 of October, all the night before it blew so hard and the same day -also, and snowed so fast that we should haue smothered if we had gone -out into the aire; and to speake truth, it had not beene possible for -any man to haue gone one ships length, though his life had laine -thereon; for it was not possible for vs to goe out of the house or -ship. - -The 9 of October the winde still continued north, and blew and snowed -hard all that day, the wind as then blowing from the land; so that all -that day we were forced to stay in the ship, the wether was so foule. - -The 10 of October the weather was somewhat fairer and the winde calmer, -and [it] blew south-west and west southwest; [771] and that time the -water flowed two foote higher then ordinary, which wee gest to proceede -from the strong [772] north wind which as then had blowne. The same day -the wether began to be somewhat better, so that we began to go out of -our ship againe; and as one of our men went out, he chaunced to meete a -beare, and was almost at him before he knew it, but presently he ranne -backe againe towards the ship and the beare after him: but the beare -comming to the place where before that we killed another beare and set -her vpright and there let her freeze, which after was couered ouer with -ice [773] and yet one of her pawes reached aboue it, shee stood still, -whereby our man got before her and clome [774] vp into the ship in -great feare, crying, a beare, a beare; which we hearing came aboue -hatches [775] to looke on her and to shoote at her, but we could not -see her by meanes of the exceeding great smoake that had so sore -termented vs while we lay vnder hatches in the foule wether, which we -would not haue indured for any money; but by reason of the cold and -snowy wether we were constrained to do it if we would saue our liues, -for aloft in the ship [776] we must vndoubtedly haue dyed. The beare -staied not long there, but run away, the wind then being north-east. - -The same day about euening it was faire wether, and we went out of our -ship to the house, and carryed the greatest part of our bread thither. - -The 11 of October it was calme wether, the wind being south and -somewhat warme, and then we carryed our wine and other victuals on -land; and as we were hoysing the wine ouer-boord, there came a beare -towards our ship that had laine behinde a peece of ice, and it seemed -that we had waked her with the noise we made; for we had seene her lye -there, but we thought her to be a peece of ice; but as she came neere -vs we shot at her, and shee ran away, so we proceeded in our worke. - -The 12 of October it blew north and [at times] somewhat westerly, and -then halfe of our men [went and] slept [777] in the house, and that was -the first time that we lay in it; but we indured great cold because our -cabins were not made, and besides that we had not clothes inough, and -we could keepe no fire because our chimney was not made, whereby it -smoaked exceedingly. - -The 13 of October the wind was north and north-west, and it began -againe to blow hard, and then three of vs went a boord the ship and -laded a slead with beere; but when we had laden it, thinking to go to -our house with it, sodainly there rose such a wind and so great a -storme and cold, that we were forced to go into the ship againe, -because we were not able to stay without; and we could not get the -beere into the ship againe, but were forced to let it stand without -vpon the sleade. Being in the ship, we indured extreame cold because we -had but a few clothes in it. - -The 14 of October, as we came out of the ship, we found the barrell of -beere standing [in the open air] vpon the sleade, but it was fast -frozen at the heads, [778] yet by reason of the great cold the beere -that purged out [779] frose as hard vpon the side [780] of the barrel -as if it had bin glewed thereon, and in that sort we drew it to our -house and set the barrel an end, and dranke it first vp; but we were -forced to melt the beere, for there was scant [781] any vnfrozen beere -in the barrell, but in that thicke yeast that was vnfrozen lay the -strength of the beere, [782] so that it was too strong to drinke alone, -and that which was frozen tasted like water; and being melted we mixt -one with the other, and so dranke it, but it had neither strength nor -tast. - -The 15 of October the wind blew north and [also] east and east -south-east [and it was still weather]. That day we made place to set vp -our dore, and shouled [783] the snowe away. - -The 16 of October the wind blew south-east and south, [784] with faire -calme weather. The same night there had bin a beare in our ship, but in -the morning she went out againe when she saw our men. At the same time -we brake vp another peece of our ship, [785] to vse the deales about -the protall, [786] which as then we began to make. - -The 17 of October the wind was south and south-east, calme weather, but -very cold; and that day we were busied about our portaile. - -The 18 of October the wind blew hard east [and] south-east, and then we -fetched our bread out of the scute which we had drawne vp vpon the -land, and the wine also, which as then was not much frozen, and yet it -had layne sixe weeks therein, and notwithstanding that it had often -times frozen very hard. The same day we saw an other beare, and then -the sea was so couered ouer with ice that we could see no open water. - -The 19 of October ye wind blew north-east, and then there was but two -men and a boy in the ship, at which time there came a beare that sought -forcibly to get into the ship, although the two men shot at her with -peeces of wood, [787] and yet she ventured vpon them, [788] whereby -they were in an extreame feare; [and] each of them seeking to saue them -selues, the two men leapt into the balust, [789] and the boy clomed -into the foot mast top [790] to saue their liues; meane time some of -our men shot at her with a musket, and then shee ran away. - -The 20 of October it was calme sunshine weather, and then againe we saw -the sea open, [791] at which time we went on bord to fetch the rest of -our beere out of the ship, where we found some of the barrels frozen in -peeces, and the iron heapes [792] that were vpon the josam barrels -[793] were also frozen in peeces. - -The 21 of October it was calme sunshine wether, and then we had almost -fetched all our victuals out of the ship [to the house]. - -The 22 of October the wind blew coldly and very stiff north-east, with -so great a snow that we could not get out of our dores. - -The 23 of October it was calme weather, and the wind blew north-east. -Then we went aboord our ship to see if the rest of our men would come -home to the house; but wee feared yt it would blow hard againe, and -therefore durst not stirre with the sicke man, but let him ly still -that day, for he was very weake. - -The 24 of October the rest of our men, being 8 persons, came to the -house, and drew the sicke man vpon a slead, and then with great labour -and paine vve drew our boate [794] home to our house, and turned the -bottome thereof vpwards, that when time serued vs (if God saued our -liues in the winter time) wee might vse it. And after that perceiuing -that the ship lay fast and that there was nothing lesse to be expected -then the opening of the water, we put our [kedge-]anchor into the ship -againe, because it should not be couered ouer and lost in the snow, -that in the spring time [795] we might vse it: for we alwaies trusted -in God that hee would deliuer vs from thence towards sommer time either -one way or other. - -Things standing at this point with vs, as the sunne (when wee might see -it best and highest) began to be very low, [796] we vsed all the speede -we could to fetch all things with sleades out of our ship into our -house, not onely meate and drinke but all other necessaries; at which -time the winde was north. - -The 26 of October we fetcht all things that were necessary for the -furnishing of our scute and our boate: [797] and when we had laden the -last slead, and stood [in the track-ropes] ready to draw it to the -house, our maister looked about him and saw three beares behind the -ship that were comming towards vs, whereupon he cryed out aloud to -feare [798] them away, and we presently leaped forth [from the -track-ropes] to defend our selues as well as we could. And as good -fortune was, there lay two halberds vpon the slead, whereof the master -tooke one and I the other, and made resistance against them as well as -we could; but the rest of our men ran to saue themselues in the ship, -and as they ran one of them fell into a clift of ice, [799] which -greeued vs much, for we thought verily that the beares would haue ran -vnto him to deuoure him; but God defended him, for the beares still -made towards the ship after the men yt ran thither to saue themselues. -Meane time we and the man that fel into the clift of ice tooke our -aduantage, and got into the ship on the other side; which the beares -perceiuing, they came fiercely towards vs, that had no other armes to -defend vs withall but onely the two halberds, which wee doubting would -not be sufficient, wee still gaue them worke to do by throwing billets -[of fire-wood] and other things at them, and euery time we threw they -ran after them, as a dogge vseth to doe at a stone that is cast at him. -Meane time we sent a man down vnder hatches [800] [into the caboose] to -strike fire, and another to fetch pikes; but wee could get no fire, and -so we had no meanes to shoote. [801] At the last, as the beares came -fiercely vpon vs, we stroke one of them with a halberd vpon the snoute, -wherewith she gaue back when shee felt her selfe hurt, and went away, -which the other two yt were not so great as she perceiuing, ran away; -and we thanked God that wee were so well deliuered from them, and so -drew our slead quietly to our house, and there shewed our men what had -happened vnto vs. - -The 26 of October the wind was north and north north-west, with -indifferent faire wether. Then we saw [much] open water hard by the -land, but we perceiued the ice to driue in the sea still towards the -ship. [802] - -The 27 of October the wind blew north-east, and it snowed so fast that -we could not worke without the doore. That day our men kil’d a white -fox, which they flead, and after they had rosted it ate thereof, which -tasted like connies [803] flesh. The same day we set vp our diall and -made the clock strike, [804] and we hung vp a lamp to burne in the -night time, wherein we vsed the fat of the beare, which we molt [805] -and burnt in the lampe. - -The 28 of October wee had the wind north-east, and then our men went -out to fetch wood; but there fell so stormy wether and so great a snow, -that they were forced to come home againe. About euening the wether -began to breake vp, [806] at which time three of our men went to the -place where we had set the beare vpright and there stood frozen, -thinking to pull out her teeth, but it was cleane couered ouer with -snow. And while they were there it began to snow so fast againe [with -rough weather], that they were glad to come home as fast as they could; -but the snow beat so sore vpon them that they could hardly see their -way [807] and had almost lost their right way, whereby they had like to -haue laine all that night out of the house [in the cold]. - -The 29 of October the wind still blew north-east, and then we fetch’d -segges [808] from the sea side and laid them vpon the saile that was -spread vpon our house, that it might be so much the closer and warmer: -for the deales were not driuen close together, and the foule wether -would not permit vs to do it. - -The 30 of October the wind yet continued north-east, and the sunne was -full aboue the earth a little aboue the horizon. [809] - -The 31 of October the wind still blew north-east wt great store of -snow, whereby we durst not looke out of doores. [810] - -The first of Nouember the wind still continued north-east, and then we -saw the moone rise in the east when it began to be darke, and the sunne -was no higher aboue the horizon than wee could well see it, and yet -that day we saw it not, because of the close [811] wether and the great -snow that fell; and it was extreame cold, so that we could not go out -of the house. - -The 2 of November [812] the wind blew west and somewhat south, but in -the euening it blew north with calme wether; and that day we saw the -sunne rise south south-east, and it went downe [about] south -south-west, but it was not full aboue the earth, [813] but passed in -the horizon along by the earth. And the same day one of our men killed -a fox with a hatchet, which was flead, rosted, and eaten. Before the -sunne began to decline wee saw no foxes, and then the beares vsed to go -from vs. [814] - -The 3 of Nouember the wind blew north-west wt calme wether, and the -sunne rose south and by east and somewhat more southerly, and went -downe south and by west and somewhat more southerly; and then we could -see nothing but the upper part [815] of the sun above the horizon, and -yet the land where we were was as high as the mast [816] of our ship. -[817] Then we tooke the height of the sunne, [818] it being in the -eleuenth degree and 41 minutes of [819] Scorpio, [820] his declination -being 15 degrees and 24 minutes on the south side of the equinoctiall -line. - -The 4 of Nouember it was calme wether, but then we saw the sunne no -more, for it was no longer aboue the horizon. Then our chirurgien [821] -[prescribed and] made a bath, to bathe [822] vs in, of a wine pipe, -wherein we entred one after the other, and it did vs much good and was -a great meanes of our health. The same day we tooke a white fox, that -often times came abroad, not as they vsed at other times; for that when -the beares left vs at the setting of the sunne, [823] and came not -againe before it rose, [824] the fox[es] to the contrary came abroad -when they were gone. - -The 5 of Nouember the wind was north and somewhat west, and then we saw -[much] open water vpon the sea, but our ship lay still fast in the ice; -and when the sunne had left vs we saw ye moone continually both day and -night, and [it] neuer went downe when it was in the highest degree. -[825] - -The 6 of Nouember the wind was north-west, still wether, and then our -men fetcht a slead full of fire-wood, but by reason that the son was -not seene it was very dark wether. - -The 7 of Nouember it was darke wether and very still, the wind west; at -which time we could hardly discerne the day from the night, specially -because at that time our clock stood still, and by that meanes we knew -not when it was day although it was day: [826] and our men rose not out -of their cabens all that day [827] but onely to make water, and -therefore they knew not [very well] whether the light they saw was the -light of the day or of the moone, wherevpon they were of seueral -opinions, some saying it was the light of the day, the others of the -night; but as we tooke good regard therevnto, we found it to be the -light of the day, about twelue of the clock at noone. [828] - -The 8 of Nouember it was still wether, the wind blowing south and -south-west. The same day our men fetcht another slead of firewood, and -then also we tooke a white fox, and saw [much] open water in the sea. -The same day we shared our bread amongst vs, each man hauing foure -pound and ten ounces [829] for his allowance in eight daies; so that -then we were eight daies eating a barrell of bread, whereas before we -ate it vp in fiue or sixe daies. [As yet] we had no need to share our -flesh and fish, for we had more store thereof; but our drinke failed -vs, and therefore we were forced to share that also: but our best beere -was for the most part wholly without any strength, [830] so that it had -no sauour at all, and besides all this there was a great deale of it -spilt. - -The 9 of Nouember the wind blew north-east and somewhat more northerly, -and then we had not much day-light, but it was altogether darke. - -The 10 of Nouember it was calme wether, the wind north-west; and then -our men went into the ship to see how it lay, and wee saw that there -was a great deale of water in it, so that the balast was couered ouer -with water, but it was frozen, and so might not be pump’t out. - -The 11 of Nouember it was indifferent wether, the wind north-west. The -same day we made a round thing [831] of cable yearn and [knitted] like -to a net, [and set it] to catch foxes withall, that we might get them -into the house, and it was made like a trap, which fell vpon the foxes -as they came vnder it; [832] and that day we caught one. - -The 12 of Nouember the wind blew east, with a little [833] light. That -day we began to share our wine, euery man had two glasses [834] a day, -but commonly our drink was water which we molt [835] out of snow which -we gathered without the house. - -The 13 of Nouember it was foule wether, with great snow, the wind east. - -The 14 of Nouember it was faire cleare wether, with a cleare sky full -of starres and an east-wind. - -The 15 of November it was darke wether, the wind north-east, with a -vading light. [836] - -The 16 of Nouember it was [still] wether, with a temperate aire [837] -and an east-wind. - -The 17 of Nouember it was darke wether and a close aire, [838] the wind -east. - -The 18 of Nouember it was foule wether, the wind south-east. Then the -maister cut vp a packe of course [woollen] clothes, [839] and divided -it amongst the men that needed it, therewith to defend vs better from -the cold. - -The 19 of Nouember it was foule wether, with an east wind; and then the -chest with linnin was opened and deuided amongst the men for shift, -[840] for they had need of them, for then our onely care was to find -all the means we could to defend our body from the cold. - -The 20 of Nouember it was faire stil weather, the wind easterly. Then -we washt our sheets, [841] but it was so cold that when we had washt -and wroong [842] them, they presently froze so stiffe [out of the warm -water], that, although we lay’d them by a great fire, the side that lay -next the fire thawed, but the other side was hard frozen; so that we -should sooner haue torne them in sunder [843] than haue opened them, -whereby we were forced to put them into the seething [844] water again -to thaw them, it was so exceeding cold. - -The 21 of Nouember it was indifferent [845] wether with a north-east -wind. Then wee agreed that euery man should take his turne to cleaue -wood, thereby to ease our cooke, that had more than work inough to doe -twice a day to dresse meat and to melt snowe for our drinke; but our -master and the pilot [846] were exempted from yt work. - -The 22 of Nouember the wind was south-est, [and] it was faire wether, -then we had but [847] seuenteene cheeses, [848] whereof one we ate -amonst vs and the rest were deuided to euery man one for his portion, -which they might eate when he list. - -The 23 of Nouember it was indifferent good weather, the wind -south-east, and as we perceiued that the fox[es] vsed to come oftener -and more than they were woont, to take them the better we made certaine -traps of thicke plancks, wheron we laid stones, and round about them -placed peeces of shards [849] fast in the ground, that they might not -dig vnder them; and so [we occasionally] got some of the foxes. - -The 24 of Nouember it was foule wether, and the winde north-west, [850] -and then we [again] prepared our selues to go into the bath, for some -of vs were not very well at ease; and so foure of vs went into it, and -when we came out our surgion [851] gave us a purgation, which did vs -much good; and that day we took foure foxes. - -The 25 of Nouember it was faire cleare wether, the winde west; and that -day we tooke two foxes with a springe that we had purposely set vp. - -The 26 of Nouember it was foule weather, and a great storme with a -south-west wind and great store of snowe, whereby we were so closed vp -in the house that we could not goe out, but were forced to ease -ourselues within the house. - -The 27 of Nouember it was faire cleare weather, the wind south-west; -and then we made more springes to get foxs; for it stood vs vpon to doe -it, [852] because they served vs for meat, as if God had sent them -purposely for vs, for wee had not much meate. - -The 28 of Nouember it was foule stormie weather, and the wind blew hard -out of the north, and it snew hard, whereby we were shut vp againe in -our house, the snow lay so closed before the doores. [853] - -The 29 of Nouember it was faire cleare wether and a good aire, [854] ye -wind northerly; and we found meanes to open our doore by shoueling away -the snowe, whereby we got one of our dores open; and going out we found -al our traps and springes cleane [855] couered ouer with snow, which we -made cleane, and set them vp again to take foxes; and that day we tooke -one, which as then serued vs not onely for meat, but of the skins we -made caps to were [856] vpon our heads, therewith to keep them warm -from the extreame cold. - -The 30 of Nouember it was faire cleare weather, the wind west, and -[when the watchers [857] were about south-west, which according to our -calculation was about midday,] sixe of vs went to the ship, all wel -prouided of arms, to see how it lay; and when we went vnder the fore -decke, [858] we tooke a foxe aliue in the ship. - -The 1 of December it was foule weather, with a south-west wind and -great stoare of snow, whereby we were once againe stopt vp in the -house, and by that meanes there was so great a smoke in the house that -we could hardly make fire, and so were forced to lye all day in our -cabens, but the cooke was forced to make fire to dresse our meat. - -The 2 of December it was still foule weather, whereby we were forced to -keep stil in the house, and yet we could hardly sit by the fire because -of the smoake, and therefore stayed still [for the most part] in our -cabens; and then we heated stones, which we put into our cabens to warm -our feet, for that both the cold and the smoke were vnsupportable. - -The 3 of December we had the like weather, at which times as we lay in -our cabans we might heare the ice crack in the sea, and yet it was at -the least halfe a mile [two miles] from vs, which made a hugh noyse [of -bursting and cracking], and we were of oppinion that as then the great -hils of ice [859] which wee had seene in the sea in summer time [lying -so many fathoms thick] brake one from the other. [860] And for that -during those 2 or 3 days, because of the extream smoake, we made not so -much fire as we commonly vsed to doe, it froze so sore within the house -that the wals and the roofe thereof were frozen two fingers thicke with -ice, and also in our cabans [861] where we lay. All those three daies, -while we could not go out by reason of the foule weather, we set vp the -[sand-]glas of 12 houres, and when it was run out we set it vp againe, -stil watching it lest we should misse our time. For the cold was so -great that our clock was frozen, and might [862] not goe although we -hung more waight on it then before. - -The 4 of December it was faire cleare weather, the wind north, [863] -and then we began euery man by turne to dig open our dores that were -closed vp with snow; for we saw that it would be often to doe, and -therefore we agreed to work by turns, no man excepted but the maister -and the pilot. - -The 5 of December it was faire weather with an east wind, and then we -made our springes [864] cleane againe to take foxes. - -The 6 of December it was foule weather againe, with an easterly wind -and extreame cold, almost not to be indured; whereupon wee lookt -pittifully one vpon the other, being in great feare, that if the -extremity of ye cold grew to be more and more we should all die there -with cold, for that what fire soeuer we made it would not warme vs: -yea, and our sack, [865] which is so hotte, [866] was frozen very hard, -so that when [at noon] we were euery man to haue his part, we were -forced to melt it in [867] the fire, which we shared euery second day -about halfe a pint for a man, wherewith we were forced to sustain our -selues, and at other times we drank water, which agreed not well with -the cold, and we needed not to coole it with snowe or ice, [868] but we -were forced to melt it out of the snow. - -The 7 of December it was still foule weather, and we had a great storme -with a north-east wind, [869] which brought an extreme cold with it; at -which time we knew not what to do, and while we sate consulting -together what were best for vs to do, one of our companions gaue vs -counsell to burne some of the sea-coles [870] that we had brought out -of the ship, which would cast a great heat and continue long; and so at -euening we made a great fire thereof, which cast a great heat. At which -time we were very careful to keepe it in, [871] for that the heat being -so great a comfort vnto vs, we tooke care how to make it continue long; -whereupon we agreed to stop vp all the doores and the chimney, thereby -to keepe in the heate, and so went into our cabans [872] to sleepe, -well comforted with the heat, and so lay a great while talking -together; but at last we were taken with a great swounding and daseling -in our heads, [873] yet some more then other some, which we first -perceiued by a sick man and therefore the lesse able to beare it, and -found our selues to be very ill at ease, so that some of vs that were -strongest start [874] out of their cabans, and first opened the chimney -and then the doores, but he that opened the doore fell downe in a -swound [875] [with much groaning] vppon the snow; which I hearing, as -lying in my caban [876] next to the doore, start vp [877] [and there -saw him lying in a swoon], and casting vinegar in his face [878] -recouered him againe, and so he rose vp. And when the doores were open, -we all recouered our healthes againe by reason of the cold aire; and so -the cold, which before had beene so great an enemy vnto vs, was then -the onely reliefe that we had, otherwise without doubt we had [all] -died in a sodaine swound. [879] After yt, the master, when we were come -to our selues againe, gaue euery one of vs a little wine to comfort our -hearts. - -The 8 of December it was foule weather, the wind northerly, very sharpe -and cold, but we durst lay no more coles on as we did the day before, -for that our misfortune had taught vs that to shun one danger we should -not run into an other [still greater]. - -The 9 of December it was faire cleare weather, the skie full of -starres; then we set our doore wide open, which before was fast closed -vp with snowe, and made our springes ready to take foxes. - -The 10 of December it was still faire star-light weather, the wind -north-west. [880] Then we tooke two foxes, which were good meate for -vs, for as then our victuals began to be scant and the cold still -increased, whereunto their skins serued vs for a good defence. - -The 11 of December it was faire weather and a clear aire, [881] but -very cold, which he that felt not would not beleeue, for our shoos -[882] froze as hard as hornes vpon our feet, and within they were white -frozen, so that we could not weare our shooes, but were forced to make -great pattens, [883] ye vpper part being ship [884] skins, which we put -on ouer three or foure paire of socks, and so went in them to keepe our -feet warme. - -The 12 of December it was faire cleare weather, with [a bright sky and] -a north-west wind, but extreame cold, so that our house walles and -cabans where [885] frozen a finger thicke, yea and the clothes vpon our -backs were white ouer with frost [and icicles]; and although some of vs -were of opinion that we should lay more coles vpon the fire to warme -vs, and that we should let the chimney stand open, yet we durst not do -it, fearing the like danger we had escaped. - -The 13 of December it was faire cleare wether, with an east wind. Then -we tooke another foxe, and took great paines about preparing and -dressing of our springes, with no small trouble, for that if we staied -too long without the doores, there arose blisters [886] vpon our faces -and our eares. - -The 14 of December it was faire wether, the wind north-east and the sky -full of starres. Then we tooke the height of ye right shoulder of the -Reus, [887] when it was south south-west and somewhat more westerly -(and then it was at the highest in our [common] compas), and it was -eleuated aboue the horison twenty degrees and eighteen [888] minutes, -his declination being six degrees and eighteene minuts on the north -side of the lyne, which declination being taken out of the height -aforesaid there rested fourteen degrees, which being taken out of 90 -degrees, then the height of ye Pole was seuenty sixe degrees. - -The 15 of December it was still faire [bright] weather, the wind east. -That day we tooke two foxes, and saw the moone rise east south-east, -when it was twenty-sixe daies old; [and it was] in the signe of -Scorpio. - -The 16 of December it was faire cleare weather, the wind [north] east. -At that time we had no more wood in the house, but had burnt it all; -but round about our house there lay some couered ouer with snow, which -with great paine and labour we were forced to digge out and so shouell -away the snow, and so brought it into the house, which we did by turns, -two and two together, wherein we were forced to vse great speede, for -we could not long endure without the house, because of the extreame -cold, [889] although we ware [890] the foxes skinnes about our heads -and double apparell vpon our backs. - -The 17 of December the wind still held north-east, with faire weather, -and so great frosts that we were of opinion that if there stood a -barrel full of water [891] without the doore, it would in one night -freeze from the top to the bottome. - -The 18 of December the wind still held north-east, with faire wether. -Then seuen of vs went out vnto the ship to see how it lay; and being -vnder the decke, thinking to find a foxe there, we sought all the -holes, [892] but we found none: but when we entered into the caben, -[893] and had stricken fire to see in what case the ship was and -whether the water rose higher in it, there wee found a fox, which we -tooke and carried it home, and ate it, and then we found that in -eighteene dayes absence (for it was so long since we had beene there) -the water was risen about a finger high, but yet it was all ice, for it -froze as fast as it came in, and the vessels which we had brought with -vs full of fresh water out of Holland were frozen to the ground. [894] - -The 19 of December it was faire wether, the wind being south. Then we -put each other in good comfort that the sun was then almost half ouer -and ready to come to vs againe, which we sore longed for, it being a -weary time for vs to be without the sunne, and to want the greatest -comfort that God sendeth vnto man here vpon the earth, and that which -reioiceth euery liuing thing. - -The 20 of Dece[mber] before noone it was faire cleare wether, and then -we had taken a fox; but towards euening there rose such a [violent] -storm [and tempest] in the south-west, with so great a snow, that all -the house was inclosed therewith. - -The 21 of December it was faire cleere wether, with a north-east wind. -Then we made our doore cleane againe and made a way to go out, and -clensed our traps for the foxes, which did vs great pleasure when we -tooke them, for they seemed as dainty as uenison unto vs. - -The 22 of December it was foule wether with great store of snow, the -wind south-west, which stopt up our doore againe, and we were forced to -dig it open againe, which was almost euery day to do. - -The 23 of December it was foule wether, the wind south-west with great -store of snow, but we were in good comfort that the sunne would come -againe to vs, for (as we gest [895]) that day he was in Tropicus -Capricorni, which is the furthest signe [896] that the sunne passeth on -the south side of the line, and from thence it turneth north-ward -againe. This Tropicus Capricorni lyeth on the south side of the -equinoctial line, in twenty-three degrees and twenty-eight [897] -minutes. - -The 24 of December, being Christmas-euen, it was faire wether. Then we -opened our doore againe and saw much open water in the sea: for we had -heard the ice crack and driue, [and] although it was not day, [898] yet -we could see so farre. Towards euening it blew hard out of the -north-east, with great store of snow, so that all the passage that wee -had made open before was [immediately] stopt vp againe. - -The 25 of December, being Christmas day, it was foule wether with a -north-west wind; and yet, though it was [very] foule wether, we hard -[899] the foxes run ouer our house, wherewith some of our men said it -was an ill signe; and while we sate disputing why it should be an ill -signe, some of our men made answere that it was an ill signe because we -could not take them, to put them into the pot to rost them, [900] for -that had been a very good signe for vs. - -The 26 of December it was foule wether, the wind north-west, and it was -so [extraordinarily] cold that we could not warme vs, although we vsed -all the meanes we could, with greate fires, good store of clothes, and -with hot stones and billets [901] laid vpon our feete and vpon our -bodies as we lay in our cabens; [902] but notwithstanding all this, in -the morning our cabens were frozen [white], which made vs behold one -the other with sad countenance. But yet we comforted our selues againe -as well as we could, that the sunne was then as low as it could goe, -and that it now began to come to vs againe, [903] and we found it to be -true; for that the daies beginning to lengthen the cold began to -strengthen, but hope put vs in good comfort and eased our paine. [904] - -The 27 of December it was still foule wether with a north-west wind, so -that as then we had not beene out in three daies together, nor durst -not thrust our heads out of doores; and within the house it was so -extreme cold, that as we sate [close] before a great fire, and seemed -to burne [905] [our shins] on the fore side, we froze behinde at our -backs, and were al white, as the country men [906] vse to be when they -come in at the gates of the towne in Holland with their sleads, [907] -and haue gone [908] all night. - -The 28 of December it was still foule wether, with a west wind, but -about euening it began to cleare vp. At which time one of our men made -a hole open at one of our doores, and went [909] out to see what news -abroad, [910] but found it so hard wether that he stayed not long, and -told vs that it had snowed so much that the snow lay higher than our -house, and that if he had stayed out longer his eares would undoubtedly -haue been frozen off. - -The 29 of December it was calme wether and a pleasant aire, [911] the -wind being southward. That day he whose turne it was opened the doore -and dig’d a hole through the snow, where wee went out of the house vpon -steps as if it had bin out of a seller, [912] at least seuen or eight -steps high, each step a foote from the other. And then we made cleane -our springes [or traps] for the foxes, whereof for certain [913] daies -we had not taken any; and as we made them cleane, one of our men found -a dead fox in one of them that was frozen as hard as a stone, which he -brought into the house and thawed it before the fire, and after fleaing -it some of our men ate it. - -The 30 of December it was foule wether againe, with a storme out of the -west and great store of snow, so that all the labour and paine that we -had taken the day before, to make steps to go out of our house and to -clense our springes, [914] was al in vaine; for it was al couered over -wt snow againe higher then it was before. - -The 31 of December it was still foule wether with a storme out of the -north-west, whereby we were so fast shut vp into the house as if we had -beene prisoners, and it was so extreame cold that the fire almost cast -no heate; for as we put our feete to the fire, we burnt our hose [915] -before we could feele the heate, so that we had [constantly] work -inough to do to patch our hose. And, which is more, if we had not -sooner smelt then felt them, we should haue burnt them [quite away] ere -we had knowne it. - - -[Anno 1597] - -After that, with great cold, danger, and disease, [916] we had brought -the [917] yeare vnto an end, we entered into ye yeare of our Lord God -1597, ye beginning whereof was in ye same maner as ye end of anno 1596 -had been; for the wether continued as cold, foule, [boisterous], and -snowy as it was before, so that vpon the first of January we were -inclosed in the house, ye wind then being west. At the same time we -agreed [918] to share our wine euery man a small measure full, and that -but once in two daies. And as we were in great care and feare that it -would [still] be long before we should get out from thence, and we -[sometimes] hauing but smal hope therein, some of vs spared to drink -wine as long as wee could, that if we should stay long there we might -drinke it at our neede. - -The 2 of January it blew hard, with a west wind and a great storme, -with both snow and frost, so that in four or five daies we durst not -put our heads out of ye doores; and as then by reason of the great cold -we had almost burnt all our wood [that was in the house], -notwithstanding we durst not goe out to fetch more wood, because it -froze so hard and there was no being without the doore; but seeking -about we found some [superfluous] pieces of wood that lay ouer the -doore, which we [broke off and] cloue, and withall cloue the blocks -[919] whereon we vsed to beate our stock-fish, [920] and so holp our -selues so well as we could. - -The 3 of January it was all one weather [constantly boisterous, with -snow and a north-west wind, and so exceedingly cold that we were forced -to remain close shut up in the house], and we had little wood to burne. - -The 4 of January it was still foule stormie weather, with much snow and -great cold, the wind south-west, and we were forced to keepe -[constantly shut up] in the house. And to know where the wind blew, we -thrust a halfe pike out at ye chimney wt a little cloth or fether upon -it; but [we had to look at it immediately the wind caught it, for] as -soone as we thrust it out it was presently frozen as hard as a peece of -wood, and could not go about nor stirre with the wind [so that we said -to one another how tremendously cold it must be out of doors]. - -The 5 of January it was somewhat still and calme weather. [921] Then we -digd our doore open againe, that we might goe out and carry out all the -filth that had bin made during the time of our being shut in the house, -and made euery thing handsome, and fetched in wood, which we cleft; and -it was all our dayes worke to further our selues as much as we could, -fearing lest we should be shut up againe. And as there were three -doores in our portall, and for yt our house lay couered ouer in snow, -we took ye middle doore thereof away, and digged a great hole in the -snow that laie without the house, like to a side of a vault, [922] -wherein we might go to ease our selues and cast other filth into it. -And when we had taken paines [923] al day, we remembered our selues -that it was Twelf Even, [924] and then we prayed our maister [925] that -[in the midst of all our troubles] we might be merry that night, and -said that we were content to spend some of the wine that night which we -had spared and which was our share euery second day, and whereof for -certaine daies we had not drunke; and so that night we made merry and -drunke to the three kings. [926] And therewith we had two pound of -meale [which we had taken to make paste for the cartridges], whereof we -[now] made pancakes with oyle, and [we laid to] euery man a white -bisket [927] which we sopt in [the] wine. And so supposing that we were -[928] in our owne country and amongst our frends, it comforted vs as -well as if we had made a great banket [929] in our owne house. And we -also made [930] tickets, and our gunner was king of Noua Zembla, which -is at least two hundred [800] miles long [931] and lyeth betweene two -seas. [932] - -The 6 of January it was faire weather, the wind north-east. Then we -went out and clensed our traps [and springes] to take foxes, which were -our uenison; and we digd a great hole in the snow where our fire-wood -lay, and left it close aboue like a vault [of a cellar], and from -thence fetcht out our wood as we needed it. - -The 7 of January it was foule weather againe, with a north-west wind -and some snow, and very cold, which put vs in great feare to be shut up -in the house againe. - -The 8 of January it was faire weather againe, the wind north. Then we -made our [traps and] springes ready to get more uenison, which we -longed for. And then we might [sometimes begin to] see and marke -day-light, which then began to increase, that the sunne as then began -to come towards vs againe, which thought put vs in no litle comfort. - -The 9 of January it was foule wether, with a north-west wind, but not -so hard wether as it had bin before, so yt we might [933] go out of the -doore to make cleane our springes; but it was no need to bid vs go home -againe, for the cold taught vs by experience not to stay long out, for -it was not so warm to get any good by staying in the aire. [934] - -The 10 of January it was faire weather, with a north wind. Then seuen -of vs went to our ship, well armed, which we found in the same state we -left it in, and [in] it we saw many footsteps of beares, both great and -small, whereby it seemed that there had bin more than one or two beares -therein. And as we went under hatches, we strooke fire and lighted a -candle, and found that the water was rysen a foote higher in the ship. - -The 11 of January it was faire weather, the wind north-west [935] and -the cold began to be somewhat lesse, so that as then we were bold to -goe [now and then] out of the doores, and went about a quarter of a -mile [one mile] to a hill, from whence we fetched certaine stones, -which we layd in the fire, therewith to warme vs in our cabans. - -The 12 of January it was faire cleare weather, the wind west. [936] -That euening it was very cleare, and the skie full of stars. Then we -tooke the height of Occulus Tauri, [937] which is a bright and well -knowne star, and we found it to be eleuated aboue ye horison twenty -nine degrees and fifty foure minutes, her declination being fifteene -degrees fifty foure minutes on the north side of the lyne. This -declination being substracted from the height aforesaid, then there -rested fourteene degrees; which substracted from ninety degrees, then -the height of the pole was seuenty sixe degrees. And so by measuring -the height of that starre and some others, we gest that ye sun was in -the like height, [938] and that we were there vnder seuenty sixe -degrees, and rather higher than lower. - -The 13 of January it was faire still weather, the wind westerlie; and -then we perceaued that daylight began more and more to increase, and -wee went out and cast bullets at the bale of ye flag staffe, which -before we could not see when it turnd about. [939] - -The 14 of January it was faire weather and a cleare light, [940] the -wind westerlie; and that day we tooke a fox. [941] - -The 15 of January it was faire cleare weather, with a west wind; and -six of vs went aboord the ship, where we found the bolck-vanger, [942] -which the last time that we were in the ship we stucke in a hole in the -fore decke [943] to take foxes, puld out of the hole, and lay in the -middle of the ship, and al torne in peeces by the bears, as we -perceiued by their foote-steps. - -The 16 of January it was faire weather, the wind northerly; and then we -went now and then out of the house to strech out our ioynts and our -limbs with going and running, [944] that we might not become lame; and -about noone time we saw a certaine rednes in the skie, as a shew or -messenger of the sunne that began to come towards vs. - -The 17 of January it was cleare weather, with a north wind, and then -still more and more we perceiued that the sun began to come neerer vnto -vs; for the day was somewhat warmer, so that when wee had a good fire -there fell great peeces of ice downe from the walles [and roof] of our -house, and the ice melted in our cabens and the water dropt downe, -which was not so before how great soeuer our fire was; but that night -it was colde againe. [945] - -The 18 of January it was faire cleare weather with a south-east wind. -Then our wood began to consume, [946] and so we agreed to burne some of -our sea-coles, and not to stop up the chimney, and then wee should not -neede to feare any hurt, [947] which wee did, and found no disease -thereby; but we thought it better for vs to keepe the coles and to -burne our wood more sparingly, for that the coles would serue vs better -when we should saile home in our open scute. [948] - -The 19 of January it was faire weather, with a north wind. And then our -bread began to diminish, for that some of our barels were not full -waight, and so the diuision was lesse, and we were forced to mak our -allowance bigger with that which we had spared before. And then some of -vs went abord the ship, wherein there was halfe a barrell of bread, -which we thought to spare till the last, and there [quite] secretly -each of them tooke a bisket or two out of it. - -The 20 of January the ayre was cleare, [949] and the wind south-west. -That day we staied in the house and cloue wood to burne, and brake some -of our emptie barrels, and cast the iron hoopes vpon the top of the -house. - -The 21 of January it was faire [clear] weather, with a west wind. At -that time taking of foxes began to faile vs, which was a signe that the -beares would soone come againe, as not long after we found it to be -true; for as long as the beares stay[ed] away the foxes came abroad, -and not much before the beares came abroad the foxes were but little -seene. - -The 22 of January it was faire wether with a west wind. Then we went -out againe to cast the bullet, [950] and perceiued that day light began -to appeare, whereby some of vs said that the sun would soon appeare -vnto vs, but William Barents to the contrary said that it was yet [more -than] two weeks too soone. - -The 23 of January it was faire calme weather, with a south-west wind. -Then foure of vs went to the ship and comforted each other, giuing God -thankes that the hardest time of the winter was past, being in good -hope that we should liue to talke of those things at home in our owne -country; and when we were in the ship we found that the water rose -higher and higher in it, and so each of us taking a bisket or two with -us, we went home againe. - -The 24 of January it was faire cleare weather, with a west wind. Then I -and Jacob Hermskercke, and another with vs, went to the sea-side on the -south side of Noua Zembla, where, contrary to our expectation, I [the] -first [of all] [951] saw the edge of the sun; [952] wherewith we went -speedily home againe, to tell William Barents and the rest of our -companions that joyfull newes. But William Barents, being a wise and -well experienced pilot, would not beleeve it, esteeming it to be about -fourteene daies too soone for the sunne to shin in that part of the -world; [953] but we earnestly affirmed the contrary and said we had -seene the sunne [whereupon divers wagers were laid]. - -The 20 and 26 of January it was misty and close [954] weather, so yt we -could not see anything. Then they that layd ye contrary wager wt vs, -thought that they had woon; but vpon the twenty seuen day it was cleare -[and bright] weather, and then [How the sun which they had lost the 4 -of Nouember did appere to them again vpon the 24 of January, which was -very strange, and contrary to al learned mens opinions.] we [all] saw -the sunne in his full roundnesse aboue the horison, whereby it -manifestly appeared that we had seene it vpon the twenty foure day of -January. And as we were of diuers opinions touching the same, and that -we said it was cleane contrary to the opinions of all olde and newe -writers, yea and contrary to the nature and roundnesse both of heauen -and earth; some of vs said, that seeing in long time there had been no -day, that it might be that we had ouerslept our selues, whereof we were -better assured: [955] but concerning the thing in itselfe, seeing God -is wonderfull in all his workes, we wille referre that to his almightie -power, and leaue it vnto others to dispute of. But for that no man -shall thinke vs to be in doubt thereof, if we should let this passe -without discoursing vpon it, therefore we will make some declaration -thereof, whereby we may assure our selues that we kept good reckening. - -You must vnderstand, that when we first saw the sunne, it was in the -fift degree and 25 minutes of Aquarius, [956] and it should haue -staied, according to our first gessing, [957] till it had entred into -the sixteenth degree and 27 minutes of Aquarius [958] before he should -haue shewed [959] there vnto vs in the high of 76 degrees. - -Which we striuing and contending about it amongst our selues, we could -not be satisfied, but wondred thereat, and amongst vs were of oppinion -that we had mistaken our selues, which neuerthelesse we could [not] be -persuaded vnto, for that euery day without faile we noted what had -past, and also had vsed our clocke continually, and when that was -frosen we vsed our houre-glasse of 12 houres long. Whereupon we argued -with our selues in diuers wise, to know how we should finde out that -difference, and learne [960] the truth of the time; which to trie we -agreed to looke into the Ephemerides made by Josephus Schala, [961] -printed in Venice, for the yeeres of our Lord 1589 till A. 1600, and we -found therein that vpon the 24 day of January, (when the sunne first -appeared vnto vs) that at Venice, the clocke being one in the night -time, [962] the moone and Jupiter were in coniunction. [963] Whereupon -we sought to knowe when the same coniunction should be ouer or about -the house where we then were; and at last we found, yt the 24 day of -January was the same day whereon the coniunction aforesaid happened in -Venice, at one of the clocke in the night, and with vs in the morning -when ye sun was in the east: [964] for we saw manifestly that the two -planets aforesaid aproached neere vnto each other, [965] vntill such -time as the moone and Jupiter stood iust ouer the other, [966] both in -the signe of Taurus, [967] and that was at six of the clocke in the -morning; [968] at which time the moone and Jupiter were found by our -compas to be in coniunction, ouer our house, in the north and by east -point, and the south part of the compass was south-south-west, and -there we had it right south, [969] the moone being eight daies old; -whereby it appeareth that the sunne and the moone were eight points -different, [970] and this was about sixe of the clocke in the morning: -[971] this place differeth from Venice fiue houres in longitude, -whereby we maye gesse [972] how much we were nearer east [973] then the -citie of Venice, which was fiue houres, each houre being 15 degrees, -which is in all 75 degrees that we were more easterly then Venice. By -all which it is manifestly to be seene that we had not failed in our -account, and that also we had found our right longitude by the two -planets aforesaid; for the towne of Venice lieth vnder 37 degrees and -25 minutes in longitude, and her declination [974] is 46 degrees and 5 -minutes; [975] whereby it followeth that our place of Noua Zembla lieth -vnder 112 degrees and 25 minutes in longitude, and the high of the Pole -76 degrees; and so you haue the right longitude and latitude. But from -the vttermost [east] point of Noua Zembla to ye point of Cape de Tabin, -[976] the vttermost point of Tartaria, where it windeth southward, the -longitude differeth 60 degrees. [977] But you must vnderstand that the -degrees are not so great as they are vnder the equinoxial line; for -right vnder the line a degree is fifteene [60] miles; but when you -leaue the line, either northward or southward, then the degrees in -longitude do lessen, so that the neerer that a man is to the north or -south Pole, so much the degrees are lesse: so that vnder the 76 degrees -northward, where wee wintered, the degrees are but 3 miles and ⅔ parts -[14⅔ miles], [978] whereby it is to be marked [979] that we had but 60 -degrees to saile to the said Cape de Tabin, which is 220 [880] miles, -so [980] the said cape lieth in 172 degrees in longitude as it is -thought: and being aboue it, [981] it seemeth that we should be in the -straight of Anian, [982] where we may saile bouldlie into the south, as -the land reacheth. Now what further instructions are to be had to know -where we lost the sun [983] vnder ye said 76 degrees upon the fourth of -Nouember, and saw it again vpon the 24 of January, I leaue that to be -described [984] by such as make profession thereof: it suffiseth vs to -haue shewed that it failed vs not to appeare at the ordinary time. -[985] - -The 25 of January it was darke clowdy weather, the wind westerlie, so -that the seeing of the sunne the day before was againe doubted of; and -then many wagers were laid, and we still lookt out to see if the sunne -appeared. The same day we sawe a beare (which as long as the sunne -appeared not vnto vs we sawe not) comming out of the southwest towards -our house; but when we shouted at her she came no neerer, but went away -againe. - -The 26 of Janurie it was faire cleere weather, but in the horrison -there hung a white or darke cloude, [986] whereby we could not see the -sun; whereupon the rest of our companions thought that we had mistaken -our selues upon the 24 day, and that the sunne appeared not vnto vs, -and mocked vs; but we were resolute in our former affirmation that we -had seene the sunne, but not in the full roundnesse. That euening the -sicke man that was amongst vs was very weake, and felt himselfe to be -extreame sick, for he had laine long time, [987] and we comforted him -as well as we might, and gaue him the best admonition yt we could, -[988] but he died not long after midnight. - -The 27 of Januarie it was faire cleere weather, with a south-west -winde: then in the morning we digd a hole in the snowe, hard by the -house, but it was still so extreame cold that we could not stay long at -worke, and so we digd by turnes euery man a litle while, and then went -to the fire, and an other went and supplyed his place, till at last we -digd seauen foote depth, where we went to burie the dead man; after -that, when we had read certaine chapters and sung some psalmes, [989] -we all went out and buried the man; which done, we went in and brake -our fasts. [990] And while we were at meate, and discoursed amongst our -selues touching the great quantitie of snowe that continually fell in -that place, wee said that if it fell out that our house should be -closed vp againe with snowe, we would find the meanes to climbe out at -the chimney; whereupon our master [991] went to trie if he could clime -vp through the chimney and so get out, and while he was climbing one of -our men went forth of the doore to see if the master were out or not, -who, standing vpon the snowe, sawe the sunne, and called vs all out, -wherewith we all went forth and saw the sunne in his full roundnesse a -litle aboue the horrison, [992] and then it was without all doubt that -we had seene the sunne vpon the 24 of Januarie, which made vs all glad, -and we gaue God hearty thankes for his grace shewed vnto us, that that -glorious light appeared vnto vs againe. - -The 28 of January it was faire [clear] weather, with a west wind; then -we went out many tymes to exercise our selues, by going, running, -casting of the ball (for then we might see a good way from vs), and to -refresh our ioynts, [993] for we had long time sitten dull, [994] -whereby many of vs were very loase. [995] - -The 29 of January it was foule weather, with great store of snow, the -wind north-west, whereby the house was closed vp againe with snow. - -The 30 of January it was darke weather, with an east-wind, and we made -a hole through the doore, but we shoueled not the snow very farre from -the portaile, [996] for that as soone as we saw what weather it was, we -had no desire to goe abroad. - -The 31 of January it was faire calme weather, with an east-wind; then -we made the doore cleane, and shoueled away the snow, and threw it vpon -the house, and went out and saw [997] the sunne shine cleare, which -comforted vs; meane time we saw a beare, that came towards our house, -but we went softly in and watcht for her till she came neerer, and as -soone she was hard by we shot at her, but she ran away againe. - -The 1 of February, being Candlemas eve, it was boisterous weather with -a great storme and good store of snow, whereby the house was closed vp -againe with snow, and we were constrained to stay within dores; the -wind then being north-west. - -The 2 of February it was [still the same] foule weather, and as then -the sun had not rid vs of all the foule weather, whereby we were some -what discomforted, for that being in good hope of better weather we had -not made so great prouision of wood as wee did before. - -The 3 of February it was faire weather with an east winde, but very -misty, whereby we could not see the sun, which made vs somewhat -melancholy to see so great a miste, and rather more then we had had in -the winter time; and then we digd our doore open againe and fetcht the -wood that lay without about the dore into the house, which we were -forced with great paine and labour to dig out of the snow. - -The 4 of February it was [again] foule weather with great store of -snow, the wind being south-west, and then we were close up again with -snow; but then we tooke not so much paines as we did before to dig open -the doore, but when we had occasion to goe out we clome [998] out at -the chimney and eased our selues, and went in againe the same way. - -The 5 of February it was still foule weather, the wind being east with -great store of snow, whereby we were shut vp againe into the house and -had no other way to get out but by the chimney, and those that could -not clime out were faine to helpe themselues within as well as they -could. - -The 6 of February it was still foule stormie weather with store of -snow, and we still went out at the chimney, and troubled not ovr selues -with the doore, for some of vs made it an easie matter to clime out at -the chimney. - -The 7 of February it was still foule weather with much snow and a -south-west wind, and we thereby forced to keepe the house, which griued -[999] vs more than when the sun shined not, for that hauing seen it and -felt the heat thereof, yet we were forced not to inioy [1000] it. - -The 8 of February it began to be fairer weather, [the sky being bright -and clear, and] the wind being south-west; then we saw the sun rise -south south-east and went downe south south-west; [1001] [well -understood] by ye compas that we had made of lead and placed to the -right meridian of that place, but by our common compas according [1002] -it differed two points. - -The 9 of February it was faire cleare weather, the wind south-west, but -as then we could not see the sunne, because it was close weather in the -south, where the sunne should goe downe. [1003] - -The 10 of February it was faire cleare weather [and calm], so that we -could not tell where the wind blew, and then we began to feele some -heat of the sunne; but in the euening it began to blow somewhat cold -[1004] out of the west. - -The 11 of February it was faire weather, the wind south; yt day about -noone there came a beare towards our house, and we watcht her with our -muskets, but she came not so neere that wee could reach her. The same -night we heard some foxes stirring, which since the beares began to -come abroad againe we had [not] much seen. - -The 12 of February it was cleare weather and very calme, the wind -south-west. Then we made our traps [and springes] cleane againe; -meane-time there came a great beare towards our house, which made vs -all goe in, and we leauelled at her with our muskets, and as she came -right before our dore we shot her into the breast clean through the -heart, the bullet passing through her body and went out againe at her -tayle, and was as flat as a counter [1005] [that has been beaten out -with a hammer]. The beare feeling the blow, lept backwards, and ran -twenty or thirty foote from the house, and there lay downe, wherewith -we lept all out of the house and ran to her, and found her stil aliue; -and when she saw vs she reard vp her head, as if she would gladly haue -doone vs some mischefe; [1006] but we trusted her not, for that we had -tryed her strength sufficiently before, and therefore we shot her -[1007] twice into the body againe, and therewith she dyed. Then we ript -vp her belly, and taking out her guts, drew her home to the house, -where we flead her and tooke at least one hundred pound of fat out of -her belly, which we molt [1008] and burnt in our lampe. This grease did -vs great good seruice, for by that meanes we still kept a lampe burning -all night long, which before we could not doe for want of grease; and -[further] euery man had meanes to burne a lamp in his caban for such -necessaries as he had to doe. The beares skin was nine foote long and 7 -foote broad. - -The 13 of February it was faire cleare weather with a hard west wind, -at which time we had more light in our house by burning of lamps, -whereby we had meanes to passe the time away by reading and other -exercises, which before (when we could not distinguish day from night -by reason of the darknesse, and had not lamps continually burning) we -could not doe. - -The 14th of February it was faire cleere weather with a hard west wind -before noone, but after noone it was still weather. Then fiue of vs -went to the ship to see how it laie, and found the water to encrease in -it, but not much. - -The 15 of February it was foule weather, with a great storme out of the -south-west, with great store of snowe, whereby the house was closed vp -againe. That night the foxes came to deuoure the dead body of the -beare, whereby we were in great feare that all the beares thereabouts -would come theather, [1009] and therefore we agreed, as soone as we -could, to get out of the house, to bury the dead beare deepe vnder the -snowe. - -The 16 of February it was still foule weather, with great store of snow -and a south-west wind. That day was Shroue Twesday; [1010] then wee -made our selues some what merry in our great griefe and trouble, and -euery one of vs dranke a draught of wine in remembrance that winter -began to weare away, and faire weather [1011] to aproache. - -The 17 of February it was still foule weather and a darke sky, the wind -south. Then we opened our dore againe and swept away the snow, and then -we thrue [1012] the dead beare into the hoale where we had digd out -some wood, and stopt it vp, that the beares by smelling it should not -come thither to trouble vs, and we set vp our springs [1013] againe to -take foxes; and the same day fiue of us went to the ship to see how it -laie, which we found all after one sort; [1014] there we found -foote-steps of many beares, as though they had taken it vp for their -lodging when we had forsaken it. - -The 18 of February it was foule weather with much snow and very cold, -the wind being south-west; and in the night time, as we burnt lampes -and some of our men laie [late] awake, we heard beasts runne vpon the -roofe of our house, which by reason of the snowe made the noise of -their feete sound more than otherwise it would haue done, the snow was -so hard [and cracked so much that it gave a great sound], whereby we -thought they had beene beares; but when it was day we sawe no footing -but of foxes, and we thought they had beene beares, for the night, -which of it selfe is solitarie and fearefull, made that which was -doubtfull to be more doubtfull and worse feared. [1015] - -The 19 of February it was faire cleere weather with a south-west wind. -Then we tooke the hight of the sunne, which in long time before we -could not doe because the horizon was not cleere, as also for that it -mounted not so high nor gaue not so much shadowe as we were to haue -[1016] in our astrolabium, and therefore we made an instrument that was -halfe round, at the one end [1017] hauing 90 degrees marked thereon, -whereon we hung a third [1018] with a plumet of lead, as the water -compasses [1019] haue, and therewith we tooke the hight of the sunne -when it was at the highest and found that it was three degrees eleuated -aboue the horizon, his declination eleuenth degrees and sixteene -minutes, which beeing added to the height aforesaid made 14 degrees and -16 minutes, which substracted from 90 degrees, there rested 75 degrees -and 44 minutes for the higth of the Pole; but the aforesaid three -degrees of higth being taken at the lowest side of the sunne, the 16 -minutes might well be added to the higth of the Pole, and so it was -just 76 degrees, as we had measured it before. [1020] - -The 20 of February it was foule weather with great store of snow, the -wind south-west; whereby we were shut vp againe in the house, as we had -been often times before. - -The 21 of February it was still foule weather, the wind north-west and -great store of snow, which made vs greiue more then it did before, for -we had no more wood, and so were forced to breake of [1021] some peeces -of wood in the house, and to gather vp some that lay troden vnder feet, -which had not bin cast out of the way, whereby for that day and the -next night we holp [1022] our selues indifferent well. - -The 22 of February it was clere faire weather with a south-west wind. -Then we made ready a slead to fetch more wood, for need compelled vs -thereunto; for, as they say, hunger driueth the wolfe out of his den. -[1023] And eleuen of vs went together, all well appointed with our -armes; but coming to the place where wee should haue the wood, we could -not come by it by reason it laie so deepe vnder the snow, whereby of -necessitie we were compelled to goe further, where with great labour -and trouble we got some; but as we returned backe againe therewith, it -was so sore labour vnto vs that we were almost out of comfort, for that -by reason of the long cold [1024] and trouble that we had indured, we -were become so weake and feeble that we had little strength, and we -began to be in doubt that we should not recover our strengths againe -[1025] and should not be able to fetch any more wood, and so we should -haue died with cold; but the present necessitie and the hope we had of -better weather increased our forces, and made vs doe more then our -strengthes afforded. And when we came neere to our house, we saw much -open water in the sea, which in long time we had not seene, which also -put vs in good comfort that things would be better. - -The 23 of February it was calme and faire weather, with a good aire, -[1026] the wind south-west, and then we tooke two foxes, that were as -good to vs as venison. - -The 24 [1027] of February it was still weather, and a close aire, -[1028] the wind south-west. Then we drest our springes [and traps] in -good sort for the foxes, but tooke none. - -The 25 of February it was foule weather againe and much snow, with a -north wind, whereby we were closed vp with snow againe, and could not -get out of our house. - -The 26 of February it was darke weather, with a south-west wind, but -very calme: and then we opened our dore againe and exercised our selues -with going and running and to make our ioints supple, which were almost -clinged together. [1029] - -The 27 of February it was calme weather, with a south wind, but very -cold. Then our wood began to lessen, which put vs in no small -discomfort to remember what trouble we had to drawe the last slead-full -home, and we must doe the like againe if we would not die with cold. - -The 28 of February it was still weather with a south-west wind. Then -ten of vs went and fetcht an other slead-full of wood, with no lesse -paine and labor then we did before; for one of our companions could not -helpe vs, because that the first ioint of one of his great toes was -frozen of, and so he could doe nothing. - -The first of March it was faire still weather, the wind west but very -cold, and we were forced to spare our wood, because it was so great -labor for vs to fetch it; so that when it was day we exercised our -selues as much as we might, with running, going and leaping; and to -them that laie in their cabins [1030] we gaue hote [1031] stones to -warme them, and towards night we made a good fire, which we were forced -to indure. [1032] - -The 2 of Marche it was cold cleere weather, with a west wind. The same -day we tooke the higth of the sunne, and found that it was eleuated -aboue the horizon sixe degrees and 48 minutes, and his declination was -7 degrees and 12 minutes, which [1033] substracted from 90 degrees, -resteth 76 degrees for the higth of the Pole. [1034] - -The 3 of March it was faire weather [and calm], with a [south-] west -wind; at which time our sickemen were somewhat better and sat vpright -in their cabins to doe some thing to passe the time awaie, but after -they found [1035] that they were too ready to stirre before their -times. - -The 4 of March it was faire weather with a west wind. The same day -there came a beare to our house, whom we watcht with our peeces as we -did before, and shot at her and hit her, but she run away. At that time -fiue of us went to our ship, where we found that the beares had made -worke, and had opened our cookes cubberd, [1036] that was couered ouer -with snow, thinking to find some thing in it, and had drawne it [a good -way] out of the ship, where we found it. - -The 5 of March it was foule weather againe, with a south-west wind: and -as in the euening we had digd open our dore and went out, when the -weather began to break vp, [1037] we saw much open water in the sea, -more then before which put vs in good comfort that in the end we should -get away from thence. - -The 6 of March it was foule weather, with a great storme out of the -south-west and much snow. The same day some of vs climbed out of the -chimney, and perceaued that in the sea and about the land there was -much open water, but the ship lay fast still. - -The 7 of March it was still foule weather and as great a wind, so that -we were shut vp in our house, and they that would goe out must clime vp -through the chimney, which was a common thing with vs, and still we -sawe more open water in the sea and about the land, whereby we were in -doubt [1038] that the ship, in that foule weather and driuing of the -ice, would be loose [1039] while we were shut vp in our house, and we -should haue no meanes to helpe it. - -The 8 of Marche it was still foule weather, with a south-west storme -and great store of snow, whereby we could see no ice north-east nor -round about in the sea, whereby we were of opinion that north-east from -vs there was a great sea. [1040] - -The 9 of March it was foule weather, but not so foule as the [two] -day[s] before, and lesse snow; and then we could see further from vs -and perceiue that the water was open in the north-east, but not from vs -towards Tartaria, for there we could still see ice in the Tartarian -Sea, otherwise called the Ice Sea, so that we were of opinion that -there it was not very wide; for, when it was cleere weather, we thought -many times that we saw the land, and showed it vnto our companions, -south and [south] south-east from our house, like a hilly land, as land -commonly showeth it selfe when we see it [from afar off]. [1041] - -The 10 of March it was cleere weather, the wind north. Then we made our -house cleane, and digd our selues out and came forth; at which time we -saw [quite] an open sea, whereupon we said vnto each other that if the -ship were loose we might venture to saile awaie, for we were not of -opinion to doe it with our scutes, [1042] considering the great cold -that we found there. Towards euening, nine of vs went to the ship with -a slead to fetch wood, when al our wood was burnt; and found the ship -in the same order that it laie, and fast in the ice. - -The 11 of March it was cold, but faire sunne-shine weather, the wind -north-east; then we tooke the higth of the sunne with our astrolabium, -and found it to be eleuated aboue the horizon ten degrees and 19 -minutes, his declination was three degrees 41 minutes, which being -added to the higth aforesaid, made 14 degrees, which substracted from -90 degrees, there resteth 76 degrees for the higth of the Pole. [1043] -Then twelue of vs went to the place where we vsed to goe, to fetch a -slead of wood, but still we had more paine and labour therewith, -because we were weaker; and when we came home with it and were very -weary, we praid the master [1044] to giue either of vs a draught of -wine, which he did, wherewith we were somewhat releeued and comforted, -and after that were the willinger [1045] to labour, which was -vnsupportable for vs if mere extremitie had not compelled vs thereunto, -saying often times one vnto the other, that if the wood were to be -bought for mony, we would giue all our earnings or wages for it. - -The 12 of March it was foule weather, ye wind north-east; then the ice -came mightily driuing in, which [by] the south-west winde had bin -driuen out, and it was then as could [1046] as it had bin before in the -coldest time of winter. - -The 13 of March it was still foule weather, with a storme out of the -north-east and great store of snow, and the ice mightely driuing in -with a great noyse, the flakes rustling against each other fearfull to -heare. - -The 14 of March it was still foule weather with a great east north-east -wind, whereby the sea was [again] as close [1047] as it had bin before, -and it was extreame cold, whereby our sicke men were very ill, [1048] -who when it was faire weather were stirring too soone. [1049] - -The 15 of March it was faire weather, the wind north. That day we -opened our dore to goe out, but the cold rather increased then -diminished, and was bitterer then before it had bin. - -The 16 of March it was faire cleare weather, but extreame cold with a -north wind, which put vs to great extremity, for that we had almost -taken our leaues of the cold, and then it began to come againe. - -The 17 of March it was faire cleare weather, with a north-wind, but -stil very cold, wherby wee were wholy out of comfort to see and feele -so great cold, and knew not what to thinke, for it was extreame cold. - -The 18 of March it was foule cold weather with good store of snow, the -wind north-east, which shut vs vp in our house so that we could not get -out. - -The 19 of March it was still foule and bitter cold weather, the wind -north-east, the ice in the sea cleauing [1050] faster and thicker -together, with great cracking and a hugh [1051] noyse, which we might -easily heare in our house, but we delighted not much in hearing -thereof. - -The 20 of March it was foule weather, bitter cold, and a north-east -wind, then our wood began [by degrees] to consume, [1052] so that we -were forced to take counsell together; [1053] for without wood we could -not liue, and yet we began to be so weake that we could hardly endure -the labour to fetch it. - -The 21 of March it was faire weather, but still very cold, the wind -north. The same day the sunne entred into Aries in the equinoxciall -lyne, and at noone we tooke the hight of the sunne and found it to be -eleuated 14 degrees aboue the horizon, but for that the sun was in the -middle lyne and of the like distance from both the tropiks, there was -no declination, neither on the south nor north side; and so the 14 -degrees aforesaid being substracted from ninty degrees, there rested 76 -degrees for the hight of the Pole. [1054] The same -day we made shooes of felt or rudg, [1055] which we drew vpon our feet, -[1056] for we could not goe in our shooes by reason of the great cold, -for the shooes on our feet were as hard as hornes; and then we fetcht a -slead-ful of wood home to our house, with sore and extreame labour and -with great extremity of cold, which we endured as if March [1057] went -to bid vs fare-well. But [1058] our hope and comfort was that the cold -could not still continue in that force, [1059] but that at length the -strength thereof [1060] would be broken. - -The 22 of March it was cleere still weather, the wind north-east, but -very cold; whereupon some of vs were of advice, seeing that the -fetching of wood was so toylesome vnto vs, that euery day once we -should make a fire of coales. - -The 23 of March it was very foule weather, with infernall bitter cold, -[1061] the wind north-east, so that we were forced to make more fire as -we had bin at other times, for then it was as cold as ever it had bin, -and it froze very hard in the flore and vpon the wales of our house. -[1062] - -The 24 of March it was a like cold, with great store of snow and a -north wind, whereby we were once againe shut vp into the house, and -then the coales serued vs well, which before by reason of our bad vsing -of them we disliked of. - -The 25 of March it was still foule weather, the wind west, the cold -still holding as strong as it was, which put vs in much discomfort. - -The 26 of March it was faire cleere weather [with a west wind], and -very calme; then we digd our selues out of the house againe and went -out, and then we fetcht an other slead of wood, for the great cold had -made vs burne vp all that we had. - -The 27 of March it was faire weather, the wind west and very calme; -then the ice began to driue away againe, but the ship lay fast and -stird not. - -The 28 [1063] of March it was faire weather, the wind south-west, -whereby the ice draue away very fast [and we had much open water]. The -same day sixe of vs went abord the ship to see how it lay, and found it -still in one sort; but we perceiued that the beares had kept an euil -fauoured house therein. [1064] - -The 29 of March it was faire cleere weather, with a north-east wind; -then the ice came driuing in againe. The same day we fetcht another -slead of wood, which we were euery day worse alike to doe [1065] by -reason of our weaknesse. - -The 30 of March it was faire cleere weather, with an east wind, -wherewith the ice came driving in againe. After noone there came two -beares by our house, but they went along to the ship and let vs alone. - -The 31 of March it was still faire weather, the wind north-east, -wherewith the ice came still more and more driuing in, and made high -[1066] hilles by sliding one vpon the other. - -The 1 of Aprill it blew stil [1067] out of the east, with faire -weather, but very cold; and then we burnt some of our coales, for that -our wood was too troublesome for vs to fetch. - -The 2 of Aprill it was faire weather, the wind north-east and very -calme. Then we tooke the higth of the sunne, and found it to eleuated -aboue the horizon 18 degrees and 40 minutes, his declination being -foure degrees and 40 minutes, which being substracted from the higth -aforesaid, there rested 14 degrees, which taken from 90 degrees, the -higth of the Pole was 76 degrees. [1068] - -The 3 of Aprill it was faire cleere weather, with a north-east wind and -very calme; then we made a staffe to plaie at colfe, [1069] thereby to -stretch our jointes, which we sought by all the meanes we could to doe. - -The 4 of Aprill it was faire weather, the wind variable. That daie we -went all to the ship, and put out [through the hawse] the cable that -was made fast to the [bower] anchor, to the end that if the ship -chanced to be loose [or to drift] it might hold fast thereby. - -The 5 of Aprill it was foule weather with a hard north-east wind, -wherewith the ice came mightily in againe and slid in great peeces one -vpon the other; and then the ship laie faster then it did before. - -The 6 of Aprill it was still foule weather, with a stiffe north-west -wind. That night there came a beare to our house, and we did the best -we could to shoot at her, but because it was moist weather and the -cocke foistie, [1070] our peece would not giue fire, wherewith the -beare came bouldly toward the house, and came downe the staires [1071] -close to the dore, [1072] seeking to breake into the house; but our -master held the dore fast to, and being in great haste and feare, could -not barre it with the peece of wood that we vsed thereunto; [1073] but -the beare seeing that the dore was shut, she went backe againe, and -within two houres after she came againe, and went round about and vpon -the top of the house, and made such a roaring that it was fearefull to -heare, and at last got to the chimney, and made such worke there that -we thought she would haue broken it downe, and tore the saile [1074] -that was made fast about it in many peeces with a great and fearefull -noise; but for that it was night we made no resistance against her, -because we could not see her. At last she went awaie and left vs. - -The 7 of Aprill it was foule weather, the wind south-west. Then we made -our muskets ready, thinking the beare would haue come againe, but she -came not. Then we went up vpon the house, where we saw what force the -beare had vsed to teare away the saile, which was made so fast vnto the -chimney. - -The 8 of Aprill it was still foule weather, the wind south-west, -whereby the ice draue away againe and the sea was open, which put vs in -some comfort that we should once get away out of that fearefull place. - -The 9 of Aprill it was faire cleere weather, but towards euening it was -foule weather, the wind south-west, so that stil ye water became -opener, whereat we much reioysed, and gaue God thanks that he had saued -vs from the aforesaid [1075] cold, troublesome, hard, bitter, and -vnsupportable winter, hoping that time would giue vs a happy issue. - -The 10 of Aprill it was foule weather, with a storme out of the -north-east, with great store of snowe; at which time the ice that draue -away came in againe and couered all the sea ouer. [1076] - -The 11 of Aprill it was faire weather, with a great north-east wind, -wherewith the ice still draue one peece vpon another and lay in high -hilles. - -The 12 [1077] of Aprill it was faire cleere weather, but still it blew -hard north-east as it had done two dayes before, so that the ice lay -like hilles one upon the other, and then was higher and harder then it -had bin before. - -The 13 of Aprill it was faire cleere weather with a north wind. The -same day we fetcht a slead with wood, and euery man put on his shooes -that he had made of felt or rudg, [1078] which did vs great pleasure. - -The 14 of Aprill it was faire cleare weather with a west wind; then we -saw greater hilles of ice round about the ship then euer we had seene -before, which was a fearefull thing to behold, and much to be wondred -at that the ship was not smitten in pieces. - -The 15 of Aprill it was faire calme weather with a north wind; then -seauen of vs went aboard the ship, to see in what case it was, and -found it to be all in one sort; and as we came backe againe there came -a great beare towards vs, against whom we began to make defence, but -she perceauing that, made away from us, and we went to the place from -whence she came to see her den, [1079] where we found a great hole made -in ye ice, about a mans length in depth, the entry thereof being very -narrow, and within wide; there we thrust in our pickes [1080] to feele -if there was any thing within it, but perceauing it was emptie, one of -our men crept into it, but not too farre, for it was fearefull to -behold. After that we went along by the sea side, and there we saw that -in the end of March and the beginning of Aprill the ice was in such -wonderfull maner risen and piled vp one vpon the other that it was -wonderfull, in such manner as if there had bin whole townes made of -ice, with towres and bulwarkes round about them. - -The 16 of Aprill it was foule weather, the wind north-west, whereby the -ice began some-what to breake. [1081] - -The 17 of Aprill it was faire cleere weather with a south-west wind; -and then seauen of vs went to the ship, and there we saw open water in -the sea, and then we went ouer the ice hilles as well as we could to -the water, for in six or seauen monthes we had not gone so neare vnto -it; and when we got to ye water, there we saw a litle bird swiming -therein, but as soone as it espied vs it diued vnder the water, which -we tooke for a signe that there was more open water in the sea then -there had beene before, and that the time approached that the water -would [be] open. - -The 18 of Aprill it was faire weather, the wind south-west. Then we -tooke the higth of the sunne, and it was eleuated aboue the horizon 25 -degrees and 10 minutes, his declination 11 degrees and 12 minutes, -which being taken from the higth aforesaid, there rested 13 degrees and -68 minutes, which substracted from 90 degrees, the higth of the Pole -was found to be 75 degrees, 58 minutes. [1082] Then eleuen of vs went -with a slead to fetch more wood, and brought it to the house. In the -night there came an other beare vpon our house, which we hearing, went -all out with our armes, but [through the noise we made] the beare ranne -away. - -The 19 of Aprill it was faire weather with a north wind. That day fiue -of vs went into the bath to bathe our selues, [1083] which did vs much -good and was a great refreshing vnto vs. - -The 20 of Aprill it was faire weather with a west wind. The same day -five of vs went to the place where we fetcht wood, with a kettle and -other furniture [1084] vpon a slead, to wash our shirts in that place, -because the wood lay ready there, and for that we were to vse much wood -to melt the ice, to heate our water and to drie our shirtes, esteming -it a lesse labour then to bring the wood home to the house, which was -great trouble vnto vs. - -The 21 of Aprill it [still] was faire weather with an east wind; and -the next day the like weather, but in the euening the wind blewe -northerly. - -The 23 of Aprill it was faire [clear] weather [with a bright sky] and a -[strong] north-east wind; and the next day the like, with an east wind. - -The 25 of Aprill it was faire [clear] weather, the wind easterly. The -same day there came a beare to our house, and we shoot her into the -skin, [1085] but she runne awaie, which another beare that was not -farre from vs perceauing [she came not nearer to us but] runne away -also. - -The 26 and 27 of Aprill it was faire weather, but an extreeme great -north-east wind. - -The 28 of Aprill it was faire weather with a north wind. Then we tooke -the higth of the sunne againe, and found it to be eleuated 28 degrees -and 8 minutes, his declination 14 degrees and 8 minutes, [1086] which -substracted from 90 degrees, there rested 76 degrees for the highth of -the Pole. [1087] - -The 29 of Aprill it was faire weather with a south-west wind. Then we -plaid at colfe [1088] [and at ball], both to the ship and from thence -againe homeward, to exercise our selues. - -The 30 of Aprill it was faire weather [with a bright sky], the wind -south-west; then in the night wee could see the sunne in the north, -when it was in the highest, [1089] iust aboue the horizon, so that from -that time we saw the sunne both night and day. [1090] - -The 1 of May it was faire weather with a west wind; then we sod our -last flesh, [1091] which for a long time we had spared, and it was -still very good, and the last morsell tasted as well as the first, and -we found no fault therein but onely that it would last no longer. -[1092] - -The 2 of May it was foule weather with a [seuere] storme out of the -south-west, whereby the sea was almost cleere of ice, and then we began -to speake about [1093] getting from thence, for we had kept house long -enough there. - -The 3 of May it was still foule weather with a south-west wind, whereby -the ice began wholy to driue away, but it lay fast about the ship. And -when our best meate, as flesh and other things, began to faile vs, -[1094] which was our greatest sustenance, and that it behooued vs to be -somewhat strong, to sustaine the labour that we were to vndergoe when -we went from thence, the master shared the rest of the bacon [1095] -amongst vs, which was a small barrell with salt bacon in pickle, [1096] -whereof euery one of vs had two ounces a day, which continued for the -space of three weekes, and then it was eaten up. [1097] - -The 4 of May it was indifferent faire weather, ye wind south-west. That -day fiue of vs went to the ship, and found it lying still as fast in -the ice as it did before; [1098] for about the midle of March it was -but 75 paces from the open water, and then [1099] it was 500 paces from -the water and inclosed round about with high hilles of ice, which put -vs in no small feare how we should bring our scute and our boate -through or ouer that way into the water when we went to leaue that -place. That night there came [again] a beare to our house, but as soone -as she heard vs make a noise she ranne away againe; one of our men that -climbed vp in the chimney saw when she ranne away, so that it seemed -that as then they were afraid of vs, and durst not be so bold to set -vpon vs as they were at the first. - -The 5 of May it was faire weather with some snow, the wind east. That -euening and at night we saw the sunne, when it was at the lowest, a -good way aboue the earth. - -The 6 of May it was faire cleere weather with a great south-west wind, -whereby we saw the sea open both in the east and in the west, which -made our men exceeding glad, longing sore to be gone from thence. - -The 7 of May it was foule weather and snew hard, with a north wind, -whereby we were closed vp againe in our house, whereupon our men were -somewhat disquieted, saying that they thought they should neuer goe -from thence, [1100] and therefore, said they, it is best for vs as -soone as it is open water to be gone from hence. - -The 8 of May it was foule weather with great store of snow, the wind -west; then some of our men agreed amongst themselues to speake vnto the -master, [1101] and to tell him that it was more then time for vs to be -gone from thence; [1102] but they could not agree vpon it who should -moue the same vnto him, [1103] because he had said that he would staie -[1104] vntill the end of June, which was the best of the sommer, to see -if the ship would then be loose. - -The 9 of May it was faire cleere weather with an indifferent wind out -of the north-east; at which time the desire that our men had to be gone -from thence still more and more encreased, and then they agreed to -speake to William Barents to moue the master to goe from thence, but he -held them of with faire words [and quieted them]; and yet it was not -done to delay them, [1105] but to take the best counsell with reason -and good aduise, for he heard all what they could saie. [1106] - -The 10 of May it was faire weather with a north-west wind; yt night, -the sun by our common compas being north north-east and at the lowest, -we tooke the higth thereof, and it was eleuated 3 degrees and 45 -minutes, his declination was 17 degrees and 45 minuts, from whence -taking the higth aforesaid, there rested 14 degrees, which substracted -from 90 degrees, there rested 76 degrees for the higth of the Pole. -[1107] - -The 11 of May it was faire weather, the wind south-west, and then -[1108] it was [quite] open water in the sea, when our men prayed -William Barents once againe to moue the maister to make preparation to -goe from thence, which he promised to do as soone as conuenient time -serued him. - -The 12 of May it was foule weather, the wind north-west; and then the -water became still opener then it was, which put vs in good comfort. - -The 13 of May it was still weather, but it snowed hard with a -north[-west] wind. - -The 14 of May [it was fine clear weather with a north wind. Then] we -fetcht our last slead with fire wood, and stil ware [1109] our shooes -made of rugde [1110] on our feete, wherewith we did our selues much -pleasure, and they furthered vs much. At the same time we spake to -William Barents againe to mooue the maister about going from thence, -which he promised he would doe [on the following day]. - -The 15 of May it was faire weather with a west wind, and it was agreed -that all our men should go out to exercise their bodies with running, -goeing, [1111] playing at colfe [1112] and other exercises, thereby to -stirre their ioynts and make them nymble. Meane time [William] Barents -spake vnto the maister and showed him what the company had said, [1113] -who made him answeare that they should stay no longer than to the end -of that mounth, and that if then the ship could not be loosed, that -preparation should be made to goe away with the scute and the boate. -[1114] - -The 16 of May it was faire weather with a west-wind; at which time the -company were glad of the answere that the maister had giuen, but they -thought the time too long, because they were to haue much time [1115] -to make the boate and the scute ready to put to sea with them, and -therefore some of them were of opinion that it would be best for them -to sawe the boate [1116] in the middle and to make it longer; which -opinion, though [1117] it was not amisse, neuerthelesse it would be ye -worse for vs, for that although it should be so much the better for the -sailing, it would be so much the vnfitter to be drawne ouer the ice, -which we were forced [afterwards] to doe. - -The 17 and 18 of May it was faire cleere weather with a west wind, and -then we [almost] began to reconne [1118] the daies that were set downe -and appointed [1119] for vs to make preparation to be gone. - -The 19 of May it was faire weather with an east wind; then foure of our -men went to the ship or to the sea side, to see what way we should -draue the scute into the water. [1120] - -The 20 of May it was foule weather with a north-east wind, whereby the -ice began to come in [strongly] againe; and at noone we spake vnto the -maister, and told him that it was time to make preparation to be gon, -if he would euer get away from thence; [1121] whereunto he made -answeare that his owne life was as deere vnto him as any of ours vnto -vs, neuerthelesse he willed vs to make haste to prepare our clothes and -other things ready and fit for our voiage, and that in the meane time -we should patch and amend them, that after it might be no hinderance -vnto vs, and that we should stay till the mounth of May was past, and -then make ready the scute and the boate and al other things fit and -conuenient for our iourney. - -The 21 of May it was faire weather with a north-east wind, so that the -ice came driuing in againe, yet we made preparation touching our things -that we should weare, that we might not be hindred thereby. - -The 22 of May it was faire weather with a north-west wind; and for that -we had almost spent all our wood, we brake the portall of our dore -[1122] downe and burnt it. - -The 23 of May it was faire weather with an east wind; then some of [us] -went againe to the place where the wood lay, to wash our sheets. [1123] - -The 24 of May it was faire weather with a south-east wind, whereby -there was but little open water. - -The 25 of May it was faire weather with an east wind. Then at noone -time we tooke the higth of the sunne, that was eleuated aboue the -horizon 34 degrees and 46 minutes, his declination 20 degrees and 46 -minutes, which taken from the higth aforesaid, there rested 14 degrees, -which taken from 90 degrees [1124] resteth 76 degrees for the higth of -the Pole. [1125] - - -The 26 of May it was faire weather with a great north-east wind, -whereby the ice came [drifting] in againe [with great force]. - -The 27 of May it was foule weather with a great north-east wind, which -draue the ice mightely in againe, whereupon the maister, at the motion -[1126] of the company, willed vs [immediately to begin] to make -preparation to be gon. - -The 28 of May it was foule weather with a north-west wind; after noone -it began to be somewhat better. Then seuen of vs went vnto the ship, -and fetcht such things from thence as should serue vs for the -furnishing of our scute and our boate, as the old fock sayle [1127] to -make a sayle [1128] for our boate and our scute, and some tackles and -other things necessarie for vs. [1129] - -The 29 of May in the morning it was reasonable fair weather with a west -wind; then ten of vs went vnto the scute to bring it to the house to -dresse it and make it ready to sayle, [1130] but [on coming to it] we -found it deepe hidden vnder ye snow, and were faine with great paine -and labour to dig it out, but when we had gotten it out of the snow, -and thought to draw it to the house, we could not doe it, because we -were too weake, wherewith we became wholely out of heart, doubting that -we should not be able to goe forwarde with our labour; but the maister -encouraging vs bad vs striue to do more then we were able, saying that -both our liues and our wellfare consisted therein, and that if we could -not get the scute from thence and make it ready, then he said we must -dwell there as burgers [1131] of Noua Zembla, and make our graues in -that place. But there wanted no good will in vs, but onely strength, -which made vs for that time to leaue of worke and let the scute lye -stil, which was no small greefe unto vs and trouble to thinke what were -best for vs to doe. But after noone, being thus comfortlesse come home, -wee tooke hearts againe, and determined to tourne the boate [1132] that -lay by the house with her keale vpwards, and [we began] to amend it -[and to heighten the gunwales, so] that it might be ye fitter to carry -vs ouer the sea, for we made full account yt we had a long troublesom -voiage in hand, wherin we might haue many crosses, and wherin we should -not be sufficiently prouided for all things necessarie, although we -tooke neuer so much care; and while we were busy about our worke, there -came a great [1133] beare vnto vs, wherewith we went into our house and -stood to watch her in our three dores with harquebushes, and one stood -in the chimney with a musket. This beare came boldlyer [1134] vnto vs -than euer any had done before, for she came to the neather [1135] step -yt went to one of our doores, and the man that stood in the doore saw -her not because he lookt towards the other doore, but they that stood -within saw her and in great feare called to him, wherewith he turned -about, and although he was in a maze he shot at her, and the bullet -past cleane through her body, whereupon she ran away. Yet it was a -fearfull thing to see, for the beare was almost vpon him before he saw -her, so that if the peece had failed to giue fire, (as often times they -doe) it had cost him his life, and it may be yt the beare would haue -gotten into ye house. The beare being gone somewhat from the house, lay -downe, wherewith we went all armed [with guns, muskets, and half-pikes] -and killed her outright, and when we had ript open her belly we found a -peece of a bucke therein, with haire, skin and all, [1136] which not -long before she had towrne [1137] and deuoured. - -The 30 of May it was indifferent faire weather, but very cold and close -aire, [1138] the wind west; then we began [again with all our men that -were fit for it] to set our selues to worke about the boate [1139] to -amend it, the rest staying in the house to make the sailes and all -other things ready that were necessarie for vs. But while we were busie -working at our boate, there came [again] a beare vnto vs, wherewith we -were forced to leaue worke, but she was shot by our men. Then we brake -downe the plankes of the rooffe of our house, to amend our boate -withall, [1140] and so proceeded in our worke as well as we could; for -every man was willing to labour, for we had sore longed for it, and did -more then we were able to doe. - -The 31 of May it was faire weather, but somewhat colder then before, -the wind being south-west, whereby the ice draue away, and we wrought -hard about our boate; but when [we] were in the chiefest part of worke, -there came an other beare, as if they had smelt that we would be gone, -and that therefore they desired to tast a peece of some of vs, [1141] -for that was the third day, one after the other, that they set so -fiercely vpon vs; so that we were forced to leaue our worke and goe -into the house, and she followed vs, but we stood with our peeces to -watch her, and shot three peeces at her, two from our dores and one out -of the chimney, which all three hit her, whereby she fared as the dogge -did with the pudding; [1142] but her death did vs more hurt then her -life, for after we ript her belly we drest her liuer and eate it, which -in the taste liked vs well, but it made vs all sicke, specially three -that were exceeding sicke, and we verily thought that we should haue -lost them, for all their skins came of from the foote to the head, but -yet they recouered againe, for the which we gave God heartie thankes, -for if as then we had lost these three men, it was a hundred to one -[1143] that we should neuer haue gotten from thence, because we should -haue had too few men to draw and lift at our neede. - - -[June, 1597.] - -The 1 of June it was faire [beautiful] weather, and then our men were -for the most part sicke with eating the liuer of a [1144] beare, as it -is said before, whereby that day there was nothing done about the -boate; and then there hung a pot still ouer the fire with some of the -liuer in it, but the master tooke it and cast it out of the dore, for -we had enough of the sawce thereof. [1145] That day foure of our men -that were the best in health went to the ship, to see if there was any -thing in it that would serue vs in our voiage, and there found a -barrell with geep, [1146] which we shared amongst our men, whereof -every one had two, and it did vs great pleasure. - -The 2 of June, in the morning, it was faire weather with a south-west -wind; and then sixe of vs went to see and finde out the best way for vs -to bring our boate and our scute to the water side, for as then the ice -laie so high and so thicke one vpon the other, that it seemed [almost] -unpossible to draw or get our boate and the scute ouer the ice, and the -shortest and best way that we could find was straight from the ship to -the water side, [1147] although it was full of hilles and altogether -vneuen and would be great labour and trouble vnto vs, but because of -the shortnesse we esteemed it to be the best way for vs. - -The 3 of June, in the morning, it was faire cleare [sunny] weather, the -wind west; and then we were [again become] somewhat [stronger and] -better [of our sickness], and tooke great paines with the boate, [1148] -that at last we got it ready after we had wrought sixe daies vpon it. -About euening it began to blow hard, and therewith the water was very -open, which put vs in good comfort that our deliuerance would soone -follow, and that we should once get out of that desolate and fearefulle -place. - -The 4 of June it was faire cleere [sunny] weather and indifferent -warme; [1149] and about ye south-east sun [½ p. 7 A.M.] eleuen of vs -went to our scute [on the beach] where it then lay, and drew it -to[wards] the ship, at which time the labour seemed lighter vnto vs -then it did before when we tooke it in hand and were forced to leaue it -off againe. The reason thereof was the opinion that we had that the -snow as then lay harder vpon the ground and so was become stronger, and -it may be that our courages were better to see that the time gaue vs -open water, and that our hope was that we should get from thence; and -so three of our men stayd by the scute to build her to our mindes, and -for that it was a herring scute, which are made narrow behind, -therefore they sawed it [a little] of behinde, and made it a broad -stearne and better to broke the seas; [1150] they built it also -somewhat higher, and drest it vp as well they could. [1151] The rest of -our men were busy in the house to make all other things ready for our -voiage, and that day drew two sleads with victuals and other goods -[from the house] vnto the ship, that lay about halfe way betweene the -house and the open water, [so] that after they might haue so much ye -shorter way to carry the goods vnto ye water side, when we should goe -away. At which time al the labour and paines that we tooke seemed light -and easie vnto vs, because of the hope that we had to get out of that -wild, desart, irkesome, fearefull, and cold country. - -The 5 of June it was foule [uncomfortable] weather with great store of -haile and snow, the wind west, which made an open water; but as then we -could doe nothing without the house, but within we made all things -ready, as sailes, oares, mastes, sprit, rother, swerd, [1152] and all -other necessarie things. - -The 6 of June in the morning it was faire weather, the wind north-east. -Then we went with our carpenters to the ship to build vp our scute, and -carried two sleades-full of goods into the ship, both victualles and -marchandise, with other things, which we ment to take with vs. After -that there rose very foul weather in the south-west, with snow, haile, -and [also] raine, which we in long time had not had, whereby the -carpenters were forced to leaue their worke and goe home to the house -with vs, where also we could not be drie, [for] because we had taken of -the deales [from the house], therewith to amend our boate and our -scute; there laie but a saile ouer it, which would not hold out the -water, and the way that laie full of snow began to be soft, so that we -left of our shoes made of rugge and felt [1153], and [again] put on our -leather shoes. - -The 7 of June there blew a great north-east wind, whereby we saw the -ice come driuing in againe; but the sunne being south-east [½ p. 7 -A.M.] it was faire weather againe, and then the carpenters went to the -scute againe to make an end of their worke, and we packed the marchants -goods that we ment to take with vs [the best and most valuable goods], -and made defences for our selues of the said packes to saue vs from the -sea [1154] [as we had to carry them] in the open scute. - -The 8 of June it was faire weather, and we drew the wares to the ship -which we had packed and made ready; and the carpenters made ready the -scute, so that the same euening it was almost done. The same day all -our men went to draw our boate [1155] to the ship, and made ropes to -draw withall, such as we vse to draw with in scutes, [1156] which we -cast ouer our shoulders and held fast with all our hands, [1157] and so -drew both with our hands and our shoulders, which gaue vs more force, -and specially the desire and great pleasure we tooke to worke at that -time made vs stronger, so that we did more then then at other times we -should haue done, for that good will on the one side and hope on the -other side encreased our strenght. - -The 9 of June it was faire weather with variable windes. Then we washt -our shirts and all our linnen against we should be ready to saile away, -and the carpenters were still busie to make an end of the boate and the -scute. [1158] - -The 10 of June we carried foure sleades of goods into the ship, the -wind then being variable; and at euening it was northerly, and we were -busie in the house to make all things ready. The wine that was left we -put into litle vessels, [1159] that so we might deuide it into both our -vessels, [1160] and that as we were inclosed by the ice, [1161] (which -we well knew would happen vnto vs) we might the easelier cast the goods -vpon the ice, both out and into the scutes, as time and place serued -vs. - -The 11 of June it was foule weather and it blew hard north north-west, -so that all day we could doe nothing, and we were in great feare least -the storme would carry the ice and the ship both away together (which -might well haue come to passe); then we should haue beene in greater -miserie than ever we were, for that our goods, both victualles and -others, were then all in the ship; but God prouided so well for vs that -it fell not out so unfortunatly. - -The 12 of June it was indifferent faire weather; then we went with -hatchets, halberds, [1162] shouels and others instruments, to make the -way plaine where we should draw the scute and the boate to the water -side, along the way that lay full of knobbes and hilles of ice, [1163] -where we wrought sore with our hatchets and other instruments. [1164] -And while we were in the chiefest of our worke, there came a great -leane beare out of the sea vpon the ice towards vs, which we iudged to -come out of Tartaria, for we had [before] seene of them twenty or -thirty [80 or 120] miles within the sea; and for that we had no muskets -but only one which our surgian [1165] carried, I ran in great haste -towards the ship to fetch one or two, which the beare perceiuing ran -[quickly and boldly] after me, and was very likely to haue ouer taken -me, but our company seeing that, left their worke and ran [quickly] -after her, which made the beare turn towards them and left me; but when -she ran towards them, she was shot into the body by the surgian, and -ran away, but because the ice was so uneuen and hilly she could not go -farre, but being by vs ouer taken we killed her out right, and smot -[1166] her teeth out of her head while she was yet liuing. - -The 13 of June it was faire weather; then the maister and the -carpenters went to the ship, and there made the scute and the boate -ready, so that there rested nothing as then but onely to bring it downe -to the water side. The maister and those that were with him, seeing -that it was open water and a good west wind, came back to the house -againe, and there he spake vnto William Barents (that had bin long -sicke), and shewed him that he thought it good (seeing it was a fit -time) to goe from thence, and so willed the company [1167] to driue -[1168] the boate and the scute downe to the water side, and in the name -of God to begin our voiage to saile from Noua Zembla. Then William -Barents wrote a letter, which he put into a muskets charge [1169] and -hanged it vp in the chimney, shewing how we [1170] came out of Holland -to saile to the kingdome of China, and what had happened vnto vs being -there on land, with all our crosses, that if any man chanced to come -thither, they might know what had happened vnto vs [how we had fared], -and how we had bin forced in our extremity to make that house, and had -dwelt 10 mounthes therein. And for that we were [now forced] to put to -sea in two small open boates and to vndertake a dangerous and -aduenterous voiage in hand, the maister [also] wrote two letters, which -most of vs subscribed vnto, signifying how we had stayed there vpon the -land in great trouble and miserie, in hope that our ship would be freed -from the ice and that we should saile away with it againe, and how it -fell out to the contrary, and that the ship lay fast in the ice; so -that in the end, the time passing away and our victuals beginning to -faile vs, we were forced, for the sauing of our owne liues, to leaue -[1171] the ship and to saile away in our open boates, and so to commit -our selues into the hands of God. Which done, he put into each of our -scutes a letter, [1172] yt if we chanced to loose one another or yt by -stormes or any other misaduenture we hapened to be cast away, that then -by the scute that escaped men might know how we left each other. And -so, hauing finished all things as we determined, we drew the boate -[1173] to the water side and left a man in it, and went and fetcht the -scute, [1174] and after that eleuen sleads with goods, as victuals and -some wine that yet remained, and the marchants goods which we preserued -as wel as we could, [1175] viz., 6 packs with [the] fine[st] wollen -cloth, a chest with linnen, two packets wt ueluet, two smal chests with -mony, two drifats [1176] with the mens clothes [such as shirts], and -other things, 13 barrels of bread, a barrell of cheese, [1177] a fletch -of bacon, two runlets of oyle, 6 small runlets of wine, two runlets of -vinegar, with other packs [and clothes] belonging to ye sailers [and -many other things]; so that when they lay altogether upon a heape, a -man would haue iudged that they would not haue gone into the scutes. -Which being all put into them, we went to the house, and first drew -William Barents vpon a slead to the place where our scutes lay, and -after that we fetcht Claes Adrianson, [1178] both of them hauing bin -long sicke. And so we [being] entred into the scutes and deuided our -selues into each of them alike, and put into either of them a sicke -man, then the maister caused both the scutes to ly close one by the -other, and there we subscribed to the letters which he had written [as -is above mentioned], the coppie whereof hereafter ensueth. And so -committing our selues to the will and mercie of God, with a west -north-west wind and an endifferent open water, we set saile and put to -sea. - - - - -The Coppie of their Letter. - -Hauing till this day stayd for the time and opportunity, in hope to get -our ship loose, and now are cleane out of hope thereof, [1179] for that -it lyeth fast shut vp and inclosed in the ice, and in the last [1180] -of March and the first [1181] of April the ice did so mightily gather -together in great hils, that we could not deuise [1182] how to get our -scute and boate into the water and [1183] where to find a conuenient -place for it. And for that it seemed almost impossible to get the ship -out of the ice, therefore I and William Barents our pilot, [1184] and -other the officers and company of sailors thereunto belonging, -considering with our selues which would be the best course for vs to -saue our owne liues and some wares belonging to the marchants, we could -find no better meanes then to mend our boate and scute, and to prouide -our selues as well as we could of all things necessarie, that being -ready we might not loose or ouerslip any fit time and opportunity that -God should send vs; for that it stood us vpon [1185] to take the -fittest time, otherwise we should surely haue perished with hunger and -cold, which as yet is to be feared will goe hard inough with vs, for -that there are three or foure of vs that are not able to stirre to doe -any thinge, [1186] and the best and strongest of us are so weake with -the great cold and diseases that we haue so long time endured, that we -haue but halfe a mans strength; and it is to be feared that it will -rather be worse then better, in regard of the long voiage that we haue -in hand, and our bread wil not last vs longer then to the end of the -mounth of August, and it may easily fal out, that the voiage being -contrary and crosse vnto vs, that before that time we shall not be able -to get to any land, where we may procure any victuals or other -prouisions for our selues, as we haue hitherto done our best; [1187] -therefore we thought it our best course not to stay any longer here, -for by nature we are bound to seeke our owne good and securities. And -so we determined hereupon, and haue vnder written this present letter -with our owne hands, [1188] vpon the first of June 1597. And while vpon -the same day we were ready and had a west wind [with an easy breeze] -and an indifferent open sea, we did in Gods name prepare our selues and -entred into our voiage, the ship lying as fast as euer it did inclosed -in the ice, notwithstanding that while we were making ready to be gon, -we had great wind out of the west, north, and north-west, and yet find -no alteration nor bettering in the weather, and therefore in the last -extremity we left it. [1189] [Dated] vpon the 13 of June [and signed -by] Jacob Hemskerke, Peter Peterson Vos, Mr. Hans Vos, [1190] Laurence -Willinsō, Peter Cornelison, Iohn Remarson, William Barēts, Gerrat de -Veer, Leonard Hendrickson, Iacob Ionson Scheadam, Iacob Ionsō -Sterrenburg. [1191] - -The 14 of June in the morning, the sunne easterly [½ p. 4 A.M.], we [by -God’s mercy] put of from the land of Noua Zembla and the fast ice -therevnto adioyning, with our boate and our scute, [1192] hauing a west -wind, and sailed east north-east all that day to the Ilands Point, -[1193] which was fiue [20] miles; but our first beginning was not very -good, for we entered fast into the ice againe, which there laie very -hard and fast, which put vs into no smal feare and trouble; and being -there, foure of us went on land, to know the scituation thereof, and -there we tooke many [1194] birds, which we kild with stones vpon the -cliftes. [1195] - -The 15 of June the ice began to goe away; then we put to saile againe -with a south wind, and past along by the Head Point [1196] and the -Flushingers Point, [1197] streaching most north-east, and after that -north, to the Point of Desire, [1198] which is about 13 [52] miles, and -there we laie till the 16 of June. - -The 16 of June we set saile againe, and got to the Island[s] of Orange -[1199] with a south wind, which is 8 [32] miles distant from the Point -of Desire; there we went one land with two small barrels and a kettle, -to melt snow and to put ye water into ye barrels, as also to seeke for -birds and egges to make meate for our sicke men; and being there we -made fire with such wood as wee found there, and melted the snowe, but -found no birds; but three of our men went ouer the ice to the other -island, and got three birds, and as we came backe againe, our maister -(which was one of the three) fell into the ice, where he was in great -danger of his life, for in that place there ran a great streame; [1200] -but by Gods helpe he got out againe and came to vs, and there dryed -himselfe by the fire that we had made, at which fire we drest the -birds, and carried them to the scute to our sicke men, and filled our -two runlets with water that held about eight gallons [1201] a peece; -which done, we put to the sea againe with a south-east wind and drowsie -miseling weather, [1202] whereby we were al dankish [1203] and wet, for -we had no shelter in our open scutes, and sailed west and west and by -south to [opposite] the Ice Point. [1204] And being there, both our -scutes lying hard by each other, the maister [1205] called to William -Barents to know how he did, and William Barents made answeare and said, -Well, God be thanked, and I hope before we get to Warehouse to be able -to goe. [1206] Then he spake to me and said, Gerrit, are we about the -Ice Point? If we be, then I pray you lift me vp, for I must veiw it -once againe; [1207] at which time we had sailed from the Island[s] of -Orange to the Ice Points about fiue [20] miles; and then the wind was -[1208] westerly, and we made our scuts fast to a great peece of ice -[1209] and there eate somewhat; but the weather was still fouler and -fouler, so that we were once againe inclosed with ice and forced to -stay there. - -The 17 of June in the morning, when we had broken our fastes, the ice -came so fast [1210] vpon vs that it made our haires stare [1211] -vpright vpon our heades, it was so fearefull to behold; by which meanes -we could not make fast [1212] our scutes, so that we thought verily -that it was a foreshewing of our last end; for we draue away so hard -with the ice, and were so sore prest between a flake of ice, that we -thought verily the scutes would burst in a hundredth peeces, which made -vs looke pittifully one upon the other, for no counsell nor aduise was -to be found, [1213] but euery minute of an houre [1214] we saw death -before our eies. At last, being in this discomfort and extreeme -necessity, ye master said [1215] if we could take hold with a rope vpon -the fast ice, [1216] we might therewith drawe ye scute vp, and so get -it out of the great drift of ice. But as this counsell was good, yet it -was so full of daunger, that it was the hazard of his life that should -take vpon him to doe it; and without doing it, was it most certaine yt -it would cost us all our liues. This counsell (as I said) was good, but -no man (like to the tale of ye mise) durst hang the bell about ye cats -necke, fearing to be drowned; yet necessity required to haue it done, -and the most danger made vs chuse the least. So that being in that -perplexity [and as a drowned calf may safely be risked], [1217] I being -the lightest of all our company tooke on me to fasten [1218] a rope -vpon the fast ice; and so creeping from one peece of driuing ice to -another, by Gods help got to the fast ice, where I made a rope fast to -a high howell, [1219] and they that were in the scute drew it thereby -vnto the said fast ice, and then one man alone could drawe more than -all of them could have done before. And when we had gotten thither, in -all haste we tooke our sicke men out and layd them vpon the ice, laying -clothes and other things vnder them [for them to rest on], and then -tooke all our goods out of the scutes, and so drew them vpon the ice, -whereby for that time we were deliuered from that great danger, making -account that we had escaped out of death’s clawes, [1220] as it was -most true. - -The 18 of June we repaired and amended our scutes againe, being much -bruised and crushed with the racking of the ice, and were forced to -driue all the nailes fast againe, and to peece many things about them, -[1221] God sending vs wood wherewith we moult our pitch, and did all -other things that belonged thereunto. That done, some of vs went vpon -the land [1222] to seeke for egges, which the sick men longed for, but -we could find none, but we found foure birds, not without great danger -of our liues betweene the ice and the firme land, wherein we often -fell, and were in no small danger. - -The 19 of June it was indifferent weather, the wind north-west, and -[during the day west and] west south-west, but we were still shut vp in -the ice and saw no opening, which made us thinke that there would be -our last aboade, and that we should neuer get from thence; but on the -other side we comforted our selves againe, that seeing God had helped -vs oftentimes unexpectedly in many perils, and that his arme as yet was -not shortened, but that he could [still] helpe vs [1223] at his good -will and pleasure, it made vs somewhat comfortable, and caused vs to -speake cheerfully one unto the other. - -The 20 of June it was indifferent weather, the wind west, and when the -sunne was south-east [½ p. 7 A.M.] Claes Adrianson [1224] began to be -extreme sicke, whereby we perceiued that he would not liue long, and -the boateson [1225] came into our scute [1226] and told vs in what case -he was, and that he could not long continue aliue; whereupon William -Barents spake and said, I thinke I shal not liue long after him; [1227] -and yet we did not ivdge William Barents to be so sicke, for we sat -talking one with the other, and spake of many things, and William -Barents read in my card which I had made touching our voiage, [1228] -[and we had some discussion about it]; at last he laid away the card -and spake vnto me, saying, Gerrit, give me some drinke; [1229] and he -had no sooner drunke but he was taken with so sodain a qualme, that he -turned his eies in his head and died presently, and we had no time to -call the maister out of the [other] scute to speake vnto him; and so he -died before Claes Adrianson [who died shortly after him]. The death of -William Barents put vs in no small discomfort, as being the chiefe -guide and onely pilot on whom we reposed our selues next vnder God; -[1230] but we could not striue against God, and therefore we must of -force be content. - -The 21 of June the ice began to driue away againe, and God made vs some -opening with [a] south south-west wind; and when the sunne was [about] -north west the wind began to blow south-east with a good gale, and we -began to make preparations to go from thence. - -The 22 of June, in the morning, it blew a good gale out of the -south-east, and then the sea was reasonable open, but we were forced to -draw our scutes ouer the ice to get vnto it, which was great paine and -labour vnto vs, for first we were forced to draw our scutes ouer a -peece of ice of 50 paces long, and there put them into the water, and -then againe to draw them vp vpon other ice, and after draw them at the -least 300 [1231] paces more ouer the ice, before we could bring them to -a good place, where we might easily get out. And being gotten vnto the -open water, we committed our selues to God and set saile, the sunne -being about east-north-east, with an indifferent gale of wind out of -the south and south-south-east, and sailed west and west and by south, -till the sunne was south, and than we were round about enclosed with -ice againe, and could not get out, but were forced to lie still. But -not long after the ice opened againe like to a sluce [1232] and we -passed through it and set saile againe, and so sailed along by the -land, but were presently enclosed with ice; but, being in hope of -opening againe, meane time we eate somewhat, for the ice went not away -as it did before. After that we vsed all the meanes we could to breake -it, but all in vaine; and yet a good while after the ice opened againe -[of itself], and we got out and sailed along by the land, west and by -south, with a south wind. - -The 23 of June we sailed still forward west and by south till the sunne -was south-east, and got to the Trust Point, [1233] which is distant -from the Ice Point 25 [100] miles, and then could go noe further -because the ice laie so hard and so close together; and yet it was -faire weather. The same day we tooke the hight of the sunne with the -astralabium and also with our astronomicall ring, and found his hight -to be 37 degrees, and his declination 23 degrees and 30 minutes, which -taken from the hight aforesaid, there rested 13 degrees and 30 minutes, -which substracted out of 90 degrees, the hight of the Pole was 76 -degrees and 30 minutes. [1234] And it was faire sunne-shine weather, -and yet it was not so strong as to melt the snow that we might haue -water to drink; so that we set all our tin platers and other things -[1235] full of snow [in the sun] to melt, and so molt it [by the -reflection of the sun, so that we had water to drink]; and [we also] -put snow into our mouthes, to melt it downe into our throates; [1236] -but all was not enough, so that we were compelled to endure great -thirst. - - - -The stretching of the land from the house [1237] where we wintered, -along by the north side of Noua Zembla to the Straights of Waigats, -where we passed ouer to the coast of Russia, and ouer the entry of the -White Sea to Cola, [1238] according to the card [1239] here ensueing. - - - From the Low Land [1240] to the Streame Baie, - [1241] the course east and west 4 [16] miles. - From the Streame Baie to the Ice-hauen Point, - [1242] the course east and by north 3 [12] miles. - From the Ice-hauen Point to the Islands Point, - [1243] the course east north-east 5 [20] miles. - From the Islands Point to the Flushingers Point, - [1244] the course north-east and by east 3 [12] miles. - From the Flushingers Point to ye Head Point, - [1245] the course north-east 4 [16] miles. - From the Head Point to the Point of Desire, - [1246] the course south and north 6 [24] miles. - From the Point of Desire to the Island[s] of - Orange, [1247] north-west 8 [32] miles. - From the Islands of Orange to the Ice Point, - [1248] the course west and west and by south 5 [20] miles. - From the Ice Point to the Point of Thrust [1249] - the course [west and] west and by south 25 [100] miles. - From the Point of Trust to Nassawes Point, - [1250] the course [1251] west and by north 10 [40] miles. - From the Nassawe Point to the east end of the - Crosse Island, [1252] the course west and by - north 8 [32] miles. - From the east end of the Crosse Island to - Williams Island, [1253] the course west and by - south 3 [12] miles. - From Williams Island to the Black Point, [1254] - the course west south-west 6 [24] miles. - From the Black Point, to the east end of the - Admirable Island, [1255] the course west - south-west 7 [28] miles. - From the east to the west point of the Admirable - Island, the course west south-west 5 [20] miles. - From the west point of the Admirable Island to - Cape Planto, [1256] the course south-west and by - west 10 [40] miles. - From Cape de Planto to Lombs-bay, [1257] the - course west south-west 8 [32] miles. - From Lombs-bay to the Staues Point, [1258] the - course west south-west - From the Staues Point to [Cape de Prior or] 10 [40] miles. - Langenesse, [1259] the course south-west and by - south 14 [56] miles. - From [Cape Prior or] Langenes to Cape de Cant, - [1260] the course south-west and by south 6 [24] miles. - From Cape de Cant to the Point with the black - clifts, [1261] the course south and by west 4 [16] miles. - From the Point with the black cliftes to the - Black Island, [1262] the course south south-east 3 [12] miles. - From the Black Island to Constint-sarke, [1263] - the course east and west 2 [8] miles. - From Constint-sarke, [1264] to the Crosse Point, - [1265] the course south south-east 5 [20] miles. - From Crosse Point to S. Laurence Bay, [1266] the - course south-east [1267] 6 [24] miles. - From S. Laurence Bay [1268] to Mel-hauen, [1269] - the course [south] south-east 6 [24] miles. - From Mel-hauen to the Two Islands, [1270] the - course south south-east 16 [64] miles. - From the 2 Islands, where we crost ouer to the - Russia coast, to the Islands of Matfloo and - Delgoye, [1271] the course south-west [1272] 30 [120] myles. - From Matfloo and Delgoye to the creeke [1273] - where we sailed the compasse [almost] round - aboute, and came to the same place againe 22 [88] miles. - From that creeke to Colgoy, [1274] the course - west north-west 18 [72] miles. - From Colgoy to the east point of Camdenas, - [1275] the course west north-west 20 [80] miles. - From the east point of Camdenas to the west side - of the White Sea, the course west north-west 40 [160] miles. - From the west point of the White Sea to the 7 - Islands, [1276] the course north-west 14 [56] miles. - From the 7 Islands, to the west end of Kilduin, - [1277] the course north-west 20 [80] miles. - From the west end of Kelduin to the place where - John Cornelis came vnto vs, [1278] the course - north-west and by west 7 [28] miles. - From thence to Cola, [1279] the course most - [1280] southerly 18 [72] miles. - - So that we sailed in two open scutes, some times - in the ice, then ouer the ice, and through the - sea 381 [1524] miles. - [1281] - - -The 24 of June, the sunne being easterly, we rowed here and there -[round about] in the ice, to see where we might best goe out, but we -saw no opening; but when the sunne was south we got through into the -sea, for the which we thanked God most heartilie that he had sent vs an -vnexpected opening; and then we sailed with an east wind and went -lustily forward, so that we made our account to get aboue [1282] the -Point of Nassawes; [1283] [but we were again prevented by the ice which -beset us, so that we were obliged to stop on the east side of the Point -of Nassau] close by the land, and we could easily see the Point of -Nassawes, and made our account to be about 3 [12] miles from it, the -wind being south and south south-west. Then sixe of our men went on -land and there found some wood, whereof they brought as much as they -could into the scutes, but found neither birds nor egges; with the -which wood they sod [1284] a pot of water pap (which we called -matsammore [1285]), that we might eate some warme thing, the wind -blowing stil southerly, [and the longer it blew the stronger it grew.] - -The 25th of June it blew a great south wind, and the ice whereunto we -made our selues fast was not very strong, whereby we were in greate -feare that we should breake off from it and driue into the sea; for [in -the evening], when the sun was in the west, a peece of that ice brake -of, whereby we were forced to dislodge and make our selues fast to -another peece of ice. - -The 26 of June it still blew hard out of the south, and broke the ice -whereunto we were fast in peeces, and we thereby draue into the sea, -and could get no more to the fast ice, whereby we were in a thousand -dangers to be all cast away; and driuing in yt sort in the sea, we -rowed as much as we could, but we could not get neere vnto the land, -therefore we hoysed vp our fock; [1286] and so made vp with our saile; -[1287] but our fock-mast [1288] brake twice in peeces, and then it was -worse for vs than before, [1289] and notwithstanding that there blew a -great gale of wind, yet we were forced to hoyse vp our great sayle, -[1290] but the wind blew so hard into it that if we had not presently -taken it in againe we had sunke in the sea, [1291] or else our boate -would haue bin filled with water [so that we must have sunk]; for the -water began to leap ouer borde, [1292] and we were a good way in the -sea, at which time the waues went so hollow [and so short] that it was -most fearful, and we thereby saw nothing but death before our eyes, and -euery twinckling of an eye lookt when we should sincke. But God, that -had deliuered us out of so many dangers of death, holpe vs once againe, -and contrary to our expectations sent vs a north-west wind, and so with -great danger we got to ye fast ice againe. When we were deliuered out -of that danger, and knew not where our other scute [1293] was, we -sailed one mile [4 miles] along by the fast ice, but found it not, -whereby we were wholy out of heart and in great feare yt they were -drowned; at which time it was mistie weather. And so sailing along, and -hearing no newes of our other scute, [1294] we shot of a musket, wh -they hearing shot of another, but yet we could not see each other; -meane time approaching nearer to each other, and the weather waxing -somewhat cleerer, as we and they shot once againe, we saw the smoke of -their peeces, and at last we met together againe, and saw them ly fast -between driuing and fast ice. And when we got near unto them, we went -ouer the ice and holp them to vnlade the goods out of their scute, and -drew it ouer the ice, and with much paine and trouble brought it into -the open water againe; and while they were fast in the ice, we [1295] -found some wood vpon the land by the sea side, and when we lay by each -other we sod [1296] some bread and water together and eate it vp warme, -which did vs much good. - -The 27 [1297] of June we set saile with an indifferent gale out of the -east, and got a mile [4 miles] aboue the Cape de Nassaw one the west -side thereof, and then we had the wind against vs, and we were forced -to take in our sailes and began to rowe. And as we went along [the firm -ice] close by the land, we saw so many sea-horses lying vpon the ice -[more than we had ever seen before] that it was admirable, [1298] and a -great number of birds, at the which we discharged 2 muskets and killed -twelue of them, which we fetcht into our scutes. And rowing in that -sort, we had a great mist, and then we entred into [the] driuing ice, -so that we were compelled to make our scutes fast vnto the fast ice, -and to stay there till the weather brake vp, [1299] the wind being west -north-west and right against vs. - -The 28th of June, when the sunne was in the east, we laid all our goods -vpon the ice, and then drew the scutes vpon the ice also, because we -were so hardly prest on all sides with the ice, and the wind came out -of the sea vpon the land, and therefore we were in feare to be wholely -inclosed with the ice, and should not be able to get out thereof -againe. And being vpon the ice, we laid sailes [1300] ouer our scutes, -and laie downe to rest, appointing one of our men to keepe watch; and -when the sunne was north there came three beares towards our scutes, -wherewith he that kept the watch cried [out lustily], three beares, -three beares; at which noise we leapt out of our boates with our -muskets, that were laden with haile-shot [1301] to shoote at birds, and -had no time to discharge [1302] them, and therefore shot at them -therewith; and although that kinde of shot could not hurt them much yet -they ranne away, and in the meane time they gaue vs leisure to lade our -muskets with bullets, and by that meanes we shot one of the three dead, -which the other two perceauing ranne away, but within two houres after -they came againe, but when they were almost at vs and heard us make a -noise, they ranne away; at which time the wind was west and west and by -north, which made the ice driue with great force into the east. - -The 29th of June, the sunne being south south-west, the two beares came -againe to the place where the dead beare laie, where one of them tooke -the dead beare in his mouth, and went a great way with it ouer the -rugged ice, and then began to eate it; which we perceauing, shot a -musket at her, but she hearing the noise thereof, ran away, and let the -dead beare lie. Then four of vs went thither, and saw that in so short -a time she had eaten almost the halfe of her; [and] we tooke the dead -beare and laid it vpon a high heap of ice, [so] that we might see it -out of our scute, that if the beare came againe we might shoot at her. -At which time we tried [1303] the great strenght of the beare, that -carried the dead bear as lightely in her mouth as if it had beene -nothing, whereas we foure had enough to doe to cary away the halfe dead -beare betweene vs. Then the wind still held west, which draue the ice -into the east. - -The 30 of June in the morning, when the sunne was east and by north, -the ice draue hard eastward by meanes of the west wind, and then there -came two beares vpon a peece of ice that draue in the sea, and thought -to set vpon vs, and made show as if they would leape into the water and -come to vs, but did nothing, whereby we were of opinion that they were -the same beares that had beene there before; and about the -south-south-east sunne there came an other beare vpon the fast ice, and -made [straight] towards vs; but being neare vs, and hearing vs make a -noise, she went away againe. Then the wind was west-south-west, and the -ice began somewhat to falle from the land; but because it was mistie -weather and a hard wind, we durst not put to sea, but staid for a -better opportunitie. - -The 1 of Julie it was indifferent faire weather, with a west-north-west -wind; and in the morning, the sunne being east, there came a beare from -the driuing yce and swam over the water to the fast yce whereon we lay; -but when she heard vs she came no nearer, but ran away. And when the -sunne was south-east, the ice came so fast in towards vs, that all the -ice whereon we lay with our scutes and our goods brake and ran one -peece vpon another, whereby we were in no small feare, [1304] for at -that time most of our goods fell into the water. But we with great -diligence drew our scutes [1305] further vpon the ice towards the land, -where we thought to be better defended from the driuing of the ice, and -as we went to fetch our goods we fell into the greatest trouble that -euer we had before, for yt we endured so great danger in the sauing -thereof, that as we laid hold vpon one peece thereof the rest sunke -downe with the ice, and many times the ice brake vnder our owne feet; -whereby we were wholy discomforted and in a maner cleane out of all -hope, expecting no issue thereof, in such sort that our trouble at that -time surmounted all our former cares and impeachments. And when we -thought to draw vp our boates [1306] vpon the ice, the ice brake vnder -vs, and we were caried away with the scute and al [1307] by the driuing -ice; and when we thought to saue the goods the ice brake vnder our -feet, and with that the scute brak in many places, especially yt which -we had mended; [1308] as ye mast, ye mast planke, [1309] and almost all -the scute, [1310] wherein one of our men that was sick and a chest of -mony lay, which we with great danger of our liues got out from it; for -as we were doing it, the ice that was vnder our feet draue from vs and -slid vpon other ice, [1311] whereby we were in danger to burst both our -armes and our legs. At which time, thinking yt we had been cleane quit -of our scute, [1312] we beheld each other in pittiful maner, knowing -not what we should doe, our liues depending thereon; but God made so -good prouision for vs, yt ye peeces of ice draue from each other, -wherewith we ran in great haste vnto the scute [1313] and drew it to vs -again in such case as it was, and layd it vpon the fast ice by the -boate, [1314] where it was in more security, which put us unto an -exceeding and great and dangerous labor from the time that the sunne -was south-east vntill it was west south-west, and in al that time we -rested not, which made vs extreame weary and wholy out of comfort, for -that it troubled vs sore, and it was much more fearfull vnto vs then at -that time when William Barents dyed; for there we were almost drowned, -and that day we lost (which was sounke in the sea) two barrels of -bread, a chest wt linnen cloth, a driefat [1315] with the sailors -[best] clothes, our astron[omi]cale ring, a pack of scarlet cloth, a -runlet of oyle, and some cheeses, and a runlet of wine, which bongd -with the ice, [1316] so that there was not anything thereof saued. - -The 2 of Julie, the sunne east, there came another beare vnto vs, but -we making a noyse she ran away; and when the sun was west south-west it -began to be faire weather. Then we began to mend our scute [1317] with -the planks wherewith we had made the buyckmish; [1318] and while 6 of -vs were busied about mending of our scute, the other sixe went further -into the land, to seeke for some wood, and to fetch some stones to lay -vpon the ice, that we might make a fire thereon, therewith to melt our -pitch, which we should need about the scute, as also to see if they -could fetch any wood for a mast [for the boat], which they found with -certain stones, [1319] and brought them where the scutes lay. And when -they came to vs againe they shewed vs that they had found certain wood -which had bin clouen, [1320] and brought some wedges with them -wherewith the said wood had been clouen, whereby it appeared that men -had bin there. Then we made all the haste we could to make a fire, and -to melt our pitch, and to do al other things that were necessary to be -done for the repairing of our scute, so that we got it ready againe by -that the sunne was north-east; at which time also we rosted [1321] our -birds [which we had shot], and made a good meale with them. - -The 3 of July in the morning, the sunne being east, two of our men went -to the water, and there they found two of our oares, our helme sticke, -[1322] the pack of scarlet cloth, the chest with linnen cloth, and a -hat that fell out of the driefat, [1323] whereby we gest [1324] that it -was broken in peeces; which they perceiuing, tooke as much with them as -they could carry, and came vnto us, showing vs that they had left more -goods behind them, whereupon the maister with 5 more of vs went -thither, and drew al the goods vpon the firme ice, yt when we went away -we might take it with vs; but they could not carry the chest nor the -pack of cloth (that were ful of water) because of their waight, but -were forced to let them stand till we went away, that the water might -drop out [1325] of them [and we might afterwards fetch them], and so -they did. [1326] The sunne being south-west there came another great -beare vnto vs, which the man that kept watch saw not, and had beene -deuoured by her if one of our other men that lay downe in the ship -[1327] had not espied her, and called to him that kept watch to looke -to himselfe, who therewith ran away. Meane time the beare was shot into -the body, but she escaped; and that time the wind was east north-east. - -The 4 of July it was so faire cleare weather, that from the time we -were first in Noua Zembla we had not the like. Then wee washt the -veluets, that had been wet with the salt water, in fresh water drawne -out of snow, and then dryed them and packt them vp againe; at which -time the wind was west and west south-west. - -The 5 of July it was faire weather, the wind west south-west. The same -day dyed John Franson [1328] of Harlem (Claes Adrians [1329] nephew, -that dyed the same day when William Barents dyed [1330]), the sunne -being then about north north-west; at which time the ice came mightily -driuing in vpon vs, and then sixe of our men went into the land, and -there fetcht some fire-wood to dresse our meate. - -The 6 of July it was misty weather, but about euening it began to -cleere vp, and the wind was south-east, which put vs in some comfort, -and yet we lay fast vpon the ice. - -The 7 of July it was faire weather with some raine, the wind west -south-west, and at euening west and by north. Then wee went to the open -water, and there killed [1331] thirteene birds, which wee tooke vppon a -peece of driuing ice, [1332] and layd them vpon the fast ice. - -The 8 of July it was close [1333] misty weather; then we drest the -foules [1334] which we had killed, which gaue us a princely mealetide. -[1335] In the euening there blew a fresh gale of wind, out of the -north-east, which put vs in great comfort to get from thence. - -The 9 of July, in the morning, the ice began to driue, whereby we got -open water on the land side, and then also the fast ice whereon we lay -began to driue; whereupon the master and ye men went to fetch the pack -and the chest that stood vpon the ice, to put them into the scute, and -then drew the scutes to the water at least 340 paces, which was hard -for vs to do, in regard that the labour was great and we very weake. -And when the sun was south south-east we set saile with an east wind; -but when the sunne was west we were forced to make towards the fast ice -againe, because thereabouts it was not yet gon; [1336] ye wind being -south and came right from the land, whereby we were in good hope that -it would driue awaye, and that we should proceede in our voyage. - -The 10 of July, from the time that the sunne was east north-east till -it was east, we tooke great paines and labour to get through the ice; -and at last we got through, and rowed forth [1337] vntill wee happened -to fall betweene two great flakes [1338] of ice, that closed one with -the other, so that we could not get through, but were forced to draw -the scutes vpon them, and to vnlade the goods, and then to draw them -ouer to the open water on the other side, and then we must go fetch the -goods also to the same place, being at least 110 paces long, which was -very hard for vs; but there was no remedy, for it was but a folly for -vs to thinke of any wearines. And when we were in the open water -againe, we rowed forward as well as we could, but we had not rowed long -before we fell betweene two great flakes of ice, that came driuing one -against the other, but by Gods help and our speedy rowing we got from -betweene them before they closed vp, and being through, we had a hard -west wind right in our teeth, so that of force we were constrained to -make towards the fast ice that lay by the shore, and at last with much -trouble we got vnto it. And being there, we thought to row along by the -fast ice vnto an island that we saw before vs; but by reason of the -hard contrary wind we could not goe farre, so that we were compelled to -draw the scutes and the goods vpon the ice, to see what weather [1339] -God would send vs; but our courages were cooled to see ourselues so -often inclosed in ye ice, being in great feare yt by meanes of the long -and continuall paines (which we were forced to take) we should loose -all our strength, and by that meanes should not long be able to -continue or hold out. - -The 11 of July in the morning as we sate fast vpon the ice, the sunne -being north-east, there came a great beare out of the water running -towards vs, but we watcht for her with three muskets, and when she came -within 30 paces of vs we shot all the three muskets at her and killed -her outright, so that she stirred not a foote, and we might see the fat -run out at the holes of her skinne, that was shot in with the muskets, -swimme vpon the water like oyle; and [she] so driving [1340] dead upon -the water, we went vpon a flake of ice to her, and putting a rope about -her neck drew her vp vpon the ice and smit out her teeth; at which time -we measured her body, and found it to be eight foote thick. [1341] Then -we had a west wind with a close [1342] weather; but when the sunne was -south it began to cleere vp; then three of our men went to the island -that lay before vs, and being there they saw the Crosse Island [1343] -lying west-ward from them, and went thither to see if that sommer there -had been any Russian there, and went thither vpon the fast ice that lay -between the two islands; and being in the island, they could not -percieue that any man had beene in it since we were there. There they -got 70 [burrow-ducks’ [1344]] egges, but when they had them they knew -not wherein to carry them; at last one of them put off his breeches, -and tying them fast below, they carried them betweene two of them, and -the third bare the musket; and so [they] came to vs againe, after they -had been twelue hours out, which put vs in no small feare to think what -was become of them. They told vs that they had many times gone vp to -the knees in water vpon the ice betweene both the islands, and it was -at least 6 [24] miles to and fro that they had gone, which made vs -wonder how they could indure it, seeing we were all so weake. With the -egges that they had brought we were al wel comforted, and fared like -lords, so that we found some reliefe in our great misery, [1345] and -then we shared our last wine amongst us, whereof euery one had three -glasses. [1346] - -The 12 of July in the morning, when the sunne was east, the wind began -to blow east and east north-east, with misty weather; and at euening -six of our men went into the land [1347] to seeke certaine stones, -[1348] and found some, but none of the best sort; and comming backe -againe, either of them brought some wood. - -The 13 of July it was a faire day; then seuen of our men went to the -firme land to seeke for more stones, and found some; at which time the -wind was south-east. - -The 14 of July it was faire weather with a good south wind, and then -the ice began to driue from the land, whereby we were in good hope to -haue an open water; but the wind turning westerly againe, it lay still -[firm]. When the sunne was south-west, three of our men went to the -next island that lay before vs, and there shot a bercheynet, [1349] -which they brought to the scute and gaue it amongst vs, for all our -goods were [in] common. - -The 15 of July it was misty weather; that morning the wind was -south-east, but the sunne being west it began to raine, and the wind -turned west and west south-west. - -The 16 of July there came a beare from the firme land that came very -neere vnto vs, by reason that it was as white as snow, whereby at first -we could not discerne it to be a beare, because it shewed so like the -snow; but by her stirring at last wee perceiued her, and as she came -neere vnto vs we shot at her and hit her, but she ran away. That -morning the wind was west, and after that againe east north-east, with -close [1350] weather. - -The 17 of July, about the south south-east sunne, 5 of our men went -againe to the nearest island to see if there appeared any open water, -for our long staying there was no small griefe vnto vs, perceiuing not -how we should get from thence; who being halfe way thither, they found -a beare lying behind a peece of ice, which the day before had beene -shot by vs, but she hearing vs went away; but one of our men following -her with a boate-hooke, thrust her into the skinne, [1351] wherewith -the beare rose vp vpon her hinder feet, and as the man thrust at her -againe, she stroke the iron of the boat-hooke in peeces, wherewith the -man fell downe vpon his buttocks. Which our other two men seeing, two -of them shot the beare into the body, and with that she ran away, but -the other man went after her with his broken staffe, and stroke the -beare vpon the backe, wherewith the beare turned about against the man -three times one after the other; and then the other two came to her, -and shot her into the body againe, wherewith she sat downe vpon her -buttocks, and could scant [1352] runne any further; and then they shot -once againe, wherewith she fell downe, and they smot [1353] her teeth -out of her head. All that day the wind was north-east and east -north-east. - -The 18 of July, about the east sunne, three of our men went vp vpon the -highest part of the land, to see if there was any open water in the -sea; at which time they saw much open water, but it was so farre from -the land that they were almost out of comfort, because it lay so farre -from the land and the fast ice; being of opinion that we should not be -able to drawe the scutes and the goods so farre thither, because our -strengthes stil began to decrease, [1354] and the sore labour and paine -that we were forced to indure more and more increased. And comming to -our scutes, they brought vs that newes; but we, being compelled -thereunto by necessity, abandoned all wearines and faint heartednes, -and determined with our selues to bring the boates and the goods to the -water side, and to row vnto that ice where we must passe ouer to get to -the open water. And when we got to it, we vnladed our scutes, and drewe -them first [the one and then the other] ouer the ice to the open water, -and after that the goods, it being at the least 1000 paces; which was -so sore a labour for vs, that as we were in hand therewith we were in a -manner ready to leaue off in the middle thereof, and feared that wee -should not goe through withall; but for that we had gone through so -many dangers, we hoped yt we should not be faint therin, wishing yt it -might be ye last trouble yt we should as then indure, and so wt great -difficulty got into the open water about the south-west sunne. Then we -set saile till the sunne was west and by south, and presently fell -amongst the ice againe, where we were forced to drawe vp the scutes -againe vpon the ice; and being vpon it, we could see the Crosse Island, -which we gest to be about a mile [4 miles] from vs, the wind then being -east and east north-east. - -The 19 of July, lying in that manner vpon the ice, about the east sunne -seuen of our men went to the Crosse Island, and being there they saw -great store of open water in ye west, wherewith they much reioyced, and -made as great haste as they could to get to the scutes againe; but -before they came away they got a hundred egges, and brought them away -with them. And comming to the scutes, they shewed vs that they had seen -as much open water in the sea as they could decerne; being in good hope -that that would be the last time that they should draw the scutes ouer -the ice, and that it should be no more measured by vs, [1355] and in -that sort put vs in good comfort. Whereupon we made speede to dresse -our egges, and shared them amongst vs; and presently, the sun being -south south-west, we fell to worke to make all things ready to bring -the scutes to the water, which were to be drawen at least 270 [1356] -paces ouer the ice, which we did with a good [1357] courage because we -were in good hope that it would be the last time. And getting to the -water, we put to sea, with Gods [merciful] helpe [in his mercy], with -an east and east north-east wind and a good gale, [1358] so that with -the west sun we past by the Crosse Island, which is distant from Cape -de Nassawes 10 [40] miles. And presently after that the ice left vs, -and we got cleere out of it; yet we saw some in the sea, but it -troubled vs not; and so we held our course west and by south, with a -good gale of wind [1359] out of the east and east north-east, so that -we gest that betweene euery mealetide [1360] we sailed eighteene [72] -miles, wherewith we were exceedingly comforted [and full of joy], -giuing God thanks that he had deliuered [and saved] vs out of so great -and many difficulties (wherein it seemed that we should haue bin -ouerwhelmed), hoping in his mercie that from thence foorth he would -[still mercifully] ayde vs. [1361] - -The 20 of July, hauing still a good gale, [1362] about the south-east -sunne we past along by the Black Point, [1363] which is twelue [48] -miles distant from the Crosse Island, and sailed west south-west; and -about the euening with the west sunne we saw the Admirable Island, -[1364] and about the north sunne past along by it, which is distant -from the Black Point eight [32] miles. And passing along by it, we saw -about two hundred sea horses lying upon a flake of ice, and we sayled -close by them and draue them from thence, which had almost cost vs -deere; [1365] for they, being mighty strong fishes [1366] and of great -force, swam towards vs (as if they would be reuenged on us for the -dispight that we had don them) round about our scuts [1367] with a -great noyse, as if they would haue deuoured vs; but we escaped from -them by reason that we had a good gale of wind, yet it was not wisely -done of vs to wake sleeping wolues. - -The 21 of July we past by Cape Pluncio [1368] about the east north-east -sunne, which lyeth west south-west eight [32] miles from ye Admirable -Island; [1369] and with the good gale yt we had, about ye south-west -sun we sailed by Langenes, 9 [36] miles from Cape Pluncio; there the -land reacheth most south-west, and we had a good [1370] north-east -winde. - -The 22 of July, we hauing so good a gale of wind, [1371] when we came -to Cape de Cant, [1372] there we went on land to seeke for some birds -and egs, but we found none; so we sayled forwards. But after yt, about -ye south sun, we saw a clift [1373] yt was ful of birds; thither we -sailed, and casting stones at them, we killed 22 birds and got fifteene -egges, which one of our men fetcht from the clift, and if we would haue -stayed there any longer we might haue taken a hundred or two hundred -birds at least; but because the maister was somewhat further into -sea-ward then we and stayed for vs, and for that we would not loose -that faire fore-wind, [1374] we [speedily] sailed forwards [close] a -long by the land; and about the south-west sunne we came to another -point, where we got [about] a hundred [and] twenty fiue birds, which we -tooke with our hands out of their neasts, and some we killed with -stones and made them fal downe into the water; for it is a thing -certaine yt those birds neuer vsed to see men, and that no man had euer -sought or vsed to take them, for else they would haue flowne away, -[1375] and that they feared no body but the foxes and other wilde -beastes, that could not clime up the high clifts, [1376] and that -therefore they had made their nests thereon, where they were out of -feare of any beastes comming vnto them; for we were in no small daunger -of breaking of our legges and armes, especially as we came downe -againe, because the clift was so high and so stepe. Those birds had -euery one but one egge in their neasts, and that lay vpon the bare -clift without any straw or other [soft] thing vnder them, which is to -be wondred at to thinke how they could breed [1377] their young ones in -so great cold; but it is to be thought and beleeued that they therfore -sit but vpon one egge, that so the heat which they giue in breeding so -many, [having so much more power,] may be wholy giuen vnto one egge, -and by that meanes it hath all the heat of the birde vnto it selfe, -[and is not divided among many eggs at the same time]. And there also -we found many egges, but most of them were foule and bad. And when we -left them, [1378] the wind fell flat against vs and blew [a strong -breeze from the] north-west, and there also we had much ice, and we -tooke great paines to get from the ice, but we could not get aboue it. -[1379] And at last by lauering [1380] we fell into the ice; and being -there we saw much open water [1381] towards the land, whereunto we made -as well as we could. But our maister, (that was [with his boat] more to -sea ward,) perceiuing vs to be in the ice, thought we had gotten some -hurt, and lauered to and againe along by the ice; but at last seeing -that we sailed therein, [1382] he was of opinion that we saw some open -water, [1383] and that we made towards it (as it was true), and -therefore he wound also towards vs and came to land by us, where we -found a good hauen and lay safe almost from all winds, and he came -thither about two houres after vs. There we went on land, and got some -eggs and [picked up] some wood to make a fire, wherewith we made ready -[1384] the birds that we had taken; at which time we had a north-west -wind with close [1385] weather. - -The 23 of July it was darke and mistie weather, with a north wind, -whereby we were forced to lye still in that creeke or hauen: meanetime -some of our men went on land, [1386] to seeke for some egges and -[perchance also for] stones, [1387] but found not many, but a -reasonable number of good stones. - -The 24 of July it was faire weather, but the wind still northerly, -whereby we were forced to lye still; and about noone we tooke the higth -of ye sun with our astrolabium, and found it to be eleuated aboue the -horizon 37 degrees and 20 min., his declination 20 degrees and 10 -minutes, which substracted from ye higth aforesaid rested 17 degrees -and 10 minutes, which taken from 90 degrees, the higth of the Pole was -73 degrees and 10 minutes. [1388] And for yt we lay stil there, some of -our men went often times on land to seeke stones, and found some that -were as good as euer any that we found. - -The 25 of July it was darke misty weather, the wind north, but we were -forced to ly still because it blew so hard. - -The 26 of July it began to be faire weather, which we had not had for -certaine [1389] daies together, the wind still north; and about the -south sunne we put to sea, but it was so great a creeke that we were -forced to put foure [16] miles into the sea, [1390] before wee could -get about [1391] the point thereof; and it was most in [1392] the wind, -so that it was midnight before wee got aboue it, sometimes sayling and -sometimes rowing; and hauing past it, we stroke [1393] our sailes and -rowed along by the land. - -The 27 of July it was faire cleare weather, so that we rowed all that -day through the broken ice along by the land, the wind being -north-west; and at evening, about the west sunne, we came to a place -where there ran a great streame, [1394] whereby we thought that we were -about Constinsarke; [1395] for we saw a great creeke, and we were of -opinion yt it went through to the Tartarian Sea. [1396] Our course was -most south-west: about the north sunne we past along by the Crosse -Point, [1397] and sailed between the firme land and an island, and then -went south south-east with a north-west wind, and made good speed, the -maister with ye scute being a good way before us; but when he had -gotten about ye point of the island he staied for vs, and there we lay -[some time] by ye clifts, [1398] hoping to take some birds, but got -none; at which time we had sailed from Cape de Cant along by -Constinsarke to the Crosse Point 20 [80] miles, our course south -south-east, the wind north-west. - -The 28 of July it was faire weather, with a north-east wind; then we -sailed along by the land, and with the south-west sunne got before S. -Laurence Bay, or Sconce Point, [1399] and sayled south south-east 6 -[24] miles; and being there, we found two Russians lodgies [1400] or -ships beyond the Point, wherewith we were [on the one hand] not a -little comforted to thinke that we were come to the place where we -found men, but were [on the other hand] in some doubt of them because -they were so many, for at that time wee sawe at least 30 men, and knew -not what [sort of persons] they were [whether savages or other -foreigners [1401]]. There with much paine and labour we got to the -land, which they perceiuing, left off their worke and came towards vs, -but without any armes; and wee also went on shore, as many as were -well, [1402] for diuers of vs were very ill at ease and weake by reason -of a great scouring in their bodies. [1403] And when wee met together -wee saluted each other in friendly wise, they after theirs, and we -after our manner. And when we were met, both they and we lookt each -other stedfastly [and pitifully] in the face, for that some of them -knew vs, and we them to bee the same men which the yeare before, when -we past through the Weigats, had been in our ship; [1404] at which time -we perceiued yt they were abasht and wondered at vs, [1405] to remember -that at that time we were so well furnished with a [splendid] great -ship, that was exceedingly prouided of all things necessary, and then -to see vs so leane and bare, [1406] and with so small [open] scutes -into that country. And amongst them there were two that in friendly -manner clapt ye master and me upon the shoulder, as knowing vs since ye -[former] voiage: for there was none of all our men that was as then in -that voiage [1407] but we two onley; and [they] asked vs for our -crable, [1408] meaning our ship, and we shewed them by signes as well -as we could (for we had no interpreter) that we had lost our ship in -the ice; wherewith they sayd Crable pro pal, [1409] which we vnderstood -to be, Haue you lost your ship? and we made answere, Crable pro pal, -which was as much as to say, that we had lost our ship. And many more -words we could not vse, because we vnderstood not each other. Then they -made shew [1410] to be sorry for our losse and to be grieued that we -the yeare before had beene there with so many ships, and then to see vs -in so simple manner, [1411] and made vs signes that then they had -drunke wine in our ship, and asked vs what drinke we had now; wherewith -one of our men went into the scute [1412] and drew some water, and let -them taste thereof; but they shakt their heads, and said No dobbre, -[1413] that is, it is not good. Then our master went neerer vnto them -and shewed them his mouth, to giue them to vnderstand that we were -troubled with a loosnesse in our bellies, [1414] and to know if they -could giue vs any councel to help it; but they thought we made shew -that we had great hunger, wherewith one of them went unto their lodging -[1415] and fetcht a round rie loafe weighing about 8 pounds, with some -smoked [1416] foules, which we accepted thankfully, and gaue them in -exchange halfe a dozen of muschuyt. [1417] Then our master led two of -the chiefe of them with him into his scute, and gaue them some of the -wine that we had, being almost a gallon, [1418] for it was so neere -out. And while we staied there we were very familiar with them, and -went to the place where they lay, and sod some of our mischuyt [1419] -with water by their fire, that we might eate some warme thing downe -into our bodies. And we were much comforted to see the Russians, for -that in thirteene moneths time [since] that we departed from John -Cornelison [1420] we had not seene any man, but onely monsterous and -cruell [1421] wild beares; for that [1422] as then we were in some -comfort, to see that we had liued so long to come in company of men -againe, and therewith we said vnto each other, now we hope that it will -fall out better with vs, seeing we haue found men againe, thanking God -with all our hearts, that he had beene so gracious and mercifull vnto -vs, to giue vs life vntill that time. - -The 29 of July it was reasonable faire weather, and that morning the -Russians began to make preparation to be gone and to set saile; at -which time they digd certaine barrels with traine oile out of the -sieges, [1423] which they had buried there, and put it into their -ships; and we not knowing whither they would go, saw them saile towards -ye Weigats: at which time also we set saile and followed after them. -But they sayling before vs, and we following them along by the land, -the weather being close and misty, we lost the sight of them, and knew -not whether they put into any creeke or sayled forward; but we held on -our course south south-east, with a north-west wind, and then -south-east, betweene [the] two islands, vntill we were inclosed with -ice againe and saw no open water, whereby we supposed that they were -about the Weigats, and that the north-west wind had driuen the ice into -that creeke. And being so inclosed wt ice, and saw no open water before -vs, but with great labour and paines we went back againe to the two -islands aforesaid, and there about the north-east sunne we made our -scutes fast at one of the islands, for as then it began to blowe -hard[er and harder]. - -The 30 of July lying at anchor, [1424] the wind still blew [just as -stiff from the] north-west, with great store of raine and a sore -storme, so that although we had couered our scutes with our sailes, yet -we could not lye dry, which was an vnaccustomed thing vnto vs: for we -had had no raine in long time before, and yet we were forced to stay -there all that day. - -The 31 of July, in the morning, about the north-east sunne, we rowed -from that island to another island, whereon there stood two crosses, -whereby we thought that some men had laine there about trade of -merchandise, as the other Russians that we saw before had done, but we -found no man there; the wind as then being north-west, whereby the ice -draue still towards the Weigats. [1425] There, to our great good, we -went on land, for in that island we found great store of leple leaues, -[1426] which serued vs exceeding well; and it seemed that God had -purposely sent vs thither, for as then we had many sicke men, and most -of vs were so troubled with a scouring in our bodies, and were thereby -become so weake, that we could hardly row, but by meanes of those -leaues we were healed thereof: for that as soone as we had eaten them -we were presently eased and healed, whereat we could not choose but -wonder, [1427] and therefore we gave God great thanks for that and for -many other his mercies shewed vnto vs, by his great and vnexpected ayd -lent vs in that our dangerous voyage. And so, as I sayd before, we eate -them by whole handfuls together, because in Holland wee had heard much -spoken of their great force, and as then found it to be much more than -we expected. - -The 1 of August the wind blew hard north-west, and the ice, that for a -while had driuen towards the entry of the Weigats, stayed and draue no -more, but the sea went very hollow, [1428] whereby we were forced to -remoue our scutes on the other side of the island; to defend them from -the waues of the sea. And lying there, we went on land againe to fetch -more leple leaues, [1429] whereby wee had bin so wel holpen, and stil -more and more recouered our healths, and in so short time that we could -not choose but wonder thereat; so that as then some of vs could eate -bisket againe, which not long before they could not do. [1430] - -The 2 of August it was dark misty weather, the wind stil blowing stiffe -north-west; at which time our victuals began to decrease, for as then -we had nothing but a little bread and water, and some of vs a little -cheese, which made vs long sore to be gone from thence, specially in -regard of our hunger, whereby our weake members began to be much -weaker, and yet we were forced to labour sore, which were two great -contraries; for it behoued vs rather to haue our bellies full, that so -we might be the stronger to endure our labour; but patience was our -point of trust. [1431] - -The 3 of August, about the north sun, the weather being somewhat -better, we agreed amongst our selues to leaue Noua Zembla and to crosse -ouer to Russia; and so committing our selues to God, we set saile with -a north-west wind, and sailed south south-west till the sun was east, -and then we entred into ice againe, which put vs in great feare, for we -had crost ouer and left the ice vpon Noua Zembla, [1432] and were in -good hope yt we should not meet with any ice againe in so short space. -At which time, being [thus] in the ice, with calme weather, whereby our -sailes could doe vs no great good, we stroke [1433] our sailes and -began to row againe, and at last we rowed clean through the ice, [1434] -not without great and sore labour, and about the south-west sunne got -cleere thereof and entred into the large sea, [1435] where we saw no -ice; and then, what with sailing and rowing, we had made 20 [80] miles. -And so sailing forwards we thought to aproch neere vnto the Russian -coast, but about the north-west sunne we entred into the ice againe, -and then it was very cold, wherewith our hearts became very heauy, -fearing that it would alwaies continew in that sort, and that we should -neuer be freed thereof. And for that our boate [1436] could not make so -good way nor was not able to saile aboue [1437] the point of ice, we -were compelled to enter into the ice, for that being in it we perceiued -open sea beyond it; but the hardest matter was to get into it, for it -was very close, but at last we found a meanes to enter, and got in. And -being entred, it was somewhat better, and in the end with great paine -and labour we got into the open water. Our maister, that was in the -scute, [1438] which sailed better than our boate, [1439] got aboue -[1440] the point of the ice, and was in some feare that we were -inclosed with ye ice; but God sent vs the meanes to get out from it as -soone as he could saile about the point thereof, [1441] and so we met -together againe. - -The 4 of August, about the south-east sunne, being gotten out of the -ice, we sailed forward with a north-west wind, and held our course -[mostly] southerly; and when the sunne was [about] south, at noone -time, we saw the coast of Russia lying before vs, whereat we were -exceeding glad; and going neerer vnto it, we stroke [1442] our sailes -and rowed on land, and found it to be very low land, like a bare strand -that might be flowed ouer with the water. [1443] There we lay till the -sunne was south-west; but perceiuing that there we could not much -further our selues, hauing as then sailed from the point of Noua Zembla -(from whence we put off) thither ful 30 [120] miles, we sailed forward -along by the coast of Russia with an indifferent gale of wind, and when -the sunne was north we saw another Russian iolle or ship, [1444] which -we sailed vnto to speake with them; and being hard by them, they came -al aboue hatches, [1445] and we cried vnto them, Candinaes, Candinaes, -[1446] whereby we asked them if we were about Candinaes, but they cryed -againe and sayd, Pitzora, Pitzora, [1447] to shew vs that we were -thereabouts. And for yt we sailed along by the coast, where it was very -drie, [1448] supposing that we held our course west and by north, that -so we might get beyond the point of Candinaes, we were wholy deceiued -by our compas, that stood vpon a chest bound with yron bands, which -made vs vary at least 2 points, whereby we were much more southerly -then we thought our course had bin, and also farre more easterly, for -we thought verily that we had not bin farre from Candinaes, and we were -three daies sailing from it, as after we perceiued; [1449] and for that -we found our selues to be so much out of our way, we stayed there all -night til day appeared. - -The 5 of August, lying there, one of our men went on shore, and found -the land further in to be greene and ful of trees, [1450] and from -thence called to vs to bid vs bring our peeces on shore, saying that -there was wild deere to be killed, [1451] which made vs exceeding glad, -for then our victuales were almost spent, and we had nothing but some -broken bread, [1452] whereby we were wholy out of comfort, and [1453] -some of vs were of opinion that we should leaue the scutes and goe -further into the land, or else (they said) we should all die with -hunger, for that many daies before we were forced to fast, and hunger -was a sharpe sword which we could hardly endure any longer. - -The 6 of August the weather began to be somewhat better; at which time -we determined to row forward, because the wind was [dead] against vs, -[so] that we might get out of the creeke, [1454] the wind being east -south-east, which was our course as then. And so, hauing rowed about -three [12] miles, we could get no further because it was so full in the -wind, and we al together heartlesse and faint, the land streatching -further north-east then we made account it had done, [1455] whereupon -we beheld each other in pittifull manner, for we had great want of -victuals, and knew not how farre we had to saile before we should get -any releefe, for al our victuals was almost consumed. - -The 7 of August, the wind being west north-west, it serued vs well to -get out of that creeke, and so we sailed forward east and by north till -we got out of the creeke, to the place and the point of land where we -first had bin, and there made our scutes fast again; for the north-west -wind was right against vs, whereby our mens hearts and courages were -wholy abated, to see no issue how we should get from thence; for as -then sicknesses, hunger, and no meanes to be found how to get from -thence, consumed both our flesh and our bloud; but if we had found any -releefe, [1456] it would haue bin better with vs. - -The 8 of August there was no better weather, but still the wind was -[dead] against vs, and we lay a good way one from the other, as we -found best place for vs; at which time there was most dislike [1457] in -our boate, in regard that some of vs were exceeding hungrie and could -not endure it any longer, but were wholy out of heart still [1458] -wishing to die. - -The 9 of August it was all one weather, so that the wind blowing -contrary we were forced to lye still and could goe no further, our -greefe still increasing more and more. At last, two of our men went out -of the scute wherein the maister was, which we perceiuing two of our -men also landed, and went altogether about a mile [4 miles] into the -countrie, [1459] and at last saw a banke, by the which there issued a -great streame of water, [1460] which we thought to be the way from -whence the Russians came betweene Candinaes and the firme land of -Russia. [1461] And as our men came backe againe, in the way as they -went along they found a dead sea-horse [1462] that stanke exceedingly, -which they drew with them to our scute, [1463] thinking that they -should haue a dainty morsell [1464] out of it, because they endured so -great hunger; but we [dissuaded them from it, and] told them that -without doubt it would kil us, and that it were better for vs to endure -pouerty and hunger for a time, then to venture vpon it; saying, that -seeing God, who [1465] in so many great extremitys had sent vs a happy -issue, stil liued and was exceeding powerfull, we hoped and nothing -doubting that he would not altogether forsake vs, but rather helpe vs -when we were most in dispaire. [1466] - -The 10 of August it was stil a north-west wind, with mistie and darke -[1467] weather, so that we were driuen [1468] to lie still; at which -time it was no need for vs to aske one another how we fared, for we -could well gesse it by our countenances. - -The 11 of August, in the morning, it was faire calme weather; so that, -the sunne being about north-east, the master sent one of his men to vs -to bid vs prepare our selues to set saile, but we had made our selues -ready thereunto before he came, and [had] began to rowe towards him. At -which time, for that I was very weake and no longer able to rowe, as -also for that our boate [1469] was harder to rowe then the scute, -[1470] I was set in the scute to guide the helme, and one that was -stronger was sent out of the scute into the boate to rowe in my place, -that we might keepe company together; and so we rowed till ye sunne was -south, and then we had a good gale of wind out of the south, which made -vs take in our oares, and then we hoised vp our sailes, wherewith we -made good way; but in the euening the wind began to blowe hard, whereby -we were forced to take in our sailes and to rowe towards the land, -where we laid our scutes vpon the strand, [1471] and went on land to -seeke for fresh water, but found none. And because we could goe no -further, we laid our sailes ouer the boates to couer vs from the -weather; at which time it began to raine very hard, and at midnight it -thundred and lightned, with more store of raine, where with our company -were much disquieted to see that they found no meanes of releefe, but -still entred into further trouble and danger. - -The 12 of August it was faire weather; at which time, the sunne being -east, we saw a Russia lodgie [1472] come towards vs with al his sailes -vp, wherewith we were not a little comforted, which we perceauing from -the strand, where we laie with our scutes, we desired the master that -we might goe [1473] vnto him to speake with him, and to get some -victuales of them; and to that end we made as much haste as we could to -launche out our scutes, [1474] and sailed toward them. And when we got -to them, the master went into the lodgie to aske them how farre we had -to Candinaes, which we could not well learne of them because we -understood them not. They held vp their fiue fingers vnto vs, but we -knew not what they ment thereby, but after we perceaued that thereby -they would show us that there stood five crosses upon it; and they -brought their compas out and shewed vs that it lay north-west from us, -which our compas also shewed vs, which reckning also we had made; but -when we saw we could haue no better intelligence from them, the master -went further into their ship, and pointed to a barrell of fish yt he -saw therein, making signes to know whether they would sel it vnto vs, -showing them a peece of 8 royles; [1475] which they vnderstanding, gave -vs 102 fishes, with some cakes which they had made of meale when they -sod [1476] their fishe. And about the south sunne we left them, being -glad that we had gotten some victuales, for long before we had had but -two [1477] ounces of bread a day with a little water, and nothing else, -and with that we were forced to comfort our selues as well as we could. -The fishes we shared amongst vs equally, to one as much as another, -[1478] without any difference. And when we had left them, we held our -course west and by north, with a south and a south and by east wind; -and when the sunne was west south west it began to thunder and raine, -but it continued not long, for shortly after the weather began to -cleare vp againe; and passing forward in that sort, we saw the sunne in -our common compas go downe north and by west. [1479] - -The 13 of August we [again] had the wind against vs, being west -south-west, and our course was west and by north, whereby we were -forced to put to the shore againe, where two of our men went on the -land to see how it laie, and whether the point of Candinaes reacht not -out from thence into the sea, for we gest that we were not farre from -it. Our men comming againe, showed vs that they had seene a house vpon -the land, but no man in it, and said further that they could not -perceaue but that it was the point of Candinaes that we had seene, -wherewith we were somewhat comforted, and went into our scutes againe, -and rowed along by the land; at which time hope made vs to be of good -comfort, and procured vs to doe more then we could well haue done, for -our liues and maintenance consisted therein. And in that sort rowing -along by the land, we saw an other Russian iollie [1480] lying vpon the -shore, which was broken in peeces; but we past by it, and a little -after that we saw a house at the water-side, whereunto some of our men -went, wherein also they found no man, but only an ouen. And when they -came againe to the scute, they brought some leple leaues [1481] with -them, which they had found [1482] as they went. And as we rowed along -by the point, we had [again] a good gale of winde [1483] out of the -east, at which time we hoised vp our sailes and sailed foreward. And -after noone, about the south-west sunne, we perceaued that the point -which we had seene laie south-ward, whereby we were fully perswaded -that it was the point of Candinaes, from whence we ment [1484] to saile -ouer the mouth of the White Sea; [1485] and to that end we borded each -other and deuided our candles and all other things that we should need -amongst vs, [1486] to helpe our selues therewith, and so put of from -the land, thinking to passe ouer the White Sea to the coast of Russia. -[1487] And sailing in that sort with a good winde, about midnight there -rose a great storme out of the north, wherewith we stroke saile and -made it shorter; [1488] but our other boate, that was harder vnder -saile, [1489] (knowing not that we had lessened our sailes,) sailed -foreward, whereby we straied one from the other, for then it was very -darke. - -The 14 of August in the morning, it being indifferent good weather with -a south-west wind, we sailed west north-west, and then it began to -cleare vp, so that we [just] saw our [other] boate, and did what we -could to get vnto her, but we could not, because it began to be mistie -weather againe; and therefore we said unto each other, let vs hold on -our course, we shal finde them wel enough on the north coast, when we -are past the White Sea. [1490] Our course was west north-west, the wind -being south-west and by west, and about the south-west sunne, we could -get no further, because the wind fel contrary, whereby we were forced -to strike our sailes and to row forward; and in that sort, rowing till -the sunne was west, there blew an indifferent gale of wind [1491] out -of the east, and therewith we set saile (and yet we rowed with two -oares) till the sunne was north north-west, and then the wind began to -blow somewhat stronger east and east south-east, at which time we tooke -in our oares and sailed forward west north-west. - -The 15 of August wee saw the sunne rise east north-east, wherevpon we -thought that our compasse varied somewhat; [1492] and when the sunne -was east it was calme weather againe, wherewith we were forced to take -in our sailes and to row againe, but it was not long before wee had a -gale of winde [1493] out of the south-east, and then we hoysed vp our -sailes againe, and went forward west and by south. And sayling in that -manner with a good forewind, [1494] when the sunne was south we saw -land, [1495] thinking that as then we had beene on the west side of the -White Sea beyond Cardinaes; and being close vnder the land, we saw sixe -Russian lodgies [1496] lying there, to whom we sailed and spake with -them, asking them how far wee were from Kilduin; [1497] but although -they vnderstood vs not well, yet they made vs such signes that we -vnderstood by them that we were still farre from thence, and that we -were yet on the east side of Candinaes. And with that they stroke their -hands together, [1498] thereby signifying yt we must first passe ouer -the White Sea, and that our scutes were too little to doe it, and that -it would be ouer great daunger for vs to passe ouer it with so small -scutes, and that Candinaes was still north-west from vs. Then wee asked -them for some bread, and they gaue vs a loafe, which [dry as it was] -wee eate hungerly vp as wee were rowing, but wee would not beleeue them -that we were still on the east side of Cardinaes, for we thought verily -that wee had past ouer the White Sea. And when we left them, we rowed -along by the land, the wind beeing north; and about the north-west -sunne we had a good wind againe from the south-east, and therewith we -sayled along by the shore, and saw a great Russian lodgie lying on the -starreboord from vs, which we thought came out of the White Sea. - -The 16 of August in the morning, sayling forward north-west, wee -perceiued that we were in a creeke, [1499] and so made towards ye -Russian lodgie which we had seene on our starreboord, which at last -with great labour and much paine we got vnto; and comming to them about -the south-east sunne, with a hard wind, we asked them how farre we were -from Sembla de Cool [1500] or Kilduin; but they shooke their heads, and -shewed us that we were on the east side of Zembla de Candinaes [1501] -but we would not beleeue them. And then we asked them [for] some -victuals, wherewith they gaue vs certaine plaice, for the which the -maister gaue them a peece of money, and [we] sailed from them againe, -to get out of that hole where wee were, [1502] as it reacht into the -sea; but they perceiuing that we tooke a wrong course and that the -flood was almost past, sent two men vnto vs, in a small boate, with a -great loafe of bread, which they gaue vs, and made signes vnto vs to -come aboord of their ship againe, [1503] for that they intended to haue -further speech with vs and to help [1504] vs, which we seemed not to -refuse and desiring not to be vnthankfull, gaue them a peece of money -and a peece of linnen cloth, but they stayed still by vs, and they that -were in the great lodgie held vp bacon and butter vnto vs, to mooue vs -to come aboord of them againe, and so we did. And being with them, they -showed vs that we were stil on the east side of the point of Candinaes; -then we fetcht our card [1505] and let them see it, by the which they -shewed vs that we were still on the east side of the White Sea and of -Candinaes; which we vnderstanding, were in some doubt with our selues -[1506] because we had so great a voiage to make ouer the White Sea, and -were in more feare for our companions that were in the boate, [1507] as -also yt hauing sailed 22 [88] miles along by the Russian coast, [1508] -we had gotten no further, but were then to saile ouer the mouth of the -White Sea with so small prouision; for which cause the master bought of -ye Russians three sacks wt meale, two flitches and a halfe of bacon, a -pot of Russia butter, and a runlet of honny, for prouision for vs and -our boate [1509] when we should meet with it againe. And for yt in the -meane time the flood was past, we sailed with the [beginning of the] -ebbe out of the aforesaid creeke [1510] where the Russians boate [1511] -came to vs, and entred into the sea with a good south-east wind, -holding our course north north-west; and there we saw a point that -reacht out into the sea, which we thought to be Candinaes, but we -sailed still forward, and the land reached north-west. [1512] In the -euening, the sunne being north-west, when we saw that we did not much -good with rowing, and that the streame [1513] was almost past, we lay -still, and sod [1514] a pot full of water and meale, which tasted -exceeding well, because we had put some bacon fat and honny into it, so -that we thought it to be a feastiuall day [1515] with vs, but still our -minds ran vpon our boate, [1516] because we knew not where it was. - -The 17 of August, lying at anchor, in the morning at breake of day we -saw a Russian lodgie that came sayling out of the White Sea, to whom we -rowed, that we might haue some instruction [1517] from him; and when we -boorded him, without asking or speaking vnto him, he gaue vs a loafe of -bread, and by signes shewed vs as well as he could that he had seene -our companions, and that there was seuen men in the boate; but we not -knowing well what they sayd, neither yet beleeuing them, they made -other signes vnto vs, [1518] and held vp their seuen fingers and -pointed to our scute, thereby shewing that there were so many men in -the boate, [1519] and that they had sold them bread, flesh, fish, and -other victualls. And while we staid in their lodgie, we saw a small -compasse therein, which we knew that they had bought [1520] of our -chiefe boatson, [1521] which they likewise acknowledged. Then we -vnderstanding them well, askt them how long it was since they saw our -boate [1522] and whereabouts it was, [and] they made signes vnto vs -that it was the day before. And to conclude, they showed vs great -friendship, for the which we thanked them; and so, being glad of the -good newes wee had heard we tooke our leaues of them, much reioycing -that wee heard of our companions welfare, and specially because they -had gotten victuals from the Russians, which was the thing that wee -most doubted of, in regard that we knew what small prouision they had -with them. Which done, we rowed as hard as we could, to try if we might -ouertake them, as being still in doubt that they had not prouision -inough, wishing that we had had part of ours: and hauing rowed al that -day with great labour along by the land, about midnight we found a fall -of fresh water, and then we went on land to fetch some [water], and -there also we got some leple leaues. [1523] And as we thought to row -forward, we were forced to saile, because the flood was past, [1524] -and still wee lookt earnestly out for the point of Candinaes, and the -fiue crosses, whereof we had beene instructed by the Russians, but we -could not see it. - -The 18 of August in the morning, the sunne being east, [in order to -gain time] wee puled vp our stone (which we vsed in steed of an anchor, -[1525]) and rowed along by the land till the sunne was south, then wee -saw a point of land reaching into the sea, and on it certaine signes of -crosses, [1526] which as we went neerer vnto wee saw perfectly; and -when the sunne was west, wee perceiued that the land reached west and -south-west, so that thereby we knew it certainly to be the point of -Candinaes, lying at the mouth of the White Sea, which we were to -crosse, and had long desired to see it. This point is easily to be -knowne, hauing fiue crosses standing vpon it, which are perfectly to be -decerned, one the east side in the south-east, and one the other side -in the south-west. [1527] And when we thought to saile from thence to -the west side of the White Sea towards the coast of Norway, we found -that one of our runlets of fresh water was almost leakt out; and for -that we had about 40 Dutch [160] miles to saile ouer the sea before we -should get any fresh water, we sought meanes first to row on land to -get some, but because the waues went so high we durst not do it; and so -hauing a good north-east wind (which was not for vs too slack [1528]) -we set forward in the name of God, and when the sunne was north-west we -past the point, [1529] and all that night and the next day sailed with -a good wind, and [in] all that time rowed but while three glasses were -run out; [1530] and the next night after ensuing hauing still a good -wind, in the morning about the east north-east sunne we saw land one -the west side of the White Sea, which we found by the rushing of the -sea vpon the land before we saw it. And perceiuing it to be ful of -clifts, [1531] and not low sandy ground with same hills [1532] as it is -on the east side of the White Sea, we assured our selues [1533] that we -were on ye west side of the White Sea, vpon the coast of Lapeland, for -the which we thanked God that he had helped vs to saile over the White -Sea in thirty houres, it being forty Dutch [160] miles at the least, -our course being west with a [nice] north-east wind. - -The 20 of August, being not farre from the land, the north-east wind -left vs, and then it began to blow stiffe north-west; at which time, -seeing we could not make much way by sailing forward, we determined to -put in betweene certaine clifts, and when we got close to the land we -espied certaine crosses with warders [1534] vpon them, whereby we -vnderstood that it was a good way, [1535] and so put into it. And being -entred a litle way within it, we saw a great Russian lodgie [1536] -lying at an anchor, whereunto we rowed as fast as we could, and there -also we saw certaine houses wherein men dwelt. And when we got to the -lodgie, we made our selues fast vnto it, [1537] and cast our tent ouer -the scute, for as then it began to raine. Then we went on land into the -houses that stood vpon the shore, where they showed vs great -friendship, leading vs into their stoawes, [1538] and there dried our -wet clothes, and then seething some fish, bade vs sit downe and eate -somewhat with them. [1539] In those little houses we found thirteene -Russians, who euery morning went out [in two boats] to fish in the sea; -whereof two of them had charge ouer the rest. They liued very poorely, -and ordinarily eate nothing but fish and bread. [1540] At euening, when -we prepared our selues to go to our scute againe, they prayed the -maister and me to stay with them in their houses, which the maister -thanked them for, would not do [and went into the boat], but I stayed -with them al that night. Besides those thirteene men, there was two -Laplanders more and three women with a child, that liued very poorely -of the ouerplus [1541] which the Russians gaue them, as a peece of fish -and some fishes heades, which the Russians threw away and they with -great thankfulnesse tooke them vp, so that in respect of their pouertie -[and ill condition] we thought our selues to bee well furnished, [1542] -and yet we had little inough, but as it seemed their ordinary liuing -was in that manner. And we were forced to stay there for that the wind -being north-west, it was against vs. - -The 21 of August it rained most part of the day, but not so much after -dinner as before. Then our master brought [1543] good store of fresh -fish, which we sod, [1544] and eate our bellies full, which in long -time we had not done, and therewith sod some meale and water in steed -of bread, whereby we were well comforted. After noone, when the raine -began to lessen, we went [at times a little] further into the land and -sought for some leple leaues, [1545] and then we saw two men vpon ye -hilles, whereupon we said one to the other, hereabouts there must more -people dwel, for there came two men towards vs, but we, regarding them -not, went back againe to our scute and towards the houses. The two men -that were vpon the hilles (being some of our men that were in the -[other] boate,) perceauing [also] the Russian lodgie, came downe the -hill towards her to buy [1546] some victuales of them; who being come -thither vnawares [1547] and hauing no mony about them, they agreed -betweene them to put off one of their paire of breeches, (for that as -then we ware two or three paire one ouer the other,) to sel them for -some victuals. [1548] But when they came downe the hill and were -somewhat neerer vnto vs, they espied our scute lying by the lodgie, and -we as then beheld them better and knew them; wherewith we reioyced -[much on both sides], and shewed each other of our proceedings and how -we had sailed to and fro in great necessity and hunger and yet they had -been in greater necessitie and danger then we, and gaue God thankes -that he had preserued vs aliue and brought vs together againe. And then -we eate something together, and dranke of the cleare water, such as -runneth along by Collen through the Rein, [1549] and then we agreed -that they should come vnto vs, that we might saile together. - -The 22 of August the rest of our men [1550] with the boate came unto vs -about the east south-east sunne, whereat we much reioyced, and then we -prayed the Russians cooke to bake a sacke of meale for vs and to make -it bread, paying him for it, which he did. And in the meane time, when -the fishermen came with their fishe out of the sea, our maister bought -foure cods of them, which we sod and eate. And while we were at meat, -the chiefe of the Russians came vnto vs, and perceiuing that we had not -much bread, he fetcht a loaf and gave it vs, and although we desired -them to sit downe and eate some meat with vs, yet we could by no means -get them to graunt thereunto, because it was their fasting day and for -yt we had poured butter and fat into our fish; nor we could not get -them once to drinke with us, because our cup was somewhat greasie, they -were so superstitious touching their fasting and religion. Neither -would they lend vs any of their cups to drinke in, least they should -likewise be greased. At that time the wind was [constantly] north-west. - -The 23 of August the cooke began to knead our meale, and made vs bread -thereof; which being don, and the wind and the weather beginning to be -somewhat better, we made our selues ready to depart from thence; at -which time, when the Russians came from fishing, our maister gaue their -chiefe commander a good peece of mony [1551] in regard of the frendship -that he had shewed vs, and gaue some what also to the cooke, [1552] for -the which they yielded vs great thankes. At which time, the chiefe of -the Russians [having before] desired our maister to giue him some -gunpowder, which he did, [and he also thanked him much.] And when we -were ready to saile from thence, we put a sacke of meale [out of our -boat] into the boate, [1553] least we should chance to stray one from -the other againe, that they might help themselues therewith. And so -about euening, when the sunne was west, we set saile and departed from -thence when it began to be high water, and with a north-east wind held -our course north-west along by the land. - -The 24 of August the wind blew east, and then, the sunne being east, we -got to the Seuen Islands, [1554] where we found many fishermen, of whom -we enquired after Cool and Kilduin, and they made signes that they lay -west from vs, (which we likewise gest to be so.) And withall they -shewed vs great frendship, and cast a cod into our scute, but for that -we had a good gale of wind [1555] we could not stay to pay them for it, -but gaue them great thanks, much wondering at their great courtesy. And -so, with a good gale of wind, we arriued before the Seven Islands when -the sun was south-west, and past between them and the land, and there -found certaine fishermen, that rowed to vs, [1556] and asked vs where -our crable (meaning our ship) was, whereunto wee made answer with as -much Russian language as we had learned, and said, Crable pro pal -[1557] (yt is, our ship is lost), which they vnderstanding said vnto -vs, Cool Brabouse crable, [1558] whereby we vnderstood that at Cool -there was certaine Neatherland ships, but we made no great account -thereof, because our intent was to saile to Ware-house, [1559] fearing -least the Russians or great prince of the country would stay vs there. -[1560] - -The 25 of August, sailing along by the land with a south-east wind, -about the south sun we had a sight of Kilduin, at which time we held -our course west north-west. And sailing in that manner between Kilduin -and the firme land, about the south south-west sunne we got to the west -end of Kilduin. And being there [we] lookt [out sharp] if we could see -any houses or people therein, and at last we saw certaine Russian -lodgies [1561] that lay [hauled up] upon the strand, and there finding -a conuenient place for vs to anchor with our scutes while we went to -know if any people were to be found, our maister put in with the land, -[1562] and there found five or six small houses, wherein the Laplanders -dwelt, of whom he [1563] asked if that were Kilduin, whereunto they -made answere and shewed vs that it was Kilduin, and said yt at Coola -there lay three Brabants crables or ships, whereof two were that day to -set saile; which we hearing determined to saile to Ware-house, and -about the west south-west sunne put off from thence with a south-east -wind. But as we were vnder saile, the wind blew so stiffe [from the -south-east] that we durst not keepe the sea in the night time, for that -the waues of the sea went so hollow, that we were still in doubt that -they would smite the scutes to the ground, [1564] and so tooke our -course behind two clifts [1565] towards our land. And when we came -there, we found a small house vpon the shore, wherein there was three -men and a great dogge, which receiued vs very friendly, asking vs of -our affaires and how we got thither; whereunto we made answere and -shewed them that we had lost our ship, and that we were come thither to -see if we could get a ship that would bring vs into Holland; whereunto -they made vs answere, as the other Russians had done, that there was -three ships at Coola, whereof two were to set saile from thence that -day. Then we asked them if they would goe with one of our men by land -to Coola, to looke for a ship wherewith we might get into Holland, and -said we would reward them well for their paines; but they excused -themselues, and said that they could not go from thence, but they sayd -that they would bring vs ouer the hill, where we should finde certaine -Laplanders whom they thought would goe with vs, as they did; for the -maister and one of our men going with them ouer the hill, found -certaine Laplanders there, whereof they got one to go with our man, -promising him two royals of eight [1566] for his pains. And so the -Laplander going with him, tooke a peece on his necke, [1567] and our -man a boate hooke, and about euening they set forward, [1568] the wind -as then being east and east north-east. - -The 26 of August it was faire weather, the wind south-east, at which -time we drew vp both our scutes vpon the land, and tooke all the goods -out of them, to make them the lighter. [1569] Which done, we went to -the Russians and warmed vs, and there dressed such meates [1570] as we -had; and then againe wee began to make two meales a day, when we -perceiued that we should euery day find more people, and we drank of -their drink which they call quas, [1571] which was made of broken -peeces of [mouldy] bread, and it tasted well, for in long time we had -drunke nothing else but water. Some of our men went [somewhat] further -into the land, and there found blew berries and bramble berries, [1572] -which they plucked and eate, and they did us much good, for we found -that they [perfectly] healed vs of our loosenesse. [1573] The wind -still blew south-east. - -The 27 of August it was foule weather with a great storm [out of the] -north and north north-west, so that in regard that the strand was low, -[1574] and as also for that the spring tide was ready to come on, we -drew our scutes a great way vp vpon the land. [And when we had thus -drawn them much higher up than we had done before, on account of the -high water [1575]], we went [still further upwards] to the Russians, to -warme vs by their fire and to dress our meate. Mean time the maister -sent one of our men to the sea side to our scutes, to make a fire for -vs vpon the strand, that when we came we might finde it ready, and that -in the meane time the smoake might be gone. And while [the] one of our -men was there, and the other was going thither, [1576] the water draue -so high that both our scutes were smitten into the water and in great -danger to be cast away; for in the scute there was but two men and -three in the boate, who with much labour and paine could hardly keep -the scutes from being broken vpon the strand. [1577] Which we seeing, -were in great doubt, [1578] and yet could not help them, yet God be -thanked he had then brought vs so farre that neuerthelesse we could -haue gotten home, although we should have lost our scutes, as after it -was seene. That day and all night it rained sore, whereby we indured -great trouble and miserie, being throughly wet, and could neither couer -nor defend our selues from it; and yet they [who were] in the scutes -indured much more, being forced to bee in that weather, and still in -daunger to bee cast vpon the shore. [1579] - -The 28 of August it was indifferent good weather, and then we drew the -scutes vpon the land againe, that we might take the rest of the goods -out of them, [in order to avoid the like danger in which the boats had -been,] because the wind still blew hard north and north north-west. And -hauing drawne the scutes vp, we spread our sailes vpon them to shelter -vs vnder them, for it was still mistie and rainie weather, much -desiring to heare some newes of our man that was gone to Coola with the -Lapelander, to know if there were any shipping at Coola to bring vs -into Holland. And while we laie there we went [daily] into the land and -fetcht some blew berries and bramble berries [1580] to eate, which did -vs much good. - -The 29 of August it was indifferent faire weather, and we were still in -good hope [1581] to heare some good newes from Coola, and alwaies -looked vp towards the hill to see if our man and the Lapelander came; -but seeing they came not [1582] we went to the Russians againe, and -there drest our meate [at their fire], and then ment [1583] to goe to -our scutes to lodge in them all night. In the meane time we spied the -Laplander [upon the hill] comming alone without our man, whereat we -wondred and were some what in doubt; [1584] but when he came vnto vs, -he shewed vs a letter that was written vnto our maister, which he -opened before vs, the contents thereof being that he that had written -the letter wondred much at our arriuall in that place, and that long -since he verily thought that we had beene all cast away, [1585] being -exceeding glad of our happy fortune, [1586] and how that he would -presently come vnto vs with victuales and all other necessaries to -succour vs withall. We being in no small admiration who it might be -that shewed vs so great fauour and friendship, could not imagine what -he was, for it appeared by the letter that he knew vs well. And -although the letter was subscribed “by me John Cornelison Rip,” [1587] -yet we could not be perswaded that it was the same John Cornelison, who -the yeere before had beene set out in the other ship [at the same time] -with vs, and left vs about the Beare Iland. [1588] For those goode -newes we paid the Lapelander his hier, [1589] and beside that gaue him -hoase, breeches and other furniture, [1590] so that he was apparelled -like a Hollander; for as then we thought our selues to be wholy out of -danger, [1591] and so being of good comfort, we laid vs downe to rest. -Here I cannot chuse but shew you how fast the Lapelander went: for when -hee went to Coola, as our companion told vs, they were two dayes and -two nights on the way, and yet went a pace, and when he came backe -againe he was but a day and a night comming to vs, which was wonderful, -it being but halfe ye time, so that we said, and verily thought, that -he was halfe a coniurer; [1592] and he brought vs a partridge, which he -had killed by the way as he went. - -The 30 of August it was indifferent faire weather, we still wondering -who that John Cornelison might be that had written vnto vs; and while -we sat musing thereon, some of vs were of opinion that it might be the -same John Cornelison that had sayled out of Holland in company with vs, -which we could not be perswaded to beleeue, because we were in as -little hope of his life as hee of ours, supposing that he had sped -worse then we, and long before that had [perished or] beene caste away. -At last the master said, I will looke amongst my letters, for there I -haue his name written, [1593] and that will put us out of doubt. And -so, looking amongst them, we found that it was the same John -Cornelison, wherewith we were as glad of his safety and welfare as he -was of ours. And while we were speaking thereof, and that some of vs -would not beleeue that it was the same John Cornelison, we saw a -Russian joll [1594] come rowing, with John Cornelison and our companion -that we had sent to Coola; who being landed, we receiued and welcomed -each other wt great joy and exceeding gladnesse, as if either of vs on -both sides had seene each other rise from death to life again; for we -esteemed him, and he vs, to be dead long since. He brought vs a barrell -of Roswicke beere, [1595] wine, aqua uite, [1596] bread, flesh, bacon, -salmon, suger, and other things, which comforted and releeued vs much. -And wee rejoyced together for our so vnexpected [safety and] meeting, -at that time giuing God great thankes for his mercy shewed vnto vs. - -The 31 of August it was indifferent faire weather, the wind easterly, -but in the evening it began to blow hard from the land; and then we -made preparation to saile from thence to Coola, first taking our leaues -of the Russians, and heartily thanking them for their curtesie showed -vnto vs, and gaue them a peece of money [1597] for their good wils, and -at night about the north sunne we sailed from thence with a high water. -[1598] - -The 1 of September in the morning, with the east sunne, we got to ye -west side of the river of Coola, [1599] and entered into it, where we -[sailed and] rowed till the flood was past, and then we cast the stones -that serued vs for anchors vpon the ground, at a point of land, till -the flood came in againe. And when the sunne was south, wee set saile -againe with the flood, and so sailed and rowed till midnight, and then -we cast anchor againe till morning. - -The 2 of September in the morning we rowed vp the riuer, and as we past -along we saw some trees on the riuer side, which comforted vs and made -vs as glad as if we had then come into a new world, for in all the time -yt we had beene out we had not seene any trees; and when we were by the -salt kettles, [1600] which is about three [12] miles from Coola, we -stayed there awhile and made merry, and then went forward againe, and -with the west north-west sun got to John Cornelisons ship, wherein we -entred and drunke. [1601] There wee began to make merry againe with the -sailers that were therein and that had beene in the voiage with John -Cornelison the yeare before and bad each other welcome. Then we rowed -forward, and late in the euening got to Coola, where some of vs went on -land, and some stayed in the scutes to looke to the goods, to whom we -sent milke and other things to comfort and refresh them; and we were -all exceeding glad that God of his mercy had deliuered vs out of so -many dangers and troubles, and had brought vs thither in safety: for as -then wee esteemed our selues to be safe, although ye place in times -past, lying so far from vs, was as much vnknowne vnto vs as if it had -beene out of the world, and at that time, being there, we thought yt we -were almost at home. - -The 3 of September we vnladed all our goods, and there refreshed our -selues after our toylesome and weary iourney and the great hunger that -we had indured, thereby to recouer our healthes and strengthes againe. - -The 11 of September, [1602] by leaue and consent of the bayart, [1603] -gouernour for the Great Prince of Muscouia, we brought our scute and -our boate into the merchants house, [1604] and there let them stand -[1605] for a remembrance of our long, farre, and neuer before sailed -way, and that we had sailed in those open scutes almost 400 Dutch -[1600] miles, through and along by the sea coasts to the towne of -Coola, whereat the inhabitants thereof could not sufficiently wonder. - -The 15 of Sep[tember] we went into a lodgie [and sailed down the river] -wt all our goods and our men to John Cornelisons ship, which lay about -half a mile [2 miles] from the towne, and that day [at noon] sailed in -the ship [further] downe the riuer til we were beyond the narrowest -part therof, which was about half the riuer, and there staied for John -Cornelison and our maister, that said they would come to vs the next -day. - -The 17 of September [in the evening] John Cornelison and our maister -being come abord, the next day about the east sunne we set saile out of -the riuer [of] Coola, and with Gods grace put to sea to saile -hom-wards; and being out of the riuer we sailed along by the land -north-west and by north, the wind being south. - -The 19 of September, about the south sunne, we got to Ware-house, and -there ankored and went on land, because John Cornelison was there to -take in more goods, and staid there til the sixt of October, in the -which time we had a [1606] hard wind out of the north and north-west. -And while we stayed there we refreshed our selues somewhat better, to -recouer [from] our sicknesse and weaknesse againe, that we might grow -stronger, which asked sometime, [1607] for we were much spent and -exceeding weake. - -The 6 of October, about euening, the sunne being south-west, we set -saile, and with Gods grace, from Ware-house for Holland; but for that -it is a common and well knowne way, I will speak nothing thereof, only -that vpon the 29 October we ariued in the Mase [1608] with an east -north-east wind, and the next morning got to Maseland sluce, [1609] and -there going on land, from thence rowed to Delfe, and then to the Hage, -and from thence to Harlem; [1610] and vpon the first of Nouember about -noone got to Amsterdam, in the same clothes that we ware in Noua -Zembla, with our caps furd with white foxes skins, [1611] and went to -the house of Peter Hasselaer, that was one of the marchants that set -out the two ships, [1612] which were conducted by John Cornelison and -our maister. And being there, where many men woundred to see vs, as -hauing estemed vs long before that to haue bin dead and rotten, the -newes thereof being spread abroad in the towne, it was also caried to -the Princes Courte in the Hage, [1613] at which time the Lord Chancelor -of Denmark, ambassador for the said king, was then at dinner with -Prince Maurice. [1614] For the which cause we were presently fetcht -thither by the scout and two of the burgers of the towne, [1615] and -there in the presence of those ambassadors [1616] and the burger -masters we made rehearsall of our journey both forwards and backewards. -[1617] And after that, euery man that dwelt thereabouts went home, but -such as dwelt not neere to that place were placed in good lodgings for -certaine daies, vntill we had receiued our pay, and then euery one of -vs departed and went to the place of his aboad. - - -The Names of those that came home againe from this [1618] Voiage were -[1619]:— - - - Jacob Hemskeck, Maister and Factor. - Peter Peterson Vos. - Geret de Veer. - Maister Hans Vos, Surgion. - Jacob Johnson, Sterenburg. - Lenard Hendrickson. - Laurence Williamson. - John Hillbrantson. - Jacob Johnson Hooghwont. - Peter Cornelison. - John Vous Buysen. - and Jacob Euartson. - - - FINIS. - - -These make up the ship’s company, which originally consisted of -seventeen persons in all. The seeming discrepancy with regard to two of -the names, as they appear in the list in page 193, is easily explained -away. Iacob Ianszoon Hooghwout, of Schiedam, and Ian van Buysen -Reynierszoon, have here their family names given in addition to their -patronymics, which latter alone they had signed in the former list. - - - - - -APPENDIX. - -A LETTER FROM JOHN BALAK TO GERARD MERCATOR.—HENRY HUDSON’S ACCOUNT OF -HIS VISIT TO NOVAYA ZEMLYA.—WRITINGS OF WILLIAM BARENTS PRESERVED BY -PURCHAS. - - - - - - -APPENDIX. - -I. - -A LETTER FROM JOHN BALAK TO GERARD MERCATOR. - -[Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, vol. i, pp. 509–510.] - -A learned epistle, written, 1581, unto the famous Cosmographer, - M. Gerardus Mercator, concerning the riuer - Pechora, Naramsay, Cara reca, the mighty riuer of Ob, - the place of Yaks Olgush in Siberia, the great riuer Ardoh, - the lake of Kittay called of the borderers Paraha, - [and] the countrey of Carrah Colmak; giving good - light to the discouery of the northeast passage - to Cathay, China, and the Malucaes. - -Inclyto & celebri Gerardo Mercatori, domino & amico singulari, in manus -proprias Duisburgi in Cliuia. - -Cvm meminissem, amice optime, quanta, cum vnà ageremus, delectatione -afficerere in legendis geographicis scriptis Homeri, Strabonis, -Aristotelis, Plinij, Dionis et reliquorum, lætatus sum eo quod -incidissem in hunc nuncium, qui tibi has literas tradit, quem tibi -commendatum esse valde cupio, quique dudum Arusburgi hîc ad Ossellam -fluuium appulit. Hominis experientia, vt mihi quidem videtur, multum te -adiuuerit in re vna, eaque summis à te votis expetita, et magnopere -elaborata, dequa tam varie inter se dissentiunt cosmographi -recentiores: patefactione nimirum ingentis illius Promontorij Tabin, -celebrisque illius & opulentæ regionis sub Cathayorum rege per oceanum -ad orientem brumalem. Alferius is est natione Belga, qui captiuus -aliquot annos vixit in Moscouitarum ditione, apud viros illic -celeberrimos Yacouium & Vnekium; à quibus Antuerpiam missus est -accersitum homines rei nauticæ peritos, qui satis amplo proposito -præmio ad illos viros se recipiant, qui Sueuo artifice duas ad eam -patefactionem naues ædificarunt in Duina fluuio. Vt ille rem proponit, -quamquam sine arte, apposite tamen, & vt satis intelligas, quod quæso -diligenter perpendas, aditus ad Cathayam per orientem proculdubio -breuissimus est & admodum expeditus. Adijt ipse fluuium Obam tum terra -per Samoedorum & Sibericorum regionem, tum mari per littus Pechoræ -fluminis ad orientem. Hac experientia confirmatus certò apud se statuit -nauim mercibus onustam, cuius carinam non nimium profundè demissam esse -vult, in sinum S. Nicolai conducere in regione Moscouitarum, instructam -illam quidem rebus omnibus ad eam patefactionem necessarijs, atque -illic redintegrato commeatu, Moscouiticæ nationis notissimos iusta -mercede asciscere, qui et Samoedicam linguam pulchre teneant, & fluuium -Ob exploratum habeant, vt qui quotannis ea loca ventitant. Vnde Maio -exeunte constituit pergere ad orientum per continentem Vgoriæ ad -orientales partes Pechoræ, insulamque cui nomen est Dolgoia. Hîc -latitudines obseruare, terram describere, bolidem demittere, locorumque -ac punctorum distantias annotare, vbi & quoties licebit. Et quoniam -Pechoræ sinus vel euntibus vel redeuntibus commodissimus est tum -subsidij tum diuersorij locus proper glaciem & tempestates, diem -impendere decreuit cognoscendis vadis, facillimoque nauium aditu -inueniendo: quo loco antehac aquarum altitudinem duntaxat ad quinque -pedes inuenit, sed profundiores canales esse non dubitat: deinde per -eos fines pergere ad tria quatuorve milliaria nautica, relicta insula, -quam Vaigats vocant, media forè via inter Vgoriam & Nouam Zemblam: tum -sinum quendam præterire inter Vaigats atque Obam, qui per meridiem -vergens pertingit ad terram Vgoriæ, in quem confluunt exigui duo amnes, -Marmesia atque Carah, ad quos amnes gens alia Samoedorum accolit -immanis & efferata. Multa in eo tractu loca vadosa, multas cataractas -inuenit, sed tamen per quas possit nauigari. Vbi ad fluuium Obam -peruentum fuerit, qui quidem fluuius (vt referunt Samoedi) septuaginta -habet ostia, quæ propter ingentem latitudinem multas magnasque -concludentem insulas, quas varij incolunt populi, vix quisquam -animaduertat, ne temporis nimium impendat, constituit ad summum tria -quatuorve tentare ora, ea præsertim quæ ex consilio incolarum, quos in -itinere aliquot habiturus est, commodissima videbuntur, triaque -quatuorve eius regionis nauigiola tentandis ostijs adhibere, quàm fieri -potest ad littus proxime, (quod quidem sub itinere trium dierum -incolitur) vt quo loco tutissime nauigari possit, intelligat. - -Quod si nauim per fluuium Obam aduerso amne possit impellere, prima si -poterit cataracta, eaque, vt verisimile est, commodissima, ad eumque -locum appellere, quem aliquando ipse cum suis aliquot per Sibericorum -regionem terra adijt, qui duodecim iuxta dierum itinere distat à mari, -qua influit in mare flumen Ob, qui locus est in continente, propè -fluuium Ob cui nomen est Yaks Olgush, nomine mutuato ab illo magno -profluente flumini Ob illabente, tum certè speraret maximas se -difficultates superasse. Referunt enim illic populares, qui trium -duntaxat dierum nauigatione ab eo loco abfuerunt (quod illic rarum est, -eo quòd multo ad vnum duntaxat diem cymbas pelliceas à littore -propellentes oborta tempestate perierunt, cùm neque à sole neque à -syderibus rectionem scirent petere) per transuersum fluminis Ob, vnde -spaciosum esse illius latitudinem constat, grandes se carinas præciosis -onustas mercibus magno fluuio delatas vidisse per nigros, puta -Æthiopes. Eum fluuium Ardoh illi vocant, qui influit in lacum Kittayum, -quem Paraha illi nominant, cui contermina est gens illa latissimè fusa, -quam Carrah Colmak appellant, non alia certè quam Cathaya. Illic, si -necessitas postulabit, opportunum erit hybernare, se suosque reficere -resque omnes necessarias conquirere. Quod si acciderit, non dubitat -interim plurimùm se adiutum iri, plura illic quærentum atque -ediscentem. Veruntamen sperat æstate eadem ad Cathayorum fines se -peruenturum, nisi ingenti glaciei mole ad os fluuij Obæ impediatur, quæ -maior interdum, interdum minor est. Tum per Pechoram redire statuit, -atque illic hybernare: vel si id non poterit, in flumen Duinæ, quo -mature satis pertinget, atque ita primo vere proximo in itinere -progredi. Vnum est quod suo loco oblitus sum. Qui locum illum Yaks -Olgush incolunt, à maioribus suis olim prædicatum asserunt, se in lacu -Kitthayo dulcissimam campanarum harmoniam audiuisse, atque ampla -ædificia conspexisse. Et cùm gentis Carrah Colmak mentionem faciunt -(Cathaya illa est) ab imò pectore suspiria repetunt, manibusque -proiectis suspiciunt in cœlum, velut insignem illius splendorum -innuentes atque admirantes. Vtinam Alferius hic cosmographiam melius -saperet, multum ad illius vsum adiungeret, qui sanè plurimus est. Multa -prætereo, vir amicissime, ipsumque hominem te audire cupio, qui mihi -spospondit se in itinere Duisburgi te visurum. Auet enim tecum conferre -sermones, & procul dubio hominem multum adiuueris. Satis instructus -videtur pecunia & gratia, in quibus alijsque officijs amicitiæ feci -illi, si vellet, mei copiam. Deus Optimus maximus hominis votis atque -alacritati faueat, initia secundet, successus fortunet, exitum -fœlicissimum concedat. Vale amice ac Domine singularis. - - - Arusburgi ad Ossellam fluuium 20 Februarij, 1581. - - Tuus quantus quantus sum - - Joannes Balakus. - - - - - - - - -II. - -AN ACCOUNT OF HENRY HUDSON’S VISIT TO NOVAYA ZEMLYA. - - -Extracted from “A Second Voyage or Employment of Master Henry Hudson, -for finding a Passage to the East Indies by the North-East: written by -himselfe.” Printed in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iii, pp. 577–579. - - -[June, 1608.] The sixe and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, and -little wind at east north-east. From twelue a clocke at night till -foure this morning we stood southward two leagues, sounding wee had -sixtie sixe fathome oaze, as afore. From four a clocke to noone, -south-east and by south foure leagues, and had the sunne on the -meridian on the south-east and by south point of the compasse, in the -latitude of 72 degrees 25 minutes, and had sight of Noua Zembla foure -or five leagues from vs, and the place called by the Hollanders Swart -Cliffe bearing off south-east. In the after-noone wee had a fine gale -at east north-east, and by eight of the clocke we had brought it to -beare off vs east southerly, and sayled by the shoare a league from it. - -The seuen and twentieth, all the fore-noone it was almost calme. Wee -being two mile from the shoare, I sent my mate Robert Iuet and Iohn -Cooke my boat-swaine on shoare, with foure others, to see what the land -would yeeld that might bee profitable, and to fill two or three caskes -with water. They found and brought aboord some whales finnes, two -deeres hornes, and the dung of deere, and they told me that they saw -grasse on the shoare of the last yeere, and young grasse came up -amongst it a shaftman long, and it was boggie ground in some places; -there are many streames of snow water nigh, it was very hot on the -shoare, and the snow melted apace; they saw the footings of many great -beares, of deere, and foxes. They went from vs at three a clocke in the -morning, and came aboord at a south-east sunne; and at their comming we -saw two or three companies of morses in the sea neere vs swimming, -being almost calme. I presently sent my mate, Ladlow the carpenter, and -sixe others ashoare, to a place where I thought the morses might come -on the shoare; they found the place likely, but found no signe of any -that had beene there. There was a crosse standing on the shoare, much -driftwood, and signes of fires that had beene made there. They saw the -footing of very great deere and bears, and much fowle, and a foxe; they -brought aboord whale finnes, some mosse, flowers, and greene things, -that did there grow. They brought also two peeces of a crosse, which -they found there. The sunne was on the meridian on the north -north-east, halfe a point easterly, before it began to fall. The sunnes -height was 4 degrees 45 minutes, inclination 22 degrees 33 minutes, -which makes the latitude 72 degrees 12 minutes. There is disagreement -betweene this and the last obseruation; but by meanes of the -cleerenesse of the sunne, the smoothnesse of the sea, and the neerness -to land, wee could not bee deceiued, and care was taken in it. - -The eight and twentieth, at foure a clocke in the morning, our boat -came aboord, and brought two dozen of fowle, and some egges, whereof a -few were good, and a whales finne; and wee all saw the sea full of -morses, yet no signes of their being on shoare. And in this calme, from -eight a clocke last eeuening till foure this morning, wee were drawne -backe to the northward as farre as wee were the last eeuening at foure -a clocke by a streame or a tide; and wee choose rather so to driue, -then to aduenture the losse of an anchor and the spoyle of a cable. -Heere our new ship-boate began to doe vs seruice, and was an -incouragement to my companie, which want I found the last yeere. - -The nine and twentieth, in the morning calme, being halfe a league from -the shoare, the sea being smooth, the needle did encline 84 degrees; we -had many morses in the sea neere vs, and desiring to find where they -came on shoare, wee put to with sayle and oares, towing in our boat and -rowing in our barke, to get about a point of land, from whence the land -did fall more easterly, and the morses did goe that way. Wee had the -sunne on the meridian on the south and by west point, halfe a point to -the wester part of the compasse, in the latitude of 71 degrees 15 -minutes. At two a clocke this after-noone we came to anchor in the -mouth of a riuer, where lieth an iland in the mouth thereof foure -leagues: wee anchored from the iland in two and thirtie fathomes blacke -sandy ground. There droue much ice out of it with a streame that set -out of the river or sound, and there were many morses sleeping on the -ice, and by it we were put from our road twice this night; and being -calme on this day, it pleased God at our neede to giue vs a fine gale, -which freed vs out of danger. This day was calme, cleere and hot -weather: all the night we rode still. - -The thirtieth, calme, hot, and faire weather: we weighed in the -morning, and towed and rowed, and at noone we came to anchor neere the -ile aforesaid in the mouth of the riuer, and saw very much ice driuing -in the sea, two leagues without vs, lying south-east and north-west, -and driving to the north-west so fast, that wee could not by twelve a -clocke at night see it out of the top. At the iland where wee rode -lieth a little rocke, whereon were fortie or fiftie morses lying -asleepe, being all that it could hold, it being so full and little. I -sent my companie ashoare to them, leauing none aboord but my boy with -mee; and by meanes of their neerenesse to the water they all got away, -saue one which they killed, and brought his head aboord; and ere they -came aboord they went on the iland, which is reasonable high and -steepe, but flat on the top. They killed and brought with them a great -fowle, whereof there were many, and likewise some egges, and in an -houre they came aboord. The ile is two flight-shot ouer in length, and -one in breadth. At midnight our anchor came home, and wee tayld aground -by meanes of the strength of the streame; but by the helpe of God wee -houed her off without hurt. In short time wee moued our ship, and rode -still all night; and in the night wee had little wind at east and east -south-east. Wee had at noone this day an obseruation, and were in the -latitude of 71 degrees 15 minutes. - -The first of July wee saw more ice to seaward of vs, from the -south-east to the north-west, driuing to the north-west. At noone it -was calme, and we had the sunne on the meridian on the south and by -west point, halfe a point to the westerly part of the compasse, in the -latitude of 71 degrees 24 minutes. This morning I sent my mate Eueret -and foure of our companie, to rowe about the bay, to see what riuers -were in the same, and to find where the morses did come on land, and to -see a sound or great riuer in the bottome of the bay, which did alwaies -send out a great streame to the north-wards, against the tide that came -from thence: and I found the same, in comming in from the north to this -place, before this. When, by the meanes of the great plenty of ice, the -hope of passage betweene Newland and Noua Zembla was taken away, my -purpose was by the Vaygats to passe by the mouth of the river Ob, and -to double that way the north cape of Tartaria, or to giue reason -wherefore it will not be: but being here, and hoping by the plentie of -morses wee saw here to defray the charge of our voyage; and also that -this sound might for some reasons bee a better passage to the east of -Noua Zembla than the Vaygats, if it held according to my hope conceiued -by the likenesse it gaue: for whereas we had a floud came from the -northwards, yet this sound or riuer did runne so strong, that ice with -the streame of this riuer was carried away, or anything else, against -the floud: so that both in floud and ebbe, the streame doth hold a -strong course, and it floweth from the north three houres, and ebbeth -nine. - -The second, the wind being at east south-east, it was reasonable cold -and so was Friday; and the morses did not play in our sight as in warme -weather. This morning at three of the clocke, my mate and companie came -aboord, and brought a great deeres horne, a white locke of deeres -haire, foure dozen of fowle, their boat halfe laden with drift wood, -and some flowers and greene things, that they found growing on the -shoare. They saw a herd of white deere of ten in a companie on the -land, much drift wood lying on the shoare, many good bayes, and one -riuer faire to see to, on the north shoare, for the morses to land on; -but they saw no morses there, but signes that they had beene in the -bayes. And the great riuer or sound, they certified me, was of breadth -two or three leagues, and had no ground at twentie fathoms and that the -water was of the colour of the sea, and very salt, and that the stream -setteth strongly out of it. At sixe a clocke this morning, came much -ice from the south-ward driuing upon us, very fearefull to looke on; -but by the mercy of God and his mightie helpe, wee being moored with -two anchors ahead, with vering out of one cable and heauing home the -other, and fending off with beams and sparres, escaped the danger: -which labour continued till sixe a clocke in the euening, and then it -was past vs, and we rode still and tooke our rest this night. - -The third, the wind at north a hard gale. At three a clocke this -morning wee weighed our anchor, and set sayle, purposing to runne into -the riuer or sound before spoken of. - -The fourth, in the morning, it cleered up with the wind at north-west; -we weighed and set sayle, and stood to the eastwards, and passed ouer a -reefe and found on it fiue and a halfe, sixe, sixe and a halfe and -seuen fathoms water: then wee saw that the sound was full and a very -large riuer from the north-eastward free from ice, and a strong streame -comming out of it; and we had sounding then, foure and thirtie fathoms -water. Wee all conceiued hope of this northerly riuer or sound; and -sayling in it, wee found three and twentie fathomes for three leagues, -and after twentie fathomes for fiue or sixe leagues, all tough ozie -ground. Then the winde vered more northerly, and the streame came downe -so strong, that we could doe no good on it; we come to anchor, and went -to supper, and then presently I sent my mate Iuet, with fiue more of -our companie, in our boat with sayle and oares, to get up the riuer, -being prouided with victuals and weapons for defence, willing them to -sound as they went, and if it did continue still deepe, to go untill it -did trende to the eastward or to the southwards; and wee rode still. - -The fift, in the morning, we had the wind at west: we began to weigh -anchor, purposing to set sayle, and to runne vp the sound after our -companie: then the wind vered northerly upon vs, and we saued our -labour. At noone our companie came aboord vs, having had a hard rought; -for they had beene vp the river sixe or seven leagues, and sounded it -from twentie to three and twentie, and after brought it to eight, sixe, -and one fathome, and then to foure foot in the best: they then went -ashoare, and found good store of wilde goose quills, a piece of an old -oare, and some flowers, and green things which they found growing: they -saw many deere, and so did we in our after-dayes sayling. They being -come aboord, we presently set sayle with the wind at north north-west, -and we stood out againe to the south-westwards, with sorrow that our -labour was in vaine: for, had this sound held as it did make shew of, -for breadth, depth, safenesse of harbour, and good anchor ground, it -might haue yeelded an excellent passage to a more easterly sea. -Generally, all the land of Noua Zembla that yet wee haue seene, is to a -mans eye a pleasant land; much mayne high land with no snow on it, -looking in some places greene, and deere feeding thereon; and the hills -are partly covered with snow, and partly bare. It is no maruell that -there is so much ice in the sea towards the Pole, so many sounds and -riuers being in the lands of Noua Zembla and Newland to ingender it; -besides the coasts of Pechora, Russia, and Groenland, with Lappia, as -by proofes I finde by my trauell in these parts: by means of which ice -I suppose there will be no nauigable passage this way. This eeuening -wee had the wind at west and by south: wee therefore came to anchor -under Deere Point; and it was a storme at sea, wee rode in twentie -fathomes, ozie ground: I sent my mate Ladlow, with foure more ashore, -to see whether any morses were on the shoare, and to kill some fowle -(for we had seene no morses since Saturday, the second day of this -moneth, that wee saw them driuing out of the ice). They found good -landing for them, but no signe that they had been there: but they found -that fire had beene made there, yet not lately. At ten of the clocke in -the eeuening they came aboord, and brought with them neere an hundred -fowles called wellocks; this night it was wet fogge, and very thicke -and cold, the winde at west south-west. - -The sixt, in the morning, wee had the wind stormie and shifting, -betweene the west and south-west, against us for doing any good: we -rode still, and had much ice driuing by vs to the eastwards of vs. At -nine of the clocke, this eeuening wee had the wind at north north-west: -we presently weighed, and set sayle, and stood to the westward, being -out of hope to find passage by the north-east: and my purpose was now -to see whether Willoughbies Land were, as it is layd in our cardes; -which if it were, wee might finde morses on it; for with the ice they -were all driven from hence. This place vpon Noua Zembla, is another -then that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discouered by Oliuer -Brownell: and William Barentsons obseruation doth witnesse the same. It -is layd in plot by the Hollanders out of his true place too farre -north: to what end I know not, unlesse to make it hold course with the -compasse, not respecting the variation. It is as broad and like to -yeeld passage as the Vaygats, and my hope was, that by the strong -streame it would haue cleered it selfe; but it did not. It is so full -of ice that you will hardly thinke it. - - - - - - - -III. - -WRITINGS OF WILLIAM BARENTS, PRESERVED BY PURCHAS [1620]. - -[Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iii, pp. 518–520.] - -I thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake, certaine -notes which I have found (the one translated, the other written by him -(amongst Master Hakluyts Paper). - - This was written by William Barentson in a loose paper, - which was lent mee by the Reuerend Peter Plantius in - Amsterdam, March the seuen and twentieth, 1609. [1621] - - -The foure and twentieth of August, stilo nouo, 1595, wee spake with the -Samoieds, and asked them how the land and sea did lye to the east of -Way-gates. They sayd, after fiue dayes iourney going north-east, wee -should come to a great sea, going south-east. This sea to the east of -Way-gats they sayd was called Marmoria, that is to say, a calme sea. -[1622] And they of Ward-house haue told vs the same. I asked them if at -any time of the yeere it was frozen ouer? They sayd it was. And that -sometimes they passed it with sleds. And the first of September 1595, -stilo nouo, the Russes of the lodie or barke affirmed the same; saying, -that the sea is sometimes so frozen, that the lodies or barkes going -sometimes to Gielhsidi from Pechora, are forced there to winter; which -Gielhsidi was wonne from the Tartars three yeeres past. - -For the ebbe and flood there, I can finde none; but with the winde so -runneth the streame. The third of September, stilo nouo, the winde was -south-west, and then I found the water higher then with the winde at -north north-east. Mine opinion is grounded on experience: that if there -bee a passage, it is small, or else the sea could not rise with a -southerly winde. And for the better proofe to know if there were a -flood and ebbe, the ninth of September, stilo nouo, I went on shoare on -the south end of the States Iland, where the crosse standeth, and layd -a stone on the brinke of the water to proue whether there were a tide, -and went round about the iland to shoote at a hare; and returning, I -found the stone as I left it, and the water neither higher nor lowere: -which prooueth, as afore, that there is no flood nor ebbe. - - - THE END. - - - - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] See Dr. Beke’s Introduction. - -[2] Brownel is the recognised English equivalent for Brunel. - -[3] See Dr. Beke’s Introduction. - -[4] Fair Island, an island half-way between the Orkneys and the -Shetland Islands. - -[5] Where, in the extract, miles are spoken of, they are nautical -miles, or sixty in a degree of the equator. - -[6] Spits- (pointed) Bergen (mountains). - -[7] Gerrit de Veer, son of Albert de Veer and Cornelia van Adrichem, -belonged to an old and illustrious Dutch family. He was a younger -brother of Ellert de Veer, who occupied the position of Councillor of -Amsterdam, when Gerrit de Veer undertook his voyage to Novaya Zemlya. -In April 1610, Ellert de Veer was sent to England as plenipotentiary, -on which occasion he was knighted by James I. Gerrit de Veer died, -unmarried, abroad.—Heraldic Library, 1874. - -[8] This chart is also to be found, with a few additions, in Asher’s -Hudson the Navigator, and in Pontanus’ History of Amsterdam, 1614. - -[9] The south point of Prince Charles’s Foreland? - -[10] The Red Bay and the Zeemosche Bay, with the Archipelago and the -Mauritius Bay? - -[11] Cloven Cliff, and the other islands of the archipelago? - -[12] The north-western archipelago, with Amsterdam and Danish Islands? - -[13] Magdalena Bay. - -[14] Sir Thomas Smith Bay. - -[15] What is called in the chart, from Purchas’ His Pilgrimes, vol. -iii, “The Barr”? - -[16] Faire Forelaud, still known in the Dutch charts as Vogelhoek (Cape -Bird)? - -[17] Ice Sound? - -[18] Bell Sound? - -[19] The south point of Spitsbergen? - -[20] Mr. De Jonge, Novaya Zemlya, p. 24. - -[21] See “Notes on the Ice between Greenland and Novaya Zemlya”, by -Captain M. H. Jansen, of the Dutch Navy (Proceedings of the R.G.S., -vol. ix, No. IV, p. 170). - -[22] Mr. de Jonge, Novaya Zemlya, p. 25. - -[23] The second volume of the work “Die Cronycke van Hollant, Zeeland -ende Vrieslant”, etc., was written by Ellert de Veer, the brother of -Gerrit de Veer, and published by Lawrens Jacobsz at Amsterdam in 1591. - -[24] Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Sebastian Cabot (8vo, London, 1831), -has almost exhausted the subject of the exploits of this English -worthy. - -[25] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 243. - -[26] Ibid., p. 245. - -[27] Lütke, Viermalige Reise durch das nördliche Eismeer, German -translation by Erman (forming vol. ii of Berghaus’s Kabinets-Bibliothek -der neuesten Reisen), 8vo, Berlin, 1835; pp. 12, 196. - -[28] The island of Senyen, on the coast of Norway, in 69° N. lat. - -[29] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 236. - -[30] Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West, Introduction, p. i, -et seq. - -[31] See Beechy, Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole, p. 227. - -[32] Page 312. - -[33] Introduction, p. ix. - -[34] Viermalige Reise, etc., p. 1. - -[35] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 274. - -[36] Ibid., p. 277. - -[37] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 280. - -[38] Page 14. - -[39] Bolschoi Kamen (Lütke, p. 14), signifying “the great rock”, lit. -“stone”. - -[40] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 280. - -[41] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 280. - -[42] Page 14. - -[43] Page 29. - -[44] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 283. See also pp. 284, 417, 464, 465. - -[45] See page lxxv of the present Introduction. - -[46] Principal Navigations, vol. i, pp. 382–3. - -[47] He arrived at the monastery of St. Nicholas, at the western mouth -of the Dwina, on July 23rd, 1568.—Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 376. - -[48] He embarked at St. Nicholas about the end of July, 1569, and -arrived safely at London in the month of September following.—Hakluyt, -vol. i, p. 378. - -[49] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 473. - -[50] This supposed interval between Novaya Zemlya and “Willoughby’s -Land”, arose from Willoughby’s erroneous estimate of the distance of -the coast reached by him from Senyen, which distance, “instead of 160 -leagues, would be 230 leagues; an error, however, not much to be -wondered at, considering the bad weather the fleet encountered between -those places”.—Beechey, p. 228. - -[51] Ere; before. - -[52] Vol. i, pp. 433–5. - -[53] Hakluyt, vol. i, pp. 433–4. - -[54] Ibid., p. 435. - -[55] Ibid., p. 446. - -[56] See the note in page 28 of the present volume. - -[57] Ibid. - -[58] Hakluyt. vol. i, p. 446. -[59] Ibid., p. 447. - -[60] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 448. - -[61] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 448. - -[62] Ibid., p. 449. - -[63] Ibid., p. 450. - -[64] Ibid., p. 451. - -[65] Ibid. - -[66] Barrow, Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions, -p. 99. - -[67] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 453. - -[68] See page 64 of the present volume. - -[69] Voyage towards the North Pole, p. 202. - -[70] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 233. - -[71] Ibid., p. 308. - -[72] Ibid., p. 435. - -[73] Ibid., p. 437. - -[74] Ibid., p. 437. These “notes” were also published by Hakluyt in his -Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America, under the title of -“Notes in writing, besides more priuie by mouth, that were giuen by a -gentleman,” etc. See Mr. J. Winter Jones’s edition of that work, p. -116. - -[75] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 443. - -[76] Rundall, Narratives of Voyages to the North-West, pp. 15, 17. - -[77] Pilgrimes, vol. iii, pp. 804–806. - -[78] This may perhaps be an erroneous translation of the Russian word -kotschmare, which, according to Lütke (p. 71), “is understood at -Archangel to mean a three-masted vessel, of the burthen of about 500 -poods,” or eight tons. - -[79] We have here a proof that this document was translated out of -Russian into English through either the Dutch or the German language, -in which Trost does certainly mean “comfort”, but never “trust”. The -translator of De Veer’s work commits the like mistake. See page 20 of -the present volume. - -[80] These several descriptions of fish are thus identified by Dr. -Hamel, in his Tradescant der aeltere (St. Petersburg and Leipzig, 1847, -4to.), p. 323. Acipenser sturio, Salmo nasutus (Tschir), Salmo pelet -(Pelet?), Salmo nelma (Nelma), Salmo muksun (Muksun), Salmo lavaretus -(Sigi), Acipenser ruthenus, Salmo solar. - -[81] Byeloi ostrov, or White Island. See Lütke, p. 68. - -[82] Namely, Byeloi ostrov. - -[83] See Lütke, pp. 71–79. - -[84] Tradescant der aeltere, p. 323. - -[85] Page 230. - -[86] Page 231. - -[87] Descriptio ac Delineatio geographica Detectionis Freti, sive -Transitus ad Occasum supra Terras Americanas ... recens investigati ab -Henrico Hudsono Anglo ... unà cum descriptione Terræ Samoiedarum et -Tingoesiorum in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats sitæ, etc. Amsterodami, -ex officina Hesselij Gerardi, anno 1612. Small 4to. - -The full title of this work is given by Camus, in his Mémoire sur la -Collection des grands et petits Voyages, p. 254, in which, however, he -has “transitus ad Oceanum”, instead of “transitus ad Occasum”. - -[88] In the tenth part of De Bry’s India Orientalis, which was -published at Frankfort in 1613, an absurd blunder occurs with respect -to this name. Massa’s map of 1612 is there reproduced, somewhat reduced -in size, and with the Dutch names of places, etc., Latinized. And the -of in “Matsei of tsar” being imagined to be the Dutch disjunctive -conjunction (Engl. or), that name is accordingly done into Latin, and -appears as “Matsei vel tsar”. In this map “Costintsarch” is not -inserted. - -It may not be uninteresting to add, that Gerard’s work, together with -its maps, is inserted bodily in De Bry’s Collection, and on the -title-page, which alone is altered, are the words, “Auctore M. Gotardo -Arthusio, Dantiscano, tabulas in æs artificiosè incisas addente -Johanne-Theodoro de Bry.” The artist has, indeed, the conscience to -give Isaac Massa the credit of his map; but the name of the author of -the work, “Hesselius Gerardus, Assumensis, philogeographicus,” signed -at the foot of his Prolegomena, is left out, and there is nothing -whatever to show that the entire work is not the original composition -of G. Arthus. - -[89] See the note in page 31 of the present volume. - -[90] See page 30, note 4, and page 202, notes 6 and 7. Yet one more -form has to be added to the list. It is Casting Sarch, which is -employed by Captain Beechey in page 277 of his work already cited. - -[91] See page 222 of the present work. - -[92] “Tabula Russiæ ex autographo quod delineandum curavit Feodor -filius Tsaris Boris desumpta, et ad fluvios Dwinam, Zuchanum, aliaque -loca, quantum ex tabulis et notitiis ad nos delatis fieri potuit, -amplificata ... ab Hesselo Gerardo, M.DC.XIII” (the last I was -subsequently added). In Blaeu’s Grand Atlas, vol. ii, 1667. - -[93] Page 952. - -[94] Page 93. - -[95] Vol. i, pp. 509–512. - -[96] See page 261. - -[97] Or Oliuer—Note by Hakluyt. - -[98] Or Naramsay and Cara Reca.—Note by Hakluyt. And see page lxxiii, -ante. - -[99] These are seemingly the river Yenisei and lake Baikal. - -[100] On the subject of Cathay, see Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages, etc., by -J. Winter Jones, pp. 24, 117; and Major’s Notes upon Russia, vol. ii, -pp. 42, 187. Carrah Colmak would appear to be intended for Black -Kalmucks. - -[101] Is not this a sign of the existence there of the Tibetan -religion? - -[102] Purchas, vol. iii, p. 579. - -[103] See page 265. - -[104] Vol. iii, p. 545. - -[105] See page lxxxviii, ante. - -[106] Page lxxxvii. - -[107] The members of the Hakluyt Society are referred to their last -published volume, namely, the second of Mr. Major’s translation of -Herberstein’s celebrated work (Notes upon Russia, vol. ii, pp. 40, 41), -for this description of the “golden old woman” and the other wonderful -inhabitants of the regions beyond the Ob. - -[108] F. Adelung, in his memoir “über die aeltern ausländischen Karten -von Russland, bis 1700”, in Baer and Helmersen’s Beiträge zur Kenntniss -des Russischen Reiches, vol. iv (1841), p. 18, when describing this -map, says that it must have been very rare, since few appear to have -been acquainted with it except Ortelius and Witsen; referring to the -latter writer’s preface to his Noord en Oost Tartarye, where mention is -made of it. But from a comparison of Gerard’s description of this map -with that of Witsen, it is manifest that the latter merely repeated the -former’s statement respecting it; so that there is no reason for -supposing it to have been seen even by Witsen. - -[109] Pilgrimes, vol. iii, p. 473. - -[110] Prolegomena ad Hudsoni Detect., edit. Amstelodami per Hes. -Gerard, 1611.—Marginal note by Purchas. - -The date here attributed to Gerard’s work must be a misprint, as Camus -makes no mention of any editions except that of 1612 and one of the -following year. In this second edition of 1613, the far greater part of -the Prolegomena is omitted, and what little remains is much altered. -Camus remarks (p. 255), “l’avertissement est absolument changé; il est -beaucoup plus court”. The title of the work is also slightly varied. - -[111] Page 946. - -[112] Engl. edit., p. 415. - -[113] Chronological History, etc., p. 159. - -[114] Ibid., p. 141, note. - -[115] Tradescant, etc., pp. 232–235. - -[116] Purchas, vol. iii, p. 464. - -[117] Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 468. - -[118] Linschoten, Voyagie, ofte Schip-vaert, van by Norden om, etc., -fol. 3. - -[119] Bennet and Van Wijk, in Nieuwe Verhandelingen van het Provinciaal -Utrechtsche Genootschap, etc., vol. v, part 6 (1830), p. 26, call this -vessel the Swallow (Zwaluw). - -[120] Linschoten, fol. 3. - -[121] J. R. Forster (Engl. edit., p. 411) says that the Amsterdam -vessel was called “the Boot, or Messenger”. The original German work -(Frankfort, 1784, 8vo) is not in the British Museum, nor is it known -whether a copy of it is to be found in this country; so that there are -no means of reference. But it may be suspected that there is some -confusion here between Boot, “a boat”, and Bote, “a messenger”. Most -modern writers have followed Forster in calling Barents’s vessel the -Messenger. This name, translated into Russian by Lütke, and then -rendered back into German by Erman (p. 17), has become der Gesandte, -the Envoy or Ambassador! - -[122] Bennett and Van Wijk, p. 26. -[123] Linschoten, fol. 3. - -[124] See the Appendix, page 273. - -[125] “Ghelijck als t’selfde, uyt de beschrijvinghe ofte t’verbael des -voorseyden Willem Barentsz. ghenoechsaem (met lief overcomende) -verthoont sal worden, tot welckes ick my refereere.”—Voyagie, etc., -fol. 18 verso. - -[126] Te samen Admiraelschap ende een vast verbondt -ghemaeckt.—Linschoten, fol. 3. - -[127] De Veer, p. 6. - -[128] Page 27. - -[129] De Veer, pp. 11–16. - -[130] Ibid., p. 20. - -[131] De Veer, p. 27. - -[132] De Veer, p. 36. - -[133] Page 40. - -[134] Al hoe wel dat die van Plancius opinie zijn, in haer Tractaet te -verstaen gheven, dat ick da sake breeder aenghedient hadde, als sy in -effect was, t’welck ick den discreten leser t’oordeelen gheve.— -Voyagie, fol. 24. - -[135] De Veer, p. 64. -[136] De Veer, p. 42. - -[137] The expressions vlyboot and yacht seem to have been used, like -“cutter” and “clipper” in modern times, to designate quick-sailing -vessels. - -[138] Linschoten, fol. 24 verso. - -[139] See De Veer, p. 50, and the note there. - -[140] Linschoten, fol. 27 verso. - -[141] De Veer, p. 53. - -[142] Linschoten, fol. 27 verso. - -[143] De Veer, p. 53. - -[144] Ibid., p. 54. - -[145] See pages lxxi-ii, ante. - -[146] De Veer, p. 57. - -[147] Linschoten, fol. 29 verso. - -[148] De Veer, p. 60. - -[149] De Veer, p. 60. - -[150] Ibid., p. 61. - -[151] Ibid., p. 62; Linschoten, fol. 32. - -[152] Om immers aen ons devoir niet te ontbreken.—Linschoten, fol. 32. - -[153] Linschoten, fol. 32. - -[154] Linschoten, fol. 32. - -[155] De Veer, p. 62; Linschoten, fol. 32. - -[156] Waer over een groot debat ghevallen is.—Linschoten, fol. 32 -verso. - -[157] Linschoten, fol. 32 verso. - -[158] See Appendix, p. 274. - -[159] Linschoten, fol. 33; De Veer, p. 56. - -[160] Ibid., fol. 33 verso. And see De Veer, p. 65. - -[161] De Veer, p. 66. - -[162] Linschoten, fol. 32 verso. - -[163] Lütke says (p. 34) that it was signed by all except Barents. But -it will be seen that his signature stands in its proper rank, the -third, among the others. Lütke’s mistake appears to have arisen from -his having followed Adelung, who copied from the Recueil de Voyages au -Nord, where, in the list of names, that of Barents is certainly -omitted, though from what cause except inadvertency cannot be imagined. - -[164] De Veer, p. 70. - -[165] See particularly pp. 175–178 and 188–193 of the present volume. - -[166] De Veer, p. 125. - -[167] Ibid., p. 193. - -[168] De Veer, p. 73. - -[169] Ibid., p. 76. - -[170] Voyage towards the North Pole, p. 35. - -[171] Purchas, vol. iii, p. 464. - -[172] De Veer, p. 77, and the note there. - -[173] De Veer, p. 85. - -[174] Ibid., p. 78. - -[175] Ibid., p. 83. - -[176] Ibid., p. 84. - -[177] Ibid., p. 84. - -[178] De Veer, p. 85. - -[179] Ibid. - -[180] De Bry, India Orientalis, part ix, p. 51. In Scoresby’s Account -of the Arctic Regions, vol. i, p. 80, the spot reached by Rijp is -called “the Bay of Birds”, De Bry being referred to as the authority. -But that writer’s words are—“Sub gr. 80 circa Volucrium Promontorium, a -quo postmodum animo ad Guilhelmum redeundi discessit.” - -Just as this sheet was going to press, we have found that the article -in De Bry, from which the above extract is taken, is a translation of -the following work:—“Histoire du Pays nommé Spitsberghe. Comme il a -esté descouvert, sa situation et de ses Animauls. Avec le Discours des -empeschemens que les Navires esquippes pour la peche des Baleines tant -Basques, Hollandois, que Flamens, ont soufferts de la part des Anglois, -en l’Année presente 1613. Escript par H. G. A. Et une Protestation -contre les Anglois, & annullation de tous leurs frivolz argumens, par -lesquelz ils pensent avoir droit de se faire seuls Maistres du dit -Pays. A Amsterdam, chez Hessel Gerard A. a l’ensiegne de la Carte -Nautiq. MD.C.XIII.” - -This appears to be the work to which Purchas (vol. iii, p. 464) makes -the following allusion:—“I have by me a French Storie of Spitsbergh, -published 1613 by a Dutchman, which writeth against this English -allegation, &c., but hotter arguments then I am willing to answer.” It -gives an account of the voyage of Rijp and Barents, which, though -agreeing generally with that of De Veer, differs from it in some -important particulars. What is most remarkable is, that it is said to -have been written by Barents himself:—“Mais pour sçavoir deuvement ce -qu’ils ont trouvé en ceste descouvrāce, i’ay trouvé bon de mettre icy -un petit extraict du Journal, escrit de la main propre de Guillaume -Bernard”. - -Want of time and space prevents us from giving the subject any -lengthened consideration. But from what we have been able to make out, -our impression decidedly is, that it was never written by Barents, but -was attributed to him solely for the purpose of giving to it an -authority which it might otherwise not have possessed. For, in the -first place, Barents never returned to Holland subsequently to the -discovery of Spitzbergen, but died off the coast of Novaya Zemlya, on -the 20th of June, 1597; so that, even assuming him to have written a -journal with his own hand, that journal must have passed into the -possession of Gerrit de Veer, the historian of the voyage, and would -assuredly have formed the basis of his narrative; and hence the -discrepancies which exist between the two could never have arisen. And, -in the second place, this journal states, under date of the 24th of -June, 1596, “la terre (au lōg du quel prenions nostre route) estoit la -plus part rompue, bien hault, et non autre que monts et montaignes -agues, parquoy l’appellions Spitzbergen”. Yet, so far was Barents from -having given this name to the newly-discovered country, that we find it -expressly stated by De Veer (p. 82), under date of the 22nd of June, -that they “esteemed this land to be Greene-land”. And not merely so, -but after the latter’s return to Holland, where he had the opportunity -of consulting with Plantius and other geographers, he still retained -that opinion; for in the dedication to his work, which is dated -“Amsterdam, April 29th, 1598”, he says that “the eastern part of -Greenland (as we call it) in 80°, is now ascertained, where it was -formerly thought there was only water and no land”; clearly proving -that even at that time there was no idea of calling the -newly-discovered country by the name of Spitzbergen, or of considering -it anything but “the eastern part of Greenland”. - -But, not long afterwards, the western coast of Spitzbergen having been -visited by the vessels of other nations, and its importance as a -station for the whale fishery having been ascertained, the Dutch were -naturally anxious to establish their claim to its first discovery. This -was the object of Hessel Gerard’s tract: a most legitimate one in -itself, though, unfortunately, carried out in a very unscrupulous -manner. For, not only did he attribute the authorship of this journal -to Barents, and in it make him first use the name of Spitzbergen; but -as, from the then prevailing ignorance respecting the geography of that -country, it was not possible to trace that navigator’s true course -along its eastern coast, round about its northern end, and so down the -western coast, he did not scruple to falsify Barents’s track, and make -him sail from Bear Island on the 13th of June sixteen Dutch miles -west-north-west and fifteen miles north-west, where De Veer (p. 76) has -sixteen miles north and somewhat easterly; and then again on the 14th, -twenty-two miles north by west, where De Veer (p. 77) has twenty miles -north and north and by east, and on the 16th thirty miles north and by -east. By thus altering the direction of Barents’ course, Gerard -certainly brought him to the western coast of Spitzbergen; but he -thereby rendered the remaining portion of the voyage, which was -westward along the northern side of the land, an impossible course in -the sea between Spitzbergen and Greenland! The fact of Gerard’s tract -having been republished in De Bry’s Collection, which work is well -known to literary men, while De Veer’s original journal has rarely, if -ever, been consulted by them, is doubtless the reason why the -circumnavigation of Spitzbergen by Barents and Rijp has hitherto -remained unknown. - -[181] Pages 248, 251. - -[182] De Veer, p. 89, and the note there. - -[183] De Veer, p. 99. - -[184] Third Series, vol. v (1837–8), pp. 289–330. - -[185] Pages 200–203. - -[186] Page 147. - -[187] Pages 147, 160, 298, etc. - -[188] Page 266. - -[189] De Veer, p. 11. - -[190] Page 305. - -[191] Page 12. - -[192] Page 21. - -[193] Page 306. - -[194] Page 12. - -[195] See page xc, ante. - -[196] De Veer, page 13, note 1. - -[197] Page 236. - -[198] De Veer, p. 13. - -[199] Ibid., p. 14. - -[200] Ibid., p. 14. - -[201] Ibid., p. 16. - -[202] Page 306. - -[203] Page 302. - -[204] Pages 302–306. - -[205] See pages 145–149 of the present work, and the notes there. - -[206] It was not thought necessary to reproduce these charts for the -present edition. - -[207] De Veer, p. 20. - -[208] Page 360. - -[209] De Veer, p. 70. - -[210] Ibid., p. 111. - -[211] Ibid., p. 112. - -[212] De Veer, p. 175. - -[213] Ibid., p. 176. - -[214] Ibid., p. 176. - -[215] Page 37. - -[216] Page 150. - -[217] Page 152. - -[218] Page 224. - -[219] See Lütke, p. 39. - -[220] This observation of Robert le Canu is anything but ingenuous. De -Veer’s work, the body of which is in German characters, contains -several other portions printed with Roman letters, for the sake of -distinction on account of their importance; such as the Dedication, the -story of the barnacles, etc. - -[221] This sacristan was not quite so flexible as the “Clerke of the -Bow bell”, immortalized in Stow’s Survey of London (edit. 1633, p. -269). His duty it was to ring the curfew-bell nightly at nine o’clock; -and “this Bel being usually rung somewhat late, as seemed to the young -men Prentises, and other in Cheape, they made and set up a rime against -the Clerke, as followeth: - - “Clarke of the Bow-Bell, - with the yellow locks, - For thy late ringing, - thy head shall have knockes. - -“Whereunto the Clerke replying, wrote: - - “Children of Cheape, - hold you all still, - For you shall have the - Bow-bell rung at your will.” - -[222] Blaeu, Grand Atlas, part i, fol. 34, b. - -[223] On this day De Veer says that they measured the sun’s azimuth (de -son peijlden), which they found to be “in the eleventh degree and 48 -minutes of Scorpio”, that is to say, in 221° 48′. It would seem, -however, that there are here two mistakes. The first is a clerical or -typographical error. Instead of 221° 48′, it should be 221° 18′, which -was the sun’s longitude at Venice on the 3rd of November. And the -second error is, that no account is taken of the difference of -longitude between Venice and Novaya Zemlya, which is about four hours -in time. The sun’s true longitude was 221° 7′,6. - -[224] Namely, that of Captain Parry. - -[225] “The 25th of January it was darke clowdy weather”; the 26th there -was “a fog-bank or a dark cloud”; the 29th, “it was foule weather, with -great store of snow”; the 30th, “it was darke weather with an east -wind,” and “as soone as they saw what weather it was, they had no -desire to goe abroad”; the 1st of February, “the house was closed up -againe with snow”; the 2nd, “it was still the same foule weather”; the -3rd, it was “very misty, whereby they could not see the sun”; and from -the 4th till the 7th inclusive, “it was still foule weather”. - -[226] Some valuable remarks on this phenomenon are contained in Lütke’s -Viermalige Reise, pp. 39–41. - -[227] De Veer’s work has seen three editions—1598, 1599, and 1605, at -the same press. The text, as well as the plates of the edition of 1599, -are reprinted, whilst the pages are better numbered. (Mémoire -Bibliographique sur les Journaux des Navigateurs Neerlandais 1867, par -P. A. Fiele.) - -[228] One further curious instance has only recently come to our -knowledge. Captain Beechey, when speaking (p. 257) of the bears which -were killed by the Dutch while in their winter quarters, says that on -opening one of them “there was found in its stomach ‘part of a buck, -with the hair and skinne and all, which not long before she had torne -and devoured,’ a fact (he adds) which I mention only to rectify an -error in supposing deer did not frequent Nova Zembla.” - -Did the fact of the existence of deer in Novaya Zemlya rest upon this -statement alone, it would have but a weak foundation; for, as is shown -in page 182, note 3, the original Dutch is “stucken van robben, met -huijt ende hayr”—“pieces of seals, with the skin and hair.” But, in -truth, the existence of deer in that country is established by the -incontrovertible evidence adduced in the notes to pages 5, 83, and 104; -to which has to be added the fact recorded in the Appendix, p. 269, -that when Hudson and his crew were on the coast of Novaya Zemlya in -1608, they saw there numerous signs of deer, and on one occasion “a -herd of white deere of ten in a companie;” so that they actually gave -to the place the name of Deere Point. - -[229] 1.—“The Description of a Voyage made by certain Ships of Holland -into the East Indies ... who set forth on the 2nd Aprill 1595, and -returned on the 14th of August 1597. Printed by John Woolfe, 1598, -4to.” - -In his dedication to this work, of which the original was written by -Bernard Langhenes, Phillip announces a translation of Linschoten’s -voyages; and in the same year there appeared— - -2.—“John Huighen van Linschoten, his discours of voyages into ye Easte -and West Indies. Devided into foure books. Printed at London by John -Woolfe;” on the title-pages of the second, third, and fourth books of -which work the initials W. P. are given as those of the translator. - -In the advertisement to the reader in this latter work (copies of which -have sold as high as £10 15s.), it is stated that the “Booke being -commended by Maister Richard Hackluyt, a man that laboureth greatly to -advance our English name and nation, the printer thought good to cause -the same to be translated into the English tongue.” - -3.—“The Relation of a wonderfull Voiage made by William Cornelison -Schouten of Horne. Shewing how South from the Straights of Magellan in -Terra del Fuego, he found and discovered a newe passage through the -great South Sea, and that way sayled round about the World. Describing -what Islands, Countries, People, and strange Adventures he found in his -saide Passage. London, imprinted by T. D. for Nathaneell Newberry, -1619. 4to.” - -This English edition is exceedingly rare. - -[230] Namely, the United Provinces of the Netherlands. - -[231] The Amsterdam Latin version of 1598 has “Columbus, Cortesius, et -Magellanus”. But the emendation is unnecessary, since the author -evidently intends Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, the discoverer of the Pacific. - -[232] “Cicilia”, in the English original, can only be an error of the -press. - -[233] Deur ende weer deur de Linie—passing and repassing the Line. - -[234] De witte Zee—the White Sea. - -[235] The adverb of affirmation, now written ay. A striking instance of -its use occurs in Romeo and Juliet:— - - “Hath Romeo slaine himself? say thou but I, - And that bare vowell I shall poyson more - Than the death-darting eye of Cockatrice; - I am not I, if there be such an I.” - -[236] Thus it appears that Gerrit de Veer was not on the first voyage, -as has been supposed by some writers. - -[237] By the Russians called Nóvaya Zémlya, i.e., “the New Land”. - -[238] Namely, between Nóvaya Zémlya and Spitzbergen, which latter was, -by Barentsz and his companions, thought to be a part of Greenland. - -[239] The Sea of Kara, east of Nóvaya Zémlya. - -[240] This country, which was discovered by the Hollanders on their -third voyage, has since proved to be Spitzbergen. - -[241] The same is repeated by Sir John Barrow (Chronological History of -Voyages, etc., pp. 148, 185), who questions the fact asserted by -Hudson, of his having seen reindeer in the island. But Lütke expressly -declares (Viermalige Reise, etc., Erman’s Translation, pp. 43, 75, 314, -359), that these animals do exist in Nóvaya Zémlya, even beyond the -74th parallel of north latitude. See also Baer, in Berghaus’s Annalen, -vol. xvii, p. 300; vol. xviii, p. 25. - -[242] Intended. - -[243] As is shown in the Introduction, the proper name of this able -navigator is Willem Barentszoon, that is, William, the son of Barent or -Bernard; which name, as usually contracted, was written Barentsz. - -[244] May 29th, 1594. - -[245] The island of Kildin, on the coast of Russian Lapland, in 69° 18′ -north latitude, and 34° 20′ longitude east of Greenwich. - -[246] Dutch or German miles of fifteen to the degree; so that one such -mile is equal to four English sea miles, or geographical miles of sixty -to the degree. To assist the reader, who might not always have this in -mind, the English miles will throughout be inserted between brackets. - -[247] A rude way of determining the time by the bearing of the sun, -customary among seamen of all nations in those days, for want of -portable time-pieces. Were the precise azimuth of the sun observed, no -method could be more exact; but as no interval between the several -points of the compass (which are 11° 15′ apart) is taken into account, -and as the sun’s bearing is also subject to the variation of the -compass, the result must be only approximative. From the -compass-bearing alone, as recorded, it would be difficult for the -reader to form anything like a correct idea of the actual time—for -example, when, on the 30th of June, the sun was observed to be full -south, it wanted more than an hour-and-a-quarter of mid-day. It is, -therefore, deemed advisable to insert, after each observation of time -by the sun, the time by the clock to the nearest quarter of an hour. - -[248] Schoverseylen—the courses, or sails on the lower masts. - -[249] O. ten n.—east by north. - -[250] Tots avonds—till the evening. - -[251] Oozy, muddy. - -[252] Een quartier—one watch; the duration of which was, as usual, four -hours. - -[253] I.e., they found themselves to be in 70° 45′ north latitude, by -means of an observation of the sun. - -[254] Small black specks. - -[255] Wendense weder noordwaert over—they again tacked to the north. -Phillip uses throughout the expression “to wind” in the sense of “to -tack”. - -[256] Van deeldagh af—from noon. - -[257] Groote holle schulpen—large hollow shells. - -[258] The first watch, beginning at 8 o’clock P.M. - -[259] “Table.”—Ph. Evidently a misprint. - -[260] Een schover zeyl—one course, namely, the main-sail. - -[261] Wierpent aen de wint—they hauled close to the wind. - -[262] Graedt-boogh—rendered Radius astronomicus in the Amsterdam Latin -version of 1598, and Ray nautique in the French version of the same -year and place—Cross-staff, Jacob’s-staff, or fore-staff; a well known -instrument, no longer in use among European navigators. But the Arab -seamen on the east coast of Africa still employ a primitive instrument, -which is essentially the same. It consists of a small quadrangular -board, through which a string, knotted at various distances, is passed; -each knot being at such a distance from the board, that when the latter -is held by the observer before him, with the knot between his teeth and -the string extended, the board (between its upper and lower edges) -shall subtend the angle at which the pole-star is known to be elevated -above the horizon at some one of the ports frequented by the observer. -Inartificial as such an instrument may be, yet if, instead of a knotted -string, a notched stick were used, on which the board might slide -backwards and forwards, it would be the cross-staff of our early -navigators. - -[263] Noch (now spelt nog)—again. - -[264] Den 4 Julij des nachts—on the 4th of July, at night. - -[265] Graed-boogh. See the preceding page, note 1. - -[266] So in the original. But the sense requires “north-east and by -north”, that being the next point to N.N.E. - -[267] Een laghe uytstekenden hoeck—a low projecting point. Through some -misconception, Phillip repeatedly has “long” for “low”. - -[268] Laghe—low. - -[269] Capo Baxo—Low Point. From the long connection of the Netherlands -with Spain, the Dutch navigators appear to have employed the Spanish -language for trivial names like “Low Point”, “Black Point”, as being -more distinctive than the vernacular. - -[270] Eenderley aert van voghelen—a certain kind of birds. This strange -mistake of the translator has given occasion to frequent comment. It is -the more unaccountable, as the original work contains a pictorial -representation of these birds,—noordtsche papegagen, or northern -parrots, as they are there called,—in connection with the plan of -Lomsbay; and it is also expressly stated, that the bay “has its name -from the birds which dwell there in great numbers. They are large in -the body and small in the wing, so that it is surprising how their -little wings can carry their heavy bodies. They have their nests on -steep rocks, in order to be secure from animals, and they sit on only -one egg at a time. They were not afraid of us; and when we climbed up -to any of their nests, the others round about did not fly away.” - -The bird in question is the Brunnich’s Guillemot. (Alca Arra.) It is -described and figured in the fifth volume of Gould’s Birds of Europe, -and in Yarrell’s British Birds. - -An assemblage of these birds, such as is here described by the author, -“is called by the Russians a ‘bazar’. Thus this Persian word has been -carried by Russian walrus-hunters to the rocks of the icy sea, and -there for want of human inhabitants applied to birds.”—Baer, in -Berghaus’s Annalen, vol. xviii, p. 23. - -[271] Een laeghen slechten hoeck, ende daer leyt een cleijn Eylandeken -by, van den hoeck af zeewaerts in, so was noch by oosten dien laeghen -hoeck een groote wyde voert ofte inwijck—A low flat point, and by it -there lyeth a small island seawards from the point, and also to the -east of this low point there is a great wide creek or inlet. - -[272] Het Admiraliteyts Eyland—Admiralty Island. - -[273] “One.”—Ph. - -[274] Capo Negro. - -[275] Usually written Pampus. A bar of mud and sand near Amsterdam, at -the junction of the Y with the Zuyder Zee. This simile calls to mind -that of Mungo Park, who, on his discovery of the Niger, described it as -being “as broad as the Thames at Westminster”. Such homely comparisons, -though by some they may be condemned as unscientific, often speak more -distinctly to the feelings of such as can appreciate them than the most -elaborate descriptions. - -[276] Willems Eyland. - -[277] Met zijn groote quadrant—With his large quadrant. - -[278] This is not correctly stated, since it is the sun’s zenith -distance, and not its elevation above the horizon, that was 53° 5′. The -observation is, however, correctly worked out, subject only to the -trifling error of 1′. - -[279] The original has 53° 5′ both here and two lines lower down. There -is consequently an error of 1′ in the calculation. The correction -should be made on the result, instead of on the observation itself. - -[280] So in the original; but it should be 75° 56′. - -[281] Een ghedierte—an animal. - -[282] A proof, among many others, that the west coast of Nóvaya Zémlya -had previously been visited by the Russians. - -[283] Berenfort—Bear Creek. It might be better written Beren-voert; as -the word voert—which is apparently either the Danish fiord, or else the -old form of the modern Dutch vaart—is used by the author (see page 13, -note 1) as equivalent to inwijck, a creek or inlet. - -[284] Palde hem altemet wat aen—poked him now and then (with the -boat-hook. - -[285] Van de voorschuyt—from the fore-part of the boat. - -[286] “20 of July.”—Ph. - -[287] Het Eylandt mette Cruycen—the Island with the Crosses. - -[288] The mainland of Nóvaya Zémlya. - -[289] Steeck gront—stiff ground. - -[290] Tot den Hoeck van Nassowen—to Cape Nassau. - -[291] Laghe—low. - -[292] Noordt-oost—north-east. - -[293] “The existence of the land said to have been seen by the -Hollanders to the eastward of Cape Nassau is exceedingly doubtful. They -themselves make but slight mention of it, and not at all on the second -(third) voyage. Perhaps they saw some projecting point of the land of -Novaya Zemlya; or yet more probably they mistook a fog-bank for -land.”—Lütke, p. 21. - -[294] Marseylen—topsails. - -[295] Eenighe ys schollen—some pieces of drift ice. - -[296] Wenden zijt weder aen de wint—they again hauled close to the -wind. - -[297] So veel als men uyten mars oversien mocht, altemael een effen -velt ys. This passage is deserving of special notice, on account of the -following statement in Captain Scoresby’s Account of the Arctic -Regions:—“The term field was given to the largest sheets of ice by a -Dutch whale fisher. It was not until a period of many years after the -Spitzbergen fishery was established, that any navigator attempted to -penetrate the ice, or that any of the most extensive sheets of ice were -seen. One of the ships resorting to Smeerenberg for the fishery, put to -sea on one occasion, when no whales were seen, persevered westward to a -considerable length, and accidentally fell in with some immense flakes -of ice, which, on his return to his companions, he described as truly -wonderful, and as resembling fields in the extent of their surface. -Hence the application of the term ‘field’ to this kind of ice. The -discoverer of it was distinguished by the title of ‘field -finder’.”—Vol. i, p. 243. - -[298] See page 7, note 4. - -[299] 77° 20′ N. lat. - -[300] In groote menichte van ys schollen—among a great quantity of -drift ice. - -[301] Een velt ys—a field of ice. - -[302] In 77° 15′ N. lat. - -[303] The main land of Nóvaya Zémlya. - -[304] 76° 55′ N. lat. - -[305] Capo de Nassauw’. - -[306] N.W. ten N.—N.W. by north. - -[307] N. ten W.—N. by W. - -[308] Ys schollen—drift ice. - -[309] N.N.O.—N.N.E. - -[310] 76° 55′ N. lat. - -[311] N. ten W.—N. by W. - -[312] Ende quamen weder by ’t landt aen de Cape des Troosts—and came -again close to the land at Cape Comfort. - -[313] This word is not in the original; and it is inconsistent, as in -the next line their course is stated to have been N.N.E. - -[314] Graedt-boogh. See page 10, note 1. - -[315] So in the original. It should be 76° 15′. - -[316] In like manner as on the 7th July (see page 14), it is the sun’s -zenith distance that is here recorded instead of its altitude. - -[317] Noordt oost ten oosten—N.E. by east. - -[318] Des selfden nachts—the same night. The sun was then constantly -above the horizon. - -[319] Metten graedtboogh, astrolabium ende quadrant. - -[320] De aldernoordelijckste hoeck van Nova Sembla genaemt Ys hoeck—the -northernmost point, etc. - -[321] Most probably marcasite or iron pyrites. Frobisher’s third voyage -to “Meta Incognita”, with fifteen vessels, was principally for the -purpose of bringing home an immense quantity of this mineral, which he -had discovered on his former voyages, and fancied to be rich in -gold.—See Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. i, pp. 74, 91; and Admiral Sir -Richard Collinson’s edition of Sir Martin Frobisher’s Three Voyages. -(Hakluyt Society, 1867.) - -[322] Z. ten O.—S. by E. - -[323] Oost wel so zuydelijck—east a little south. - -[324] Laveerden—“laveered”, i.e., advanced by repeated short tacks. - -[325] “Baste”—Ph. A misprint. - -[326] Een schots ys—a piece of drift ice. - -[327] A critical history of this animal is given in “Anatomische und -Zoologische Untersuchungen über das Wallross (Trichechus Rosmarus) &c. -von Dr. K. E. v. Baer”—Mémoires de l’Acad. Imp. des Sc. de St. -Pétersb., 6me Sér., Sciences Math., Phys. et Nat., tom. iv, 2de part., -Sc. Nat. (1838), pp. 97–235. - -In Scoresby’s Account of the Arctic Regions, vol. i, p. 504, it is -said: “When seen at a distance, the front part of the head of the young -walrus, without tusks, is not unlike the human face. As this animal is -in the habit of rearing its head above water, to look at ships and -other passing objects, it is not at all improbable that it may have -afforded foundation for some of the stories of mermaids. I have myself -seen a sea-horse in such a position, and under such circumstances, that -it required little stretch of imagination to mistake it for a human -being; so like indeed was it, that the surgeon of the ship actually -reported to me his having seen a man with his head just appearing above -the surface of the water.” - -[328] “Bathing”—Ph. A misprint. - -[329] Cortelassen—cutlasses. Plate CIII, of Dr. Meyrick’s Ancient Arms -and Armour (vol. ii) contains a representation of an “Andrew Ferrara”, -which is described as “a coutel-hache, coutelaxe or coutelas”. But the -true original of the name is the Italian cultellaccio or coltellaccio, -meaning literally a large (heavy) knife. Cultellazius, the Latinized -form of this word, occurs in a list of forbidden weapons, in a statute -of the city of Ferrara, A.D. 1268. See Muratori, Antiq. Italic., vol. -ii, col. 515. - -[330] Tottet Eglandt van Oraengien. - -[331] Intended. - -[332] Namely, those of Zeelandt and Enkhuysen, from which they had -separated at Kildin on the 29th of June. - -[333] De Weygats ofte Strafe de Nassou. This name has given occasion to -much curious criticism. The Dutch, not unnaturally, have sought its -explanation in their own language, in which waaien means “to blow”, “to -be windy”, and gat is “a strait” or “passage”; so that waaigat would be -“a passage wherein the wind blows strongly”. And it is indisputable -that this name has, on various occasions, been so applied by the seamen -of that nation. Thus, we find a Waaigat in Baffin’s Bay, one in -Spitzbergen, and another by the Straits of Magellan; and even the roads -between the Helder and Texel have, from an early period, borne the same -name. See “Prize Essay on the Netherlandish Discoveries,” by R. G. -Bennet and J. G. van Wijk, in Nieuwe Verhandelingen von het Provincial -Utrechtsche Genootschap, etc., vol. vi (1827), p. 41. - -Others, instead of the Dutch waaien, have taken the German weihen as -the root, and thus made weihgat to mean the “sacred straits”. - -J. R. Forster, in his Voyages and Discoveries in the North (Engl. -edit.), p. 273, contends, however, that the name is of Russian origin, -and explains it as follows:—“Barentz found afterwards in Nova Zembla -some carved images on a head-land near the straits, in consequence of -which he called it Afgoeden-hoek, the ‘Cape of Idols’. Now, in the -Sclavonian tongue, wajat means ‘to carve’, ‘to make an image’. -Wajati-Noss would, therefore, be the ‘Carved’ or ‘Image Cape’; and this -seems to me to be the true origin of the word Waigats, which properly -should be called Wajatelstwoi Proliw, ‘the Image Straits’.” So -convinced was Forster of the correctness of his conjecture, that in -another part of his work (p. 413) he did not hesitate to assert that -the Russians themselves give to the Afgoeden-hoek the name of Waijati -Nos; and this strange derivation of the word Waigats has found -supporters not only among foreign, but even among Russian writers. See -Barrow, p. 137; Berch, p. 30. - -But Lütke, who has fully investigated the subject, adduces as proof -against these fanciful etymologies, first (p. 30), that the name -recorded by the Dutch themselves is Waigatz [Weygats], and not Waigat, -the Russian termination tsch being changed by them into tz, in the same -way as in Pitzora for Petschora, etc.; secondly, that the name -Waigatsch properly belongs to the island alone, and not to the straits; -thirdly, that this name was known to the Englishman Burrough in 1556, -nearly forty years before the first voyage of the Hollanders; and -lastly (p. 31), that the Russians have never called the Cape of Idols -Waiyati Nos, but always Bolwánskyi Muis, from bolwàn, a rough image. - -Lütke adds that the true derivation of the name in question is as -difficult to be determined as that of Kolguew, Nokuew, Kildin, -Warandei, etc., which are probably the remains of the languages of -tribes now extinct. But, at the same time, he directs attention to -Witsen’s assertion (which appears to have been altogether overlooked by -previous writers), that the island of Waigatsch received its name from -one Iwan Waigatsch—“het Eiland Waigats, dat zijn naem heeft van Ivan, -of Ian Waigats;”—a derivation which is very probable, and certainly far -more reasonable than any of the etymologies above recited. - -[334] De Cape des Troosts—Cape Comfort; the same which Phillip had -previously translated “Cape Trust”. See page 22, note 4. - -[335] Swarte heuvels ghelijck boeren huysen—black hillocks, like -peasants’ huts. - -[336] Ende quamen by een laghen slechten hoeck te landt aen de Cape de -Nassauwen—and came to a low, flat point, at Cape Nassau. - -[337] “5 miles”—Ph. - -[338] Het swarte Eylandt. - -[339] Zijt aen de wint leyden—they lay to the wind. - -[340] Oliphier Brunel. A native of Brussels, properly named Oliver -Bunel, who traded to the north coasts of Russia in a vessel from -Enckhuysen, and was lost in the river Petchora. The process by which -Bunel has been made to become an Englishman, under the name of -“Bennel”, “Brunell”, or “Brownell”, is explained in the Introduction. - -[341] Costincsarch, in the original Dutch text; Costinclarch, in the -Amsterdam French version of 1598; Constint-sarch, or Constantin zaar, -as it is called by Witsen in his Noord en Oost Tartarije, p. 918; -Constant Search, according to Forster’s ingenious hypothesis, p. 415; -Coasting Search, as suggested by Barrow, p. 159. This name, which has -scarcely ever been written twice alike, and which has given occasion to -so much speculation as to its origin, is properly Kostin-schar, i.e., -“Kostin Straits, or Passage”; it being the channel by which the -Meyduscharski Island (i.e., “the island lying between the straits”), is -separated from the main land of Novaya Zemlya. Lütke, from whom (p. 22) -the above definition is taken, explains further (p. 245), that “among -Novaya Zemlya navigators, schar is properly the name of a strait or -passage, which goes directly through or across an island or country, -forming a communication between two distinct seas. For one that merely -separates an island from the mainland, or otherwise forms part of one -sea alone, the appropriate designation is salma. Thus, Matotschkin -Schar, Yugorskyi Schar, etc., are properly so called; but Kostin Schar, -as a walrus hunter told me, ‘is styled a schar only through stupidity, -as its correct designation would be Kostin Salma’.” - -Nevertheless, in justice to those who first gave the name of Kostin -Schar to this strait, it must be remarked, that it was regarded by them -as actually passing through the mainland of Novaya Zemlya, and as -forming a communication with the Kara Sea. It is thus shown in the -early maps; and Witzen (p. 918) expressly states—“Het ys dryft door -Nova Zemla heen, en comt by Constint Sarch, of Constantin Zaar, uit.” - -It is the passage to the south of the island which is more especially -named Kostin Schar, or Kostin Salma. That to the north is the Podryésof -Passage (Podrjesow Schar). See Lütke, p. 315. - -As regards the etymology of the word Schar, Lütke says (p. 245) that he -was unable to satisfy himself. “The Samoyedes themselves regard it as a -foreign term; and by some it is thought to come from the Finnish word -Schar or Skar.” Can the shard of Spencer have any connection with it? - - “Upon that shore he spyéd Atin stand - There by his maister left, when late he far’d - In Phædria’s flitt barck over that perlous shard.” - - Faerie Queene, II, vi, 38. - -[342] Schlecten—flat. - -[343] Cruijs-hoeck. - -[344] Slecht water—shallow water. - -[345] Steeck grondt—stiff ground. - -[346] Slechten—flat. - -[347] Den vijfden hoeck ofte S. Laurens hoeck. - -[348] Schans hoeck. “Barrow (p. 141) calls this headland Sion’s -Point.”—Lütke, p. 20. This is clearly a clerical or typographical error -for “Sconce Point”, of a character similar to that in the first (Paris) -edition of the Histoire Générale des Voyages, cited by Barrow, p. 139, -whereby “Baie de Loms”—Lomsbay—is converted into “Baie de St. Louis!” - -[349] Leydent zeewaerts in—tacked to seaward. - -[350] Des middaeghs—at noon. - -[351] Om den derden hoeck—near the third point. - -[352] Laghe—low. - -[353] Aent last vast: a typographical error in the original Dutch. It -should be aent landt vast. - -[354] Om onsent wil gevlucht waren—were fled on our account. - -[355] Ende een gotelincks schoot van daer stont noch een cruijs—and a -falconet-shot from thence stood another cross. Lütke (p. 20) criticises -Barrow for saying (p. 141) that the Hollanders found here, among other -things, “a large cannon shot”; but it is clear that the latter has -merely modernized Phillip’s words “a bullet for a great piece”. - -[356] Veel tonnen duyghen—a quantity of pipe-staves. Here is a curious -double error. In the first place, as duyghen are “staves” (for casks), -tonnen-duyghen are simply “cask-staves” or “pipe-staves”, and not casks -(barrels) of pipe-staves. And secondly, the word pipe has been -misprinted pike; so that altogether, without referring to the original -Dutch, it was quite impossible to imagine what was meant. - -[357] Daer deur wy vermoeden datter eenighen Salm-vang moeste -zijn—whence we conjectured that there must be some salmon fishery here. - -[358] By de graven—by the graves. - -[359] Lodding (intended for the Russian word lodya)—a boat. - -[360] Meel-haven—apparently the Strogonov Bay of Lütke, who, in his -account of his third voyage (p. 316), speaks of a tradition, according -to which this was formerly the residence of some natives of Novogorod -of that name. These settlers are not mentioned in the chronicles, nor -is anything known respecting them, or the date or cause of their -emigration. But assuming the remains found by Barentsz and his -companions to be those of the Strogonovs, he deems it not unreasonable -to place their arrival some twenty or thirty years earlier than the -visit of the Hollanders; which date would correspond with the reign of -John the Terrible (Yoan Grosnui), a period when the Novogoroders had -the greatest reason to emigrate into the regions far distant from their -native country. Indeed, it is not improbable that some of them may, at -that time, have been banished to Novaya Zemlya. Lütke adds: “It is -worthy of remark that our walrus-hunters give the name of Meal Cape to -the western headland of Strogonov Bay; which name would seem to have -originated in the six sacks of rye-meal which Barentz saw there. The -remains of the dwellings of the Strogonovs lie close to Meal Cape.”—P. -317. - -The same writer adverts also, but with disfavour, to the further -tradition, that “the Strogonovs were visited by certain monsters with -iron noses and teeth”. But when it is considered that the walrus must -have been previously unknown to these natives of Novogorod, it is not -unreasonable to imagine that animal to have given rise to what might -otherwise well be regarded as a fable. - -[361] Den 12 Aug.—on the 12th of August (omitted). - -[362] Ende wendent tzeewaert in aen de wint—and tacked to seaward, -hugging the wind. - -[363] Van den eylanden—from the islands. - -[364] Guessed. - -[365] The large island of Kólguev, situate between Kanin Nos (Cape -Kanin) and the entrance of the River Petchora. Its north-western -extremity, according to Lütke’s observations (p. 324), is in 69° 29′ -30″ N. lat., and 48° 55′ E. long. - -[366] Vlack water—shallow water. - -[367] Marseylen—topsails. - -[368] Leyde aen de wind—lay to the wind. - -[369] This note of the bearing of the sun is only approximative, since -the observation of the variation of the needle made on July 3rd (p. -10), shows that the sun came to the meridian between S.S.W. and S.W. by -S. - -[370] Matvyéyeva Ostrov and Dolgoi Ostrov, that is, Matvyéyev’s Island -and Long Island.—Lütke, p. 20. - -[371] These vessels were the Swan of Der Veere in Zeelandt, commanded -by Cornelis Corneliszoon Nai, and the Mercury of Enckhuysen, commanded -by Brandt Ysbrandtszoon, otherwise called Brandt Tetgales. - -[372] Een ruyme zee—an open sea. - -[373] Omtrent de lenghte van de revier Obi—about the longitude of the -river Obi. In this, however, they were in error, as they were still -only on the eastern side of the Kara Sea.—See Lütke, p. 32. - -[374] De Caep Tabijn—the northernmost extremity of Siberia, now known -by the name of Cape Taimur or Taimyr. It is the Tabis of Pliny. - -[375] Uythoeck—the furthest point. - -[376] Nae’t z. o. en voort nae’t zuyden—towards south-east, and then -south-wards. - -[377] Staten Eylandt—the Myasnoi Ostrov (Flesh Island) of the -Russians.—Lütke, p. 31. - -[378] Van cristal montaigne—of rock-crystal. - -[379] Dreven—drifted. - -[380] Steijlhoeckigh—precipitous. - -[381] Kanin Nos, or Cape Kanin, at the north-eastern extremity of the -White Sea, in 68° 33′ 18″ N. lat., and 43° 16′ 30″ E long.—Lütke, p. -341. - -[382] W.n.w.—W.N.W. - -[383] Waerhuysen—Wardhous, at the north-eastern extremity of Finmark, -is in 70° 22′ N. lat., and 31° 5′ 35″ E. long. - -[384] Op kermis dagh—on the day of the (Amsterdam) fair. During the -time that Louis Bonaparte was King of Holland, the fair-day was changed -from the 16th of September to the first Monday in the month, in honour -of his birthday, which was the 2nd of September. - -[385] Dae Jan Huyghen van Linschoten comis op was—whereof John Hugh van -Linschoten was commissary or supercargo. This well-known traveller was -born at Haarlem in 1563, and went at an early age to Portugal, whence -he embarked for India. There he remained several years. Shortly after -his return to Holland, he was appointed to take part in the first -expedition to the North Seas, and sailed on board the Mercury of -Enckhuysen (see page 36, note 3). He likewise accompanied the second -expedition, and wrote an account of both voyages, as is mentioned more -at length in the Introduction. He also published an account of his -voyage to the East Indies, etc. Linschoten was afterwards treasurer of -the town of Enckhuysen, and died there in 1633.—Biogr. Univ. - -[386] Die de saeck vry wat breedt voort stelde—who represented the -matter very favourably. - -[387] Petrus Plancius, a celebrated theologian and mathematician, born -in 1552, at Drenoutre in Flanders. He was one of the principal -promoters and advisers of the various expeditions fitted out by the -Dutch in the first years of their independence, so much to the -advancement of science and to their own honour and advantage. At the -synod of Dort, in 1619, Plancius was commissioned to revise the Dutch -translation of the Old Testament in the “States Bible”. He died at -Amsterdam on the 25th May, 1622.—Biogr. Univ. - -[388] The original has 305 miles, which are equal to 1220 geographical -miles. The distance meant is from the pole to the Arctic circle. - -[389] Page 5. - -[390] Gheberchte van Pireneen—the Pyrenees. - -[391] Als dese aen de Noordt Zee ligghende Nederlanden—than these (our) -Netherlands, which lie on the North Sea. - -[392] In de ruyme Zee—in the open sea. - -[393] By den Noorden om—round by the north. - -[394] De Waygats oft Strate de Nassou. See page 27, note 4. By the -Russians these straits are called Yugórskyi Schar.—Lütke, p. 29. - -[395] Cape Taimur. See page 37, note 1. - -[396] Die opperste Piloot was. - -[397] Opper Comis—chief commissary or supercargo. Jacob Heemskerck was -a native of Amsterdam, of a family of distinction still resident there. -He took part in both the second and third voyages. He was afterwards -employed in the navy of Holland, and served his country with great -honour. In 1607, having the rank of vice-admiral, he commanded a fleet -of twenty-six vessels sent against the Spaniards, and on the 25th of -April fell in with the Spanish fleet, consisting of twenty ships and -ten galleons, commanded by Don Juan Alvarez Davila. The engagement took -place before Gibraltar; and on the second broadside Heemskerck had a -leg carried away by a cannon-shot. He, however, continued to encourage -his men, and retained his sword till he died. The Dutch gained a -complete victory; seven vessels of the Spaniards were burned, and most -of the remainder sunk; their admiral being killed, and his son taken -prisoner. A superb monument was erected to Heemskerck in the old church -at Amsterdam.—Moreri; Biogr. Univ. - -[398] Ons den behoorlijcken eedt afghenomen is—we had been duly sworn. -There is no reason for supposing that any special oath was -administered, but merely the usual oath of service. - -[399] Noorden ten oosten—N. by E. - -[400] Ontrent zuyder son—when the sun was about south. (Omitted.) - -[401] N. ten o.—N. by E. - -[402] Tottet seste glas int eerste quartier.—Six half-hour glasses of -the first watch would make the reckoned time to be 11 P.M. But from the -context it would rather seem that the morning watch is meant, so that -the time would be 7 A.M. - -[403] Watch. - -[404] Op de ly legghen—lying to. - -[405] Des naenoens—in the afternoon. - -[406] The bow of the ship. - -[407] “Thirteenth.”—Ph. - -[408] Totten 24 n. w. son—till N.W. sun [½ p. 7 P.M.] on the 24th. - -[409] “Fifteenth.”—Ph. - -[410] 71° 15′ N. lat. - -[411] 72° 20′ N. lat. - -[412] N. ten o.—N. by E. - -[413] “19.”—Ph. - -[414] Meest—mostly. (Omitted.) - -[415] “North-west.”—Ph. - -[416] Trompsont—Troms-oe, a small island on the coast of Norway, in -about 69° 40′ N. lat. - -[417] Met weynich coelts—with little wind. - -[418] Ysbrandt de vice admirael. The admiral was Cornelius Nai. They -had both taken part in the former expedition. See page 36, note 3. The -title of admiral did not denote any fixed rank, but was given to the -commander of the principal ship, under whose orders the others were. We -should now call him the commodore. - -[419] De windt was n. o. ten o. ende z. o. meest z. o. ende z.—the wind -was N.E. by E. and S.E., but mostly S.E. and S. - -[420] Middernacht—midnight. - -[421] De Noordt-caep. The northernmost point of Europe; unless, indeed, -we regard Spitzbergen as forming a portion of this quarter of the -globe. The North Cape is not a part of the continent, but it is the -extremity of a small island named Mager-oe. - -[422] De Moer mette Dochters. Three remarkable islands, so called, -lying off the coast of Norway. - -[423] Doen quam tschip van Ysbrandt de vice admirael ende wy tsamen, -ende maeckten malcanderen seer reddeloos—then the ship of Ysbrand, the -vice-admiral, and ours ran foul, and damaged each other very much. - -[424] Doen streecken wy de seylen—then we took in our sails. The -translator appears to have carried this expression into the preceding -sentence, of which he evidently did not understand the meaning. - -[425] Hauled them up again. - -[426] S. w.—South-west. - -[427] Guessed, i.e., estimated. - -[428] Noordtkien. The extreme northern point of the main land of -Norway, and consequently of the continent of Europe. - -[429] Soo dreven wy in stilte—so we drifted in a calm. - -[430] Two hours. - -[431] These were some merchant vessels, bound for the White Sea, with -which the expedition had fallen in, and which now parted from it. - -[432] Here again, as on the 15th of August (see page 36, note 1), the -note of the sun’s bearing can only be regarded as approximative. It -must, in fact, be understood to mean when the sun came to the meridian. - -[433] Steeck—stiff; that is, good for anchorage. - -[434] Steeck—stiff. - -[435] Met veel cleyne stipkens—with many small specks. - -[436] An hour and a half. - -[437] Swarte stipkens—black specks. - -[438] Zijn Excell. van Oraengien ende zijn broeder—his Excellency of -Orange and his brother. These islands were so named by Cornelius Nai on -the first voyage. But, according to Linschoten, Voyagie, ofte -Schipvaert van by Noorden om, etc., fol. 19, retr., Orange Island was -so called in honour of Prince Maurice’s father and the Princess of -Orange. - -Lütke (p. 32) identifies Maurice Island with Ostrov Dolgoi or Long -Island, and Orange Island with Bolschoi Selénets or Great Greenland; -and he is of opinion that the Hollanders, or at all events Linschoten, -had no knowledge of Matvyéyev Island. But this is hardly consistent -with that able navigator’s previous identification of the latter island -with Matfloe, where (as is mentioned in page 36 of the present work) -the vessels of Nai and Barentsz met on the first voyage. And, indeed, -it may be demonstrated that Maurice Island is not Dolgoi, but Matfloe -or Matvyéyev Island; that Orange Island is the small island, named -Ostrov Golets, close to the northern extremity of Long Island or -Dolgoi; and that Dolgoi itself is the Land of New Walcheren, which the -Dutch hesitated to describe as an island or as a portion of the -mainland, but which Lütke (p. 32) erroneously deems to be the latter. - -Premising that Linschoten’s vessel, like that of Barentsz, passed -between Matfloe and Dolgoi, the following description of the three -islands above mentioned, given by Linschoten, will be found to be as -conclusive as it is clear and intelligible. In fol. 18, that writer -says:—“The island that lay to the north of us appeared to be of a -roundish form, and on the side past which we sailed it was to the sight -a short mile [3 or 4 miles] in extent. To the south of this island, and -about a long mile [4 or 5 miles] distant, lay another island, which was -the smallest and likewise the middlemost of the three. And from this -middlemost island, about a short mile [3 or 4 miles] distant to the -S.E., lay the third or southernmost island, which in appearance was -much the largest, and which, as we sailed past it, lay on our left -hand, and seemed on that side to be about a long mile [4 or 5 miles] in -extent; but when on the other side, as we looked southwards at it, its -west coast extended as far as we could see from the topmast, so that we -doubted whether it was part of the continent or an island.” And in the -chart which accompanies these remarks, Linschoten has the following -note:—“Maurice Island lies with the Land of New Walcheren N.N.W. and -S.S.E., about 2 [8] miles apart; and with the Island of Orange it lies -N. and S., a long mile [4 or 5 miles] distant.” - -On referring to Lütke’s chart, it will at once be manifest how closely -Maurice Island, New Walcheren, and Orange Island, as thus described, -correspond with Matvyéyev Island or Matfloe, Long Island or Dolgoi, and -Golets Island, respectively; and if to this be added, that in that -chart the passage between the islands is in about 69° 30′ N. lat., and -that Linschoten, when distant from Maurice Island, by estimation, 10 -[40] miles W. by N. or nearly W., found himself to be in 69° 34′ N. -lat., while William Barentsz, when 2 [8] miles W. from the islands, -made his latitude to be 69° 15′ N., there will remain no room for doubt -on the subject. - -[439] Meest steeck grondt met swarte stipkens ghemenght—mostly stiff -ground mixed with black specks. - -[440] Van de 70 graden—from the 70th parallel of north latitude. - -[441] Steeck—stiff. - -[442] Stipkens—spots. - -[443] Ende was ghestadich hout loef ende draghende—and we kept -continually luffing and falling off before the wind. - -[444] Two hours. - -[445] Beelthoeck. See page 27, note 4. - -[446] De Samiuten landt—a part of the country of the Samoyedes, lying -in the extreme north-east of the present government of Archangel. - -[447] Wel moghelijck—well possible. - -[448] Traenbay—Train-oil Bay. - -[449] Den ysganck—the drifting of the ice. - -[450] Diepste—the deepest. - -[451] See page 10, note 2. - -[452] A very unscientific, and indeed incorrect, mode of expressing the -fact, that they were in 69° 21′ N. lat., as resulting from an -observation of the sun. - -[453] Opt lande van de Weygats—on land from the Weygats. De Veer adopts -the vulgar error adverted to in page 27 (note 4) of the present work, -and calls the Straits of Nassau, instead of the island to the north of -these straits, by the name of “Weygats”. - -[454] Diversche sleden met velwerck, traen, ende dierghelijcke -waer—several sledges with skins, train-oil, and such like wares. - -[455] Op den Beeldthoeck—at Image Point. - -[456] Samiuten—Samoyedes. - -[457] Van de Weygats—from Weygats. (Omitted.) - -[458] De gheleghentheyt der zeevaert—the particulars of the navigation. - -[459] Opt Waygats. Here, however, De Veer speaks of the Island of -Waigatsch. - -[460] Wy ... verder z. o. aen trocken nae den oever van der zee—we went -further S.E. towards the sea-side. It is manifest, that while going -towards the sea-side, they could not have gone further into the land. - -[461] Schipper—captain or master of the vessel. Most probably William -Barentsz is meant; though in page 63 Cornelis Jacobszoon is spoken of -as the “schipper” of William Barentsz. - -[462] The sea of Kara. - -[463] Cruijs-hoeck; by the Russians called Sukhoi Nos. - -[464] De Twist hoeck—Cape Dispute; so named, because, on the first -voyage of Nai and Brandt Ysbrandtsz, a dispute arose between them as to -whether or not the passage extended further eastward. Through a -typographical error, the Dutch text has de tWist hoeck, whence has -arisen the West Point of the translator. This is the Kóninoi Nos of the -Russians. - -[465] See page 33, note 6. - -[466] The Petchora, a considerable river, which rises in the Ural -mountains, and flows into the Arctic Ocean to the S. of Novaya Zemlya. - -[467] Met bast tsamen ghenaeyet—sewed together with bast:—the inner -bark of the linden or lime-tree (Tilia), of which is formed the Russian -matting, so well known in commerce. The word bast, which in German and -Dutch means “bark”, is in English frequently pronounced, and even -written bass. - -[468] Trayn—train-oil. - -[469] Voorby de reviere Oby—beyond the river Oby. - -[470] Linschoten has “to another river, which they said was called -Gillissy”, meaning the large river Yenisei, which carries a great -portion of the waters of Siberia into the Arctic Ocean. - -[471] Dattet gat soude toe vriesen, ende alst begon te vriesen soudet -dan stracks toe vriesen, ende datmen dan over ys mocht loopen tot in -Tartarien over de zee, die zy noemden Mermare—ere the passage would be -frozen over; and that when it once began to freeze, it would speedily -be frozen over, so that they could walk over the ice to Tartary -(Siberia) across the sea which they called Mermare. - -[472] Die zy seer veel ... hadden—whereof they had many. (Omitted.) - -[473] Van voren tot achteren—from stem to stern. - -[474] Vleysch—meat. - -[475] So hebbense daer alle t’samen van ghegheten, met hooft, met -staert, met al, van boven af bytende—they one and all partook of them; -and, biting from the head downwards, ate head, tail, and everything. - -[476] Cruijs hoeck—Cross Point. See page 54, note 8. - -[477] Twisthoeck—Cape Dispute. See note 1 in the preceding page. - -[478] N. o. wel soo oostelijk—north-east a little easterly. - -[479] De fock—the foresail. - -[480] Aent vaste landt—to the main land; namely, the coast of Russia. - -[481] Samiuten—Samoyedes. - -[482] In twee hoopen—in two bodies. - -[483] Two lines of Phillip’s translation, being from *, are printed -twice by mistake. - -[484] Dese gheleghentheyt ghevonden—availing himself of this -opportunity. - -[485] Wysende—pointing. - -[486] Wysende nae’t z. o. op—pointing towards the south-east. - -[487] Met een partye volcks—with a number of persons. - -[488] Effenwel niet—not altogether. - -[489] Rheeden—reindeer. - -[490] Sledges. - -[491] Pinnace. - -[492] Sulcken beelden voor haer Goden—such images for their gods. - -[493] Image Point. See page 53. - -[494] Ontrent zuyder son—the sun being about south. - -[495] From this it is manifest that a previous dispute had taken place, -which is not recorded. - -[496] Hem uyt ghehoort hadden—had heard him out. - -[497] Willem Barentsz. Nai did not call him captain, but addressed him -by his name. - -[498] Willem Barentsz, siet wat ghy seght—mind what you say. - -[499] Ons werp ancker—our kedge-anchor. - -[500] Op een laghen wal—on a lee shore. - -[501] Fore-sail. - -[502] Met diversche reyse zijn werp-ancker uyt te brenghen—by -repeatedly carrying out their kedger (and so warping out). - -[503] Cape Dispute. - -[504] Mosten stedts wenden—were forced continually to tack. - -[505] De Wachters. The stars β and γ of the Little Bear were called by -the earlier navigators of modern times le Guardie, les Gardes, the -Guards, de Wachters, die Wächter, on account of their constantly going -round the Pole, and, as it were, guarding it. See Ideler, -Untersuchungen über die Sternnamen, p. 291. These names do not, -however, appear to be used by seamen at the present day. - -The Amsterdam Latin version of 1598 renders the expression of the Dutch -text by “Ursa minor, quam nautæ vigiles vocant;” but, according to -Ideler (loc. cit.), the corresponding term used by writers of the -middle ages, is Circitores, signifying, according to Du Cange, -“militares, qui castra circuibant, qui faisoient la ronde, et la -sentinelle avancée, ut vulgo loquimur”. - -In Il Penseroso, Milton speaks of “outwatching the Bear”, evidently -alluding to the never-setting of the circumpolar stars: - - “Arctos oceani metuentes æquore tingi.” - -The time on the 3rd of September, when “the watchers were north-west”, -was about ½ past 10 P.M. - -[506] Staten Eylandt. See page 37, note 4. - -[507] Den ysgangk—the drifting of the ice. - -[508] Schieten—to shoot. - -[509] Namely, pieces of rock-crystal. See page 37. - -[510] Die by hem in de cuijl lach—that lay near him in the hollow. - -[511] De beyr beet den eenen terstond thooft in stucken—the bear -instantly bit the one man’s head in pieces. - -[512] Haer roers ende spietsen gevelt—lowering their muskets and pikes. - -[513] See page 26, note 2. - -[514] Cornelis Jacobsz. de schipper van Willem Barentsz. William -Barentsz was not in the capacity merely of commander of his own vessel, -but in that of pilot-major of the fleet. - -[515] Hans van Nuffelen, schryver van Willem Barentsz—i.e., his clerk -or writer. - -[516] Een Schotsman. From the intercourse which then existed, as now, -between the opposite coasts of the German Ocean, there is nothing -surprising in the fact of their having had such a person with them. The -name of this individual is not recorded. - -[517] In stucken spronghen—shivered in pieces. - -[518] By de wal henen—along the coast. (Omitted.) - -[519] Cape Dispute. See page 55, note 1. - -[520] The Sea of Kara. - -[521] Boat. - -[522] Image Point. See page 60. - -[523] W. z. w.—W.S.W. - -[524] Moddich—dirty. - -[525] Met sneejacht—with drifting snow. - -[526] Also dat wy deur dreven—so that we drifted before it. - -[527] Die stroom quam stijf—the current ran strong. - -[528] Ende was tot den avondt—and till the evening it was. - -[529] Aent vaste landt—to the main land. - -[530] Voeren heel in de bocht achter het eylandt mette steert—went -quite into the bay behind the island with the tail. This is a small -island lying in the channel, with a long sand or shallow running out -behind it like a tail. To the bay behind this island the Dutch gave the -name of Brandts Bay. - -[531] Een groot afwater—a great fall of water. - -[532] Ende de stengh om hoogh—and set the top-mast. (Omitted.) - -[533] Quam het ys weder om het oosteijnt vande Weygats in dryven—the -ice came again drifting in round the east end of Weygats. - -[534] See page 36, note 2. - -[535] Watch. - -[536] Courses. - -[537] Stippelen—specks. - -[538] Kanin Nos. See page 38, note 3. - -[539] De fock—the fore-sail. - -[540] Dreven—drifted. - -[541] N. ten o.—N. by E. - -[542] Met beyde mars-seylen—with both top-sails. - -[543] Van den avont—from evening. - -[544] One watch or four hours. - -[545] Till half our second watch was out; that is, till 2 A.M. - -[546] Two courses. See page 7, note 4. - -[547] This and the preceding sentence should properly form but one, -which should read thus:—After that, in the second watch, we tacked -north-ward, and sailed till Friday morning, the 22nd Sept., N. by E., -etc. - -[548] Watch. - -[549] Courses. - -[550] Kilduin. See page 7, note 4. - -[551] Maer quamen te laech—but fell short of it. - -[552] Two watches, or eight hours. - -[553] Teghen—towards. - -[554] Guessed. - -[555] Waerhuys. See page 39, note 1. - -[556] Of men noch ten derdemael van slandts wegen wederom eenige -toerustinge soude doen—whether any expedition should again for the -third time be fitted out at the expense of the country. - -[557] In the original no mention is made of any proclamation. - -[558] Een mercklijcke somme—a considerable sum. - -[559] Als schipper ende comis van de comanschappe, Jacob Heemskerck -Heijndricksz.—as captain and supercargo of the merchandize. - -[560] Jan Cornelisz. Rijp. - -[561] The Vlie passage is frequented by ships bound northward which do -not draw much water. - -[562] De stroom verliep—the tide ran out. - -[563] Raeckte aen de grondt—ran a-ground. - -[564] Aen de oost zyde vant Vlie-landt—on the east side of Vlielandt: -the island at the entrance of the Vlie, between it and Texel. - -[565] De eylanden van Hitlandt ende Feyeril. Hitlandt is the Dutch name -for the Islands of Shetland, anciently called Hialtland. Feyeril is -Fair Isle, between Shetland and Orkney. - -[566] Waeyde een topseijl—it blew a top-sail breeze. - -[567] Graedtboogh. See page 10, note 2. - -[568] This was the sun’s zenith distance, and not its elevation. - -[569] Een wonderlijck hemel-teijcken—a wonderful phenomenon in the -heavens. - -[570] Wijdt rondtomme de sonnen—at a distance round about the suns. - -[571] Dweers deur de groote ronde—right through the great circle (of -the former rainbow). - -[572] De onderste cant—its lower edge. - -[573] The error noticed in the preceding page (note 10) is here -repeated. - -[574] Hielt de loef van ons, ende quam niet af tot ons, maer wy -ghinghen hem een streeck int ghemoet—kept to windward of us, and would -not fall off towards us; but we altered our course one point to go to -him. - -[575] By malcanderen quamen—approached each other. - -[576] T’zeewaert vant landt—out at sea away from the land. - -[577] Ende behoorden n. o. aen te gaen—and ought to have sailed N.E. - -[578] As henceforward the omissions in the translation become more -numerous, it is thought better to insert the omitted passage or words -in the text between brackets [ ], instead of placing them in the -foot-notes. - -[579] Jae noch—yea, even. - -[580] Opt verdeck—on deck. - -[581] Die onder waren—who were below. - -[582] Dat van den grooten hoop quam dryven—which came drifting from the -great mass. - -[583] During four hours. - -[584] One hour. - -[585] One hour and a half. - -[586] The accuracy of William Barentszoon’s observations is worthy of -remark. According to the observations of Fabure in the “Recherche”, the -west point of Bear Island is in 74° 30′ 52″ N. lat., being virtually -the same as Barentsz., with his rude instruments, had made it two -centuries and a half previously. The longitude of the same point is 16° -19′ 10″ east of Paris, or 18° 39′ 32″ E. of Greenwich. - -[587] 5 mylen groot—twenty English miles in circumference. - -[588] Een steylen sneebergh—A steep mountain of snow. This was not a -glacier, but merely an accumulation of snow. The land of Bear Island -appears to be not sufficiently elevated for the formation of glaciers. -See Von Buch’s Memoir “über Spirifer Keilhavii”, in Abhandl. d. K. -Acad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, 1846, p. 69; and its transl., in Journ. -Geol. Soc. Lond., vol. iii, part ii, p. 51. - -[589] Steijl—steep. - -[590] Wy ghinghen op ons naers sitten. - -[591] Geweldich—powerful. - -[592] Bock—yawl. - -[593] Two hours. - -[594] Maer ten bequam ons niet wel—but it did not agree with us. - -[595] Het Beyren Eylandt. The Russian walrus-hunters call this island -simply Medvyed, “the Bear”. By the English it has been usually called -Cherry Island. This name was given to it in 1604 by Stephen Bennet, who -went thither in a ship belonging to Sir Francis Cherry, a rich merchant -of London, to kill walruses for their oil, and who named the island -after his patron. - -[596] Hyselachtich—hazy. - -[597] Floating. - -[598] Daer wy niet boven conden comen—which we could not weather. - -[599] See page 25, note 2. - -[600] There is an error in the calculation here, which may be best -explained by repeating the calculation itself, as it was doubtless -made:— - - 33° 37′ Elevation of the sun. - 23° 26′ Declination of the sun. - ——————— { Elevation of the equator, which being the - 10° 11′ { complement of the elevation of the Pole, - 90° 0′ { had to be deducted from 90°. - ——————— - 80° 11′ - ——————— - -But in making the deduction, the 11′ were carried down instead of being -subtracted from 60′; and then, of course, 90° - 10° = 80°. The true -difference is 79° 49′, which is, consequently, the latitude observed. - -[601] The country thus visited for the first time was supposed by its -discoverers to be a part of Greenland; but it is now known to be -Spitzbergen. - -[602] Bock. It is impossible to say what is the correct English name -for this smaller boat: probably “yawl”. Bock (or pont) is properly a -“punt”, which is clearly not intended. - -[603] Schuijt. This being the generic term for small craft, might well -be translated “boat”. - -[604] Claws. - -[605] Voor aen den steven—forward in the stem (of the boat). - -[606] Te landtwaert in—towards the land. - -[607] Rotgansen—brent geese or “barnacle” geese, as they were called, -owing to the absurd idea which formerly prevailed as to their origin. - -[608] Rot, rot, rot. It is certainly singular that the translator -should have attempted to render into English what is intended to -represent the natural cry of these birds. But even in this strange -attempt he made a mistake; for “red” is in Dutch rood, while rot means -a rout, crowd, flock, rabble; so that, in the opinion of some, these -geese are called rotgansen in Dutch, on account of their flocking -together. - -[609] Dit waren oprechte rotgansen—these were true brent geese. Apart -from Phillip’s very curious “translation”, it is difficult to imagine -how he could have supposed these geese to be of “a perfit red coulor”. -And it is scarcely less incomprehensible how Barrow, in his -Chronological History, etc., p. 147, should have reproduced this and -other errors of Phillip without the slightest comment. By a -contemporary writer, in the passage cited in the next page, the brent -goose is well described as “a fowle bigger than a mallard, and lesser -than a goose, having blacke legs and bill or beake, and feathers blacke -and white, spotted in such manner as is our mag-pie”. It is figured and -also described in the fifth volume of Gould’s Birds of Europe. - -[610] Wieringen, an island of North Holland, near the Texel. - -[611] Aen boomen wassen—grow upon trees. - -[612] Ende de tacken die overt water hangen ende haer vruchten int -water vallen—and those branches which hang over the water, and the -fruit of which falls into the water. - -[613] Swemmen daer hennen—swim away. - -[614] Comen te niet—come to nothing. This extraordinary fable -concerning the origin of these geese, which was prevalent in the -sixteenth century, and was credited by the best informed naturalists -and most learned scholars, is, at the present day, retained in our -memory principally by Izaak Walton’s quotation from Divine Weekes and -Workes of Du Bartas:— - - “So, slowe Boötes vnderneath him sees, - In th’ ycy iles, those goslings hatcht of trees; - Whose fruitfull leaues, falling into the water, - Are turn’d (they say) to liuing fowls soon after. - So, rotten sides of broken ships do change - To barnacles; O transformation strange! - ’Twas first a greene tree, then a gallant hull, - Lately a mushrom, now a flying gull.” - -For the reason which will appear in the sequel, it is deemed advisable -to reproduce here the elaborate description of “the goose tree, -barnacle tree, or the tree bearing geese”, given by the learned John -Gerard, in his Herball or Generall Historie of Plantes, of which the -first edition was published in 1597:— - -“There are found in the north parts of Scotland and the islands -adiacent, called Orchades, certain trees, whereon do grow certaine -shells of a white colour tending to russet, wherein are contained -little liuing creatures: which shells in time of maturitie do open, and -out of them grow those little liuing things, which falling into the -water do become fowles, which we call barnakles; in the north of -England, brant geese; and in Lancashire, tree geese: but the other that -do fall vpon the land perish and come to nothing. Thus much by the -writings of others, and also from the mouths of people of those parts, -which may very well accord with truth. - -“But what our eyes haue seene, and hands haue touched, we shall -declare. There is a small island in Lancashire called the Pile of -Foulders, wherein are found the broken pieces of old and bruised ships, -some whereof haue been cast thither by shipwracke, and also the trunks -and bodies with the branches of old and rotten trees, cast vp there -likewise; whereon is found a certaine spume or froth that in time -breedeth vnto certaine shels, in shape like those of the muskle, but -sharper pointed, and of a whitish colour; wherein is contained a thing -in forme like a lace of silke finely wouen as it were together, of a -whitish colour, one end whereof is fastned vnto the inside of the -shell, euen as the fish of oisters and muskles are; the other end is -made fast vnto the belly of a rude masse or lumpe, which in time -commeth to the shape and forme of a bird: when it is perfectly formed -the shell gapeth open, and the first thing that appeareth is the -foresaid lace or string; next come the legs of the bird hanging out, -and as it groweth greater it openeth the shell by degrees, til at -length it is all come forth, and hangeth onely by the bill; in short -space after it commeth to full maturitie, and falleth into the sea, -where it gathereth feathers, and groweth to a fowle bigger than a -mallard, and lesser than a goose, hauing blacke legs and bill or beake, -and feathers blacke and white, spotted in such manner as is our -mag-pie, called in some places a pie-annet, which the people of -Lancashire call by no other name than a tree-goose: which place -aforesaid, and all those parts adioyning, do so much abound therewith, -that one of the best is bought for three pence. For the truth hereof, -if any doubt, may it please them to repaire vnto me, and I shall -satisfie them by the testimonie of good witnesses. - -“Moreouer, it should seeme that there is another sort hereof; the -historie of which is true, and of mine owne knowledge: for trauelling -vpon the shore of our English coast betweene Douer and Rumney, I found -the trunke of an old rotten tree, which (with some helpe that I -procured by fishermens wiues that were there attending their husbands -returne from the sea) we drew out of the water vpon dry land: vpon this -rotten tree I found growing many thousands of long crimson bladders, in -shape like vnto puddings newly filled, before they be sodden, which -were very cleere and shining; at the nether end whereof did grow a -shell fish, fashioned somewhat like a small muskle, but much whiter, -resembling a shell fish that groweth vpon the rocks about Garnsey and -Garsey, called a lympit: many of these shells I brought with me to -London, which after I had opened I found in them liuing things without -forme or shape; in others which were neerer come to ripenes I found -liuing things that were very naked, in shape like a bird: in others, -the birds couered with soft downe, the shell halfe open, and the bird -ready to fall out, which no doubt were the fowles called barnakles. I -dare not absolutely auouch euery circumstance of the first part of this -history, concerning the tree that beareth those buds aforesaid, but -will leaue it to a further consideration; howbeit that which I haue -seene with mine eyes, and handled with mine hands, I dare confidently -auouch, and boldly put downe for veritie. Now if any will obiect, that -this tree which I saw might be one of those before mentioned, which -either by the waues of the sea or some violent wind had been -ouerturned, as many other trees are; or that any trees falling into -those seas about the Orchades, will of themselves beare the like -fowles, by reason of those seas and waters, these being so probable -coniectures, and likely to be true, I may not without preiudice -gainesay, or indeauor to confute.”—(2nd edit.) p. 1588. - -Difficult as it is to understand how a man of Gerard’s genius and -information could have been thus deceived, the perfect sincerity of his -belief is not to be doubted. Seeing, then, how deep rooted this popular -error must have been, it was no small merit of William Barentz and his -companions that they should have been mainly instrumental in disabusing -the public mind on the subject. That they were so, and that at the time -they enjoyed the credit of being so, is manifest from the following -note on the foregoing passage, made by Thomas Johnson, the editor of -the second edition of the Herball, published in 1633:— - -“The barnakles, whose fabulous breed my author here sets downe, and -diuers others haue also deliuered, were found by some Hollanders to -haue another originall, and that by egges, as other birds haue: for -they in their third voyage to find out the north-east passage to China -and the Molucco’s, about the eightieth degree and eleuen minutes of -northerly latitude, found two little islands, in the one of which they -found aboundance of these geese sitting vpon their egges, of which they -got one goose, and tooke away sixty egges, etc. Vide Pontani, Rerum et -vrb. Amstelodam. Hist., lib. 2, cap. 22.” - -Parkinson, too, in his Theatrum Botanicum, published in 1640 (p. 1306), -gives our Dutch navigators full credit for having confuted “this -admirable tale of untruth”. - -[615] Liggen—lay. - -[616] Chart. The original has, however, nothing about any “card”, but -says noch noyt dat land op die plaets bekent is geweest—nor was that -land ever known on the spot (that is to say, from personal -observation). - -[617] This remark, which has previously been made by the author in page -5, is not founded on fact, inasmuch as reindeer do exist in Novaya -Zemlya, as is there shown in note 2. In addition to the authorities -cited in that place, may be given that of Rosmuislov, who passed the -winter of 1768–9 to the northward of 73° N. lat., and saw there large -herds of wild reindeer.—Lütke, p. 77. - -[618] Des nachts—at night. - -[619] De selfde getogen van de genomen hooghde. This is erroneous. It -should be “from which subtracted the height aforesaid”. - -[620] By de westwal heenen—along the west wall, i.e., the western -shore. - -[621] Boven dat eylandt niet comen—could not weather that island. - -[622] Een gheweldigen inham—an extremely large bay or inlet. - -[623] Laveren. See page 25, note 2. - -[624] Ende moesten n. aen—and we had to go north. - -[625] That is to say, the sun’s declination 23° 20′, being taken from -his elevation 38° 20′, leaves 15°, the complement of the elevation of -the Pole, which latter is consequently 75°. - -[626] See page 76. - -[627] Namely, Spitzbergen, which they had just left. - -[628] Wendent over den anderen boech—went upon the other tack. - -[629] In Phillips’ translation, “sun” is omitted, and the words “and -then” substituted, whereby the sense is completely altered. - -[630] Wat te ruymen—to be somewhat more favourable. - -[631] That is, to so high a latitude. - -[632] 73 graden ende 20 minuten. This is an error of the press. It -should be 73° 26′. - -[633] Een tamelijcken coelte—a tolerable breeze. - -[634] Dandinaes: evidently a misprint for Candinaes, or Kanin Nos; -respecting which, see page 38, note 3. - -[635] Dreven wy in stilte—we drifted in a calm. - -[636] Seven hours. - -[637] Des nachts—at night. - -[638] Watch. - -[639] 54 graden ende 38 minuten. This is a misprint. It should be “38 -degrees and 54 minutes”, from which deducting 21° 54′, the sun’s -declination, there remains 27°, the complement of the height of the -Pole; so that the latitude is 73°. - -[640] Willebuijs landt. On the 14th of August, 1553, the unfortunate -Sir Hugh Willoughby discovered land in 72° N. lat., 160 leagues E. by -N. from Seynam on the coast of Norway. In consequence of this -discovery, some of the old charts showed in this direction a separate -coast line, to which they gave the name of Willoughby’s Land. It is to -this that De Veer alludes. It is, however, now fully established that -no such land exists; and there is every reason for the opinion that the -coast seen by Willoughby was that of Novaya Zemlya itself. This opinion -is entertained by Lütke, as well as by most geographers at the present -day. See Mr. Rundall’s Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West, -Introd., p. v. - -[641] Een eetmael langh—during four and twenty hours. The English -translator must be excused for not understanding this expression, when -even the Amsterdam Latin version of 1598 has durante prandio. Whatever -may be the derivation of the expression, there can be no doubt as to -its real meaning. - -[642] Dreven wy in stilte midden int ys—we drifted in a calm, -surrounded by the ice. - -[643] Here, again, the same error is committed as on the 19th of June -(see page 77, note 4). The calculation is as follows:— - - 37° 55′ Elevation of the sun. - 21° 15′ Declination of the sun. - ——————— - 16° 40′ Complem. of elev. of Pole. - 90° 0′ - ——————— - 74° 40′ Elevation of the Pole. - ——————— - But which should be 73° 20′ - ——————— - -[644] In this they were mistaken, owing to their error in the -calculation of their observed latitude, as is shown in the preceding -note. On their former visit to Lomsbay (see page 13) they made its -latitude to be 74° 20′; so that now, instead of being near that spot, -they must have been about a degree to the south of it. This -corresponds, too, better with their observation on the following day; -for it is not to be imagined that they should have been 24 hours under -full-sail, and yet have made only 20 miles of northing on a N.E. by N. -course. - -[645] Het voormarsseijl ende besaen—the fore-topsail and spanker. - -[646] Het Admiraeliteijts Eylandt—Admiralty Island. See page 13. - -[647] The “Island with the Crosses” of page 16. - -[648] Desire. - -[649] De schipper. - -[650] Bootshaeck—boat-hook. - -[651] Huijt—body (literally “hide”). - -[652] Here are two errors. In the first place, the difference between -the sun’s elevation and declination is not 14°, but 14° 15′. This is, -manifestly, an error of the press. Then, in the same way as on the 19th -of June and 17th of July (see pages 77 and 89), 90°—14° 15′ is made to -be 76° 15′, whereas it should be 75° 45′, which is the true latitude. - -[653] Bleeckten—bleached. - -[654] This would seem to be a misprint for 27°, as all the other -observations made in Novaya Zemlya tend to show that at that time the -variation was from 2 to 2½ points. The subject is discussed in the -Introduction. - -[655] The northernmost point of Novaya Zemlya. See page 24. - -[656] Daer we langhs heenen laveerden—along which we tacked. - -[657] Quamen wy boven de hoeck van Nassouwen—we weathered Cape Nassau. -See page 16. - -[658] De hoeck van Troost—Cape Comfort. See page 22, note 4. - -[659] Boven opt verdeck—above on deck. - -[660] Quamen wy alle boven—we all came on deck. - -[661] Nae ons toe, om voor by ’t schip op te climmen—towards us, in -order to climb up the bow of the ship. - -[662] Wy hadden boven opt schip ons schuyten seijl gheschoren—we had -placed the sail of our boat on deck as a screen. - -[663] Voor opt braedspit—forward on the capstan. - -[664] Een hooghen heuvel—a high hummock of ice. - -[665] Te dryven—to drift, or move. - -[666] Int ys beknelt soude werden—we should be crushed by the ice. - -[667] Ghevaer—danger. - -[668] Dattet al craeckte watter ontrent was—so that all round about us -cracked. - -[669] Werp ancker—kedge. - -[670] Watch. - -[671] Met de steven daer aen—with our stem (bow) on it. - -[672] Ghevaer—danger. - -[673] Noch naerder—still nearer. - -[674] De grootste schotsen dryvende ys—the largest pieces of drift ice. - -[675] Den cleynen Ys-hoeck. - -[676] Om—round. - -[677] Huppelde—limped. - -[678] Met weynich coelte—with little wind. - -[679] Began’t beter te coelen—the wind freshened. - -[680] De Eylandt van Oraengien. On the first voyage the Islands of -Orange are spoken of. See page 25. - -[681] Het schip verlegghen—to change the position of the ship. - -[682] Brachten—brought. - -[683] Be reijs ghewonnen waer—i.e., the object of the voyage was -attained, and they had become entitled to the reward offered by the -States General, as mentioned on page 70. - -[684] Werp-ancker—kedge. - -[685] Een tamelijcke coelte—an easy breeze. - -[686] De hoeck van Begheerte. Cape Desire. - -[687] Boven den hoeck waren—had weathered the Cape. - -[688] De Hooft-hoeck. - -[689] Het Vlissingher hooft—Flushing Head. - -[690] De hoeck vant Eylandt. Subsequently called Den Eylandts hoeck, or -Island Point. - -[691] De hoeck van den Yshaven—Ice Haven Point. - -[692] Het afwater ofte Stroom Bay. - -[693] Stroom—current. - -[694] Clommen—climbed. - -[695] Keerden omme—turned back. - -[696] De pen vant roer—the tiller. - -[697] Stucken gheschoven werden—were broken in pieces. - -[698] Gheschoven—stove in. - -[699] Stroom—current. - -[700] Weygats. - -[701] That is, now that we had passed. - -[702] Weygats. - -[703] De schoot—the sheet. - -[704] De groote bras—the main brace. - -[705] The bow of the ship. - -[706] Bock—yawl. - -[707] Weeck het ys wat wech—the ice gave way a little. - -[708] Bow. - -[709] Koe-voeten—crow-bars: literally cows’-feet, from the resemblance -which the bifurcated end bears to the cloven foot of that animal. In -one of the printed accounts of the riots of 1780 (the reference to -which cannot just now be found), it is mentioned that a pig’s-foot—the -“jemmy” little tool used by housebreakers—was employed in the -destruction of Newgate, and surprise was expressed at the power of so -small an instrument to move the large stones of which that building was -constructed. The small iron hammer common in our printing-offices is -likewise called a sheep’s-foot; the reason for the name being in each -case the same. - -[710] Gheknelt—squeezed. - -[711] Vysel—a screw or jack. - -[712] Voorsteven—stem. - -[713] Crevice. - -[714] Het schuyven des ys—from the action (pushing) of the ice. - -[715] Pen—tiller. - -[716] Het gantsche voorschip—the entire fore-part of the ship. - -[717] In den grondt ghecomen—gone to the bottom. - -[718] Ons schuijt ende boot—our boat and yawl. - -[719] Pen—tiller. - -[720] Borne, carried. - -[721] Het bleef noch al dicht—it (the ship) remained quite tight. - -[722] Naenoens—afternoon. - -[723] Te schuyven vant ys—to be moved by the ice. - -[724] Vaetkens—small casks. - -[725] Soo dat de scheck achter van den steven geschoven werde—so that -the ice-knees (chocks) started from the stern-post. - -[726] Hielde de scheck noch dat zy daeraen bleef hangen—kept the -ice-knees still hanging on. - -[727] Ende de bouteloef brack mede stucken met een nieu cabeltou dat wy -op het ys hadden vast ghemaeckt—and the bumpkin likewise broke away, -with a new cable, which we had made fast to the ice. The bouteloef or -botteloef (in English, bumpkin) is a piece of iron, projecting from the -stem of the ship, and used for the purpose of giving more breadth to -the fore-sail. It is no longer met with in square-rigged vessels, but -only in small craft. It would seem to be one of the last things to -which a seaman would attach a cable; but it may have been merely -temporarily, or for some reason that cannot now be discovered. - -[728] Jae, datter ys berghen dreven, soo groot als de soutberghen in -Spaengien—yea, there drifted icebergs by us, as big as the salt -mountains in Spain. Allusion is evidently here made to the celebrated -salt mines of Cardona, about sixteen leagues from Barcelona, where “the -great body of the salt forms a rugged precipice, which is reckoned -between 400 and 500 feet in height”. See Dr. Traill’s “Observations” on -the subject, in Trans. Geol. Soc. (1st ser.), vol. iii, p. 404. Our -author’s familiar comparison of the icebergs to these salt rocks, may -be taken as a proof that he had been in Spain, and was personally -acquainted with the locality. - -[729] Ende leet veel—and suffered much. - -[730] Bleeft noch dicht—still remained tight. - -[731] Dan—for. - -[732] Fock—foresail. - -[733] Timmerghereetschap—carpenter’s tools. - -[734] Oock tamelijck weder ende stilletgens—also tolerable weather and -calm. - -[735] Wy—we. - -[736] Rheden ende Elanden—deer and elks. It is unaccountable that, with -this fact within his own personal knowledge, Gerrit de Veer should have -expressly asserted, on two several occasions (pages 5 and 83), that -there are no graminivorous animals in Novaya Zemlya, and pointedly -distinguished between this country and Spitsbergen on that account. It -is most probable that these animals had crossed over from Siberia on -the ice. - -[737] Ons scheck aen de achter-steven brack altemet noch meer -stucken—and the ice-knees on the stern-post broke more and more in -pieces. - -[738] Maer vonden daer gantsch weynich—but found very little there. - -[739] Meant, intended. - -[740] Vleysch—meat. - -[741] Opt ys om te ververschen—upon the ice, to freshen. - -[742] Maer het bequam hem als de hondt de worst—but it agreed with her -as the pudding (sausage) did with the dog. This is a Dutch proverb, -made use of when any undertaking turns out badly; because the dog is -said to have stolen a sausage, and to have been soundly beaten for his -pains. - -[743] Loerden op hem of hy oock wederom comen soude—and watched for her -coming back. - -[744] Meant. “Went.”—Ph. - -[745] By nae—nearly. - -[746] Ende drie bleven byt hout om dat te behouwen, soo werdet so veel -te lichter int slepen—and three remained behind with the wood, to hew -it, so that it might be the lighter to draw. - -[747] Verde—far. The distance which, on the 16th September, they had -estimated at nearly one Dutch mile. - -[748] Conbuys. The cooking-place on board ship. - -[749] Purmerend. A town in North Holland, about eight miles north of -Amsterdam. - -[750] Cinghel—shingle. - -[751] Een afwateringhe—a fall or current of water. - -[752] Een gotelinghs schoot—a falconet shot. See page 33, note 2. - -[753] Balcken—the beams or principal timbers. - -[754] Ons scheck ofte achtersteven vant schip wederom -ghemaeckt—repaired the ice-knees or stern-post of the ship. - -[755] Must. - -[756] Bear. - -[757] Thuys altemet dicht te maecken—by degrees to close up (the sides -of) the house. - -[758] Wy ghinghen vast voort—we kept on hard at work. - -[759] “Northly.”—Ph. - -[760] Teghens—against. - -[761] We rechten het huys op—we erected (i.e., completed the erection -of) our house. - -[762] Een Meyboom—a May-tree. According to Adelung, in his -Hochdeutsches Wörterbuch, “Maybaum” is in many parts of Germany the -vernacular name of the birch-tree, especially the common species -(Betula alba), also called the May-birch, or simply “May”,—as the -hawthorn is called in England,—branches of which are used for -ornamenting the houses and churches in the month of May. - -The same name is given to the green branch of a tree, or at times the -whole tree itself—frequently the birch, but not exclusively so—which is -set up on occasions of festivity. This is the meyboom of the Dutch; and -it would seem on the one hand to be the original of our English -May-pole, and on the other to have degenerated into the flag which our -builders are in the habit of hoisting on the chimneys of houses, when -raised. - -[763] Alsoo wy nu...laghen—because we now lay. - -[764] Heel open—quite open. - -[765] Wy laghen tot den grondt toe bevroren—we lay frozen right down to -the ground. - -[766] “Then.”—Ph. - -[767] Het vooronder—the forecastle. - -[768] Deelen—planks. - -[769] In den mitten wat hoogher—somewhat higher in the middle. - -[770] Ende braken het achteronder mede uyt, omt huijs voort dicht te -maeckten—and pulled down likewise the poop, in order (therewith) to go -on closing up the house. - -[771] “W. and S.W.”—Ph. - -[772] “First.”—Ph. - -[773] Sneeu—snow. - -[774] Climbed. - -[775] Boven—on deck. - -[776] Boven opt schip—on the deck of the ship. - -[777] “Kept.”—Ph. - -[778] Zijnde een iopen vat, aen den bodem stucken ghevroren—which, -being a cask of spruce beer, had burst at the bottom through the frost. - -From a very early period a decoction, in beer or water, of the -leaf-buds (gemmæ seu turiones) of the Norway spruce fir (Abies -excelsa), as well as of the silver fir (Abies picea), has been used, -formerly more than at present, in the countries bordering on the Baltic -Sea, in scorbutic, rheumatic, and gouty complaints. See Magneti -Bibliotheca Pharmaceutico-Medica, vol. i, p. 2; Pharmacopœia Borussica -(German translation by Dulk), 3rd edit., vol. i, p. 796; Pereira, -Elements of Materia Medica, 3rd edit., vol. ii, p. 1182. - -These leaf-buds are commonly called in German, sprossen, and in Dutch, -jopen; whence the beer brewed therefrom at Dantzig—cerevisia -dantiscana, as it is styled in the Amsterdam Latin version of -1598—acquired the appellations of sprossenbier and jopenbier, of the -former of which the English name, spruce-beer, is merely a corruption. - -The “Dantzig spruce” of commerce, which is known at the place of its -manufacture by the names of doppelbier, jopenbier, and even -“sprucebier”, is the representative at the present day of the medicated -sprossenbier of former times; though, curiously enough, the ingredient -from which it derived its distinctive appellation (i.e., the sprossen -or jopen) appears to be now left out in its preparation. - -[779] Uyt liep—ran out. - -[780] Den bodem—the bottom. - -[781] Scarcely. - -[782] In de selvighe vochticheyt was de cracht vant gantsche bier—in -that liquid part lay the whole strength of the beer. - -[783] Shovelled. - -[784] “S.E. and by S.E.”—Ph. - -[785] Braecken wy de kuiuyt wech—we pulled down the cabin. - -[786] Het portael—the entrance hall, or porch. - -[787] Met brandthouten smeten—threw billets of firewood at her. - -[788] Quam hy effenwel seer vreeselijck tot haer aen—came towards them -in a most terrific manner. - -[789] Int ruijm—in the hold. - -[790] Clam int fockewant—climbed up the fore-rigging. - -[791] Eenige openinghe van water in de zee—some open places of water in -the sea. - -[792] Banden—hoops. - -[793] De joopen vaten—the spruce-beer casks. See page 114, note 2. - -[794] Bock—yawl. - -[795] Teghens den somer—towards the summer. - -[796] Te begheven—to leave us. - -[797] See page 78, notes 2 and 3. - -[798] Frighten. - -[799] In een scheur tusschent ys in—into a crevice in the ice. - -[800] Onder—below. The caboose had been removed below on account of the -extreme cold on deck, as is mentioned in page 108. - -[801] Their firearms had matchlocks. - -[802] Overt schip heenen—out beyond the ship. - -[803] Rabbits. - -[804] Stelden wy onse orlogie wederom dat de clock sloech—we set up our -clock, so that it (went and) struck (the hour). - -[805] Melted. - -[806] Tweer was ghebetert—the weather improved. - -[807] Zy conden uyt haer ooghen niet sien—they could not see out of -their eyes. - -[808] Cinghel—shingle. - -[809] Doen ghingh de son heel dicht boven der aerden, weynich boven den -horisont—then the sun went quite close over the earth, but little above -the horizon. - -[810] Niet een hooft dorsten uyt steecken—not one of us durst put his -head out of doors. - -[811] Doncker—dark, overcast. - -[812] “December.”—Ph. - -[813] Hy quam met zijn volle rondicheyt niet boven—it did not show -(rise with) its whole disk. - -[814] Ende de beyren ghinghen doen mede wegh—and then the bears also -went away. - -[815] Den boven cant—the upper edge. - -[816] De mars—the round top. - -[817] The question of refraction, arising out of this and other -observations, is discussed in the Introduction. - -[818] De son peijlden—observed (lit. measured) the sun. - -[819] “Off.”—Ph. - -[820] That is to say, the sun’s longitude was 221° 48′, or 41° 48′ from -the autumnal equinox. - -[821] Onse surgijn—our surgeon. - -[822] Te stoven—lit. to stew. This is the primary sense of the word -stew, which afterwards, like its synonym bagnio, acquired a very -different meaning. The bath used appears to have been a vapour bath. - -[823] Mette son—with the sun. - -[824] Weder quam—it returned. - -[825] Under the parallel of 76°, the moon continues incessantly above -the horizon about seven or eight days in each month. - -[826] Vermoeden wy geen dagh, doent al dagh was—we thought that it was -not day, when it already was day. - -[827] Hadde op dien dagh niet uyt de koy gheweest—had not that day been -out of bed. - -[828] So wast wel opt hooghste van den dagh—it was truly the height of -day. - -[829] Loot—a loot or half-ounce; of which 32 go to the pound. The -quantity mentioned above is equal to 4 pounds 11 ounces avoirdupois. - -[830] Was meest al de cracht uytgevroren—had almost all its strength -frozen out of it. - -[831] Een ronden hoep—a round hoop. - -[832] Dat men se in huys mochten toe halen ghelijck een val, als de -vossen daer onder quamen—so that when the foxes came under it, as in a -trap, we might drag them into the house. - -[833] Met een betoghen lucht—with a cloudy sky. - -[834] Locxkens. In Sewel’s Dutch and Eng. Dict. by Buys, Lokje, the -modern form of this word, is thus defined:—“a little hollow log, such -as seamen sometimes use to put sauce in, for want of another dish: -hence it is that some will call any saucer with that name.” - -[835] Melted. - -[836] Een betoghen lucht—a cloudy sky. - -[837] Een ghetemperden lucht—a moderate sky. - -[838] Een betoghen lucht—a cloudy sky. - -[839] A piece of coarse woollen cloth. - -[840] Tot hemden—for shirts. - -[841] Hemden—shirts. - -[842] Wrung. - -[843] Se ghebroken—broken them. - -[844] Boiling. - -[845] Bequaem—suitable, good. - -[846] De schipper ende stuerman; namely, Jacob Heemskerck and William -Barentsz. - -[847] Noch—yet. - -[848] Koyen kasen—lit. cow-cheeses, because they were made from the -milk of cows, and not of sheep, as is not uncommon in the Netherlands. - -[849] Ejinde van sparren—ends of spars. - -[850] “North-east.”—Ph. - -[851] De barbier—the barber. This is the person who on a former -occasion (page 121) was called de surgijn—the surgeon. In the general -decline of science during the middle ages, surgery, as a branch of -medicine, became neglected, and its practice, in the rudest form, fell -into the hands of the barber; from whose ordinary avocations of cutting -the hair, shaving the beard, paring the nails, etc., the step was not -very great to the operations of tooth-drawing, bleeding, cupping, -dressing wounds, setting broken limbs, etc. And, with these functions -of the surgeon, the barber not unreasonably assumed his title also. - -The rivalry between these barber-surgeons and the pure surgeons, who -again sprang up on the revival of learning, is matter of history. - -In England, a compromise between the two rival bodies was early -effected by means of the union of the barber-surgeons and surgeons of -London, by the statute of 32 Hen. VIII, c. 41 (A.D. 1540), which, while -nominally amalgamating them, virtually effected the separation of the -two professions; inasmuch as those members of the united corporation -“using barbery”—as it was somewhat barbarously expressed—were -prohibited from “occupying any surgery, letting of blood, or any other -thing belonging to surgery, drawing of teeth only except”; while, on -the other hand, surgeons were forbidden to “use barbery”. And the -natural consequence was their formal separation into two entirely -distinct bodies by the Act of 18 Geo. II, c. 15 (A.D. 1745). - -On the continent, the barber-surgeon retained his rank to a much later -date; and in France, in particular, till the revolution of 1793. But, -instead of abandoning the razor to the hair-dresser, he still claimed -the right of wielding it, “as being a surgical instrument”; so that, in -order to distinguish between the two, it was ordained by Louis XIV, -that the barber-surgeon should have for his sign a brass basin, and -should paint his shop-front red or black only, whereas the -barber-hairdresser should display a pewter basin, and paint his -shop-front in any other colour. Blue was the colour usually adopted by -the barber-hairdressers, and to this colour their name has in -consequence become attached. That the connexion between the two is -still not lost sight of in France, is proved by the following extract -from the Comédies et Proverbes of Alfred de Musset, p. 510:— - - “Madame de Léry.—Autant j’adore le lilas, autant je déteste - Mathilde.—C’est la couleur de la constance. [le bleu. - Madame de Léry.—Bah! c’est la couleur des perruquiers.” - - Un Caprice. - -Those professors of shaving and hairdressing, whose poles, painted red -or black alternating with white, still decorate our streets, commit -therefore a great mistake in using either of these two colours. “True -like the needle to the pole,” as Lieutenant Taffril wrote to Jenny -Caxon (“To cast up to her that her father’s a barber and has a pole at -his door, and that she’s but a manty-maker hersel! Fy for shame!”), -they should confine themselves to the colour of constancy—and of the -hairdressers; unless, indeed, they should happen to unite tooth-drawing -to their other avocations, in which case they might perhaps, in strict -right, be entitled to set up the red or black stripe of the -barber-surgeons. - -[852] Die gheleghentheyt diente van ons waer ghenomen te zijn—it was -important for us to avail ourselves of the opportunity. - -[853] Alle de deuren waren toe ghewaeyt—all the doors were blown to. - -[854] Een helderen lucht—a clear sky. - -[855] Quite. - -[856] Wear. - -[857] See page 61, note 8. - -[858] Ondert verdeck—under the deck, i.e., below. - -[859] Icebergs. - -[860] Op malcanderen stuwen ende gheschoven werden—were drifting and -heaping one upon the other. - -[861] Jae selfs in de koyen—yea, even in the cots. - -[862] Mochte—could. - -[863] “North-east.”—Ph. - -[864] Vallen—traps. - -[865] Sareetsche secke—Xeres seco, or sherry-sack. - -[866] Heet—hot, strong. - -[867] Over—over. - -[868] Independently of the quiet humour of this observation, it is -worthy of remark, as showing that at that early period the cooling of -wine by means of ice or snow was practised by the Dutch. - -[869] Een vlieghenden storm uyten n. o.—a hurricane out of the N.E. - -[870] Steen-colen—stone or mineral coal; so called to distinguish it -from charcoal, the usual fuel on the continent. - -[871] Maer wy wachtede ons voor de weerstuijt niet—but we did not guard -ourselves against the consequences. - -[872] Cots. - -[873] Een sodanighen duyselinghe—a sudden dizziness. - -[874] Started. - -[875] Swoon. - -[876] Cot. - -[877] Liep daer heenen—ran thither. - -[878] Haelde flucks edick ende vreef hem dat in zijn aensicht—quickly -fetched some vinegar and rubbed his face with it. - -[879] In eenen swijm—in a swoon. - -[880] “North-east.”—Ph. - -[881] Een helderen lucht—a bright sky. - -[882] Shoes. - -[883] Wyde clompen—loose clogs or slippers. - -[884] Sheep. - -[885] Were. - -[886] Blaren ende buylen—“blains and boils.” - -[887] De Reus—the Giant, as the constellation Orion is called, after -the Arabic El-djebbâr. The star Bellatrix γ Orionis, which was here -observed, is usually said to be in the left shoulder. It depends, -however, upon which way “the Giant” is considered as looking. The exact -declination of this star for the end of the year 1596 is + 5° 58′,4 N.; -so that, after allowing 2′,6 for refraction, the complement of the -height of the Pole is 14° 17′, and the height of the Pole is 75° 43′. - -It is not possible for Betelgeuze, (α) in the right shoulder of Orion, -to have been the star observed; for the latitude resulting from it -would be upwards of 79°. - -[888] “Twenty-eight.”—Ph. - -[889] De onuytspreklijcke ondraechelijcke coude—the inexpressible, -intolerable cold. - -[890] Wore. - -[891] Een joopen vat met water—a spruce-beer cask full of water. - -[892] Stopten eerst alle de gaten dicht toe—first closely stopped all -the holes. - -[893] Ruijm—hold. - -[894] Grondt—bottom. - -[895] Calculated. - -[896] T’uyterste perck—the utmost limit. - -[897] “Eighteen.”—Ph. - -[898] Hoe well datter gheen dagh was—though there was no daylight. - -[899] Heard. - -[900] In de pot ofte aent spit—in the pot or on the spit. - -[901] Keughels—balls. - -[902] Cots. - -[903] Dattet int afgaen vanden bergh was: te weten, dat de son zijn -wegh wederom nae ons toe nam—that we were now going down hill; that is -to say, the sun was now on his way back to us. - -[904] De daghen die langhen zijn de daghen die stranghen, dan hoope -dede pijn versoeten—“the days that lengthen are the days that become -more severe [?];” but “hope sweetened pain”. These are two Dutch -proverbs, strung together somewhat after the fashion of Sancho Panza. -The former is equivalent to “as the day lengthens, so the cold -strengthens”, and “cresce ’l dì, cresce ’l freddo”, cited in Ray’s -English Proverbs, p. 37. - -[905] Bynaest...verbranden—almost burned. - -[906] Boers—boors, peasants. - -[907] Ter poorten van de steden incomen—come in at the gates of the -towns. It would almost seem that in the text the word is sleden and not -steden; so that the meaning would be, “come in at the gates from their -sledges”. But, as the fact is that the boors enter the gates in their -carts, and that those who come in sledges must necessarily reach the -town by the water side, where there are no gates, it can scarcely be -doubted that the proper reading is steden. The translator appears to -have wished to provide for both cases. - -[908] Onder weghen gheweest zijn—have been travelling. - -[909] Croop—crept. - -[910] Hoet daer ghestelt was—how matters stood there. - -[911] Een betoghen lucht—a cloudy sky. - -[912] Cellar. - -[913] Several. - -[914] De trappen te maecken—to set the traps. - -[915] Stockings. - -[916] Onghemack—hardship. - -[917] “This.”—Ph. - -[918] Begonnen—began. - -[919] Het block—the block. - -[920] Bergher visch: so called because it comes principally from Bergen -in Norway. - -[921] Wasset weder wat besadicht—the weather was somewhat milder. - -[922] Als een verwulfsel van een boogh ofte kelder—like the arch of a -vault or cellar. - -[923] Gheslooft—toiled. - -[924] Drie Coninghen Avondt—Three Kings’ Even. The fifth of January, as -being the eve of the Feast of the Epiphany, is properly “Twelfth -Night”. But, in England, the vigils or eves of all feast days between -Christmas and the Purification having been abolished at the Reformation -(see Wheatley, Rational Illustration of the Book of Common Prayer, -Oxford, 1846, p. 165), this season of festivity, thus deprived of its -religious character, was transferred to the evening after the feast; so -that Twelfth Night was thenceforward kept on the evening of the 6th of -January. - -[925] Begheerden aen den schipper—requested the skipper. - -[926] Conincxken speelden—drew for king (lit. played at kings). - -[927] Een wittbroods beschuijt—a (captain’s) biscuit made of wheaten -flour. - -[928] Fancying ourselves to be. - -[929] Banquet. - -[930] Uytgedeelt—distributed. - -[931] This estimated length includes the island of Waigatsch. - -[932] Namely, the Northern Ocean and the Sea of Kara. - -[933] Could. - -[934] Want de coude leerde ons noch wel niet langhe uyt blyven, om -dattet buyten niet snick heet was—for the cold itself was quite enough -to teach us not to stay long out, inasmuch as out of doors it was not -smoking hot. - -[935] “N.E.”—Ph. - -[936] “N.W.”—Ph. - -[937] Oculus Tauri. The exact declination for this year of α Tauri or -Aldeberan is + 15° 40′,2; so that the complement of the height of the -Pole, after allowing 1′,7 for refraction, is 14° 12′,1, and the height -of the Pole is 75° 47′,9. The mean of this observation, and that of γ -Orionis, on December 14th, 1596 (page 131), is 75° 45′,5, which may be -regarded as being a very close approximation to the true latitude of -the expedition’s wintering-place. From the author’s statement, it -appears that William Barentsz was of opinion that they were to the -north of the 76th parallel, instead of to the south, as this corrected -calculation makes their position to be. This only shows the importance -of recording and publishing all observations in their original form, -regardless of their apparent results, however anomalous. When a -traveller’s observations are for years kept back, in order that they -may be “revised”, the world may not uncharitably surmise that -eventually they will not be presented to it in their integrity. - -[938] Also dat dese metinghe vande voornoemde sterre ende eenighe -andere sterren, soo mede de metinghe van de sonne, alle over een quamen -dat wy—so that the measurement of the above-named star and of some -other stars, as well as the measurement of the sun, all agreed (in -showing) that we.... - -It will be seen in the sequel that the observations of the sun agree -rather in showing the contrary of what is above contended for. - -[939] Liepen uyt ende schoten de cloot met de cloot van de vlayh-spil, -die wy voor heen niet conden sien loopen—ran out and played at ball -(lit. threw the ball) with the truck of the flag-staff, which before -that time we had not been able to see run. - -[940] Stil weder met een betoghen lucht—calm weather with a cloudy sky. - -[941] Twee vossen—two foxes. - -[942] Bolckvanger—a seaman’s rough coat. - -[943] Verdeck—deck. - -[944] Om ons leden wat te verstercken, met gaen, werpen ende loopen—to -strengthen our limbs a little with walking, throwing (the ball), and -running. - -[945] Maer des nachts vroort wederom effen cout—but at night it froze -again just as cold (as before). - -[946] Begonde vast te minderen—began to diminish fast. - -[947] Swymen—swooning. - -[948] De open schuyten—the open boats. - -[949] Wast een betoghen lucht ende stil—the sky was cloudy and calm. - -[950] De cloot schieten—to throw the ball. - -[951] That is to say, they all three saw it, but Gerrit de Veer saw it -first. - -[952] Which had not been visible since the 3rd of November, as is -mentioned in page 121. - -[953] Dat de sonne aldaer ende op die hooghde openbaren souden—that the -sun should appear there and in that latitude. - -[954] Disich—hazy. - -[955] Daer van wy wel anders versekert zijn—with respect to which we -well know the contrary. - -[956] This makes the date to have been the twenty-fifth of January. On -the 24th, the sun was only in the fourth degree of Aquarius. And all -the details furnished by the author concur in proving, that, in spite -of his assertion of extreme precision as to the date, the conjunction -of the moon and Jupiter,—and, inferentially, the first appearance of -the sun also,—took place on the 25th of January, instead of the 24th, -as stated. - -On January 25th, at midday, when the sun’s longitude was 305° 25′,1, or -5° 25′,1 of Aquarius, its declination was—18° 57′,4: consequently, its -centre was 4° 42′,4, and its upper edge 4° 26′,4, below the horizon. -The mean refraction at the horizon cannot, however, be estimated at -more than 34′9, or, with an assumed temperature of -8° Fahren., 39′,3; -so that the extraordinary and anomalous refraction amounts to no less -than 3° 49′. - -[957] Ons eerste gissinghe—our first calculation. - -[958] That is to say, till February 6th. But on that day, the sun’s -declination being—15° 56′,4, it was 1° 41′ below the horizon in 75° 45′ -N. lat., and therefore still invisible there. In lat. 76° it would have -been as much as 1° 56′. - -In 75° 45′ N. lat. the sun’s upper edge would have been properly first -visible on February 9th, when the sun was in 10° 29′,2 of Aquarius, or -longitude 319° 29′,2; its declination then being—15° 0′,5, with an -assumed refraction of half a degree. - -[959] Appeared. - -[960] “Leave.”—Ph. - -[961] Josephus Schala. The title of the work here referred to, as given -in De Lalande’s Bibliographie Astronomique, p. 120, is “Josephi Scala, -Siculi, Ephemerides ex Tabulis Magini, ab anno 1589 ad annum 1600 -continuatæ, una cum introductionibus Ephemeridum Josephi Moletii. -Venetiis, 1589, 4to.” It is not in the library of the British Museum, -nor in that of the Royal Astronomical Society. This is, however, of no -moment; as Mr. Vogel, to whose kindness I am indebted for so much -valuable assistance, has calculated the time of the conjunction at -Venice, and makes it differ only 57 seconds from Scala’s computed time. - -[962] In the astronomical reckoning of time, the date was certainly -January 24th; but, then, “one in the night time” of that day—which -would correctly be called January 24 days 13 hours—corresponds with 1 -o’clock in the morning of January 25th, in the civil reckoning of time. - -[963] January 23d 12h, mean time, Paris, corresponding with midnight -between January 23rd and 24th in the civil reckoning of time,—which at -Venice would be 20 minutes to 1 o’clock in the morning of January -24th,—the moon’s longitude was 19° 57′,3 and her latitude + 2° 0,7, -while Jupiter’s longitude was 32° 12′,0 and his latitude—1° 4′,6; so -that there was no conjunction on that day. On the other hand, January -24d 12h 59m 3s mean time, Venice, corresponding with 57 seconds to one -o’clock in the morning of January 25th, the position of the two planets -was as follows:— - - Moon. Longitude 32° 17′,3 Latitude + 2° 58′,3 - Jupiter. ,, 32° 17′,3 ,, — 1° 4′,3 - -that is to say, they were then in conjunction; their position in the -heavens being near the star α Arietis. - -[964] This can only be understood in a general sense, as meaning that -it was somewhere about six o’clock in the morning. For at the time of -the conjunction, the sun was more than 20° below the horizon; and as -the dawn is not perceptible till the sun is about 18° from the horizon, -they could not have possessed even this imperfect means of observing -its general bearing, without the aid of the anomalous refraction. - -[965] Want wy sagen gestadich op de vorrnoemde twee planeten dat se -altemet malcanderen naerderden—for we looked constantly at the two -planets aforesaid, (and saw) that, from time to time, they approached -each other. This is very loosely expressed. The author meant to say -that they looked from time to time, and saw the two planets constantly -approach. - -[966] The moon stood 3° 47′,7 above Jupiter. At the time of the -conjunction, the declination of the latter planet was + 11° 17′,2; so -that in 75° 45′ N. lat. it must have set 37° 20′ west of the northern -meridian. And yet it was observed in 11° 15′ west, when in fact it was -2° 44′1, below the horizon! This is very remarkable. For, as is well -known, the setting of even the brightest stars is not perceptible. They -always vanish before they reach the horizon. The peculiar state of the -atmosphere, which at noon of the same day had raised the sun’s disc -nearly 4°, allowed a star to be observed which had set 1 hour and 48 -minutes previously. - -[967] The longitude of the conjunction was 32° 17′,3, or 2° 17′,3 of -the sign of Taurus, with reference to the old division of the ecliptic; -though, owing to the retrogression of the equinoctial points whereby -Aries has taken the place of Taurus, the conjunction actually occurred -in the former sign, as is stated in note 2 of the preceding page. - -[968] Their clock having stopped, and a twelve-hours sand-glass being -their only time-keeper, it would be too much to expect precision in -their immediate determination of the time of observation. But, -fortunately, by placing on record the moon’s azimuth at the time of the -conjunction, they furnished the means of calculating the true time -within very reasonable limits. The result shows that they were rather -more than an hour slow, as it wanted 1 minute and 48 seconds of five -o’clock. - -[969] The moon’s bearing by compass being N. by E. (11° 15′ E.), and -the variation of the compass 2 points (22° 30′) W., the moon’s -azimuthal distance from the northern meridian was 11° 15′ W. From this -datum Mr. Vogel has calculated the time of the observation, and makes -it to be January 24d 16h 58m 12s mean time, or 4h 58m 12s after -midnight on January 25th. The difference between this time and that of -the conjunction at Venice (0h 59m 3s after midnight) is, of course, the -difference of longitude between the two places; it being 3h 59m 9s, or -59° 47′ E. And Venice being 12° 21′ 21″ E. from Greenwich, it results -that “the house of safety”, at the north-eastern extremity of Novaya -Zemlya, is in 72° 8′ long. E. of Greenwich, or 89° 48′ E. of Ferro; its -latitude being 75° 45′ N. - -As the moon’s bearing and the variation of the compass are both given -only to the nearest point, there is a possibility of error to the -extent of half a point, whereby the longitude might vary as much as 5°, -or 20 minutes in time. But there is every reason for believing the -variation, as stated, to be very nearly correct; or, if in error, it is -in defect, which would have the effect of decreasing the eastern -longitude. - -[970] Apart. Their actual distance from each other was only 87° in -longitude. - -[971] This is not correct. The moon passed the meridian at 5h 38m 54s -after midnight, and the conjunction was observed 40m 42s before that -planet came to the meridian. It was, therefore, only 4h 58m 12s A.M. of -January 25th. - -[972] Reeckenen—reckon or calculate. The word “guess” is still used in -this sense by the Americans. - -[973] Oosterlijcker—more easterly. - -[974] Latitude. - -[975] The correct position of Venice is 30° 0′ 58″ E. of Ferro, or 12° -21′ 21″ E. of Greenwich, and 45° 25′ 49″ N. lat. It is curious that the -latitude of so well-known a place should have been stated as much as -40′ in error. - -[976] Tot de Cape de Tabijn—to Cape Taimur. See page 37, note 1. - -[977] Cape Taimur being in about 100° E. long., and the Hollanders’ -wintering quarters in 72° E. long., the difference of longitude is -apparently less than 30 degrees. But this is of no importance, as their -determination of the position of that cape was merely speculative, -there being at that time no data whatever for fixing its correct -position; nor is it indeed exactly known even at the present day. - -[978] This is substantially correct. The exact measurement is 3·64 -[14·66] miles. Under the 76th parallel of latitude a degree contains -13,859·414 toises (du Peru), and at the equator, 57,108·519 -toises.—Encke, “Ueber die Dimensionen des Erdkörpers,” Berliner -Jahrbuch für 1852, p. 369. - -[979] Af te meten—to be calculated. - -[980] So verde—in so far as; i.e., assuming that. - -[981] Daer boven zijnde—having passed beyond it. - -[982] De Strate Anian. The passage between the continents of Asia and -America, now known as Behring’s Strait, was formerly so called. It was -supposed to be in about 60° N. lat., and the northern coast of America -was imagined to stretch from thence to Hudson’s Strait in a direction -nearly east and west. Maldonado is said to have visited the Strait of -Anian in 1588. A translation of the narrative of this pretended -discovery is given in Barrow’s Chronological History, Appendix ii, p. -24 et seq. See also the Quarterly Review, vol. xvi, p. 144 et seq. - -[983] Wat nu dan belanght dat men verstaen sal van tghene verhaelt is, -dat wy de sonne...verloren—Now, as regards the understanding of what -has been related as to our having lost the sun, etc. - -[984] Disputiren—discussed. - -[985] Dattet ons in den tijdt niet ghemisten heeft—that we were not -mistaken with respect to the time. - -[986] Een banck oft donckeren wolck—a fog-bank or a dark cloud. - -[987] Een langh suer legher ghehabt—long lain seriously ill. - -[988] Seyden hem wat goets voor—spoke kindly to him. - -[989] Daer nae deden wy een maniere van een lijck-predikinghe met lesen -ende psalmen te singhen—after that, we made a sort of funeral -discourse, read prayers and sang psalms. - -[990] Aten de vroo cost—ate the funeral meal. - -[991] Skipper. - -[992] The refraction must have continued to be about as great as it was -on January 25th. For, though in the interval the sun’s declination had -increased 46′,6, yet they now saw it in its “full roundness”, which is -equal to about 32′, and also “a little above the horizon”, for which -the remaining 15′ can hardly be too large an allowance. - -[993] Om ons leden wat radder te maecken—to make our joints somewhat -more supple. - -[994] Verkreupelt geseten—sitten without motion. - -[995] Daer deur datter veel gebreck van den scheurbuijck ghecreghen -hadden—whereby several had fallen sick of the scurvy. - -The derivation of the term “scurvy”—schärbuk, Low German; scharbock, -High German; skörbjugg, Swedish; scorbutus, modern Latin,—is variously -attempted to be explained. See Adelung, Hochdeutsches Wörterbuch; Mason -Good, Study of Medicine, vol. ii, p. 870; Lind, Treatise on the Scurvy, -3rd Edit., p. 283. The last-named writer says:—“Most authors have -deduced the term from the Saxon word schorbok, a griping or tearing of -the belly [properly scheuren, ‘to scour’, and bauch, ‘belly’]; which is -by no means so usual a symptom of this disease; though, from a mistake -in the etymology of the name, it has been accounted so by those -authors.” It is in this sense that the expression has been understood -by the English translator. - -[996] Het portael—the entrance porch. - -[997] Phillip has here inserted the word “not”, which is not in the -original, and is besides inconsistent. - -[998] Climbed. - -[999] Grieved. - -[1000] Enjoy. - -[1001] The sun ought properly not to have been visible till the -following day. See page 145, note 3. - -[1002] That is to say, according to our common compass. - -[1003] Opgaen moest—should rise or appear. - -[1004] Begont een weynich te coelen—a little breeze sprang up. - -[1005] Een copere duijt—a copper doit. This was formerly the smallest -Dutch coin, of the value of about half a farthing. It no longer exists -under the present decimal system. - -[1006] Al oft hy sien wilde wiet hem gedaen hadde—as if she wished to -see who had done it to her. - -[1007] “Their.”—Ph. - -[1008] Melted. - -[1009] Thither. - -[1010] Vastelavont, properly Vastenavond; formerly called in this -country also, Fastern’s or Fasten’s Even. The “Fastingham Tuiesday,” -and “Fastyngonge Tuesday,” cited in Brand’s Observations on Popular -Antiquities, vol. i, p. 58, from Langley’s Polidore Vergile, fol. 103, -and Blomefield’s Norfolk, vol. ii, p. 111, respectively, seem to be -merely corruptions of this expression. - -[1011] De vrolijcke tijt—the merry time of year; the spring. - -[1012] Threw, cast. - -[1013] Springes or traps. - -[1014] In the same state as before. - -[1015] Tghene dat eyselijck scheen noch eyselijcker—that which was -frightful appeared more frightful. - -[1016] Behoefden—required. - -[1017] Op d’eene helft—on the one half. - -[1018] Thread. - -[1019] Waterpassen—levels, such as are used by builders. - -[1020] We have here a remarkable instance of what might be called -“cooking”, were it not that everything is done in perfect good faith, -and that the means are afforded us of rectifying the error into which -the observer fell through the desire to establish his preconceived -idea, founded on the supposed results of his observations of December -14th and January 12th (See pages 131 and 140), that the latitude of the -place of observation was to the north of 76°. - -It is quite true that, as the sun’s lower edge was observed, its -semi-diameter has to be added. But the effect of this is to increase, -not the height of the Pole, but its complement; which, adopting the -observer’s own figures, would be 14° 16′ + 16′ = 14° 32′, so that the -height of the Pole would be only 75° 28′. There is, however, another -correction to be made, namely, for refraction, of which at that early -period no account was taken; and this being as much as 15′,1, the -discrepancy is thereby so much reduced. The correct calculation of the -observation will therefore be as follows:— - - Sun’s lower edge 3° 0′ - ,, semi-diameter 16 - ———————————— - 3 16 - Refraction 15,1 - ———————————— - True altitude of sun’s centre 3 0,9 - Sun’s declination —11 15 - ————————————— - Complement of height of Pole 14 15,9 - ————————————— - Latitude 75° 44,1 - -Which differs only 1′5 from the mean of the two observations of the -14th December and 12th January. - -[1021] Off. - -[1022] Helped. - -[1023] Uytet wout—out of the wood. The French say, “la faim chasse le -loup hors du bois”; and in several other languages it is the same. In -English the corresponding expression is, “hunger will break through -stone walls.” See National Proverbs, etc., by Caroline Ward, p. 62. - -[1024] “Cod.”—Ph. - -[1025] Ons de cracht begheven soude—we should lose our strength. - -[1026] Met een betoghen lucht—with a cloudy sky. - -[1027] “25.”—Ph. - -[1028] Donckere lucht—a dark sky. - -[1029] Vercleumt—benumbed. - -[1030] In de koy—a-bed. - -[1031] Hot. - -[1032] Daer my ons mede lyden moesten—wherewith we were forced to be -satisfied. - -[1033] Namely, the sum of the sun’s elevation and southern declination, -being fourteen degrees. - -[1034] With 7′,5 for refraction, and—7° 10′,8 for the sun’s -declination, the above observation gives 76° 8′,7 for the height of the -Pole. If no allowance was made at the time for the sun’s semi-diameter, -16′ will have to be deducted, which will make the true latitude to be -75° 52′,7. - -[1035] Twelck haer naemaels niet ten besten verghingh—which did them no -good afterwards. - -[1036] Het cocx luijck—the cook’s locker. - -[1037] Wat ghebetert was—was somewhat better. - -[1038] Beducht—afraid. - -[1039] The words “for as then the ice drave” are introduced here -unnecessarily by Phillip. - -[1040] Een ruyme zee moeste zijn—there must be an open sea. - -[1041] There is little doubt of their having actually seen the country -round the estuaries of the rivers Obi and Yenisei. Lütke says (p. 42) -that “the distance of the two countries from one another is not known -exactly, but there is reason for believing it to be less than 120 -Italian miles. That the Hollanders really saw Siberia, and not (as some -imagine) the Island of Maksimok, is corroborated by the tradition, -which is mentioned even by Witsen (pp. 762, 897, 922), that at times -Novaya Zemlya is, in like manner, seen from the Siberian coast.” - -[1042] Boats. - -[1043] Here, as before, the correct result will be (refraction 5′,1; -declination—3° 41′,6) 76° 4′,5; or, deducting 16′ for the sun’s -semi-diameter, 75° 48′,5. - -[1044] Skipper. - -[1045] More willing. - -[1046] Cold. - -[1047] Closed up (with ice). - -[1048] Wederom instorteden—relapsed. - -[1049] Namely, on the 3rd of the month, as is mentioned in page 161. - -[1050] Parste—pressed. - -[1051] Huge, immense. - -[1052] Op te gaen—to be used up. - -[1053] Also dat goet raedt doen duer was—so that then good advice was -dear. This is a proverbial saying; the meaning of which is, that, as -they did not know what to do, good advice would have been very -valuable. - -[1054] If we assume the smaller amount of error to be the more -probable, we must regard this observation as having been made on the -20th of March, instead of the 21st. The observer found the sun’s -altitude to be 14°, believing it to be then on the equinoctial, and -therefore without declination. But at mean noon in Novaya Zemlya, the -sun’s declination on March 20th was—0° 8′,8, and on March 21st + 0° -14′,9, the sun having crossed the equinoctial between 10 and 11 o’clock -of the intervening night. The corrected calculation for both days will -therefore be as follows:— - - March 20th. March 21st. - - Altitude of the sun 14° 0′ 14° 0′ - Refraction 3,8 3,8 - ——————————— ——————————— - 13 56,2 13 56,2 - Sun’s declination — 8,8 + 14,9 - ——————————— ——————————— - Complement φ 14 5 13 41,3 - ——————————— ——————————— - φ 75° 55′ 76° 8′,7 - ——————————— ——————————— - Or, deduct. the sun’s - semi-diam. 75° 36′ 75° 52′,7 - -[1055] Van vilten ofte ruyghe hoeden—of felt, or rough hats. It is -probable that these were sheets of the rough material, which they had -for use among the ship’s stores. - -[1056] Over de coussen aentrocken—drew on over our stockings. - -[1057] Als of de Maert haer foy hadde willen besetten—as if March -(before leaving them) had meant to pay them off—lit. to give them their -fee. - -[1058] “For.”—Ph. - -[1059] Dat de coude so fel alse was, niet altijt dueren soude—that the -cold, severe as it was, would not last for ever. - -[1060] Haer den neck—its neck. - -[1061] Met helle bittere koude—with a clear sharp cold. The author is -not open to the reproach of having, in the whole course of his -narrative, made use of such an expression as that which the translator -has here erroneously attributed to him. - -[1062] Aen den solder ende wanden van binnen thuijs—on the ceiling and -walls inside the house. - -[1063] “18.”—Ph. - -[1064] Daer in gheweldich huijs ghehouden hadden—had made great havoc -there. - -[1065] Dat wy hoe langer hoe qualijcker doen conden—which we were less -and less able to do. - -[1066] Gheweldighen—huge, immense. - -[1067] Stijf—strongly. - -[1068] On April 2nd at mean noon, Novaya Zemlya, the sun’s declination -was + 4° 56′,8, which, with the observed height (corrected for -refraction = 18° 37′,2), would give 76° 19′,5 as the latitude; or, -deducting 16′ for the sun’s semi-diameter, 76° 3′,5. It is, however, -not unlikely that the observation was made on April 1st, when indeed -the sun’s declination was + 4° 40′ at mean noon at Venice, though at -mean noon at the place of observation (about four hours earlier) it was -only 4° 33′,6. In this case, the latitude would be 75° 56′,4; or 75° -40′,4, if the sun’s lower edge was observed. - -[1069] Een colf om daer mede te colven—literally, “a colf to colve -with.” The well-known game of colf or golf derives its name from the -hooked stick or club (German, kolbe; Dutch, colf or kolf) with which it -is played. A detailed description of the game, as played in Holland, is -given in Sir John Sinclair’s Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xvi, -p. 28, note. See also Jameson’s Scottish Dict., art. Golf. - -[1070] Deur dattet damper weer ende teruijt vochtich was—because it was -damp weather and the powder moist. - -[1071] The steps cut in the snow, as is mentioned in page 136. - -[1072] Nae de deur vant huijs toe—towards the door of the house. - -[1073] Dat boven de deur was—that was above the door. - -[1074] The house was covered with a sail, on which was placed shingle -from the beach, to keep it weather tight, as is described in page 119. - -[1075] Voorgaende—late, previous. - -[1076] Vervulde de gantsche zee—filled the entire sea. - -[1077] “21st.”—Ph. - -[1078] Van den houden ghemaect hadden—had made of the hats or felt. See -page 166, note 1. - -[1079] Om te sien of hy daer eenighe holen hadde—to see whether she had -any holes there. - -[1080] Spiesen—pikes. - -[1081] Af te setten—to go away. - -[1082] The declination here given is that of April 19th. The corrected -calculation for the 18th, with refraction 2′,0 and declination + 10° -50′,1, gives 75° 42,1; or 75° 26′,1, if the sun’s semi-diameter has to -be deducted. On April 19th, the declination was + 11° 10′,1, whereby -the height of the Pole would be 76° 2′,1; or, deducting the sun’s -semi-diameter, 75° 46′1. - -[1083] Ende stooften ons—and stewed ourselves. See page 121, note 8. - -[1084] Ghereetschap—utensils. - -[1085] Huijt—literally “hide”, but used in the sense of “body”. - -[1086] There is an omission here in the original. The following words -require to be supplied:—“which substracted from the said elevation, -there rested 14 degrees.” - -[1087] With the sun’s declination + 14° 8′,7, and refraction 1′8, the -corrected calculation will give 76° 2′,5; or, deducting 16′ for the -sun’s semi-diameter, 75° 46′,5. - -[1088] See page 168, note 2. - -[1089] Opt hooghste was. An oversight of the author. He meant to say -that the sun was on the meridian in the north; where, of course, it -must have been at the lowest, instead of the highest. - -[1090] Had the latitude of the place of observation been really more -than 76° the sun ought to have been visible above the horizon at -midnight on the 28th April, as its declination was then already more -than 14°; and as on the 30th April its declination was 14° 55′, it -ought to have had its lower edge full 39′ above the horizon at the time -when at the place of observation it is said to have been visible “just -above the horizon”. This is without taking into account the refraction, -which under ordinary circumstances, would have made its visible -altitude about 36′ more. Hence it is quite clear that they were not so -far north as 76°. - -[1091] Coockten wy onse laetste vleysch—we cooked the last of our meat -(beef). - -[1092] Maer hadt maer een manghel, dattet niet langher deuren -wilde—only it had but one fault, which was, that it would not last any -longer. Whenever a joke is intended by the author,—who, although a -serious, matter-of-fact Dutchman, was evidently a bit of a wag,—it is, -by some fatality, sure to be spoilt by the translator. - -[1093] Te jancken—to hanker after. - -[1094] Ende also de beste spijs, als vleysch ende grutten ende anders, -ons ontbrack—and as our best food, such as beef, barley, and such like, -failed us. Gort or grutten, for porridge, form an important item in the -supplies of Dutch seamen. When the Dutch whale-fishery was in a more -flourishing state, the sailors of the vessels employed in it used to be -saluted by the boys in the streets of Amsterdam with the cry -of—Traan-bok! Stroop in je gort tot Pampus toe.—“Train-oil Billy! -Treacle in your porridge as far as Pampus;” meaning, that after they -had passed Pampus (see page 13, note 5), which is only two hours from -Amsterdam, they would, during the rest of the voyage, get their -porridge without treacle. - -[1095] Speck—pork. - -[1096] Een cleijn vaetgien met peeckelspeck—a small cask of salt pork. - -[1097] Doen wast mede op—then that also was gone. - -[1098] Meer als te voren—more than before. - -[1099] Nu—now. - -[1100] Segghende: dit weer sal hier nimmermeer vergaen—saying, this -weather will never more pass away here. - -[1101] The skipper, namely, Jacob Heemskerck. - -[1102] Van daer te sien comen—to see about getting from thence. - -[1103] Maer elck ontsach sich den schipper dat te kennen te gheven—but -each was reluctant to make the skipper acquainted with it. - -[1104] Vermidts dat hy hem hadde laten verluyden dat hy begeerde te -wachten—because he had given them to understand that he desired to -wait. - -[1105] Niet muytischer wyse—not in a mutinous manner. - -[1106] Want zy lieten haer gaerne ghesegghen—for they let themselves -easily be talked over. - -[1107] The corrected calculation, with declination + 17° 44′,9 and -refraction 12′,2, will give 75° 47′,9. If the sun’s lower edge was -observed, 16′ will, in this instance, have to be added to the latitude, -which thereby becomes 76° 3′,9. - -[1108] Daer deur—whereby. - -[1109] Wore. - -[1110] Van de ruyghe hoetgens—of the rough hats (felt). See page 166, -note 1. - -[1111] I.e., walking. - -[1112] Colven. See page 168, note 1. - -[1113] Sprack Willem Barentzoon den schipper aen wat der ghesellen -goeden raedt was—William Barentsz told the skipper what the crew -thought was best (to be done). - -[1114] De schuijt ende bock—the boat and yawl. Heemskerck’s first -thought, as supercargo, evidently was to save, if possible, the ship -and property entrusted to him by the owner; and by waiting till the -fine weather came and the sea was open, he hoped to be able to do this. - -[1115] Dat men veel tijts behoeven soude—because much time would be -requisite. - -[1116] Bock—yawl; it being the smaller boat of the two. - -[1117] “Thought”—Ph. - -[1118] Reckon, count. - -[1119] Dat den tijt aenquam—till the time should arrive. - -[1120] De schuyten te water soude moghen brenghen—should be able to get -the boats afloat. - -[1121] Oft eens tijdt quam dat wy wech comen mochten—if the time should -ever come when we might get away. - -[1122] Den wandt vant portael—the sides of the porch or entrance. - -[1123] Hemden—shirts. - -[1124] Die dan wederom ghetoghen van de ghenomen hoochte—which then -being taken from the observed height. This error in the original text -is corrected in the translation. - -[1125] The declination here given (correctly 20° 46′,5) is that of the -24th May; that of the 25th being 20° 57′,6. The amended calculation for -both days will be as follows:— - - May 24th May 25th. - -Observed altitude of sun 34° 46′,0 34° 46′,0 -Refraction - 1′,4 - 1′,4 - ————————————— ——————————— - 34° 44′,6 34° 44′,6 -Sun’s declination + 20° 46′,5 + 20° 57′,6 - ————————————— ——————————— -Complement φ 13° 58′,1 13° 47′,0 - ————————————— ——————————— -φ 76° 1′,9 76° 13′,0 - ————————————— ——————————— -Or, allowing for the -sun’s semi-diameter 75° 45′,9 75° 57′,0 - -Regarding the several observations of stars as well as of the sun -(except those of March 20th, April 2nd and 18th, and May 24th, which -are uncertain), as being all equally good, subject only to correction -for refraction and amended declination, the result will be 75° 57′,5. -Or, assuming that the sun’s lower edge was observed in every case, but -not allowed for (and the observations of the stars leave little room -for doubting that such must have been the case), and taking the sun’s -semi-diameter at 16′, and including also the observations of the two -stars, we have 75° 49′,5. In either case the latitude will be rather to -the south than to the north of the 76th parallel. But, as all the -latter observations of the sun were made under an erroneous impression, -and evidently with a desire that they should correspond with what was -believed to be the truth, the safest plan will be to content ourselves -with the observations of the two stars and the first observation of the -sun on February 19th, the result of which will be:— - - γ Orionis 75° 43′,0 - α Tauri 75° 47′,9 - ☉ 75° 44′,1 - —————————— - 135 - —————————— - Which gives exactly 75° 45′ as the latitude of the spot. - -[1126] Aenstaen—urgent request. - -[1127] Fock—foresail. - -[1128] De seylen—the sails. - -[1129] Eenigh loopende wandt ende trosgens ende anders meer—some -running rigging, ropes, and various other things. - -[1130] Nae de schuyt ghegaen om die ontrent het huijs te -vertimmeren—went to the boat, in order to repair it near the house. - -[1131] Burghers—burgesses, citizens; that is to say, they must consider -Novaya Zemlya as their place of permanent residence. - -[1132] De bock—the yawl. - -[1133] Vreeselijcken—frightful. - -[1134] More boldly. - -[1135] Nether, lower. - -[1136] Stucken van robben met huijt ende hayr—pieces of seals, with the -skin and hair. - -[1137] Torn. - -[1138] Niet seer kout maer doncker—not very cold, but dark. - -[1139] Bock—yawl. - -[1140] Om de bock daer mede op te boyen—wherewith to raise the gunwale -of our yawl. - -[1141] Van ons eerst de smaeck begeerden te hebben—they desired first -to have a taste of us. - -[1142] Also dat hem dit bequam als de hont de worst—so that it agreed -with her as the sausage did with the dog. This homely Dutch proverb has -already been explained in page 106, note 5. - -[1143] Mischien—perhaps. - -[1144] Den—the. - -[1145] Genoech van die sause—enough of that sauce. - -[1146] Geep. A well known fish (Belone vulgaris, Cuvier), which is -called in English by a variety of trivial names:—gar-fish, gane-fish, -sea-pike, mackerel-guide, mackerel-guard, green-bone, horn-fish, -horn-back, horn-beak, horn-bill, gore-bill, long-nose, sea-needle. -Considerable quantities are brought to the London markets in the spring -from the Kent and Sussex coasts. In Holland they are now only used as -bait for other fish. See Yarrell, History of British Fishes, vol. i, p. -393. - -[1147] Nae’t open water toe—towards the open water. - -[1148] Ende arbeyden met alle macht aen den bock—and worked with all -our might on the yawl. - -[1149] Niet seer koud—not very cold. - -[1150] Maecktense met een spiegel, om also bequamer te zijn inde zee te -ghebruijcken—made it with a square stern, in order that it might be a -better sea-boat. - -[1151] Ende maecktense also vaerdich opt bequaemste dat men mocht—and -so got it ready in the fittest manner in their power. - -[1152] Swaert (now written zwaarden), lee-boards or whiskers. These are -the boards still seen on the sides of Dutch flat-bottomed vessels, -which serve to keep them steady, and to prevent them from drifting to -leeward, when sailing with a side wind, or lying to. - -[1153] Van hoeden. See page 166, note 1. - -[1154] Ende maeckten daer presentinghen over om van een zee waters -beschermt te zijn—and placed tarpaulings over them, to protect them -(the goods) from the sea-water. - -[1155] Bock—yawl. - -[1156] Sleden—sledges. - -[1157] Dat men noch effenwel onse handen daer aen mochten slaen—so that -we could likewise grasp them with our hands. - -[1158] Om de buydenningen [buijkdenningen] in den bock ende schuyte te -maecken—to make the bottom-boards (ceiling) of the yawl and boat. - -[1159] Cleyne vaetgiens—small casks. - -[1160] Schuyten—boats. - -[1161] So mede als wy altemet int ys beset mochten werden—in order that -whenever we should be enclosed by the ice. - -[1162] Met bylen, houweelen ende allerley ghereetschap—with hatchets, -pick-axes, and all sorts of implements. - -[1163] Ys ende ysberghen—ice and icebergs. - -[1164] Met houwen, smyten, schoppen, graven ende wechwerpen—with -chopping, throwing, pushing, digging, and clearing away. - -[1165] Barbier. See page 125, note 3. - -[1166] Smote, struck. - -[1167] Ende besloten doen onderlinghen metten gemeenen maets—and they -then resolved jointly with the ship’s company. - -[1168] Brengen—to bring, to take. - -[1169] Ende heeft Willem Barentsz. te voren een cleijn cedelken -gheschreven, ende in een muskets mate ghedaen—and William Barentsz had -previously written a small scroll, and placed it in a bandoleer. - -[1170] “He”.—Ph. - -[1171] Abandon. - -[1172] Van welcke brief elcken schuyte een hadde—of which letters each -boat had one. - -[1173] Bock—yawl. - -[1174] Boat. - -[1175] Daer wy alle naersticheyt toe deden, om die so veel te berghen -alst moghelijck was—of which we took every care to preserve as much as -was possible. - -[1176] Harnas tonnen—coffers, trunks. - -[1177] Soetemelcx kaes—in modern Dutch, zoetemelksche kaas—lit. -sweet-milk cheese. This is the ordinary Dutch cheese, well known in -England, and which on a former occasion (page 124, note 11) was -described as koyenkaas. It is the produce principally of North Holland. - -[1178] Claes Andriesz.—Nicholas, the son of Andrew, or Andrewson. - -[1179] Daer als nu weynich oft geen hope toe en is—whereof there is now -little or no hope. - -[1180] End. - -[1181] Beginning. - -[1182] Dat we vast overleggen—that we considered well. - -[1183] “Or.”—Ph. - -[1184] Daerome hebbe ic met Willem Barentsz. de hoogh-bootsman ende -ander officie luyden met alle ander gasten—therefore I, with William -Barentsz. (and), the chief-boatswain and other officers, with the rest -of the crew. At first sight it might appear that William Barentsz. is -described as “hoogh-bootsman”. This is evidently the idea of the -translator, though he takes on himself to paraphrase the term by “our -pilot”. But the statement on the 20th June (page 198), that the -chief-boatswain came on board the boat in which William Barentsz. was, -just before the latter’s death, clearly proves that two different -persons are here intended: so that, in order to avoid ambiguity, a -conjunction, or at least a comma, should be inserted between the two. -From the list of the ship’s company given in page 193, it may be safely -inferred that the “chief-boatswain”, or first mate, as we should now -call him, was Pieter Pieterszoon Vos. It is he, most probably, who on -the 28th August, 1596 (page 100) is called “the other pilot”. - -[1185] It was requisite for us. - -[1186] Daer wy inden arbeyt geen hulpe af en hebben—from whom in our -work we have no help. - -[1187] Als we al schoon van dees ur af ons best deden—even if from this -moment we did our best. - -[1188] Ende int generael van ons allen onderteijcknet, gedaen ende -besloten—and in general by us all subscribed, done, and concluded. - -[1189] Hebben wijt eyndelijck verlaten—we have at length abandoned it. - -[1190] Meester Hans Vos. This is the barber-surgeon, of whom mention -has been made in page 125, note 3. The title of “meester”, representing -the Latin magister, shows that he was a member of a learned profession, -who had not improbably taken his degree of “Magister Artium -Liberalium”, at an university. In Hungary, at the present day,—as we -learn from the evidence of C. A. Noedl, on the recent trial of C. Derra -de Meroda against Dawson and others, in the notorious affair of the -Baroness von Beck,—“if a man wishes to become a surgeon, he must attend -six Latin schools [meaning, apparently, that he must keep six terms at -the High School or University], and learn to cut hair”.—Morning Post, -July 29th, 1852. - -In the journal of Captain James, printed in Mr. Rundall’s Narrative of -Voyages towards the North-West (page 199), is the following entry, -under the date of November 30th, 1631:—“Betimes, in the morning, I -caused the chirurgion to cut off my hair short, and to shave away all -the hair of my face.... The like did all the rest.” This was at a -period when, as appears from the muster-roll of Captain Waymouth’s -expedition, given in page 238 of the same volume, the rating of the -surgeon, who thus acted as barber to the ship’s company, was next after -“the preacher”, and before the master and the purser. - -[1191] The names, as here given, are neither correctly written nor -placed in the order in which they stand in the original text. They are -there ranged in six short columns of two names each, except the last, -which has only one name; but the translator has read them as if written -in two lines across the page. Correctly placed and written, the names -are as follows:— - - Iacob Heemskerck. - Willem Barentz. - Pieter Pietersz. Vos. - Gerrit de Veer. - Meester Hans Vos. - Lenaert Hendricksz. - Laurens Willemsz. - Iacob Iansz. Schiedam. - Pieter Cornelisz. - Iacob Iansz. Sterrenburch. - Ian Reyniersz. - -There were four others, who did not sign, most likely from their -inability to write, or from ill-health. - -[1192] Met ons bock ende schuijt. - -[1193] De Eylandts hoeck. - -[1194] Vier—four. The translator evidently read veel. - -[1195] Cliffs. - -[1196] Hooft-hoeck. - -[1197] Vlissingher hooft—Flushing Head. - -[1198] De Capo van Begeerte—Cape Desire. - -[1199] De Eylanden van Oraengien. - -[1200] Een geweldighen stroom—a strong current. - -[1201] Minghelen. A measure of rather more than an English quart. - -[1202] Mottich, leelich weder—nasty drizzly weather. - -[1203] Wasich—damp. - -[1204] Ys-hoeck. - -[1205] De schipper; namely, Jacob Heemskerck. - -[1206] Al wel, maet, ick hope noch te loopen eer wy te Waerhuys -comen—quite well, mate. I still hope to be able to run before we get to -Wardhuus. It is a matter of interest that the last words of such a man -as William Barentsz. should be correctly given. - -[1207] Gerrit, zijn wy ontrent den Yshoeck, soo beurt my noch eens op; -ic moet dien hoeck noch eens sien—Gerrit, if we are near the Ice Point, -just lift me up again. I must see that Point once more. The Ice Point -is the northernmost point of Novaya Zemlya (see page 24, note 4): hence -the interest felt in it by the sick man, who, in spite of his -courageous talk, was doubtless aware that he should never see it again. - -[1208] Liep ten westen—went round to the west. - -[1209] An de schotsen—to the drift ice. - -[1210] Soo vreeselijck—so frightfully. - -[1211] Stand. - -[1212] Redden—save. - -[1213] Goet raet was duer—good counsel was dear. A proverbial -expression, explained in page 165, note 2. - -[1214] Ooghenblick—instant. - -[1215] Werter geseyt—it was said (by some one). - -[1216] Een trots ofte tou aent vaste ys conden vast cryghen—could make -fast a tackle or rope to the firm ice. - -[1217] Een ghedrenckt calf goet te waghen is. This is another Dutch -proverb, which Gerrit de Veer modestly applies to himself, as -signifying that his loss would not be much felt. The translator, not -understanding the allusion or the force of the proverb, left it out; -but on the other hand he, somewhat unnecessarily, introduced in the -preceding passage the words “like to the tale of the mise”, which are -not in the original. - -[1218] Te brenghen—to carry. - -[1219] Een hoogen heuvel—a high hummock. - -[1220] Des doots kaecken—the jaws of death. - -[1221] Allen de naeden hebben wy mede moeten versien ende dicht -maecken, ende diversche presendinghe legghen—we had likewise to examine -and close all the seams, and to lay on pieces of tarpauling in various -places. - -[1222] Te landtwaert in—towards the land. - -[1223] “Up”.—Ph. - -[1224] Claes Andriesz. See page 190, note 6. - -[1225] De hoogh-bootsman—the chief boatswain. - -[1226] Bock—yawl. - -[1227] My dunckt tsal met my mede niet langhe dueren—methinks with me -too it will not last long. - -[1228] Las in mijn caertgien dat ic van onse reyse gemaect hadde—looked -at my little chart, which I had made of our voyage. - -[1229] Gerrit, geeft my eens te drincken—Gerrit, give me something to -drink. - -[1230] The words “next under God” are not in the text. - -[1231] “100.”—Ph. - -[1232] Sluijs—lock, sluice. - -[1233] Capo de Troosts—Cape Comfort. See page 22, note 4. - -[1234] The elevation of the sun, corrected for refraction, was 36° -58′,7 and its declination + 23° 29′,4; so that the elevation of the -Pole was 76° 30′,7. - -[1235] De tinnen plateelen met alle het coperwerck—the tin cans with -all the copper vessels. - -[1236] Voor ons drincken—for our drink. - -[1237] Streckinghe van’t huijs af—direction (of our course) from the -house, etc. - -[1238] Cola. A small sea-port of Russian Lapland, in the government of -Archangel, 540 miles N. of St. Petersburg. Population 1000. - -[1239] Chart. - -[1240] Het laghe landt. - -[1241] Stroom-bay. - -[1242] Yshavens hoeck. - -[1243] Eylandts hoeck. - -[1244] Vlissenger hooft—Flushing Head. - -[1245] Hooft hoeck. - -[1246] De Hoeck van Begheerten—Cape Desire. - -[1247] De Eylanden van Oraengien. - -[1248] De Yshoeck. - -[1249] Capo de Troosts—Cape Comfort. - -[1250] Capo de Nassauwen—Cape Nassau. - -[1251] “West and.”—Ph. - -[1252] Het Cruijs Eylandt. - -[1253] Willems Eylandt. - -[1254] De Swarten Hoeck—Cape Negro. See page 13. - -[1255] Het Admiraliteyts Eylandt—Admiralty Island. - -[1256] Capo Plancio—Cape Plancius. See page 219, note 4. - -[1257] Lomsbay. See page 12. - -[1258] De Staten Hoeck—States Point. - -[1259] Capo de Prior oft Langhenes. See page 11. - -[1260] Capo de Cant. See page 219. - -[1261] De Hoeck met de swarte clippen—the Point with the black cliffs. - -[1262] Het Swarte Eylandt. - -[1263] Costintsarck. See page 30, note 4. - -[1264] Constinsarck. A fatality seems to attend the spelling of this -name. - -[1265] Cruishoeck. See page 31. - -[1266] S. Laurens Bay. See page 32. - -[1267] “S.S.E.”—Ph. - -[1268] S. Lauwersbay. - -[1269] Meelhaven. See p. 33. - -[1270] De twee Eylanden. On the first voyage they were named St. Clara. -See page 34. - -[1271] Matfloo ende Delgoy. See page 36, and also note 6 in page 50. - -[1272] The true course is almost south-east. - -[1273] Inham—inlet. - -[1274] Colgoy—the Island of Kolguev. See page 35, note 2. - -[1275] Candenas—Kanin Nos. See page 38, note 3. - -[1276] De 7 Eylanden. “The Seven Islands (Sem Ostrovi) lie about 16 -leagues S.E. by S., by compass, from Tieribieri Point, and by varying -the appearance serve to distinguish this part of the coast.”—Purdy, -Sailing Directions for the Northern Ocean, p. 82. - -[1277] See page 7, note 4. - -[1278] Namely, on August 30th, 1598. - -[1279] Coel. See page 200, note 5. - -[1280] “West.”—Ph. - -[1281] Phillip has inserted here “381 miles Flemish, which is 1143 -miles Inglish”. The miles of the text are German or Dutch miles of 15 -to the degree, as is stated in page 7, note 1. - -[1282] Beyond. - -[1283] See page 92. - -[1284] Boiled. - -[1285] Matsammore. Evidently a corruption of the Spanish mazamorra, -which word, according to the Diccionario of the Royal Spanish Academy, -means “biscuit powder, or biscuit broken and rendered unserviceable; -also the pottage or food (made with bread or biscuit) which was given -to the galley-slaves”. The adoption of Spanish words by the Dutch is -accounted for in page 12, note 1. - -[1286] Foresail. - -[1287] Leyden op ons seylen toe—tried to do it with our sailes. - -[1288] Foremast. - -[1289] Arger als een gat—worse than a leak. - -[1290] Grootseyl—main-sail. - -[1291] In den grondt gheslaghen gheweest—been capsized. - -[1292] Al over boort in te loopen—to run quite over the gunwale. - -[1293] Ons ander macker—our other companion. - -[1294] Onser macker—our companion. - -[1295] Hadden zy—they had. - -[1296] Boiled. - -[1297] “17th.”—Ph. - -[1298] Jae zy waren ontelbaar—nay, they were numberless. - -[1299] Dattet op claerde—till it cleared up. - -[1300] Van de seylen een tente opgheslaghen—made a tent of our sails. - -[1301] Haghel—small shot. - -[1302] Verladen—re-load. - -[1303] Bevonden—found out; experienced. - -[1304] Swaricheyt—difficulty. - -[1305] Den bock—the yawl. - -[1306] Ibid. - -[1307] Met schuijt ende al—boat and all. - -[1308] Dat wy daer aenghemaeckt hadden—where we had added to it. - -[1309] Mast-banck—standing-thwart. - -[1310] Al de schuijt—the whole boat. - -[1311] Ondert ander ys heen—away under the other ice. - -[1312] We had entirely lost our boat. - -[1313] Boat. - -[1314] Yawl. - -[1315] Harnas ton—coffer; trunk. - -[1316] Dat deurt ys den bodem ingheschoven werdt—which was stove in by -the ice. - -[1317] Boat. - -[1318] De buijckdenningh—the bottom boards. - -[1319] “Staues.”—Ph. A misprint. - -[1320] Behouwen—hewn; i.e., laboured with an axe. - -[1321] Coockten—cooked; lit. boiled. - -[1322] De helmstock—the tiller of the rudder. - -[1323] Harnas ton—coffer; trunk. - -[1324] Verstonden—understood; became aware. - -[1325] Afloopen—run out; drain out. - -[1326] Alst gheschiet is—as it (afterwards) happened; as we afterwards -did. - -[1327] Van de schuijt af—from out of the boat. - -[1328] Jan Fransz.—John, the son of Francis. - -[1329] Claes Andriesz. See page 190, note 6. - -[1330] See page 198. - -[1331] Schoten—shot. - -[1332] Die wy op een schots ys nae dryvende, dan opraepten, ende op’t -vaste ys brachten—which we then picked up by floating after them on a -piece of drift ice, and brought upon the firm ice. - -[1333] Mottich—dirty. - -[1334] Fowls; birds. - -[1335] Maeltijt—meal; repast. - -[1336] Afgheweecken—given way. - -[1337] Voort—on; forward. - -[1338] Velden—fields. - -[1339] Uytcomst—issue. - -[1340] Floating. - -[1341] That is, in girth. - -[1342] Mottich—dirty; drizzly. - -[1343] Het Cruijs Eylandt. See page 16. - -[1344] Bergh-eenden—lit. mountain-ducks. This is the common shieldrake -or burrow-duck (Tadorna vulpanser): Gould, Birds of Europe, vol. v, pl. -357. The trivial name “Bar-gander” (bergander) is manifestly a -corruption of the Dutch name, and not of “Burrow-gander”, as has been -supposed. - -[1345] Also dattet altemet kermis was tusschen onsen smert—so that -there was sometimes a holiday in the midst of our sorrows. - -[1346] Drie minghelen—three minghelen, equal to nearly one gallon. - -[1347] Aent landt—on shore. - -[1348] Steentgiens—pebbles, or probably pieces of rock-crystal. See -page 37. - -[1349] Berch-eyndt—burrow-duck. See note 4, in the preceding page. - -[1350] Mottich—drizzly. - -[1351] In zijn huijt—in the body. - -[1352] Scarcely. - -[1353] Smote; struck. - -[1354] Hoe langher hoe meer ons begaven—failed us more and more. - -[1355] Ende dat ons voort aen tselvige niet meer gemoeten soude—and -that thenceforth the same would not happen to us again. - -[1356] “200.”—Ph. - -[1357] Grooter—greater. - -[1358] Recht voort laecken met een goeden voortgangh—right before the -wind, at a good rate. - -[1359] Een doorgaende coelte—a steady breeze. - -[1360] In elck eetmael—in every four-and-twenty hours. See page 88, -note 5. - -[1361] Phillip here adds, “to bring our voyage to an end”. - -[1362] Hebbende noch die heerlijcke voortgang—making still the same -good speed. - -[1363] Den Swarten Hoeck—Cape Negro. See page 13. - -[1364] Het Admiraliteyts Eylandt—Admiralty Island. See page 13. - -[1365] Dear. - -[1366] Zee-monsters. De Veer knew better than to call the walrus a -fish. - -[1367] Boats. - -[1368] Capo Plancio—Cape Plancius. This headland is not anywhere named -in the account of the first voyage, though it appears in the chart of -Lomsbay. - -[1369] Admiralty Island. - -[1370] Heerlijck—splendid. - -[1371] Aldus nock een goeden voortgangh hebbende—making still rapid -progress. - -[1372] Capo de Cant. - -[1373] Clip—cliff. - -[1374] Die moy deurgaende wint—that fine steady breeze. - -[1375] The habits of these birds are not much altered by the presence -of men, or else they would not be called foolish Guillemots. See page -12, note 3. - -[1376] Cliffs. - -[1377] Hatch. - -[1378] Van daer af staecken—put off from thence. - -[1379] Weather it. - -[1380] Laveering. - -[1381] Moy openinge—A fine opening. - -[1382] Daer in seylden—sailed in that direction. - -[1383] Openinge—opening. - -[1384] Coockten—boiled. - -[1385] Mottich—dirty. - -[1386] Te landtwaerts in—towards the land. - -[1387] Steentgiens—pebbles. - -[1388] This calculation is altogether erroneous. The sun’s declination -on July 24th, 1598, was + 19° 47′,1; so that, with the observed height -(corrected for refraction), the elevation of the Pole was only 72° -28′,3. - -[1389] Several. - -[1390] T’zeewaert in—to seawards. - -[1391] Round. - -[1392] Against. - -[1393] Struck, lowered. - -[1394] Een gheweldigen stroom—a powerful current. - -[1395] Constinsarck. - -[1396] That is to say, the Sea of Kara. If it be an ascertained fact, -that there is not here any passage eastward through Novaya Zemlya, this -current must come from around the back of the Meyduscharski Island. But -its existence, and the inference which was not unreasonably drawn from -it, sufficiently explain why this passage has been called a schar, and -not a salma. See page 30, note 4. - -[1397] De Cruijs-hoeck. See page 31. - -[1398] Cliffs. - -[1399] S. Laurens Bay, ofte Schans hoeck. See page 32. - -[1400] See page 33, note 6. - -[1401] On duytsche—un-Dutch. - -[1402] So veel alsser onser mochten van de sieckte—as many of us as -were able on account of our illness. - -[1403] De scheurbuijck—the scurvy. - -[1404] See page 56. - -[1405] Over ons ontset oft becommert waren—confused or concerned about -us. - -[1406] Ontstelt—miserable. - -[1407] In de Weygats—in the Weygats. See page 27, note 4. - -[1408] Crabble: intended for the Russian korabl, a ship. - -[1409] Crabble pro pal. The correct question and answer in Russian -would be: Propal korabl?—is the ship lost? Korabl propal—the ship is -lost. - -[1410] Made signs. - -[1411] In soo soberen staet—in so poor a condition. - -[1412] Boat. - -[1413] No dobbre. The correct Russian is nyet dobre—not good. These -Russian seamen appear to have made use of a sort of lingua franca, half -Russian, half English, which is still common among the persons of their -class, having been acquired from their converse with English traders to -the White Sea. - -[1414] Van den schuerbuijck—with the scurvy. See page 152, note 3. - -[1415] Lodgien: intended for the Russian word, lodyi—boats. - -[1416] “Smored.”—Ph. A misprint. - -[1417] Muschuijt (for bischuyt)—biscuits. - -[1418] Een minghelen—about the third part of a gallon. - -[1419] Boiled some of our biscuit. - -[1420] Namely, at Bear Island, on the 1st of July, 1596. See page 85. - -[1421] Verscheurende—ravenous. - -[1422] Alsoo dat—so that. - -[1423] Cinghel—shingle; beach. - -[1424] Aldus aent eylandt ligghende—lying thus by the island. - -[1425] The Strait of Nassau. See page 27, note 4. - -[1426] Lepel-bladeren—spoon-wort or scurvy grass (Cochlearia -officinalis), once in great repute as an antiscorbutic. - -[1427] Jae meest al van de scheurbuijck alsoo gheplaecht waren, dat wy -naulijch voorts mochten, ende deur dese lepelbladeren vry wat bequaem, -want het hielp ons so merckelijcken ende haestich, dat wy ons selfs -verwonderden—yea, most of us were so afflicted with the scurvy that we -could scarcely move, and by means of this spoon-wort we were much -recovered; for it helped us so remarkably and so speedily, that we -ourselves were astonished. - -[1428] Ran very high. - -[1429] See note 3 in the preceding page. - -[1430] The almost instantaneous effect of a change of diet, and -particularly of the use of fresh vegetables, in the cure of scurvy, has -been noticed on numerous occasions. - -[1431] Patientie was ons voorlandt—lit. patience was our fore-land, -that is to say, what we had constantly before us. - -[1432] Want wy haddent al overgheset ende adieu gheseyt—for we had -quite crossed over and bidden it adieu. - -[1433] Struck, lowered. - -[1434] Ende royden also deurt ys heen—and thus rowed forward through -the ice. - -[1435] De ruyme zee—the open sea. - -[1436] Bock—Yawl. - -[1437] To weather. - -[1438] Boat. - -[1439] Yawl. - -[1440] Weathered. - -[1441] Als hyt van buyten om seylde—while he was rounding it on the -outside. - -[1442] Struck, lowered. - -[1443] The point where they thus reached the Russian coast would seem -to be in about 55 E. long., on the eastern side of the mouth of the -Petchora. - -[1444] Een Russche jolle—a Russian yawl. - -[1445] Boven op haer jolle—on the deck of their yawl. - -[1446] Candinaes—Kanin Nos; the cape at the eastern side of the -entrance to the White Sea. See page 38, note 3. - -[1447] Pitzora—the river Petchora. See page 55, note 3. - -[1448] Daert seer droogh was—where it was very shallow. - -[1449] We have here a convincing proof that they were no longer under -the able guidance of William Barentsz. For this reason it has, since -the time of his death, been deemed unnecessary to attempt to fix the -hour of the day by the recorded bearing of the sun, as had been done -previously. - -[1450] Ende bevondt datter groente was, met sommighe cleyne -boomkens—and found verdure there with a few small trees. - -[1451] Wilt te schieten—game (for us) to shoot. - -[1452] Wat schummelt broodt—a little mouldy bread. - -[1453] Also dat—so that. - -[1454] Den inham—the bay or inlet; namely, the estuary of the river -Petchora. - -[1455] This was the promontory on the western side of the Petchora -estuary. - -[1456] Hadde deerlijck sien moghen helpen—if looking deplorable could -have helped us. - -[1457] Verdriet—sorrow. - -[1458] Ende—and. - -[1459] ’t laghe landt henen—along the low land. - -[1460] Een baeck staen daer een stroom by uyt liep—a beacon standing, -by which there ran a current. - -[1461] Daer deur wy vermoeden datter de cours was daer de Russen heenen -quamen, tusschen Candinas ende ’tvaste landt van Ruslandt—whence we -concluded that it was the course taken by the Russians between -Kanin-Nos and the main-land of Russia. - -[1462] Zee-robbe—seal. - -[1463] De schuyten—the boats. - -[1464] Een goedt wiltbraedt—lit. a good venison. - -[1465] Dat wy ons noch liever lyden souden, want Godt de Heere die—that -we should rather make shift without it; for the Lord God, who.... - -[1466] Maer opt onversienste helpen—but help us when least foreseen. - -[1467] Mottich—dirty. - -[1468] Forced. - -[1469] Bock—yawl. - -[1470] Schuijt—boat. - -[1471] Dicht aent strandt—close to the shore. - -[1472] Lodja or boat. - -[1473] Seylen—sail. - -[1474] Om de schuyten inde diepte te cryghen—to get the boats into deep -water. - -[1475] A Spanish dollar, of eight reals. - -[1476] Boiled. - -[1477] Vier—four. - -[1478] Soo wel de minste als de meest—the lowest as well as the -highest. - -[1479] There must be some mistake here. When the sun set on the 12th of -August, in latitude 68° N., his azimuth was 46° 37′,7 W., which would -give a variation of 35° 22′,7, or more than 3 points W. Perhaps N.N.W. -should be read, instead of N. by W.; which would make the variation to -have been about 2 points W. It is, however, to be feared that but -little dependance can be placed on the observations made during the -return voyage, after the death of Willem Barentsz. - -[1480] Jolle—yawl. - -[1481] Lepelbladeren—spoon-wort. See page 226, note 3. - -[1482] Opghebluckt—plucked. - -[1483] Een moy coeltgen—a nice breeze. - -[1484] Meant; intended. Misprinted “went”. - -[1485] This point, which they mistook for “Candinaes”, or Kanin Nos, -was apparently Cape Barmin, on the east side of Tcheskaya Bay, over -which they now proceeded to cross, under the impression that it was the -White Sea. - -[1486] Wat wy malcanderen mochten mede deelen—that we could divide -between us. - -[1487] Nae Ruslandt toe. This is a mistake in the original. The coast -of Norway or Lapland is meant. - -[1488] Wy ons seijl streecken, ende namen een riff oft twee in—we -lowered our sail and took in a reef or two. - -[1489] Onse maets die wat styver onder seijl waren—our comrades, who -stood somewhat better under sail. - -[1490] Aendt Noordtsche cust over de Witte Zee—on the coast of Norway, -on the other side of the White Sea. - -[1491] Koelte—breeze. - -[1492] Vry wat—a good deal. As the sun’s azimuth at his rising was 49° -56′,5 W., the variation would be 17° 33′,5 or about 1½ points W. This, -as compared with the observation of the 12th August, as recorded, shows -a considerable difference. But, as is remarked in the note on that -observation, the error is more likely to be on that than on the present -occasion. - -[1493] Koelte—breeze. - -[1494] Een moye coelte—a nice breeze. - -[1495] They had here reached the western side of Tcheskaya Bay. - -[1496] Boats. - -[1497] Kilduijn. See page 7, note 1. - -[1498] Zy smeten haer handen van een—they spread their hands out. - -[1499] Gantsch in een inham beset—quite inclosed in a bay or creek. -They would seem to have here been at the north-western corner of -Tcheskaya Bay. - -[1500] Vraeghen wy haer nae Sembla de Cool—we asked them after Sembla -de Cool. By this jargon, which is here a compound of Russian and -Spanish, the Dutch seamen desired to obtain information respecting “the -country of Kola”, in Lapland. - -[1501] Dattet Sembla de Candinas was—that it was Sembla de Candinas; -i.e., Kanineskaya Zemlya. - -[1502] Om deur dat gat te comen daer zy voor lagen—to get through the -passage, before which they lay. - -[1503] Weder aen haer schip—back to their ship. - -[1504] Onderrechten—to instruct; to give information. - -[1505] Caerte—chart. - -[1506] Waren beducht—were alarmed. - -[1507] Bock—yawl. - -[1508] Nu wy 22 mylen al over de zee waren geseylt—now that we had -sailed 22 miles right across the sea. - -[1509] Onse mackers—our companions. - -[1510] Gat—passage. - -[1511] Het cleyne lodtgien—the little lodja or boat. - -[1512] Onviel hem n. w.—turned to the N.W. This must have been Cape -Mikalkin, the S.E. cape of Kanineskaya Zemlya. - -[1513] Stroom—tide. - -[1514] Boiled. - -[1515] Datter kersmis was—that it was Christmas. It is kermis, which -means a festival or fair-day. See page 39, note 2. - -[1516] Onse ander maets—our other companions. - -[1517] Bescheyt—information. - -[1518] Soo beduyden zijt ons noch bet—they explained it better to us. - -[1519] Dattet mede sodanighen open schuijt was—that it was a similar -open boat. - -[1520] Hadden—had; obtained. - -[1521] Hooghbootsman—the chief-boatswain, or first mate. - -[1522] Volck—people. - -[1523] See page 226, note 3. - -[1524] Ende als wy meenden voort te varen, so moesten wy daer blyven -liggen, want den stroom verloopen was—and when we intended to proceed -on our voyage, we were forced to remain lying there, because the tide -had run out. - -[1525] Werp-ancker—kedge. - -[1526] Schemeringe van eenige cruycen—the faint images of some crosses. - -[1527] Desen hoeck is een kenlijcken hoeck met 5 cruycen daer op, ende -datmen perfect can sien hoese aen beyden syden omvalt, aen de eene zyde -int z. o. ende d’ander zyde int z. w.—this point is a conspicuous one, -having on it five crosses, and the direction of it on either side is -perfectly discernible; it being on the one side towards the S.E., and -on the other side towards the S.W. - -[1528] Die wy niet dienden te versuymen—which it would not do for us to -neglect. - -[1529] Ende maeckten een afsteecker ontrent de son n. w.—we took our -departure when the sun was about N.W. - -[1530] An hour and a half. - -[1531] Dat dit een ander clippich lant was—that it was another rocky -shore. - -[1532] Met weynich geberchte—with few mountains. - -[1533] Made sure. - -[1534] Waerders—cautions; directions. - -[1535] Dat daer een goede reede was—that there was a good roadstead -there. - -[1536] Lodja or boat. - -[1537] So maeckten wy ons daer vast—we anchored there. - -[1538] Zy leyden ons in haer stoven—they led us into their rooms. In -Dutch, as in German, a room heated by a stove or oven is called by the -name of the latter, stove or stube. - -[1539] Coocten ons een sode visch, ende nooden ons seer -hertelijck—cooked us a dish of fish, and made us right welcome. - -[1540] Visch tot visch—lit. fish with fish; i.e., nothing but fish. - -[1541] Overschot—remains. - -[1542] Wy ... ons heel ontsetteden—we were quite astonished. - -[1543] Cocht—bought. - -[1544] Coockten—cooked. - -[1545] Lepel bladeren—spoon-wort or scurvy-grass. See page 226, note 3. - -[1546] Te becomen—to procure; to obtain. - -[1547] Onversiens—unprepared. - -[1548] Om daer eten voor te coopen—to buy victuals therewith. - -[1549] Ende gedroncken van den claren, als in den Rhijn voorby Colen -loopt—and drank of the pure article, such as flows past Cologne in the -Rhine. There is here a play on the word clar, which signifies “clear”, -“pure”, but is applied to spirits as well as to water. In common life, -een glaasje klare means “glass of neat Hollands gin”. - -[1550] Ons ander maets—our other comrades. - -[1551] Een goeden drincpennick—a handsome present: lit. a good -drink-penny. - -[1552] Den cock mede betaelt—also paid the cook. - -[1553] Den bock—the yawl. - -[1554] See page 203, note 4. - -[1555] Also wy goeden voortgang hadden—as we were making good way. - -[1556] Met goeden voortgangh seylende, quamen wy ontrent de z. w. son -verby de selvige eylanden langs de wal henen, onder eenighe visschers -die na ons toe royden—making good speed, we passed the said islands -about south-west sun, and sailed along the coast among some fishermen, -who rowed towards us. - -[1557] Crabble propal. See page 224. - -[1558] Tot Cool Brabanse crable. A mixture of Dutch and Russian, -meaning “at Kola there are Brabant ships”. The correct Russian is -v’Kolye Brabantskyie korabli. Before the independence of the northern -provinces, the entire Netherlands were under the rule of the Dukes of -Brabant; and as the Dutch vessels trading to the northern coasts of -Europe had first come there under the Brabant flag, the Russians not -unnaturally continued to attach the name of Brabant to them in common -with other Netherlandish vessels. - -[1559] Waerhuysen. See page 39, note 1. - -[1560] Dat de Russen oft Grootvorst ep haer grensen ons eenich verlet -soude doen—that the Russians or (their) Grand Prince might do us some -injury on their frontiers. - -[1561] Boats. - -[1562] Wat te lantwaerts ingegaen—going a little way on shore. - -[1563] “We.”—Ph. - -[1564] Wy meenden dat se telckemael de schuyten in den gront gesmeten -souden hebben—we thought that each wave would have swamped the boats. - -[1565] Twee clippen—two cliffs or rocks. - -[1566] Twee realen van achten. This, though incorrect, was an usual -expression in Dutch. It means, properly, two Spanish dollars of eight -reals. - -[1567] Nam een roer mede—took a musket with him. - -[1568] Ende trocken noch teghen den nae nacht op ter loop—and set off -before break of day—lit. towards the after-night. - -[1569] Om dat wat te verluchten—to air them a little. - -[1570] Spyse—food. - -[1571] Quas. The well-known Russian drink. Dr. Giles Fletcher, -ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor Fedor in 1588, describes -it as “a thin drinke called Quasse, which is nothing else (as we say) -but water turned out of his wits, with a little bran meashed with -it.”—Purchas, vol. iii, p. 459. - -[1572] Blauwe-besyen met Braem-besyen—bilberries and blackberries. The -latter are probably the Moroschka—cloudberries, or fruit of the -mountain-bramble (Rubus chamœmorus),—the gathering and preparation of -which by the females of Kola are described by Lütke, in page 223 of his -oft-cited work. - -[1573] Scheurbuyck—scurvy. See page 152, note 2. - -[1574] Wy daer een lager wal hadden—we there had a lee shore. - -[1575] Phillip substitutes for this the words “this having done”. - -[1576] D’ander vast aenquamen—the others were fast approaching. - -[1577] De schuyten qualijck van den wal conden houden, dat se met in -stucken ghesmeten werden—could scarcely keep the boats from going on -shore, and thereby being dashed to pieces. - -[1578] Seer beducht—much alarmed. - -[1579] Datse in sulcken weer ende reghen aende legher wal verblyven -moesten—that in such wind and rain they should have had to lie under a -lee shore. - -[1580] See page 249, note 4. - -[1581] Met lijtsaemheyt verhopende—hoping with resignation. - -[1582] Ende de saecke dien dach opghevende—and giving the matter up for -that day. - -[1583] Meant. - -[1584] In beducht—in fear. - -[1585] Dat wy al lange om den hals gecomen waren—that we had lost our -lives long ago. - -[1586] Over onse comste—of our arrival. - -[1587] Jan Cornelisz. Rijp. See page 71. - -[1588] See page 85. - -[1589] Zijn beloofde penningen—his promised reward: lit. pence. - -[1590] Clothes. - -[1591] Ghenoech in behouden haven—sufficiently in a safe port. - -[1592] Dat wy tot malcanderen seyde, hy moet kunsgens kunnen—so that we -said to one another, he must know some (conjuring) tricks. - -[1593] Daer heb ick zijn hant noch wel—there I certainly still have his -handwriting. - -[1594] Een jol—a yawl. - -[1595] Rostwijcker-bier. A strong beer brewed at Roswick, a town of -Sweden, in West Bothnia. - -[1596] Brandewijn—spirits distilled from malt; common Hollands gin. - -[1597] Een stuck ghelts—some money. - -[1598] Mettet hoochste water—at high water; at the top of the tide. - -[1599] “The entrance to Kola, which by some is most incorrectly called -a river, is one of those bays to which the English apply the -designation of Inlet or Frith.”—Lütke, p. 225. - -[1600] De soutketen—the salt-works. The buildings in which the -manufacture of salt is carried on are called in Dutch keten. - -[1601] Daer wy eens overclommen ende droncken daer eens—into which we -clambered up, and there had something to drink. - -[1602] Den elfden dag—on the eleventh day. This would seem to have been -the eleventh day after their arrival, or after the 3rd of September, -rather than the 11th of the month. Reckoned exclusively of that day, it -would have been the 14th of September; and it is reasonable to suppose -that they would not have parted with their boats till they had found a -Russian lodja to receive them. - -[1603] Den Bayaert—the boyard; a Russian title, signifying a nobleman, -great man, or chief. - -[1604] Int coopmans huys. This is a literal translation of the Russian -gostinuy dvor’, which is a collection of shops, corresponding to the -bazar of the Persians. It is usually, but not invariably, situated in -or near the market-place. - -[1605] Lieten die daer staen—left them there. - -[1606] Veel—much. - -[1607] Dat metter tijt gheschieden moeste—which required some time. - -[1608] De Maes—the river Maas or Meuse. - -[1609] Maeslantsluys. A town on the river Maas, opposite the Briel. - -[1610] Reysde also deur Delft, den Haech ende Haerlem—thence travelled -through Delft, the Hague, and Haerlem. - -[1611] Bonte mutsen van witte vossen—white fox-skin caps. - -[1612] Een van de bewinthebbers der stadt van Amstelredam gheweest was, -tot uytrustinge van de twee schepen—who had been one of the managers, -on behalf of the town of Amsterdam, for fitting out the two ships. - -[1613] Int Princen Hof. This was formerly the Court of Admiralty at -Amsterdam. But when the Town-House was given as a palace to Louis -Napoleon, then King of Holland, the Prinzen Hof was converted into the -Town-House, which it still is. - -[1614] Aldaer op die tijdt mijn E. Heeren den Cancelier ende -Ambassadeur van den Allerdoorluchtichsten Coninck van Dennemarcken, -Noorweghen, Gotten ende Wenden over tafel sadt—where the noble lords, -the chancellor and the ambassador from the most illustrious King of -Denmark, Norway, Goths and Vandals, were then at table. In the original -there is not a word about Prince Maurice and the Hague. - -[1615] Mijn Heer de Schout ende twee Heeren van der stadt—master -sheriff and two gentlemen of the town (i.e., town-councillors). - -[1616] Den voornoemde Heere Ambassadeur—the said lord ambassador. - -[1617] Onse reysen ende wedervaren—our voyages and adventures. - -[1618] Phillip here inserts the word “dangerous”. - -[1619] The names will be here repeated, for the purpose of giving them -correctly, and also showing those who died during the voyage:— - - Iacob Heemskerck, Supercargo and Skipper. - † Willem Barentsz., Pilot (died June 20th, 1597). - Pieter Pietersz. Vos. - Gerrit de Veer. - M. Hans Vos, Barber-surgeon. - † Name unknown, Carpenter (died September 23rd, 1596). - Iacob Iansz. Sterrenburgh. - Lenaert Heyndricksz. - Laurens Willemsz. - Ian Hillebrantsz. - Iacob Iansz. Hooghwout. - Pieter Cornelisz. - Ian van Buysen Reyniersz. - Iacob Evertsz. - † Name unknown (died January 27th, 1597). - † Claes Andriesz. (died June 20th, 1597). - † Ian Fransz. (died July 5th, 1597). - -[1620] Referred to in page cvi of the Introduction. - -[1621] This heading must have been written by Henry Hudson, and not by -Hakluyt, as would at first sight appear. - -[1622] De Veer (p. 55) writes this name Mermare. 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