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diff --git a/old/63671-0.txt b/old/63671-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2b6e279..0000000 --- a/old/63671-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1432 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Conservation Archaeology of the -Richland/Chambers Dam and Reser, by L. Mark Raab and Randall W. Moir - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Conservation Archaeology of the Richland/Chambers Dam and Reservoir - -Author: L. Mark Raab - Randall W. Moir - -Release Date: November 7, 2020 [EBook #63671] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CONSERVATION ARCHAEOLOGY--RICHLAND DAM *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - CONSERVATION ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE RICHLAND/CHAMBERS DAM AND RESERVOIR - - - PRODUCED BY - Archaeology Research Program - Department of Anthropology - Southern Methodist University - - WITH FUNDS PROVIDED BY - Tarrant County Water Control and - Improvement District Number 1 - - _written by:_ - L. Mark Raab - and - Randall W. Moir - - _typesetting by:_ - James E. Bruseth - - _graphic layout by:_ - Chris Christopher - - 1981 - - - - - CONSERVATION ARCHAEOLOGY - - -_Archaeology_[1] has a number of popular stereotypes usually involving -expeditions to remote parts of the Earth in search of ancient tombs, -lost cities or long-extinct races of Man. The _archaeologist_ is seen -working a “dig” for years, looking for bits of bone or stone of little -importance to anyone but other scientists. - -In reality, however, archaeology departs from this picture considerably. -Many modern archaeologists work in their own communities on projects -that include things familiar to most of us. The scope of their studies -may range from 10,000 year old American Indian _sites_ to early -twentieth century farms. Excavations are carried out with the aid of -tools, including small dental instruments, large earth-moving machines, -and electronic computers. Often, archaeologists do not dig at all, but -gather information from maps, photographs, written histories, and living -informants. In fact, more time by far is spent working on _artifacts_ in -a laboratory, and especially in writing reports of excavations, than is -spent in the field. Even more surprising, many archaeologists today work -in cooperation with private and governmental agencies to protect -archaeological remains, as required by state and federal laws. A -specialized field of archaeology, called _public_ or _conservation -archaeology_, has come into existence in the last twenty years to meet -this need. - -The archaeological studies in the Richland Creek Reservoir area are a -good example of conservation archaeology in action. This report explains -what the Richland Creek Archaeological Project (RCAP) is, how it works, -and what it has accomplished thus far. Above all, the report tries to -show why conservation of our archaeological heritage is important to us -all, and to future generations. - -A series of archaeological studies are planned for the Richland-Chambers -Dam and Reservoir area near Corsicana, Texas (Figure 1). The first phase -of those studies was carried out during 1980-81. The Tarrant County -Water Control and Improvement District Number 1, developer of the -Reservoir, employed Southern Methodist University[2] to conduct -archaeological studies. Like other construction projects requiring state -and federal permits, the Reservoir cannot be completed unless state and -federal laws pertaining to archaeological and historical sites are -adhered to. Since 1906, several federal and state laws have been enacted -to protect important archaeological sites. Particularly during the last -two decades, these laws have defined archaeological remains as an -important cultural resource that should be conserved for future -generations. - -In recent decades legislators and the public have come to realize that -the expansion of our urban-industrial society is rapidly destroying the -_archaeological resources_ of the country. In many regions of the United -States this destruction has reached crisis proportions. Experts point -out that within another generation, given current rates of resource -destruction from industry, agriculture, and other land-modification -projects, intact archaeological resources will virtually cease to exist -within large areas of the nation. - -Archaeological resources are fragile and nonrenewable. Much of the -scientific value of archaeological resources is lost if they cannot be -studied in an undisturbed _context_. Objects excavated from a site have -little meaning unless they can be related to specific soil layers -(_stratigraphy_) and other evidence of former activities of people, such -as hearths, trash deposits, house remains and other _features_. Any -activity that disturbs the soil may destroy this context. - - [Illustration: Fig. 1. Richland-Chambers Dam and Reservoir, Navarro - and Freestone Counties, Texas.] - - RICHLAND-CHAMBERS DAM - _Chambers Creek_ - _Richland Creek_ - _Trinity River_ - NAVARRO COUNTY - CORSICANA - NAVARRO - RICHLAND - FREESTONE COUNTY - INTERSTATE HIGHWAY 45 - US HIGHWAY 287 - US HIGHWAY 75 - -The primary objective of archaeologists working in _cultural resource -management_ is _archaeological conservation_. As in the case of other -non-renewable natural resources, the emphasis is on resource -preservation. In the case of archaeological sites, that means digging as -a last resort. The first priority of the conservation archaeologist is -to preserve in an intact state a reasonable number of archaeological -sites for future generations of scientists and the public. Sometimes -sites can be preserved by selecting a construction design which avoids -them. In other instances adverse impact is unavoidable—a case in which -excavations are carried out to recover scientific information contained -in the sites prior to their destruction. Recovery of this information is -one way of conserving the resource. Preservation through _data recovery_ -will be required in the Reservoir, and will be the focus of work in -years to come. - - - ARCHAEOLOGISTS AT WORK - -One way of understanding the RCAP is to look at how archaeologists work. -People frequently ask what is an archaeological site? How do you find -sites? How do you excavate and what do you look for? What do you do with -the things that you collect? - -During 1980-81, an _archaeological survey_ (Figure 2) was completed in -the project area. During the survey, an effort was made to develop the -most complete inventory possible of _prehistoric_ and _historic_ sites. -Sites were recorded by examining the entire project area on foot, -consulting landowners, amateur archaeologists, written records, museum -collections, aerial photographs, and other sources of information. No -survey could guarantee discovery of every archaeological site, but every -effort was made to construct a representative picture of the -archaeological resources in the project. Next, limited-scale excavations -(_testing_) were conducted on a sample of sites that were thought to -contain information best suited to answering specific scientific -questions. Once more, the intent was not to dig every site, but to -understand a representative sample of archaeological resources within -the project. - -Archaeologists find sites by a variety of means. Naturally, how one -defines an archaeological site has an important bearing on what is -considered as representative. In the Reservoir, a site was defined as -any evidence of past human occupation, predating 1930. The 1930 cut-off -date reflects a legal definition of sites in the National Register of -Historic places, a federal office that records important historical and -archaeological properties. To be eligible for inclusion in the Register, -a site must generally be at least 50 years old, and must meet a number -of other criteria. Applying this definition to archaeological sites, -they may be as different as isolated pieces of prehistoric stone tools -and an early twentieth century farm house. Why such concern for these -seemingly isolated tools or for dwellings that are so recent? One of the -things that archaeologists have learned is that sometimes bits of -information that are incomprehensible taken one at a time form -meaningful patterns when many pieces are put together. - -For example, it has been learned that when isolated _projectile points_ -dropped by prehistoric hunters are plotted on a map, their distribution -may correlate with patterns of vegetation or topography, giving clues -about the kinds of animals that they were hunting and the size of their -hunting territories. More recent things, such as old farm houses, are -worth recording because, as we discuss later, they represent the -remnants of a way of life that is largely gone from rural Texas. In -another generation these buildings, so familiar as to escape notice by -most of us, will be gone for the most part, victims of decay, vandalism, -and land modification. To future generations, these “artifacts” will be -of as much interest as nineteenth century houses are to us today. There -is a danger that what is so common to us will fail to be recorded. -Contrary to what many suppose, the rather common aspects of early -twentieth century Texas culture are most in danger of being lost without -adequate record. Often histories and other documents reflect the lives -and architecture of the wealthy and well-known rather than the common -people. Still, the buildings and farms of the latter reflect distinctive -regional styles, and tell us many interesting things about the lives of -the people who built and lived in them. - - [Illustration: Fig. 2. Members of the Richland Creek Archaeological - Project inspecting the banks of Richland Creek for archaeological - remains. The project area was examined by teams of archaeologists - for prehistoric and historic archaeological resources.] - -Once we know what we are looking for, actually finding sites requires a -variety of methods. The most effective technique is the trained observer -walking over the ground. Prehistoric sites, that is sites occupied prior -to written history in the project area (about A.D. 1650), can be found -by observing distinctive bits of stone (_debitage_) produced during -manufacture and use of stone tools. Before contact with Europeans, the -Indians of Texas had no metals for making tools, and relied upon stone -for many kinds of implements. In other instances, pieces of prehistoric -pottery (_potsherds_), animal bone or shell, or stained soil deposits -(_middens_) signal prehistoric sites. Many of these clues are easily -overlooked except by a trained archaeologist. - -In addition to ground survey, aerial photographs and geological studies -may be helpful in finding sites. In the RCAP, for example, a soils -scientist studied the geological history of the project area, and was -able to give the archaeologists a good idea where and how deeply -archaeological sites might be buried. One of the most valuable means of -locating archaeological sites was talking to local people and amateur -archaeologists. Many of these people are keen observers and reported the -location of many prehistoric and historic sites. - -Excavating sites is a complex task. There is no single technique for -digging. The kinds of methods employed vary from excavation of _test -pits_ or _trenches_ with shovels and trowels, to making larger exposures -with heavy equipment. Sometimes the shape and placement of these -excavations is determined by statistical sampling considerations; and -they are always conditioned by the specific information that the -archaeologist hopes to get from a site. That is really the most -important point: excavations are aimed at recovering information, not -things per se. As we pointed out earlier in the mention of -archaeological context, artifacts have little meaning taken out of their -setting. This fact creates one of the most striking aspects of an -archaeological excavation to many people. There is a tremendous amount -of record keeping that goes on in a dig—maps of the site and of the test -pit walls (_profiles_), sheets describing artifacts and soil -characteristics, photographs and many others (Figure 3). The object is -to keep enough records that, if necessary, the archaeological site could -be reconstructed in detail. A parallel set of record keeping comes into -play, too, once things from the field reach the archaeological lab. - -The demanding nature of excavation is a good reason why the untrained -should not attempt to excavate sites. Without proper controls, digging -can only result in loss of archaeological resources. Those who are -interested in learning proper archaeological methods can contact -organizations listed at the end of this report (Appendix I). - -People invariably want to know what happens to the things that are -collected by archaeologists. Do archaeologists add artifacts to their -private collections, for example? Among professional archaeologists, -keeping of private collections is actively discouraged. The reason for -this is that archaeological remains are considered a scientific and -public resource that should not be held for personal reasons. As -scientists, archaeologists are interested in artifacts as sources of -information rather than as objects with intrinsic value. All artifacts -collected in the Reservoir, as is the case with all conservation -archaeology projects, will be stored in permanent institutional -repositories, where they can be studied by future generations of -scientists. Also, plans are underway to return some of this material to -the local area in the form of a museum display, for the benefit of the -public. - - [Illustration: Fig. 3. A test pit being excavated in a site within - the Richland Project. Note the square pit walls, and screening for - artifacts. Many kinds of records are kept during digging.] - - - - - THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE RICHLAND-CHAMBERS RESERVOIR - - - _PREHISTORIC PAST_ - -Recent studies suggest that humans have occupied North America for at -least 20,000 years. These prehistoric Indians were the first people to -live in North America, probably entering the New World first by way of a -great land bridge between what is now Siberia and Alaska. True pioneers, -they entered a vast land that had never before contained humans. Once in -the New World, their culture developed over thousands of years into -several successive stages and spread over the whole of North America and -into South America. In the United States the development of prehistoric -American Indian cultures is a fascinating story of a people’s -increasingly complex culture and adaptations to the wealth of natural -resources offered by our continent. Since this development occurred -before these people developed systems of writing, their history is -available to us only through archaeology and other sciences. Without an -effort to understand this story, the history of a whole people will -disappear without record. - -The peopling of the New World represents a kind of huge laboratory for -understanding how human societies develop over long periods of time. -Since the first people in North America entered a new land that did not -contain human competitors except themselves, we can study the -development of their culture over thousands of years in a relatively -simple frame of analysis. Archaeologists currently recognize four basic -culture stages of prehistoric Indian development in North America. These -stages are represented, in varying ways and degrees, by the archaeology -of the Richland-Chambers project. - - - _The Paleo-Indian Stage_ - (_18,000 to 8000 B.C._) - -Since 1925, when flint spear points were found embedded in the bones of -a kind of long-extinct bison, scientists have known that Native -Americans lived in this country for tens-of-thousands of years. We call -these people the “Paleo” Indians, after the Greek word for ancient, to -refer to the oldest inhabitants of this continent. Intriguing as these -people are, however, we understand little about them because we have -found few traces of their habitations. The most distinctive trait of -these people is chipped stone spear points with characteristic “flutes,” -or long flake scars, on their surfaces (probably helping to lash the -spear point to a shaft). These are unlike anything made by their -descendants over the thousands of years to follow. Beautifully made, -these artifacts are obviously stone tools of hunters, who depended on -their weapons for a livelihood (Figure 4). - -At first, it appears that the population grew slowly in the -newly-inhabited continent of North America. The people in this period -were apparently nomadic, frequently moving in search of game animals, -seasonal plant foods and raw materials. Since there were not many of -them, and they moved frequently, they did not leave many remains for the -archaeologist to find. In the project area, only the base portion of a -fluted point has been found but this artifact is an unmistakable but -faint clue to the presence of Paleo-Indian inhabitants. With further -work, more evidence may come to light. As matters now stand, we -understand little of these people’s economy, religion, society, -settlement pattern and other things that made up their culture. - - [Illustration: Fig. 4. Drawing of a Paleo-Indian fluted point - (Clovis type).] - - - _The Archaic Stage_ - (_8000 B.C. to A.D. 1?_) - -Following the Paleo-Indian stage of cultural development, we know that -population continued to grow steadily over thousands of years. We know -this trend occurred because we find many more sites. In the project -area, for example, we find that about half of all prehistoric sites that -can be related to a cultural stage are from the Archaic stage (over 300 -prehistoric sites were recorded during 1980-81). Even though these sites -were occupied over thousands of years, they are a striking contrast to -the scanty evidence of Paleo-Indian groups. - -Another thing that makes it easier to find Archaic stage sites is that -the Archaic peoples’ way of life had changed from that of the -Paleo-Indians. The hallmark of Archaic culture was a round of occupation -from one site to another in a regular cycle timed to the changing -seasons. We suspect, for example, that during the fall, families moved -to camps on river terraces where they could gather acorns and other nuts -for winter food and hunt deer. In the spring and summer, they may have -moved to camps on streams, where they could fish and gather roots, -berries and mussels. By coming back to their sites again and again over -hundreds or thousands of years, a great deal of waste materials was -deposited leaving evidence to be found by archaeologists. - -At present, only the barest outline of this culture is understood. Yet -through study of their burial patterns, discarded food materials and -many other aspects of the archaeological sites they left behind, we can -come to a much fuller understanding of their culture (Figure 5). - - - _The Woodland Stage_ - (_A.D. 1 to A.D. 800?_) - -Throughout much of eastern North America we know that tremendous -cultural changes occurred in the few centuries before and after the time -of Christ. The society of simple hunters and gatherers in Archaic times -gave way to a much more advanced type of society for reasons that are -not entirely understood at present. We do know that Woodland stage -peoples began building huge earthworks; sometimes as burial mounds, -sometimes in the forms of animals such as snakes. From a social point of -view, big changes occurred. We find the first evidence of social ranking -in which a few powerful people were buried in mounds with great wealth -and ceremony. In certain respects, this development was a clear step -toward the eventual emergence of civilizations. We know that this kind -of change has occurred independently in many parts of the world but we -do not yet know why. It is clearly an important development with -consequences for all human societies. - - [Illustration: Fig. 5. Projectile points excavated from an Archaic - stage site in the Richland project. Some of the stone from which - these points were made was imported by the Indians from many miles - away from the project.] - -The Woodland stage also saw major technological advances. It was in this -period that the bow and arrow, making of pottery (Figure 6) and -agriculture (though this may have occurred during Archaic times, too) -make their appearance. - -The interesting aspect of the project area is that some of these things -(e.g., the bow and arrow and pottery) appear to have been adopted, but -not others, including the settled village life, agriculture, earth works -and social complexity of other prehistoric peoples to the east and north -(e.g., the prehistoric Caddo Indians). In many ways, it appears that the -relatively simpler life of Archaic times persisted, with a few items -borrowed from more advanced outsiders. This pattern is one that deserves -an explanation. - - - _Neo-American Stage_ - (_A.D. 800 to 1500_) - -The Neo-American stage, also called the Mississippian stage in the -eastern U.S., was the last prehistoric culture stage, and the one with -the most complex culture. During this stage, large pyramid-shaped -earthen mounds, complex ceremonialism, long-distance trade, heavy -reliance on crops such as corn and squash, and a complex social order, -with powerful chiefs at the top of the ranking system, all merged. The -prehistoric Caddo Indians of East Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, and -Louisiana are an excellent example of this type of culture. - - [Illustration: Fig. 6. Pieces of prehistoric earthen pottery - (potsherds) that were made during the Neo-American cultural stage in - the project. Note the different types of surface decorations.] - -Yet, for all of the vigor and influence of this type of culture, its -influence was not felt to the same degree everywhere. In the project -area, there are only a few sites that suggest substantial contact with -the most developed Neo-American cultures. In those cases we find certain -kinds of prehistoric pottery vessels that, if not actually obtained from -more culturally advanced peoples to the east and north, were modelled -after ceramics of neighboring peoples. - -These facts raise many questions. Were the inhabitants of the project -area during Neo-American times carrying on an older style of life, -modelled economically after the earlier Archaic-type of economy? Were -the resources available in the project insufficient to support a -thoroughly agricultural type of economy? Equipped only with simple hand -tools, only certain kinds of soils allowed agriculture by these ancient -peoples. The tough prairie grasses, for example, would have made certain -kinds of soils difficult, if not impossible to cultivate. - - [Illustration: Fig. 7. This trench is one of those excavated in two - “Wylie focus” pits discovered in the project. Since these - prehistoric pits are about 100 feet in diameter, it is difficult to - show their extent in a photograph. Much information on the age, - construction sequence and content of the pits was gained from test - trenches such as this one.] - -There is also the question of environmental influences. We know that -over a period of thousands of years the climate of Texas, in fact of all -of North America, has changed a great deal. Part of the ongoing research -in the RCAP is the study of past environments. Some of the most -promising results here are from the fields of geology and palynology -(the study of pollen records). Many people do not know that pollen from -ancient plants may be preserved in the soil for thousands of years, and -can be recovered with certain laboratory methods. If this pollen from -past periods is found, it can help to understand the kinds of vegetation -that were present at different points in time. The present evidence from -the project is exciting. It suggests, for example, that a drought far -worse than anything recorded in the history of Texas occurred sometime -between A.D. 1000 to 1300. The severity of the drought may have caused -prehistoric people to change their way of life, including abandoning the -project area. - -Another major scientific discovery has been made in the project, and is -dated to the Neo-American stage. For forty years archaeologists have -known that an area on the Elm Fork of the Trinity River, north of -Dallas, contained large, man-made pits dating to the Neo-American stage. -These were called Wylie focus pits, after a system of classification of -sites used by archaeologists. These pits are truly large, some measuring -up to 100 feet in diameter and up to 10 feet deep in the center (Figure -7). Moreover, these pits generally contain many human burials placed in -the pit over a period of time. One pit even contained the skeleton of a -young bear. All of these pits were excavated by hand with simple digging -implements. - -During the Richland project’s first season of work two of these pits -were located and excavated. The discovery of these pits extended the -known range of these unique cultural features over 100 miles from the -region of their original occurrence. - -At present, it is unclear what prehistoric culture constructed these -monumental works or what their function may have been. It is safe to -say, however, that these kinds of sites are unique to the north Texas -area, and constitute a major point of archaeological interest. Work will -be continuing on these sites in the next few years. - - - _HISTORIC PAST_ - -The archaeological story of people in this area during the last 150 -years is no less exciting than its prehistoric counterpart. From the -material remains, sites, and structures that these people have left -behind, we see a picture of the rapid taming of a frontier, its rural -agricultural florescence at the turn of this century, and then its -decline under adverse economic conditions. Much of the rural landscape -still contains a significant percentage of early twentieth century -structures in varying degrees of abandonment and preservation. The -following sections briefly look at the archaeological record for the -historic period in the RCAP area as we know it today. The archaeological -record provides us with a tangible and materially rich picture of -specific aspects of daily life. The record left behind by the area’s -past inhabitants provides much detailed information about their -dwellings, farms, personal belongings, daily activities and lifeways. -Although we have only begun to decipher the information, some results -are already available from the 194 historic sites tested and the several -dozen individuals interviewed to date. - -Before entering into a discussion of the historic period, let us step -back from the results and answer several major questions. What important -and unique qualities emerge from the historic archaeological record for -this area? Does the record tell us the same story that it would for -other areas? What insight does the record provide that is distinct and -unique to this part of Texas? - -Unfortunately, not much is available from other areas of the country for -making comparisons to the study area, but from what is known a general -picture can be formed. The rural communities in this area consisted -mainly of farms from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth -century. The sites representing these former farms indicate that -lifeways were amazingly stable and relatively unaffected by influences -coming from urban cultures. Since 1940, however, much of the distinctive -culture of this rural area, unfortunately, has succumbed to the same -urban American values found over other broad regions. The archaeological -record suggests that before mass transportation and electricity entered -the local scene, this area would have ranked among the richest of late -nineteenth century areas in terms of local folk cultures and rural -lifeways. Today, much of the rural culture has been lost. An objective -of the Richland Creek Archaeological Project has been to record some of -this information through interviews with senior residents over the next -several years. - -Results of some of the work conducted in the study of past lifeways -portray the area’s past residents as a group of people who often made -efficient and wise use of their local natural resources. This is -illustrated in one aspect of their building construction. As bottomland -forests were cut and less wood was available locally, many individuals -adopted the practice of recycling major elements of older structures -into new ones. Figure 8 is an example of recycling older beams. Reuse of -older structures underscores a keen awareness of optimizing local -resources. Undoubtedly, other examples of the efficient use of local -resources will emerge as structures and sites are studied in greater -detail. - - [Illustration: Fig. 8. Twentieth century shed constructed with hand - hewn and reused sills and joists. This is a prime example of the - recycling of older building parts.] - - - _A Look at the Past Through Material Remains_ - -What can we expect to gain from looking at broken pieces of plates, -bottles, animal bones, buttons, and window glass 50 or a 100 years old? -Aren’t museum collections and written histories adequate for providing -information about rural life from 1870 to 1910? Unfortunately, there is -a big difference between the type of information available through -antiques, books, people, and archaeology. Artifacts represent fragments -generally resulting from the discarding or breaking of common items. -Most antiques represent whole items recognized as having some intrinsic -value which afforded them greater care or curation and less utilitarian -usage. Most artifacts, on the other hand, represent common household -items or possessions that did not receive special care or handling. No -fragments of elaborately cut crystal wine glasses were among the 30,000 -historic artifacts recovered from the project area, but fragments of -inexpensive, undecorated tumblers were present. Similarly, only several -dozen fragments of porcelain vessels were among the nearly 1,200 ceramic -fragments excavated. Does this mean that cut wine glasses or porcelain -cups were seldom available? No, more likely it represents a difference -in handling and caring for these more expensive items. As an example, -try counting the number of porcelain tablewares (plates, dishes, cups, -etc.) in the household of an elderly person. In most cases, porcelain -will be very frequent and often 50 years old or even older. These items -have been saved from common use and now serve decorative or very special -functions. The point of this example is to emphasize that the items -fifty or more years old in households or museums today are not -representative of the items lying broken and scattered around historic -sites. - -Can the written record provide us with much of the information we need -to know? The richness of the written record is not to be underrated. -However, in many areas, the written record is not without its problems. -Often objective details about daily activities or observations about -common material possessions, farm layouts, folkways or folk technologies -are hard to locate. Diaries, travelers’ accounts, and written histories, -on the other hand, frequently provide interesting personal or anecdotal -kinds of information. The position that archaeologists wish to emphasize -is that we should not rely solely on the written record in an attempt to -understand the past. The picture conveyed for a group of people from -their sites and material remains can be strikingly different from their -own story told in writings. The archaeological record provides a direct -and often objective source of information which is consistent over long -periods of time. The record of your own life as revealed in the items -you discard may be quite different than what you portray to others. This -fact makes some aspects of the archaeological record both interesting -and important for reconstructing past lifeways. - -These major points all contribute to the value of the archaeological -record. For nineteenth century rural East-central Texas, written -records, oral folk knowledge, and antiques leave much of the story -untold. The archaeology of historic sites in the proposed Reservoir area -will begin to illuminate much of the former lifeways of these small -rural agricultural communities. Without preserving some of this -information, future generations will have little to study in order to -probe the past of this nearly 100 square miles. The displacement of -people and the submergence of places and sites so familiar today means -oblivion for many former homesteads and communities. The task of the -historic archaeologist is to select and preserve important aspects of -the past record so that this information is available to future -generations. - - - _Historic Settlement Along Richland and Chambers Creeks (1840-1940)_ - -The first few permanent settlers came to this area soon after Texas -declared its independence from Mexico in 1836. Settlement increased -tremendously after Texas achieved statehood as families migrated -westward. Most of these earliest settlers constructed log cabins for -dwellings. About ten log cabin sites possibly dating to the -mid-nineteenth century have been located in the area. Overall, however, -we see a picture of families with widely different resources facing the -same rural frontier. On the upper end were relatively affluent frontier -plantation owners, such as the Burlesons and Blackmons, who settled -along Richland Creek, or the Ingrams along the Trinity River to the -north. The location of these affluent households were similar. They were -located well above the creek bottoms and in the vicinity of good cotton -land. Even the crude plantation houses themselves were similar in that -each presented an air of important social status. Through the -architecture of these dwellings each owner presented a visual display of -his personal wealth and social status. Although these houses were far -less sophisticated than those found further east in Louisiana or -Mississippi, they were the mark of status in this area. The Burleson -plantation house is shown in Figures 9 and 10. Compared to the simple, -small, unpretentious log cabin shown in Figure 11, the crude frontier -plantation house of East-central Texas fulfilled its social role as -needed. - -In the reservoir area, the former sites of several simple log cabins -have been found. Figure 12 shows the remains of one log cabin as found -today. These sites indicate that life was orderly yet simple during the -mid-nineteenth century. The settlers that came to this area were, for -the most part, experienced in reading the land. The locations selected -for each cabin were well above the bottomlands in order to avoid the -danger of floods, but at the same time close to rich farmland and water. -Fifty years later people were much less concerned about selecting the -proper location for a dwelling. As a consequence, many log cabins have -endured over a century of harsh weather and have outlasted more recent -structures. - -By 1870, several dozen small communities, (Petty’s Chapel, Birdston, -Rush Creek, Wadeville, Pisgah Ridge, Rural Shade, Re, and Providence) -dotted the landscape. The railroad penetrated the area in 1871 and -brought about many changes in the area that have lasted until today. -There was, however, a price to be paid for this modern convenience of -trade and travel. For some of the small communities, the railroad -brought financial death and abandonment. The archaeological record shows -this pattern clearly. New communities seem to have grown up overnight -(e.g., Richland, Navarro, Cheneyboro, Streetman, and Kerens) while -others, which had been around for 30 or 40 years, deteriorated rapidly -(e.g. Wadeville, Pisgah Ridge, Winkler, and Re). - -In addition to causing a shift in rural populations, the railroads also -brought another major change. Prior to the railroads, these rural -communities had become nearly self sufficient. The remains of a kiln for -firing hand made bricks found in the project area stands as an example -of rural folk industry (some fragments of glazed handmade bricks from -the kiln are shown in Figure 13). Other craftsmen also may have been -dispersed over this rural countryside. The shoe last (iron form used in -shoe repair) found at one site suggests that a rural cobbler may have -once stayed at the site (Figure 14). The railroads symbolized the start -of a new era where mass produced goods, brick, lumber, shoes and -commercial products could be transported cheaply into the area. Along -with these goods came better living conditions and prosperity for many -farmers and merchants. As a consequence some rural folk industries such -as brick making disappeared and were replaced by commercial -establishments. Even the need for a rural cobbler may have been eclipsed -by the railroads. - - [Illustration: Fig. 9. Burleson Plantation house as seen today. This - mid-nineteenth century upper class dwelling, although covered with - sheet metal, is much larger than contemporary log cabins.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 10. Interior of the mid-nineteenth century - Burleson Plantation house illustrating architectural details more - elaborate than less affluent dwellings of the same era.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 11. Mid-nineteenth century log cabin partially - restored for use as a hunting cabin.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 12. The remains of a log cabin as seen today. - Several such sites were found during the survey of the project - area.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 13. Fragments of hand made bricks from a brick - kiln site. Brick fragment at center top is covered with a crusty - burned coating. Brick fragment at bottom lower left has a smooth - light green-gray glaze on its outer surface.] - -The archaeological record shows another effect of railroads on the local -residents. Investigations so far suggest that there was an increase in -the consumption of such items as bottles (Figure 15), plates (Figure -16), personal possessions and the like in the few decades after the -railroads entered this area. By the early twentieth century, the -archaeological record suggests that rural households had been partly, -but not entirely incorporated into the patterns of commercial -consumption. It seems that many were able to retain some of their rural -folkways well into the twentieth century. - - [Illustration: Fig. 14. Iron shoe last used in cobbler work from a - historic site.] - -The battle played locally between rural American lifeways and their -urban counterparts may be inferred from a close look at the sites, -structures, and artifacts these people have left behind. For example, -the pattern of intensive yard use by families in this area remains -unchanged until well into the twentieth century. Many fragments of -pottery and glass lie scattered around these rural dwellings. In other -more settled parts of the country, such as the northeast, rural farmers -had shifted away from this pattern of intensive yard use toward a -pattern reflecting commercial consumption. In the Reservoir area, swept -dirt yards were still being used for various daily activities, from -processing food to discarding refuse, while cosmetically treated and -manicured lawns were being kept in New England, New York, and much of -the mid-Atlantic region. In this regard, domestic life in much of -East-central Texas had changed very little. In other parts of the -country, archaeology reveals dramatic reorganization to keep pace with a -society moving towards increased consumption and disposable material -culture. Denser rural populations and a greater consumption of -disposable material culture forced many communities to organize town -dumps and mass collections to cope with the excess products. The -Richland Creek area did not experience this transition until well into -the twentieth century. Lower population density and a stronger tie to -more traditional lifeways kept many aspects of rural life the same until -the advent of better roads and electricity in the mid-1930s. - - [Illustration: Fig. 15. Late nineteenth and early twentieth century - bottle fragments recovered from historic sites in the project area.] - -The persistence of an unpretentious and traditional aspect of rural life -in this area can be observed in the dwellings found throughout. The -_Cumberland_ and _Hipped Roof Bungalows_ found here reveal a blend of -traditional southern lifeways and local folk elements. Figures 17 and 18 -show two examples of early twentieth century dwellings. Figure 19 -illustrates the traditional cultural overtones of this region and shows -an early twentieth century log barn. - -Several other aspects of traditional Southern lifeways have been -captured in the archaeological record. The sites in the Richland Creek -area indicate that foodways did not change as quickly in this area as in -others. For example, the archaeological record suggests that home -canning with commercial fruit canning (Figure 20) jars was slow to -penetrate this area. Wide use of glass fruit jars does not appear until -the second decade of this century, unlike other parts of the country -that used them as early as 1870 or 1880. - - [Illustration: Fig. 16. Fragments of late nineteenth and early - twentieth century ceramics. The printed marks designate the - manufacturer. The mark seen in the top row is typical of many late - nineteenth century British potteries.] - -Last of all, the consumption of commercially produced alcoholic -beverages, liquors, and patent medicines does not appear to be anywhere -near that observed in the refuse discarded by contemporaneous residents -of the northeast or frontier southwest. Whether this indicates local -adherence to southern temperance or the widespread use of “homemade” -products is not known at this time. - -When segments of the archaeological record are combined, the picture -emerges of an area rich in traditional Southern lifeways. From dwellings -and patterns of yard use to foodways and the late participation in a -society based on consumption, the archaeological record reveals a rural -style of life that changed little for a period of about 100 years. In -this regard, this area avoided the less desirable aspects of changing -popular American culture and allowed local folk cultures to flourish. -After the great depression and World War II, all of this changed. Today -rural East-central Texas is not much different than many other parts of -the country, but has an archaeological heritage of which to be proud. - - [Illustration: Fig. 17. An example of an early twentieth century - tenant farm dwelling; in this case, a four room _Cumberland_ (side - view).] - - [Illustration: Fig. 18. An example of an early twentieth century - _Hipped Roof Bungalow_. This was the dwelling of a local land owner - and is more elaborate than the simple _Cumberland_ (Fig. 17).] - - [Illustration: Fig. 19. An example of the rebirth of log barns in - rural folk construction in the early twentieth century.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 20. Early twentieth century glass fruit jar - (bottom) with milk glass cap liner (top). If one were to pick a - single artifact representative of twentieth century tenant farming - lifeway, it would undoubtably be the home glass canning jar.] - - - - - GLOSSARY - - -_Archaeology_ (also spelled _archeology_): In the United States, -archaeology is taught and practiced as one of the four major subfields -of anthropology (with anthropological linguistics, physical -anthropology, and cultural anthropology). The aim of archaeology is the -understanding of past human societies. Archaeologists not only attempt -to discover and describe past cultures, but also to develop explanations -for the development of cultures. - - -_Archaeologist_: Anyone with an interest in the aims and methods of -archaeology. At a professional level, the archaeologist usually holds a -degree in anthropology, with a specialization in archaeology (see -_Archaeology_). The professional archaeologist is one who is capable of -collecting archaeological information in a proper scientific way, and -interpreting that information in light of existing scientific theories -and methods. - - -_Archaeological Survey_: The archaeological survey is a study intended -to compile an inventory of archaeological remains within a given area. -Usually a survey is an extensive rather than an intensive phase of -archaeological study. The objective is to form the most complete and -representative picture possible of the archaeological remains found -within a defined area. Surveys may be based upon a wide variety of -methods, including on-foot examinations of the ground surface, brief -digging, talking with people who know where archaeological sites are to -be found, consulting historical records, and looking at satellite photos -of an area. - - -_Archaeological Testing_: Archaeological testing involves carrying out -limited-scale testing of archaeological sites (see _Site_). Testing -attempts to dig only enough to determine the extent, content and state -of preservation within an archaeological site. - - -_Artifact_: Any object that shows evidence of modification by a human -agency. Examples of artifacts are spear points chipped from flint, -animal bones burned during preparation of a meal, fragments of pottery -vessels and coins. Whether ancient or recent, artifacts are the traces -of human behavior, and therefore one of the prime categories of things -studied by archaeologists (see also _Context_). - - -_Conservation Archaeology_: A subfield of archaeology whose primary -objective is informed management of archaeological remains and -information. Working with private and public agencies, conservation -archaeologists provide information that will allow archaeological -properties and information to be effectively managed for the benefit of -future generations. In this context, archaeological values are a natural -resource of the nation, to be wisely conserved for the future (see -_Cultural Resource Management_). - - -_Context_, or _Archaeological Context_: The setting from which -archaeological objects (see _Artifacts_) are taken. Usually the meaning -of archaeological objects cannot be discerned without information about -their setting. One example is determining how old an object is, given -that the age of objects excavated from a site varies with their depth in -the ground. Unless the depth of an object is carefully recorded against -a fixed point of reference, it may be impossible to relate objects to -the dimension of time. - - -_Cultural Resource Management_: Development of programs and policies -aimed at conservation of archaeological properties and information. Such -programs exist within the federal and state governments, academic -institutions and private agencies. - - -_Cumberland Dwelling_: An architectural style named for its common -occurrence throughout middle Tennessee. These dwellings have two front -rooms of about equal size and front doors, with any additional rooms -added onto the rear of the building. - - -_Data Recovery_: In the context of cultural resource management (see -definition) studies, data recovery refers to relatively large-scale -excavation designed to remove important objects and information from an -archaeological site prior to its planned destruction. Data recovery is -only undertaken after it is shown that preservation of the site in place -is not a feasible course of action in the project in question. -Scientific data are recovered to answer important scientific and -cultural questions. - - -_Debitage_: A term meaning the characteristic types of stone flakes -produced from manufacture of prehistoric stone tools by chipping (as, -for example, stone spear and arrow points). One of the most common types -of prehistoric artifacts, these distinctive flakes frequently alert the -archaeologist to the presence of a prehistoric site. - - -_Feature_, or _Archaeological Feature_: Many things of archaeological -interest are portable, such as fragments of bone, pottery and stone -tools. However, archaeological sites frequently contain man-made things -that are not portable, but are part of the earth itself. Examples of -these features are hearths, foundations of buildings, storage pits, -grave pits and canals. - - -_Hipped Roof Bungalow_: These are square to rectangular dwellings with -hipped gable roofs, one or two front doors and four to five rooms -arranged in a modular design. - - -_Historic Sites_: Archaeological sites dating to the historic era, or -after about the early seventeenth century in the project area. The -distinguishing characteristic of this period is availability of written -documents. This era extends from the earliest period mentioned in -histories to the present. - - -_Midden_: A word (adopted from the Danish language) meaning refuse heap. -In many instances, one of the most apparent aspects of an archaeological -site is “midden”, or a soil layer stained to a dark color by -decomposition of organic refuse, and containing food bones, fragments of -stone tools, charcoal, pieces of pottery or other discards. -Archaeologists can learn a great deal about people’s lifeways by -studying their middens. - - -_Potsherds_ (or _sherds_): Pieces of ceramic vessels. Since the making -of pottery did not begin in the project area until the first few -centuries A.D., the presence of potsherds is a useful index of time. -Also, the composition of the sherds and their decorative motifs are a -highly useful way of detecting different prehistoric cultural groups, -since manufacture and design of pottery varied with cultural groups. - - -_Prehistoric Sites_: Archaeological sites (see _Site_) that date to a -time prior to European contact (that is, before written history). In the -project area that would be prior to the early seventeenth century. -Prehistory is a relative concept, varying from one area to another, -depending on the first intrusion of Americans or Europeans. - - -_Profiles_: Detailed maps of the walls of test pits and test trenches -(see definitions). These are key records in understanding a site’s -layers (stratigraphy) and distribution and age of artifacts. - - -_Site_: A site, or archaeological site, is the location of past human -behavior. Sites vary tremendously in their size and content, ranging -from cities to a few flakes of stone indicating the manufacture of a -stone tool. As a relative concept, sites are defined in relation to -specific research problems and needs. - - -_Stratigraphy_: A number of normal processes caused the earth’s surface -to be built up over time in layer-cake fashion. Sometimes this is caused -by floods or wind-carried soil. In other cases it may result from people -piling up refuse of one kind or another. The layering effect here is -called stratigraphy, and is a major interpretive tool of the -archaeologist. Within a given stratigraphic sequence the most deeply -buried layers are usually the oldest, and things found within a given -level were usually from the same points in time. Stratigraphy is -therefore a means of telling time (in a relative sense) for the -archaeologist. - - -_Test Pits_: Rectilinear pits dug during excavation of a site (see -_Archaeological Testing_). The archaeologist works with square or -rectangular pits because they aid in keeping records of changes in soil -types and other variables with depth. Extensive records, drawings and -maps are kept of test pits. The function of the test pit is to provide a -sample of a site’s contents at a particular point. - - -_Test Trenches_: Serving much the same function as a test pit, the test -trench give a more continuous record of a site’s contents over a larger -distance than a pit. Trenches are useful for tracing stratigraphy (see -definition) over distance. - - - - - APPENDIX I - - -There are several organizations that encourage interest and education in -archaeology by members of the public. Some of these organizations are -listed below. - - -The first is the _Texas Archaeological Society, Center for -Archaeological Research, University of Texas at San Antonio, San -Antonio, TX 78285_. This society is composed of avocational -archaeologists from all walks of life. It holds an annual meeting in the -fall during which members present papers on various aspects of Texas -archaeology. Each summer the society also organizes a field school where -members can participate in excavation of an archaeological site under -the supervision of a professional archaeologist. The society also -publishes a high-quality bulletin about Texas archaeology. - - -Another organization that promotes archaeology is the _Archaeological -Institute of America_. This organization has its national headquarters -in Washington, D.C., and schedules national lecture tours by -archaeologists who visit local chapters in major cities. The lectures -are offered six times a year, and present the results of archaeological -investigations world-wide. - - -In addition, local or county archaeological societies can be contacted -for information about archaeology in Texas. If such an organization does -not currently exist in your community, perhaps you could start one! - - -Discovery of archaeological remains, particularly destruction of -archaeological properties, deserves official attention. To report such -events and to obtain information about the State’s efforts in protecting -archaeological and historical resources, contact: _Texas Historical -Commission, P.O. Box 12276, Capitol Station, Austin, TX, 78711_. - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]Terms in italics are defined in Glossary at end of report. - -[2]Archaeology Research Program, Department of Anthropology, Southern - Methodist University, Dallas, TX, 75275. - - - [Illustration: Longhorn skull] - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Silently corrected a few typos. - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - -—Added links to the glossary for words defined there. - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Conservation Archaeology of the -Richland/Chambers Dam and Reser, by L. Mark Raab and Randall W. 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