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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9c2b15d --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #63538 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63538) diff --git a/old/63538-0.txt b/old/63538-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 958d5e8..0000000 --- a/old/63538-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16568 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of All in a Life-time, by -Henry Morgenthau and French Strother - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States -and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no -restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook. - - -Title: All in a Life-time - -Author: Henry Morgenthau - French Strother - -Release Date: October 24, 2020 [EBook #63538] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ALL IN A LIFE-TIME *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif, ellinora and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - - - ALL IN A LIFE-TIME - - [Illustration: HENRY MORGENTHAU] - - - - - ALL IN A LIFE-TIME - - BY - HENRY MORGENTHAU - - IN COLLABORATION WITH - FRENCH STROTHER - - [Illustration] - - ILLUSTRATIONS - FROM - PHOTOGRAPHS - - - GARDEN CITY NEW YORK - DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY - 1922 - - - COPYRIGHT, 1921, 1922, BY - - DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY - - ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF TRANSLATION - INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN - - PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES - AT - THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS, GARDEN CITY, N. Y. - - _First Edition_ - - - TO - - MY DEVOTED COMPANION - - MY WIFE - - WHO ORIGINATED SOME, - AND STIMULATED ALL, - OF MY BEST ENDEAVOURS - - - - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER PAGE - - I. NEW WORLDS FOR OLD 1 - - II. SCHOOL DAYS 7 - - III. APPRENTICED TO THE LAW 18 - - IV. REAL ESTATE 39 - - V. FINANCE 63 - - VI. SOCIAL SERVICE 94 - - VII. EARLY POLITICAL EXPERIENCES 109 - - VIII. MY ENTRANCE INTO NATIONAL POLITICS 128 - - IX. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1912 150 - - X. THE SOCIAL SIDE OF CONSTANTINOPLE 174 - - XI. MY TRIP TO THE HOLY LAND 211 - - XII. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1916 234 - - XIII. MY MEETINGS WITH JOFFRE, HAIG, CURRIE, AND PERSHING 249 - - XIV. JOHN PURROY MITCHEL 278 - - XV. A HECTIC FORTNIGHT--AND OTHERS 287 - - XVI. THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS 310 - - XVII. THE PEACE CONFERENCE 322 - -XVIII. MY MISSION TO POLAND 348 - - XIX. ZIONISM A SURRENDER, NOT A SOLUTION 385 - - APPENDIX 407 - - INDEX 441 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - -Henry Morgenthau _Frontispiece_ - - FACING PAGE - -Mr. Morgenthau playfully refers to this picture as -the Morgenthau dynasty 54 - -Mr. Morgenthau with Theodore Roosevelt, Charles -E. Hughes, Oscar Straus, and other distinguished -citizens 118 - -Mr. Morgenthau as one of the group of financiers, -doctors, and sociologists who organized the international -association of Red Cross societies 267 - -Ignace Paderewski, Premier of Poland, and her representative -at Paris 358 - -Joseph Pilsudski, Chief of State of Poland, who was -not, at first, in sympathy with the American -Mission 374 - -Rabbi Rubenstein, a leader of the Jewish community -at Vilna 390 - - - - -ALL IN A LIFE-TIME - - - - -CHAPTER I - -NEW WORLDS FOR OLD - - -I was born in 1856, at Mannheim, in the Grand Duchy of Baden. That was -the old Germany, very different from the Prussianized empire with which -America was to go to war sixty years later, and very different again -from the bustling life of the western world to which I was to be -introduced so soon and in which I was to play a part unlike anything -which my most fanciful dreams ever pictured. - -Indeed, those were days of idyllic simplicity in South Germany and -especially in that little city on the Rhine. The life of the people was -best expressed by a word that was forever on their lips, _gemütlich_, -that almost untranslatable word that implies contentment, ease, and -satisfaction, all in one. It was a time of peace and fruitful industry -and quiet enjoyment. The highest pleasure of the children was netting -butterflies in the sunny fields; the great events of youth were the song -festivals and public exhibitions of the “Turners” and walking excursions -into the country; the recreation of the elders was at little tables in -the public gardens, where, while the band played good music and the -youngsters romped from chair to chair, the women plied their knitting -needles over endless cups of coffee, and the men smoked their pipes and -sipped their beer and talked of art and philosophy--of everything in the -world, except world politics and world war. - -To us children who had seen no larger city, but had visited many small -villages in the neighbourhood, Mannheim seemed quite an important town. -It was at the point where the Neckar flows into the Rhine, and as this -river flowed through the Odenwald, it constantly brought big loads of -lumber and also many bushels of grain to Mannheim, which had become a -distributing centre for various cereals and lumber, and was also a great -tobacco centre. My father had cigar factories at Mannheim and also in -Lorsch and Heppenheim and sometimes employed as many as a thousand -hands. Nevertheless, the entire population of Mannheim was scarcely -21,000, and the thoughts of most of its inhabitants were bent on the -sober concerns of their every-day struggles and on raising their large -families, without ambition for great riches or hope of higher place. -None but the nobles dreamed of such grandeur as a carriage and pair; the -successful tradesman only occasionally gratified a modest love of -display or travel by hiring a barouche for a drive through the hop -fields and tobacco patches surrounding the city to one of the near-by -villages. Those whose mental powers were of a superior order exercised -them in a keen appreciation of poetry, music, and the drama; Schiller -and Goethe were their demi-gods, Mozart and Beethoven their companions -of the spirit. The Grand Duke’s fatherly devotion to his subjects’ -welfare had won him their filial affection; with political matters they -concerned themselves almost not at all. - -My childhood recollections reflect the quiet colours of this atmosphere. -My father was prosperous, and our home was blessed by the comforts and -little elegancies that his means made possible; it shared in the -artistic interests of the community by virtue both of his interest in -the theatre and my mother’s passion for the best in literature and -music. I was the ninth of eleven living children, and I recall the -visits of the music teachers who gave my sisters lessons on the piano -and taught my eldest brother to play the violin. We children learned by -heart the poems of Goethe and Schiller and shared the pride of all -Mannheimers that the latter poet had once lived in our city and that his -play, “The Robbers,” was first produced at our Stadt Theatre. - -Those who like to reflect upon the smallness of the world will find it -amusing to read that among the various friends of my family were quite a -few with whom we are now on the most cordial relations in New York. Our -physician was Dr. Gutherz, one of whose daughters married my neighbour, -Nathan Straus. Their son and mine are intimate friends, and, in turn, -their sons, Nathan 3d and Henry 3d, are now playmates in Central Park. - -Among such associations the first ten years of my life were passed. We -studied hard, but we played hard, too. Nor were our muscles forgotten: -we were given regular exercises, and great was my pride when I passed -the “swimming test” one summer’s day, by holding my own for the -prescribed half hour against the Rhine current and so winning the right -to wear the magic letters R. S.--“Rhine-Swimmer”--on my bathing suit. -Life was indeed gemütlich in the Mannheim of that period. - -It was not long, however, before the faraway world of America began to -knock at our quiet door. A brother of my father had joined the gold rush -to the Pacific and settled in San Francisco; he wrote us tales of the -wild, free life of California, its adventures and its wealth. Strange -gifts came back from him--a cane for the Grand Duke, its head a piece of -gold-bearing quartz; for us children queer mementoes of an existence -that seemed all romance. From time to time, this “Gold-Uncle,” as we -called him, gave American friends touring Europe letters of introduction -to my father, and these visitors enhanced the charm of the United -States. One such especially filled our minds with narratives of easily -won riches; Captain Richardson, a bearded Forty-niner, whose accounts of -the land of opportunity were so much more moving than our fairy tales as -to affect even my father’s mature fancy. - -For my father heard them at a moment when, by an odd coincidence, an act -of the American Congress had caused him great damage. In 1862 a tariff -had been enacted by the United States which greatly increased the duty -on cigars. For many years the largest part of his production had been -exported to the United States. Father had a representative in New York, -and his brother in San Francisco attended to the distribution on the -Pacific Coast--they both had urged him to rush over all the cigars he -could and land them before the law should go into effect. Unfortunately, -the slow freighter that carried the last and biggest shipment arrived -one day too late. Had she docked in time, my life might have been spent -differently. That day’s delay meant the difference between profit and -disaster to my father; the cigars, which, when duty free, would have -yielded him a good return, were a dead loss when to their cost was added -the burden of the new tariff charges. These changes in any event would -have compelled him to seek a new market, as they closed America forever -to goods of the cheap grade of German tobacco. That might have been -arranged, but when the necessity to seek new fields was coupled with the -crushing loss sustained upon this shipment, his finances were so -weakened that he realized he would have to start afresh and on a smaller -scale. - -This was a heavy blow to the pride of a man who had achieved a great -business success and was a leading citizen in his community. The -instinct to seek another field for the fresh start was fortified by the -stories of opportunity in the land whose laws had just dealt the blow. -He resolved to emigrate to America. - -I remember vividly the excitement in our household that was provoked by -this momentous decision. Whatever may have been the doubts and -heartburnings of our parents, to us children all was a joyous vista. We -were happy at the thought of travelling to that far land of golden -promise and strange people; we had visions only of adventure, and we -were the envy of our playmates who were not to share with us the voyage -across the Atlantic Ocean or the excitement of life in America. - -The two eldest brothers and one of my sisters went ahead of us and -established a home in Brooklyn. They wrote back their first impressions -of New York; its great buildings and its crowded wharves; its masses of -busy people hastening through the maze of streets and the novelty (to -us) of horse cars pulled through the streets on railroad tracks. These -letters gave us fresh thrills of emotion and new material for our active -fancies. Then my father abandoned his now unprofitable business, sold -his factories and home, packed our household goods and furniture, and -possessed of about thirty thousand dollars in cash--all that remained of -his fortune--led his wife and remaining eight children upon the -expedition. - -I well remember the journey down the Rhine to Cologne, where we visited -the beautiful cathedral before we took the train to Bremen; the solemn -interview in the latter city at the offices of the North German Lloyd, -where the last formalities were disposed of; and finally settling in our -cabins of the slow old steamer _Hermann_ as she put forth on her way -across the wide Atlantic. - -My memories of the eleven-day voyage itself are rather vague. I recall -playing around the deck with the other family of children on the ship. -The daughter of one of those little playmates is now conducting a -private school in New York City which three of my granddaughters -attend. I remember, too, that on the stormiest day of our passage, I was -proud of being the only child well enough to eat his meals, and that the -Captain honoured me with a seat beside him at his table. - -Now, the newcomer to America, arriving at New York, stands on the deck -of a swift liner and is welcomed by the Statue of Liberty and -overwhelmed by the vaulting office-buildings springing high into the -blue. I shall tell later how I have contributed to the creation of some -of them. But on that June day of my arrival, in 1866, I simply felt that -one of the momentous hours in my life had come, when I found myself -stepping ashore into a vast garden of unlimited opportunities. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -SCHOOL DAYS - - -My family took up their residence at 92 Congress Street, Brooklyn, which -my elder brothers and two sisters, our pioneers, had prepared for us, -and though handicapped as we were by our small knowledge of English, we -younger children began our studies at the De Graw Street Public School -in the September following our arrival. Eight months later, on the first -day of May, 1867, we moved to Manhattan. - -It was a very simple New York to which we came. In domestic economy, -portières were unknown, rugs a rarity; ingrain carpets, costing about -sixty cents a yard, were the usual floor coverings; when the walls were -papered, it was with the cheapest material; the only bathtubs were of -zinc, and one to a house was the almost universal rule. Our home was No. -1121 Second Avenue, corner of Fifty-ninth Street--a three-storey, -high-stoop brownstone house, rows of which were then being erected. It -still stands there, the high stoop removed from it; stores are in the -basements; the district has deteriorated to one of cheap tenements and -small retail businesses. But in those days there was an effort to make -Upper Second Avenue one of the chief residential streets of the city. -The householders were mostly well-to-do Germans--people who had -prospered on the Lower East Side and had outgrown their quarters there. -The monotony of the thoroughfare was relieved only by the old-fashioned -horse car that rumbled by every four or five minutes. Like the letter -carriers of that period, neither the drivers nor the conductors wore -uniforms. The line ended at Sixty-fourth Street where the truck-gardens -began. On our way to Sunday School, at Thirty-ninth Street near Seventh -Avenue, we would make a short-cut across the site where the first Grand -Central Station was being erected. - -I had my little difficulties in school: I well remember how one of the -boys told me that he deeply sympathized with me, because I would have to -overcome the double handicap of being both a Jew and a German. So I -greatly rejoiced when I saw the steady disappearance of the prejudice -against the Germans after they had succeeded in winning the -Franco-Prussian War in 1871. - -About the most picturesque and artistic parade that had ever taken place -in New York was arranged by all the German societies and their -sympathizers, the singing clubs and the _turn vereins_ participating. -Non-Germans lent their carriages. Among the generous people was the -famous Dr. Hemholdt, of patent medicine fame. He owned a rather -fantastic vehicle, which was drawn by five horses decorated with white -cockades and which he lent for the occasion to an uptown club of which -my brother was the secretary. I was permitted to fill in, so that I saw -with my own eyes and was deeply impressed by the crowds that lined the -streets and vociferously and heartily, for the first time, gave their -unstinted approval of the Germans. - -We children did not lose a day in our pursuit of education; for on the -very day of our removal to Manhattan, I attended Grammar School No. 18, -in Fifty-first Street near Lexington Avenue. At recess-time we boys used -to play “tag” on the foundations of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, the -construction of which had been stopped during the Civil War. I have very -pleasant recollections of my early grammar school teachers, and -especially of one who later was for years Clerk of the Board of -Education, the efficient Lawrence D. Kiernan, who, while at School 18, -was elected to the Assembly as a candidate of the “Young Democrats” and -whose talks to us pupils on civic duty seemed like great orations and -gave me my first impression of independence in politics. - -Nevertheless, I laboured under two disadvantages--one was my English; -the difference in structure between my native and my adopted language -gave me considerable trouble; so did the pronunciation of the letters -_w_ and _d_, but my greatest difficulty was the diphthong _th_, and to -overcome it, I compiled and learned lists of words in which it occurred -and for weeks devoted some time, night and morning, to repeating: -“Theophilus Thistle, the great thistle-sifter, sifted one sieve-full of -unsifted thistles through the thick of his thumb.” However, as the -greatest stress was laid on proficiency in arithmetic, and as I had a -natural aptitude for that study, my proficiency there balanced these -deficiencies and took me into the highest class at the age of eleven. - -It was a general belief that all “Dutchmen” were cowards, and on the -playground this idea was acted upon with considerable spirit. I was made -the target of many a joke that I took in good part, until I realized -that something positive was required of me. Then when a husky lad -taunted me with being a “square-headed Dutchman,” and refused my demand -that he “take it back,” my fighting blood was roused, and I administered -a sound thrashing, the result of sheer, unscientific force. Nothing -evokes the admiration of the gallant Irish so much as a good fight, and -the result of that battle was the liking of my comrades, and especially -one of the leaders among them, John F. Carroll, later familiar to New -Yorkers as a leader in Tammany. - -About this time I made up my mind to enter City College and, to prepare -for that, I began looking about for a school which ranked higher than -No. 18. There were a number of these, foremost among which were the -Thirteenth and Twenty-third Street schools. I applied at both, but they -were full. The next in rank was No. 14, in Twenty-seventh Street near -Third Avenue, where they admitted me to the fourth class. I gladly -accepted this comparative demotion, so as to utilize advantageously the -two years remaining before I reached the college-entrance age, began my -studies there in March of ’68, under Miss Rosina Hartman, a fine old -spinster and a good teacher, and finished both her class and the third -class before I was twelve. - -I was hardly settled in my seat in the second class when the following -incident took place: - -Mr. Abner B. Holley, who taught the first class, came into the room and -complained about the mathematical shortcomings of the boys just promoted -into his care; he explained that in his method of teaching arithmetic, -it was essential to have someone for leader, as a sort of spur for the -pupils. He gave us fifteen examples: speed and accuracy were to be the -tests; and the boy who solved them most quickly and correctly was to be -promoted. I finished first and handed up my slate. Holley carefully -compared my answers with those on his slip and, before any other pupil -was ready to submit his work, rapped for attention, and said: - -“As these answers are all correct, there is no need of any other boy -finishing. Morgenthau wins the promotion.” - -Being too young to graduate in ’69, I remained under Holley until June, -1870. He was an excellent instructor, and it required no effort on my -part to keep the lead in mathematics. In fact, he took pride in -displaying my efficiency, and whenever any trustee, or other visitor, -came to school, they would have a general assembly of all the pupils -and then he would have me solve promptly some such problem in mental -arithmetic as computing the interest on $350 for three years, six -months, and twelve days at 6 per cent. Thus, as I required little of my -time for what was, to most of the boys, our most exacting study, I -devoted all my spare time to improving my pronunciation and mastering -the spelling of English which is so hard for a boy not born to the -language. I won 100 per cent. perfect marks throughout my second year -and when, with about nine hundred other boys, I took my City College -entrance-examination, I was well up among the three hundred selected for -admission. - -I always look back with pleasure on those years in Public School No. 14. -Iron stairways, modern desks, and electric lights have been installed -since my day; the Irish and German pupils have passed, the Italian tide -is ebbing; on the student list Russian, Ukrainian, Greek, and Armenian -names now predominate--there is sometimes even a Chinese name to be -found. At exercises there, attended by three of my classmates and by Dr. -John H. Finley, New York’s Commissioner of Education, I celebrated, in -1920, the fiftieth anniversary of my graduation; I took the 1,900 pupils -to a moving-picture show, and commenced my now regular custom of giving -four watches twice a year to members of the graduating class; but as I -then reviewed the past and looked at the present, I felt that the old -spirit had been well preserved and that, whatever the nationality of the -children who enter the old school, they all leave it American citizens. - -When I left there, I had my eyes longingly fixed upon the City College, -but the law was then already my ultimate aim and wages were essential, -so I spent my “vacation” as errand boy and general-utility lad in the -law offices of Ferdinand Kurzman, at $4.00 a week. In those days little -was known of “big business”; there were no vast corporations requiring -continuous legal advice, and so the lawyers clustered within three or -four blocks of the court-house; Kurzman’s quarters were at 306 Broadway, -at the corner of Duane Street. - -My early duties were the copying and serving of papers, but the time -soon came when, young though I was, I was sent to the District Court to -answer the calendar and, occasionally, fight for an adjournment. -Stenographers and typewriters being practically unknown, the lawyer -would dictate and his clerks transcribe in longhand, make the required -number of copies with pen and ink and then compare the results and -correct any errors. It was only when more than twenty copies were -required that printing would be resorted to. - -Such was my existence from June 21st until September 16, 1870. All the -while, I tried to further my education. I had joined the Mercantile -Library in the previous February. Within a short time, I was attending -the Cooper Institute classes in elocution and debating, and later -secured instruction in grammar and composition at the Evening High -School in Thirteenth Street. I tried to do as much good reading as I -could, and I find that my list for 1871 ranges from Cooper’s “Spy,” -“David Copperfield,” and “The Vicar of Wakefield” to Hume’s “History of -England,” Mill’s “Logic,” and “The Iliad.” - -Of my life at City College I wish that I could write more, because I -wish I had been privileged to graduate with the Class of 1875. There -were 286 of us, and I remember very vividly some of the incidents of my -brief stay. The halo of military distinction that encircled the brow of -the president, General Alexander S. Webb, is still bright for me, and -bright that day when the great Christine Nilsson came to our classroom -and sang for us. Of the faculty, Professor Doremus remains especially -vivid in my memory; electricity for illuminating purposes was at that -time confined to powerful arc-lights; he tried to explain to us the -possibility of some inventor some day subdividing the power in one of -those lamps so that it could be used to illuminate private houses. -Though “stumped” in anatomy and chemistry through my unfamiliarity with -the long words employed, I stood well on the general roll and was No. -11. My college career was rudely ended on March 20, 1871, when my father -withdrew me and put me to work. His difficulty in mastering the English -language and American commercial methods were handicaps too severe for -him. He lost most of his original money, and his unreinforced efforts -could not support us all. - -Early in our occupancy of the Second Avenue house, the back parlour had -to be rented as a doctor’s office, and shortly after my mother decided -that it was her duty to take in boarders. I cannot speak of my mother as -she was during these trials without the deepest emotion. There is nobody -to whom I owe so much; there was no debt which so profoundly affected my -entire career. In Mannheim her position had always been one of comfort. -I had seen her there with good friends, good books, good dramas, and -good music; she was the mistress of a commodious house, with a corps of -competent servants, in a city with every custom and tradition of which -she was intimately familiar; respected by the community, the mother of -thirteen children, she was calm, philosophic, considerate of every -domestic call upon her, not only supervising our education, physical and -mental, but also finding time to add continuously to her own broad -culture. Now a complete change had come. She was a stranger in a strange -land; most of her friends were new; the city of her husband’s adoption -was a puzzle, its manners foreign, its language long almost unknown; -there was small time for amusement; there was, on the contrary, the -ever-constant and ever-pressing strain of helping, by her own -endeavours, to make both ends meet. - -All of this deeply affected my young and impressionable mind. I feared -lest my mother, who was my idol, and who was so superior in -accomplishments and knowledge to the people that boarded with us, might, -in the course of her duties, be compelled to render quasi-menial -services. Luckily, two things prevented this. On the one hand, her -wonderful poise and tact and her extraordinarily sweet nature won so -prompt a recognition that the least gentle of our lodgers instinctively -became worshippers at her shrine. On the other hand, my sisters, -themselves bred to comfort, rivalled one another in a friendly struggle -to shield her from every possible annoyance. High-spirited girls as they -were, they did not hesitate to assume everything that might in any way -hurt her sensibilities, and their devotion and self-sacrifice are among -my tenderest memories. - -Appreciating how things were at home, I became quickly reconciled to -abandoning textbook education, and instead, to plunging into the rough -school of life. - -The influence of the beautiful spirit of my mother had early given me -good ideals and a love of purity, and the ebb of the family fortunes -developed an irrepressible ambition to accomplish four things: to -restore my mother to the comforts to which she had been accustomed; to -save myself from an old age of financial stress such as my father’s; to -give my own children the chances in life that were all but denied to me, -and to try to attain a standard of thought and conduct consonant with -the fine concepts that characterized my mother’s mind and lips. - -My experiences were not unique, nor were my high resolves exceptionally -heroic; they are found in the life history of most men. Nevertheless, -such histories are not often told at first hand, so that what may have -been commonplace in the happening becomes interesting in the narration. -Forsaking the chronological order of my story, let me look backward and -forward in an attempt to present this phase of my mental development. - -I was full of energy, and had tremendous hopes as to my future success, -which gave me a certain assurance that was often misconstrued into -conceit, but which was really a conviction of the necessity to collect -religiously a mental, moral, physical, and financial reserve -guaranteeing the realization of my best desires. - -Accordingly, I pursued a rather carefully ordered course. At the age of -fourteen I had taken very seriously my confirmation in the Thirty-ninth -Street Temple, and now I formed the habit of visiting churches of many -denominations and making abstracts of the sermons that I heard delivered -by Henry Ward Beecher, Henry W. Bellows, Rabbi Einhorn, Richard S. -Storrs, T. De Witt Talmage, and Dr. Alger, and many others of the famous -pulpit-orators who enriched the intellectual life of New York. It was -the era when Emerson led American thought, and I profited by passing my -impressionable years in that period whose daily press was edited by such -men as Horace Greeley, William Cullen Bryant, Charles A. Dana, Henry T. -Raymond, and Lawrence Godkin. - -There lived with us a hunchbacked Quaker doctor, Samuel S. Whitall, a -beautiful character, softened instead of embittered by his affliction, -the physician at the coloured hospital, who gave half his time to -charitable work among the poor. I frequently opened the door for his -patients and ran his errands, and we became friends. I remember his -long, religious talks, and how deeply I was impressed by Penn’s “No -Cross, No Crown,” a copy of which he gave me. Largely because of it I -composed twenty-four rules of action, tabulating virtues that I wished -to acquire and vices that I must avoid. I even made a chart of these -maxims, and every night marked against myself whatever breaches of them -I had been guilty of. Looking over this record for February and March of -1872, I find that I charged myself with dereliction in not heeding my -self-imposed admonitions against indulgence in sweets, departures from -strict veracity, too much talking, extravagance, idleness, and vanity--a -heavy indictment! - -The fact is that I had acquired an almost monastic habit of mind and -loved the conquest of my impulses much as the athlete loves the -subjection of his muscles to the demands of his will. In my commonplace -book for 1871 I find transcribed two quotations that governed me. The -one is from Dr. Hall’s “Happy Old Age” and runs: - - Stimulants ... are the greatest enemies of mankind; there is no - middle ground which anyone can safely tread, only that of total and - most uncompromising abstinence. - -The other is from a sermon of Dr. Channing on “Self-Denial.” - - Young man, remember that the only test of goodness is moral - strength, self-decrying energy.... Do you subject to your moral and - religious convictions the love of pleasure, the appetites, the - passions, which form the great trials of youthful virtue? No man - who has made any observation of life but will tell you how often he - has seen the promise of youth blasted ... honorable feeling, kind - affection overpowered and almost extinguished ... through a tame - yielding to pleasure and the passions. - -I took these warnings very seriously. - -How the state of mind engendered by these forces affected me in a purely -material way, we shall soon see. From the outset of my business career, -when an errand boy in Kurzman’s office, I found myself surrounded by -employees, not perhaps more vicious than most, but certainly sharing the -vices of the majority. They gave, at best, only what they were paid for, -and not an ounce of energy or a minute of time beyond. - -I shrank from the possibility of becoming a mere clock clerk and gave -all of my best self and held back nothing. I made mistakes, I had my -failures from the standard that I had set; but my purpose held fast and -I cheerfully pursued the rugged uphill road to success. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -APPRENTICED TO THE LAW - - -When I left City College, my father wanted me to become a civil -engineer, but a brief experience in an engineer’s office convinced me -that I lacked the requisite mathematical foundation, so I gave it up and -accepted a position as assistant bookkeeper and errand boy at $6 a week -in the uptown branch of the Phœnix Fire Insurance Company. - -In September, 1871, I improved myself by securing a $10 position with -Bloomingdale & Company, who were then in the wholesale “corset and -fancy-goods” business on Grand Street near Broadway. I kept the books -and also helped to pack hoop-skirts, bustles, and corsets until the -firm’s financial difficulties gave me an excuse for turning my ambition -again to the law. I returned to Kurzman’s office, January 16, 1872. - -Though Kurzman’s perspicacity could pierce directly through the -intricacies of any tangled case, his accounts were shamefully neglected. -His check book was his only book of entry--he trusted his memory to keep -track of what his clients owed him--so I voluntarily and without -informing him arranged a regular system of accounts, and shall never -forget his surprise and appreciation when, at the end of the year, I -showed him what he had earned and the sources and also the amounts still -due him. - -The most important branch of his practice was the searching of titles, -and this gave me my early taste for real estate. This department was -under the able management of Alfred McIntire, who graciously initiated -me into the intricacies of his work. - -We were then in the midst of a real-estate boom mostly participated in -by the recently created middle class. Houses were dealt in almost as -freely as merchandise, the only hindrance being the delay occasioned by -the searching of titles, which was still confined to the lawyers, as -there were no title insurance companies. Contracts would frequently be -assigned twice and sometimes thrice, before the great event, “the -closing of the title.” Then the various couples involved--the seller, -the assignors of the contract, and the final purchaser--would all troop -into our offices. The women invariably were the bankers and pulled out -their roll of bills and sometimes Savings Bank Books, rarely checks, to -consummate the transaction. The moneys invested were seldom taken out of -the business, but were mostly the savings of the thrifty housewives. -When everything was completed, all adjourned to a neighbouring wine -cellar, to be treated to a bottle or two of Rhine wine by the vendor, -and frequently I had to go along to represent Kurzman, and as the -youngest listen attentively to the real estate stories told with all -kinds of embellishments. - -Kurzman at that time took as his partner George H. Yeaman, who had been -a member of Congress from Kentucky and, more recently, American Minister -to Denmark, and subsequently became a lecturer at the Columbia Law -School. His native Southern chivalry had been polished by his experience -at the Danish court; he was a man of splendid education and wide -culture. I was fortunate in being chosen to take his dictation. I was -amused in 1916 when, as Ambassador, I visited Dr. Maurice Francis Egan -at our Legation in Copenhagen, and looked through the records made by -Yeaman in 1865 while he was the head of that Legation. - -My private life I continued to order along the lines that I had laid -down for myself. I would get up at 6 A. M. and go to Central Park. Then -if I had not exercised at home, I would take a long walk; otherwise I -would sit under the trees and read. The hour that the horse car consumed -in wending its way from the Park to Duane Street I would devote to my -books, and I was so thrifty that I did not even buy a newspaper. I kept -myself so busy that I did not even see one, until, going home for the -night, I unfolded and read such as had been left in Kurzman’s office -during the day. - -Thrift was, indeed, a necessary virtue. I had left commerce for the law -at something of a sacrifice: in 1872, my accounts, which I kept -scrupulously all this while, bear evidence of how careful I had to be of -my scanty income. “Carfare, 10 cts.; Dinner, 15 cts.; Sundries, 2 cts.” -That is a typical day’s expenditure. - -No man that lived through the Panic of ’73 can ever forget it and on me -it made an indelible impression. At the root of the trouble was railway -over-expansion. The successful completion of the Union Pacific in 1869 -caused the projection of many other roads. Jay Cooke launched the -Northern Pacific; Fisk and Hatch, the Chesapeake & Ohio; Kenyon, Cox & -Co., the Canadian Southern. The eminent New York banking concerns -floated the bonds; the large rate of interest promised--N. P. paid 8½ -per cent.--attracted buyers, largely clergymen, school-teachers and -small professional men--and prices advanced until optimism bordered on -hysteria. Issue followed issue. Then, in the May of ’73, a panic on the -Vienna Bourse stopped European consumption and threw back on the New -York financiers obligations that strained their credit. Early in -September, after one unfortunate bank-statement followed on the heels of -another, call-money was at 7⅙ and commercial paper at from nine to -twelve per cent. - -Minor failures were numerous in the week of September 8th. Kenyon, Cox -&. Co. failed on the 13th; the Eclectic Life Insurance Co. on the 17th. -On the 18th, the big bolt fell; word ran round that Jay Cooke & Co., in -many respects the greatest house of its time, was tottering. This news -greatly startled Kurzman, who had been a persistent purchaser of -Northern Pacific bonds. “On the floor of the Exchange,” said the -_Times_, “the brokers surged out, tumbling pell-mell over each other in -the general confusion, and reached their offices in race-horse time.” -Those were not the days of telephones; when the panic-stricken men had -got their orders, they ran back to the floor, on which absolute -confusion reigned. Men shouted themselves hoarse, contradicted -themselves and collapsed. A moment was enough to ruin many a dealer. Any -one with money to lend was beset by a mob of lunatics. Almost -immediately the effect was felt all the way down the financial line; -smaller companies went the way of the big ones and many of the smallest -were tottering after the smaller. - -That week I took as usual all that I could spare from my scant salary -and went, according to my custom, to the German Uptown Savings Bank to -deposit it along with the little fund that I was laboriously setting -aside. There was a big line of confident depositors bent on similar -errands; many were ahead of me, and waiting my turn, as I looked into -the teller’s cage, I saw the president of the bank in a very earnest -conversation with three other men. Of course, I could not hear what they -were saying, but I thought the president seemed worried, and that those -with him also showed uneasiness. - -I turned my head to find that the shuffling line had brought me before -the window that was my goal. The clerk behind it was both a receiving -and a paying teller. On a sudden impulse I thrust my dollar bill that I -intended to deposit back into my pocket, presented my pass-book, and -told the clerk that I wanted to withdraw the entire $80 that was to my -credit. - -Three days later that bank closed. The other depositors ultimately got -about fifty cents on the dollar. - -The real estate market had been as badly inflated as the stock market, -and foreclosures were the order of the day. Properties like the block -bounded by Park and Madison Avenue and Seventy-first and Seventy-second -streets went under the hammer. John D. Crimmins and his father had paid -$475,000 to James Lenox, who repurchased it for $374,150 at the -foreclosure sale under the mortgage. Equities disappeared like the snow -in spring-time. Where we had once been almost rushed to death with the -drawing of mortgages to consummate the many sales, we were now hard -pressed to keep pace with foreclosure proceedings. - -I took charge of this work for Kurzman, who gave me 10 per cent. of the -net fees; the commission was most acceptable, the experience invaluable, -but a more depressing task it has never been my lot to perform. The -proud and prosperous men that had been our best clients from 1871 to -1873 now returned to shed their wealth and, with it, their -self-reliance. One who had owned eight or ten houses was reduced to -borrowing $100 from Kurzman for temporary relief. I made up my mind -never to “plunge”; if I had not lived through the Panic of ’73, I should -to-day be either many times richer than I am or, what is far more -likely, penniless. - -The bad light in the Kurzman offices had injured my eyes, and, just -after the panic had subsided, my doctor ordered a sea trip. I sailed on -the barque _Dora_ for Hamburg--thirty days for $35, and no extra charge -for the excitement that was thrown in. - -We were undermanned and underprovisioned. The first mate was ill when -we set out from Jersey Flats; because of that, two of the crew had -deserted, leaving only eight men aboard. There was no doctor among -these, and the Captain and I read a thumbed work on medicine that -adorned his cabin, studied the remedies that it suggested, and nearly -emptied the medicine chest in trying to cure the poor fellow, who lost -sixty pounds under our ministrations and, at the voyage’s end, went home -with his disease still undiagnosed. - -Meanwhile, the crew were dissatisfied on account of the extra work -forced on them by the inactivity of the mate and the absence of the -deserters, and also with their rations. They won the second mate to -their side, and, on a day of storm when they declared themselves too few -to handle the sails, he led something like an old-fashioned mutiny. They -crowded toward the Captain. - -“Run and get a pistol!” he whispered to me. - -I obeyed. As I returned and slipped him the weapon, the mutineers were -just coming to a pause before him. - -The Captain levelled his pistol. He made short work of the difficulty. -He offered them cold lead or hot grog. The crew, like sensible men, -chose the latter, but they continued to grumble at the food--which was -mostly hard-tack and cornmeal--until, on a day when we were becalmed in -the North Sea, we caught several dolphins weighing over 150 pounds. I -have rarely eaten anything better than that dolphin steak. - -This is not to be a record of travel, but one phase of that early -journey of mine is well worthy of notice: I saw Germany just as she was -entering on the imperialistic career that ended so abruptly when her -crestfallen representatives signed the Treaty of Versailles. The -Franco-Prussian War had just ended in triumph; the German Empire had -been reborn. Its people were not the easygoing people that I remembered -from my earlier boyhood in Mannheim. Everywhere there were the -beginnings of commercial and military activity; everywhere there was -preached the doctrine of world power. - -I passed several weeks at Kiel; I lived well on less than a dollar a -day. I had some difficulty in becoming friendly with a pensioned wounded -army captain because he held me personally responsible that American -ammunition had been sold to the French. The same complaint was made to -me by the German Ambassador, Baron Wangenheim, in Constantinople, in -1915. I saw the launching of the new Empire’s first battleship, the very -beginning of that colossal preparation for war which, at the cost of so -many millions in lives and money, was finally to bear its bloody fruit -in 1914. A wrinkled old man wearing a small military cap made the speech -on that occasion. It was the famous General von Moltke. I listened -intently to what he said. His words reached everyone in that crowd, -which was attentively listening to the great hero of the Franco-Prussian -War; and when I looked into his piercing eyes, I found that they seemed -to penetrate right through me, and I could understand the frequently -made statement that officers used to quiver in his presence, and that -his questions, accompanied by one of his fixed looks, always elicited -the exact truth. - -On my return to America, I entered the law office of Chauncey Shaffer, -who was a leader of the New York Bar and had a nation-wide reputation. -He had been retained in many important cases, and some romantic. His -offices were first on the third floor in an old-fashioned private house -at No. 7 Murray Street, and later, he moved into the Bennett Building, -one of the city’s first modern office buildings. - -In our new, well-lighted quarters, we had some interesting neighbours, -and these, along with many another, were constantly dropping in on -Shaffer. I still recall with pleasure my acquaintance in those -surroundings with Gildersleeve and Purroy, with Butzel and Bourke -Cochran. - -Henry A. Gildersleeve had been born on a farm in Dutchess County, and in -early life was the handiest man with his fists in all that district. In -the Civil War he organized a company and was elected a captain. He -returned from that to complete his education and become a lawyer, but he -became a crack shot, too, at the international rifle matches; and when -he first visited Shaffer’s office, it was as an Apollo of a man with -romance in every feature of his face and every particle of attire. - -He was offered by both parties the nomination as Judge of General -Sessions and came to consult Shaffer about it. I was in the room at the -time. - -The scene is still vivid. Shaffer never forgot his Napoleonic pose when -there was anybody present to observe it, and now he moved about with one -hand under his coat tails and the other thrust into his breast. The -harder he thought, the harder he chewed his tobacco and the more -frequent were his expectorations. Finally he stopped short in front of -Gildersleeve, who had been waiting patiently for this queer oracle to -speak. - -“If you have to go down in this fight,” Shaffer said, “go down in good -company: take the Fusion nomination.” - -Gildersleeve accepted that advice. He remained on the bench until he was -seventy years of age. He is in his eighties now and as keen of intellect -as in those far-off days when he used to visit Shaffer. He is still one -of my favourite golf companions. - -On many Saturdays we did little work; the coterie met in Shaffer’s -office, and we talked; it would be nearer to the mark to say that one of -us talked and entertained the others by his endless flow of good stories -and sparkling reminiscences. He was a student under Shaffer, and his -name was Bourke Cochran. I never saw him poring over Blackstone or -Kent, but on Saturday when freed from his duties as principal of the -Public School at Tuckahoe, this exuberant young instructor would either -practise his future orations on us or pour out his flood of Cochranisms -and anecdotes. Not getting my name at the first meeting, he dubbed me -“Mortgagee” and still calls me so. He thrilled us with the account of -his early struggles at Dublin University, roused our enthusiasm by his -plans to restore oratory to the New York Bar, and evoked our applause by -his determination to Patrick Henryize the Assembly at Albany. The -Democrats promised him a nomination to the Assembly, but withdrew the -promise when they discovered that he was not yet twenty-one. - -It was while at Shaffer’s that I began to find out how human great men -really are. The names of Benjamin F. Butler--the redoubtable Butler of -Massachusetts--and Preston Plumb of Kansas used to move me to awe. One -of my employer’s important cases involved some grants of land -to the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad and was brought -by John Leisenring, of Pennsylvania, whose attorney-of-record, -Congressman-at-large Charles P. Albright, of the same state, had, in -addition to Shaffer, associated with him in the affair, Butler and -Plumb. The latter used to dash into our office without a necktie and -then chafe at the former’s unpunctuality and indifference in the matter -of keeping appointments. - -“It’s all very well for Butler to behave like this just now,” he would -say. “Wait a few more years. Then he will still be a mere Congressman, -while I’ll be a United States Senator! We’ll see who’ll kowtow to the -other then!” - -Although Plumb was elected to the Senate not long after and served there -many years, I did not hear of Ben Butler doing any kowtowing. - -In the summer of 1875 I felt that obtaining a knowledge of the law in -this scrappy, unsystematic fashion was unsatisfactory, and that, -therefore, I would leave Shaffer’s employ, attend Columbia Law School to -get a thorough grounding of the law, and arrange for future easy access -the odd bits of legal knowledge that I had absorbed in the offices. As I -needed an income to enable me to do this, I secured a position as -night-school teacher at $15 a week in the school on Forty-second Street -near Third Avenue. - -At that time Forty-third Street had not yet been cut through, and on top -of the rocks was a shanty-town occupied by squatters. As I had the adult -class, my pupils were from eighteen to forty-five years old, some of -them denizens of the rocks, while others were hardworking carpenters, -brakemen, butchers, factory workers, a plumber’s assistant, a coachman, -and a blacksmith. - -I particularly remember the latter three, because the plumber’s -assistant came to the school to inveigle some of the other boys to play -cards with him in one of the rear seats, and to amuse himself by -throwing tobacco quids and beans while I, with my back turned to the -class, would be engaged in explaining things on the blackboard. I was -nineteen years of age, husky, weighing 180 pounds, and unafraid even of -a plumber’s boy. As my weekly stipend of $15 was my sole support and its -retention depended upon my being able to maintain discipline and keep up -the attendance, I was not going to permit this loafer’s antics to defeat -me--and one evening when I caught him playing cards, I forcibly ejected -him from the classroom. Thenceforth my tenure of office was assured and -continued to the closing day exercises, at which I had the pleasure of -rewarding the coachman, Morgan O’Toole, with a prize for the greatest -advancement made by any pupil. This man was very anxious to learn -fractions. During the first three weeks of the session, every Friday -evening I had succeeded in teaching them to him. Every following Monday -evening his mind was an absolute blank as to fractions, and the fourth -week I asked him to come to my house both Saturday and Sunday, and gave -him private lessons. His joy on the next Monday when he found he had -retained his knowledge is still a vivid memory in my mind. - -The blacksmith, a man named Whitney, had been a fellow pupil of mine in -Fifty-first Street School, and had been one of the best penmen. I was -surprised to see him come to reacquire that ability, which he had lost -through wielding the hammer and pulling the bellows. - -One of the carpenters wanted to learn duodecimals. As I knew nothing -about them, I told him that I wanted him to brush up on ordinary -fractions for two days. In the meantime, I learned duodecimals and then -taught him. - -It was really a great experience to divide impartially two hours every -evening so as to satisfy the twenty-five earnest seekers after -knowledge. - -I deeply sympathized with these men who, wearied from their day’s -labour, preferred to forego needed rest or amusement and devote their -evenings to extricate themselves from the ignorance in which they had -been compelled, probably through poverty and the early need of -self-support, to live the better part of their existence. - -It spurred me to still greater efforts to increase my own knowledge and -I was no longer content merely to perform my allotted tasks at the Law -School, but spent several hours a day at the Astor Library and drew deep -drafts from that fine well. - -During that period I devoted all the daylight hours to study, -principally at the Law School, sitting in the midst of these hundreds of -men who had come from all parts of this country and Japan, to imbibe -from the lips of this great teacher, Professor Theodore W. Dwight, the -basis of the law of the land. - -I joined the Columbia Club and was elected one of the team to debate -with the Barnard Club, all of whose members were college graduates, -while we had not had that advantage. I studied the subject of the -debate, “Whether Participation in Profits or Agency Is the Correct Test -of Partnership,” more thoroughly than I ever did any case on which I was -retained during my practice of law. Professor Dwight, who presided, -praised our thorough preparation and fine team work and declared us the -winners. When our class graduated, we had the great honour of having -that famous leader of the Bar, Charles O’Connor, come out of his -retirement to bid us “Godspeed” on our way. - -I was formally admitted to the bar on June 1, 1877. - -During my second year in Law School I did not teach night school, but -supported myself by accepting a position from that fine Southern -gentleman, General Roger A. Pryor, who had been Congressman, Minister to -Spain, and finally became a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State of -New York. - -An interesting episode that occurred at that time was my representing -General Pryor at several meetings of the owners of the Greenwich Street -property, who had retained him to seek an injunction to prevent the -continued use and extension of the first Elevated road, which was on -their street and was propelled by a chain. They claimed that their -property would be ruined for private residences, and it was. They did -not visualize, however, that this was the first step forward in the -solution of the transit problem of New York, which was then totally -dependent upon its horse-car system; and that someone had to suffer for -the general good. - -A very important and valuable after-effect of my connection with -Pryor’s office was my becoming acquainted with Mr. Valentine Loewi, for -whom I searched the title in a mortgage transaction. Loewi doubted my -experience and when Pryor confronted me with this, instead of resenting -the criticism, as Loewi expected me to do, I recognized its justice, and -satisfied Loewi by having my work checked up by Mr. McIntire. He became -my permanent friend and one of my firm’s first clients, and through his -recommendations we secured some of the most valuable clients we ever -had. - -A little later came the uproar consequent upon Tilton’s entering the -wrong berth in a sleeping-car. He came to Pryor, and I acted as -secretary while these two prepared the Tilton statement for the -newspapers. Curiously, both these six-footers had the habit, when -thinking intensely, of striding across the room with swinging arms, and -were that day doing it in opposite directions. I was constantly on the -alert for a collision. Tilton would dictate a phrase. Pryor would stop -and suggest another word. Tilton would weigh and test it, and would make -still further corrections. Not even my weightiest diplomatic notes from -Constantinople received the care and attention that these few lines were -given by these two masters of English. - -In the summer of ’77, as Mr. Kurzman was going to Europe, he requested -me to come back to Kurzman & Yeaman, and as they offered me a -well-lighted office, I did so. Still associated with Kurzman was Alfred -McIntire to whom I have already referred, and with whom I had kept up -the pleasantest of relations during my clerkships with Shaffer and -Pryor, both of which positions he had secured for me. McIntire was a New -Englander of the very best type, considerably older than Mr. Kurzman, -and recognized as one of the best conveyancers of the City of New York. - -One Sunday while I was visiting McIntire, we went rowing on the Harlem -River, and discussed plans for a prospective partnership. He was about -six foot two in height, and weighed fully 250 pounds, and I was to do -the rowing. Our skiff had not proceeded fifty yards before I discovered -that I could not pull such a load and get anywhere. I took this as an -omen, and then and there resolved that when I did select a law partner, -he should be of my own age and weight, so that he could do some of the -pulling. - -During this summer, one of the old clients of the office, Henry Behning, -got into very serious differences with his partner Diehl. The matter -became greatly complicated, and the more complicated it became, the more -excited Behning grew, and the more excited he was, the more incoherent -and less comprehensible was his English, so that Mr. Yeaman, who was -acting as his counsel in Mr. Kurzman’s absence, despaired of -understanding him. A climax was reached one day when Diehl’s attorneys -had secured the appointment of a receiver. Behning was accusing the -lawyers, and the judge, and everybody else of all kinds of conspiracies, -and Yeaman was so bewildered that he called me in to tell Behning that -he did not think he could do justice to him because he could not -understand his speech, and that he had better secure a German-speaking -attorney. Upon my explaining this to Behning, he said: “All right, I’ll -take you.” I explained the proposition to Mr. Yeaman, and he said that -if Behning would be contented to do all his consulting with me he would -be very glad to steer the legal proceedings. I discovered that some of -Behning’s fears of conspiracy were justified, and concluded that the -only way to counteract them was to throw the firm into bankruptcy. I -prepared the necessary papers, and had them signed by the judge of the -United States District Court. I then communicated with the pompous -ex-judge who represented Diehl, and had the tremendous satisfaction of -having completely checkmated him. A prompt settlement resulted. The -creditors realized that if they kept on fighting, the lawyers would be -dividing the assets, and therefore consented to have Behning and Diehl -divide them, and each continue in business for himself, and each assume -half the liabilities. - -Behning greatly appreciated what I had accomplished. He wanted to give -me something to prove it. As he had no spare cash, he offered, and with -Yeaman’s consent I accepted, one share of the Celluloid Piano Key -Company stock. At that time, Arnold, Cheney & Company had cornered the -word’s ivory market, driving up the price of ivory for piano keys to -$30.00 a set. The piano manufacturers tried alabaster and other -substitutes with small success, when Behning thought of using celluloid -and formed the Celluloid Piano Key Company, securing for it the -exclusive right for the use of that substance in piano and organ keys. - -The company was so successful that its president began to intrigue for -its control. The president was an Englishman, the treasurer a Dane, the -secretary an American, and most of the rest Germans. Themselves densely -ignorant of the manipulations of corporations, they finally feared that -the president was in a fair way to get the company away from them, -whereupon those representing over 70 per cent. of the stock held a -hurried meeting, but they could not agree on a common policy because -each mistrusted the others. I proposed that they all give their proxies -to one man who should obligate himself faithfully to represent the -interests of all against the president; they replied that this was -excellent, but they could not agree on the one man. - -Then Behning spoke: - -“What’s the use of fencing any longer? The only one we _all_ trust is -Henry. Let’s give him all our proxies.” - -They did so, slated me for secretary, and as I wanted to prevent any -mischief until the next annual meeting, I called on the president, told -him I had the proxies of 70 per cent. and, with the audacity of my -years, warned him that, if he did anything improper for the remainder of -his term, I would bring him into court. - -He asked me: - -“Are you going to be an officer?” - -“I am to be secretary,” I said. - -“Will you protect my interest, and see that I get my proportionate share -of the profits?” - -I went back to the others and obtained the authority to give him this -assurance, which I did. - -“All right,” he declared, “make out my proxy to you and I’ll sign it.” - -I had bearded a lion in his den and brought a lamb out with me. My -connection with this concern, in one capacity or another, continued -through two decades, and I was its president when I left it. - -This adventure in celluloid put me in a position where it was possible -to realize my ambition to stop clerking and start for myself. - -It was settled most unexpectedly. During my attendance at Law School, -Abraham Goldsmith, Wilbur Larremore, son of Judge Larremore, and I used -to hold weekly quizzes at my house. In that way I had renewed my -friendship with Goldsmith, who had been my classmate in the City -College. One evening, early in December, 1878, Goldsmith called and -informed me that Samson Lachman and he contemplated starting a law firm. -I had always been very fond of Goldsmith, and Samson Lachman had won my -unlimited admiration when I listened to his Commencement Day oration and -saw him receive eleven prizes, which were about all that one man could -take. Hence, Goldsmith found me very receptive, and before we separated -that evening, our partnership was an accomplished fact. We both agreed -that Lachman was entitled to head the firm. As Goldsmith expressed -indifference as to his position, and as Lachman, Morgenthau & Goldsmith -sounded more euphonious, that order was adopted. We agreed to start on -January 1, 1879. Our average ages were twenty-three. We hired offices at -No. 243 Broadway at an annual rental of $400. Our net receipts for the -year 1879 were $1,500. - -Our practice, as well as our income, grew steadily, but I shall abstain -from relating many details, as most of the matters involved were not of -public interest. - -A rather interesting affair, because some of the participants are well -known to the public, was the dissolution in February, 1893, of the firm -of Wechsler & Abraham, of Brooklyn. We represented Wechsler, and William -J. Gaynor, afterward Mayor of the City of New York, represented Abraham. -Their partnership agreement contained a very peculiar dissolution -clause. They were to meet on February 1, 1893, and bid for the business, -and a bid was to be final only if the non-bidding partner had failed to -increase it during a term of twenty-four hours. When we met, I drew -attention to the fact that if we acted under the contract, either side -could prolong the matter indefinitely, and recommended that we amend the -agreement by reducing the limit to one hour. This was agreed to on -condition that both parties would deposit $500,000 as an earnest of -their intentions to complete their bid, the unsuccessful bidder to have -his check returned to him. Isidor Straus pulled out a certified check of -$500,000 and I instructed Wechsler to make out his check. When Wechsler -admitted that he did not have that much in the bank, I showed them an -underwriting that I had secured from the Guaranty Trust Company and the -Title Guarantee & Trust Company, to finance our purchase to the extent -of $1,000,000. The auction then proceeded, and both factions were -cautiously watching each other. Gaynor, Abraham, and the Strauses -several times retired to the other end of the room for conference, -Nathan Straus constantly pulling at one of his big cigars and pretending -that they had about reached the limit of their bidding. I had arranged -definitely with Wechsler that we would bid an amount that would produce -$500,000 for the good will of the business. So, finally, when they came -within reach of about $100,000 of it, I bid the exact amount that would -produce the desired result. They saw what I meant, and, as it turned -out, had their last conference, which lasted about ten minutes, and -raised us $100. I then informed them that we would take our hour. We -(Wechsler, Mr. MacNulty, who was the manager of the store, and myself) -went to an adjoining restaurant to discuss the matter. Wechsler devoted -fully forty minutes of the hour in trying to persuade me to reduce the -fee that he had agreed to pay me. He and I had agreed that if he -purchased the property, and we had to complete the financing of it, my -firm’s fee was to be $25,000, while if Abraham bought him out, we were -to receive $10,000. Wechsler thought we had earned it too quickly, and -begged for a reduction. I was absolutely firm and finally told him the -story of the dentist who, with his modern methods, had painlessly -extracted two teeth for a farmer in two minutes, and when he demanded -his fee of $2.50, the exorbitancy of the charge was objected to by the -farmer, who stated that when he had his last tooth extracted, the -dentist had pulled him around the room for half an hour, and then only -charged him 50 cents for all that work. I said to Wechsler that I could -have protracted this matter for thirty days, and this delay would have -been most injurious to him on account of his diabetic condition. He -wanted me to bid another $10,000 so that Abraham would have had to pay -the fee, and he would have a net $250,000 for his good will. I was firm -in my advice that he was unwise to run the business alone and should not -risk securing it. We returned before the hour had expired, got -Wechsler’s check back, and his half interest in the business became the -property of Isidor and Nathan Straus, for whom Abraham had in reality -been bidding. Immediately thereafter they dropped Wechsler’s name and -created the well-known firm of Abraham & Straus. - -Incidentally it may be of interest to the public to know that, when -Isidor and Nathan Straus divided their interests, Isidor and his sons -secured the business of R. H. Macy & Co., which they owned in common, -while Nathan and his sons secured the half interest in Abraham & Straus. -No doubt a good share of Nathan Straus’ munificent charities are -financed to-day by his share of the profits from that business. - -One of the greatest surprises in our practice was when Judge Horace -Russell retained me as a business lawyer to advise him what to do about -the affairs of Hilton, Hughes & Company, who had succeeded to the -business of A. T. Stewart & Company, and who, in turn, were later -succeeded by John Wanamaker. Judge Russell’s brother-in-law, Mr. Hilton, -had been increasing the volume of the business rapidly, but his expense -ratio was increasing much faster in proportion, so that, at the end of -the year, he showed a tremendous loss. Some of the biggest banks in New -York were refusing to renew the notes, even though Judge Hilton was -willing to endorse them. They said they felt safe on all the paper they -had then with Judge Hilton’s endorsement and collateral, but they feared -that if they permitted the losses to continue much longer, it might -even engulf Judge Hilton in the unavoidable catastrophe. I finally -advised him that he should sell out the business and take his loss. He -retained Mr. Elihu Root as counsel. The three of us went over the whole -situation. I explained that, owing to the very large general expenses -due primarily to the excessive salaries which Hilton had agreed to pay -under five-year contracts to his buyers, heads of departments, and even -the superintendent of the engine room, and the bad credit in which the -firm then stood, the only wise course was to sell out the business. We -concluded to do so, but in the meantime decided that it would be -necessary to make a general assignment to preserve the assets and secure -a reasonable settlement with the men who held long contracts. When the -assignment was finally prepared, it had to be executed the following -day, and Root, Russell, and I first dined together, and then remained in -Russell’s office until five minutes past midnight, when young Hilton, in -our presence and that of Mr. Wright, the assignee, and a notary, -executed the document. - -While waiting, Mr. Root told us of several cases in which he had -recently been retained, where the younger generation dissipated big -fortunes in a very short time. He laid particular stress on the case of -Cyrus W. Field, who, in his lifetime, prided himself that he had an -income of $1,000 a day, which at that time was enormous. I also recall -Root telling me that night that it was unwise for any lawyer to devote -himself entirely to politics, that he should, when called upon, render a -public service, complete it, and then return to his profession, but be -ready for any further calls that might be made upon him. Root has -pursued that course most successfully. - -I felt a strange sensation to be present at this midnight dénouement of -the great business of A. T. Stewart & Company. I could not help but -think of the causes. Judge Hilton had offended the Jews in America -because his hotel, the “Grand Union” in Saratoga, had refused to -accommodate Joseph Seligman, whom both the New York Chamber of Commerce -and Union League Club honoured by electing as one of their -vice-presidents. Hilton did not then realize that this act not alone -involved the loss of his Jewish customers, but it would also influence a -great many of his Christian patrons who would resent such -discrimination, and withdraw their custom from his firm. Most of this -trade went to the rising firms of B. Altman & Co. and Stern Bros. and so -strengthened them that they became great competitors of Hilton, Hughes & -Company, and precipitated their downfall. John Wanamaker bought the -lease and stock of goods. I remember distinctly with what satisfaction, -when the transaction was closed, he told me that this was the first time -that he had ever heard of so valuable a franchise being given away for -nothing. Wanamaker shrewdly disregarded the short existence of Hilton, -Hughes & Company, and advertised John Wanamaker as the successor of A. -T. Stewart & Company. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -REAL ESTATE - - -My first purchase of real estate was No. 32 West Thirty-fifth Street, a -twenty-two-foot, white marble, high-stoop building. I bought it for the -modest sum of $15,000 and resold it at an advance of $500, and thought I -was doing well. To-day it is worth at least $110,000. This, however, was -not my first experience with real estate, for that was in 1872 when, at -the request of my preceptor, Mr. Ferdinand Kurzman, I undertook for an -extra compensation of $5 a month to collect for him the rents of No. 218 -Chrystie Street. - -The tenants of this building in 1872 were Irish and Germans, and one of -the stores was occupied as a saloon by an Irishman named Ryan who -catered to the worst element of the neighbourhood. Kurzman, failing to -get rid of him in a peaceful way, and knowing that there was a political -feud between him and Anthony Hartman, the odd though popular Justice of -the District Court, waited for the first of May, when only a -three-hours’ dispossess notice was required. Circumstances favoured the -plan because on that day the Thomas Ryan Association were giving a -picnic. So the notice was served by nailing it on the door at twelve -o’clock. Judge Hartman opened court at three o’clock, called the cases -of _Kurzman_ vs. _Ryan_, took Ryan’s default, signed the dispossess -warrant, and adjourned the court, compelling all other litigants to wait -for their justice until the next day. Instead of the usual one marshal, -all those attached to the court, with their assistants, were hurried to -No. 218 Chrystie Street, and within two hours had removed everything to -the sidewalk. - -By that time word had reached Ryan, and he and some of his henchmen -returned. They were thoroughly aroused but quite helpless. As there was -no court in session, and the marshals were in possession of the -premises, Kurzman was rid of Ryan for good and all. This was the first -exhibition I ever saw of how justice might be travestied. - -The next day Ryan’s attorneys appeared before Hartman and attempted to -have the proceedings reopened, and upon Hartman’s refusal to do so, -attacked him bitterly. The Judge said that if the learned counsel would -not at once stop his impudent remarks, the court would forget its -dignity long enough to leave the bench and “punch him in the jaw.” - -My next experience brought me in contact with even a worse element. -Kurzman had foreclosed a second mortgage on some houses on West -Thirty-ninth Street between Tenth and Eleventh avenues. They were part -of the block that was called “Hell’s Kitchen.” Many of the tenants owned -only a mattress and a few chairs, and no kitchen utensils of any kind, -and frequently paid their rents in instalments of less than one dollar. -Twice I saw women carried out of the buildings the worse for the -“exciting arguments” they had indulged in with some of their visitors. -It would not have paid us to dispossess these people, as the new ones -would have been no better. We collected the rents for a few months -longer until the first mortgages were foreclosed. - -This condition was very general throughout the City of New York. The -boom days of real estate had disappeared, and with them, the optimistic -speculators. Real estate was unsalable, and those who had received -mortgages in payment of some of their capital and all their profits were -confronted with the choice of either abandoning their mortgages or -foreclosing them and again assuming control of their property. The -conferences between the delinquent owners and the mortgagees to adjust -these matters reminded one as much of funerals as the joyous meetings in -the wine cellars had of weddings. These middle-class investors whom I -met in ’72 and ’73 were completely wiped out and never came back. Quite -the contrary was the case with most of those intrepid builders and -operators like John D. Crimmins and Terrence Farley, who forgot their -losses and went at it again with fresh vigour and new courage as soon as -the liquidation had ended. In 1879, when specie payment had been -resumed, the superintendents of both the insurance and bank departments -urged institutions under their supervision to market their real estate -as soon as possible. Their efforts and those of other recent plaintiffs -to dispose of their holdings started a new active period. Real estate -again became fashionable, and the plucky operators and builders who had -survived the drastic punishment they had received were soon reinforced -by a new set of men, of whom I was one. - -In 1880, I turned my attention to Harlem where nearly all the brownstone -and brick houses that had been built in the seventies were in the hands -of mortgagees, and where the owners of the old frame houses were -thoroughly discouraged and could see little hope in the future. Nearly -all of Harlem was for sale. I bought plots of three to five adjoining -houses at a time, and quickly resold them at small profits. This -activity stopped when President Garfield was shot. The suspense during -his illness caused a complete cessation, so I, too, rested until -October, 1885. I was then worth only $27,000, and as a large part of -that was represented by my interest in the Celluloid Piano Key Company, -I had but little working capital. - -My brother-in-law, William J. Ehrich, agreed to operate with me in real -estate, he to contribute $40,000 capital and I to do the work. All -profits, after paying him interest, were to be divided equally. - -At that time my mother lived on One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Street in a -house I had purchased, a 17-foot brown-stone house with a pleasant yard -which she personally transformed into a delightful little garden. In my -frequent visits there I became impressed with the prospective importance -of One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street. It was the first broad street -north of Forty-second that ran from river to river, and I foresaw its -future value, particularly of the block between Seventh and Eighth -avenues. It seemed to me like the neck of a funnel into which the entire -neighbouring population was daily poured to reach the Elevated station -at One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street and Eighth Avenue. - -Ehrich and I concluded to secure some property on this block. The first -that we obtained was the lease of seven lots for which, at the -beginning, we paid the annual rental of $4,000. We still own this -leasehold, and the gross rental now is $44,500. We subsequently -purchased the adjoining plot of five lots, improved the same, and were -delighted when we were enabled to sell it to the Knickerbocker Real -Estate Company among whose stockholders were Solomon Loeb, of Kuhn, Loeb -& Company; Henry O. Havemeyer, John D. Crimmins, and John E. Parsons, at -a price which netted us a profit of $100,000. This was in 1899. -Subsequently, I repurchased this plot jointly with my partners, Lachman -& Goldsmith, for $250,000, and within two years thereafter sold it to -Mr. Louis M. Blumstein for $425,000. This was the most profitable, but -not the only transaction we had on this street. With various associates -I owned, at one time or another, one half of the property on the south -side of that block, so that I made good use of my early judgment as to -its future value. - -Our operations on One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street were not confined -to that block alone. We had also purchased various plots between Fifth -and Sixth avenues and, with a friend, I had collected a plot of eight -lots between Lexington and Fourth avenues. This made Oscar Hammerstein -one of my customers. - -One day the optimistic Oscar came into my office with his serious, -flat-footed walk, his French silk hat on his head, and his eternal cigar -between his fingers. He had just completed the Harlem Opera House on -West One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street, and he told me that, for his -success there, it was essential to have also a theatre on the East Side, -and he negotiated for the eight lots that we had collected on One -Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street near Park Avenue. We spent several hours -arranging the details of the lease of our property, with privilege to -buy, which was what he wanted. He argued me into giving it to him on a 4 -per cent. basis while the building was being constructed. When he was -all through, I said: - -“Do not think that you have deceived me as to your real aim. You want to -secure this property and pay down as little as possible until your -building is completed! All of us who own property on One Hundred and -Twenty-fifth Street between Seventh and Eighth avenues greatly -appreciate the fine theatre you put there, and the consequent increase -in the value of our property, and I am therefore willing to help you -make this enterprise a success. I will at once give you a deed, and as -there is no broker in the transaction, you need only pay the equivalent -of six months’ rent on account of the purchase price.” - -Hammerstein gratefully accepted the offer and, subsequently, told me how -he financed that entire operation without any capital. He struck a -sand-pit and saved all costs of excavation, besides realizing over -$30,000 for the sand. That furnished him nearly all the cash for the -building. - -A little later Hammerstein got into difficulties about an office -building next to the Harlem Opera House. He wanted to borrow $25,000 on -a second mortgage. He practically put a pistol to my head, and said: - -“You folks must lend me this money, or I can’t finish the building--and -that will force me into bankruptcy.” - -I looked at him and saw not the optimistic Oscar, but the harried -Hammerstein. He went on: - -“You don’t know what that will mean. If I go into bankruptcy, the Bank -of Harlem will also have to go. I owe them over $50,000 and they have -agreed that, if I can finish the building, they will buy it from me, -giving me back my notes in part payment.” - -“But that bank,” I protested, “has only $100,000 capital! How could it -lend you $50,000?” - -“One day,” he said, “as I was seated in my little office underneath the -steps of the Harlem Opera House, the president of the Bank broke in, and -leaning over my shoulder, handed me a blank note, and asked me, for -God’s sake, to make it out to the order of the Bank for $10,000. ‘Don’t -ask any questions,’ he whispered, ‘but just do what I want, and do it -quick.’ I complied with his request, I didn’t stop to put on my hat and -coat, but followed him to the Bank; and just as I expected, there were -the bank-examiners!” - -He paused in his narrative to give me one of those knowing, piercing -looks of his. This was still another Hammerstein: he was the -accomplished actor awaiting applause for securing such an extensive and -undeserved line of credit from so unexpected a source. - -“Does that,” he asked, “explain to you how I could pull his leg?” - -The impresario did not then go into bankruptcy. A few of us combined and -lent him the money. My activities in Harlem also included the purchase -of two solid blocks of lots. - -In 1887 Ehrich and I bought from Oswald Ottendorfer the entire block -bounded by Lenox and Mount Morris avenues and One Hundred and Twentieth -and One Hundred and Twenty-first streets. I induced the Ottendorfers to -split the transaction and content themselves with our buying the Lenox -Avenue front outright and their giving us an option on the Mount Morris -front. This option was sold for $10,000 profit, to Walter and Frank -Kilpatrick, and our total profits, which we divided in May, 1887, were -$43,424.10. I always remembered the numbers because of the sequence, 43, -42, 41. - -Immediately after we had sold the Ottendorfer block we purchased the -block to the north, also for $325,000. In this purchase the Kilpatricks -joined us. I had a peculiar experience when it came to drawing the -contracts. As the Ottendorfers had agreed to take back separate -mortgages on every four lots, I wanted the Astors, owners of this block, -to do the same. Mr. Southmayd, the partner of William M. Evarts and -Joseph H. Choate, attorneys for the Astors, refused to do so, and -insisted that we give him one mortgage for the entire $240,000 which -they had agreed they would allow to remain on the property. All my -pleadings were in vain. He even refused to take back four mortgages on -eight lots each, saying that he could not tell which was the most -valuable, and we might retain one or two of the plots and forfeit our -equities on the rest. - -Mr. Southmayd told me that just prior to the Panic of 1857, when farms -of 160 acres in Brooklyn were being sold at very inflated prices, an old -German truck-farmer was asked what he wanted for his 160 acres. He -demanded $50,000, the prevailing price at that time; $35,000 cash and a -$15,000 mortgage. When they argued with him that he had reversed the -order of things, Hans still adhered to his terms, as he claimed that the -property was not worth over $15,000, and when asked why he then insisted -on $50,000, he answered, “because you paid that amount to my neighbour -Peter for the same size farm.” Southmayd sneeringly added that after the -Panic of 1857 Hans got his property back for his mortgage. - -I would not submit to being balked by Southmayd. I made up my mind to -talk to the famous John Jacob Astor himself. - -I had never met him, but he had often been pointed out to me, as, -shortly before 9 o’clock, he walked with his son, Waldorf, down Fifth -Avenue, from their home to their office in Twenty-fifth Street. Astor -was a portly figure with impressive side-whiskers. I watched for them -and followed them to their office and asked for an interview. My plain -statement of facts made no apparent impression on them. I tried again: I -told Southmayd’s story of Hans: a smile broke the severity of the -elder’s face. - -“Mr. Astor,” I concluded, “you must admit that it’s unfair to your -property to compare the Harlem of to-day with the Brooklyn of 1856.” - -“You’re right,” said Astor. “You make me a proposition of what relative -values you put on the various plots, and what will be the amounts of the -separate mortgages, and I will have it checked up.” I submitted my -figures and they were accepted without any change. The mortgages were -paid long before they were due, as all the property was promptly -improved. I believe this was the first time that the Astors broke away -from their policy of not selling any of their holdings. - -While these activities were going on in Harlem, a great many builders -had erected rows and rows of private houses on the West Side, -principally between Central Park West and Amsterdam Avenue, so as to be -adjacent to the Elevated roads. In 1887 and 1888 there was a -considerable slump, and over three hundred new private houses were -unsold and unoccupied. Everything looked very gloomy. All of us who were -interested in the West Side were terrified when an announcement came -that there would be an unrestricted auction of the Joshua Jones Estate -on Seventy-fourth and Seventy-fifth streets from Central Park West to -within a few hundred feet of Amsterdam Avenue. - -Ehrich and I attended the auction, and when the first lot on -Seventy-fourth Street was put up with the privilege of the balance of -the block, we astonished the auctioneer and all present by taking all -twenty-four lots. - -That afternoon Ehrich and I went up to look at our purchase. As we -walked over the lots a couple of men shouted at us to get off the -property. We asked them why, and they said: “Don’t you see our traps? We -are catching birds here.” - -There is not much bird-trapping in that neighbourhood to-day! - -Success breeds enterprise. When we had disposed of these various plots -at a good profit, I was ambitious to undertake still larger -transactions. The original Rapid Transit Commission was then laying out -the routes of the first subway, and I, in search of another One Hundred -and Twenty-fifth Street, began to prospect for the district in which the -Commission would be likely to locate a northerly spur, concluding that -if Washington Heights were made accessible, One Hundred and Eighty-first -Street would become the important thoroughfare of that neighbourhood. - -There were four hundred lots owned by Levi P. Morton, then -Vice-President of the United States, and George Bliss, of Morton, Bliss -& Company, for which I had practically concluded my negotiations in -September, 1890, when the Old World was shocked by the failure of Baring -Brothers, the largest banking house of England. All negotiations were -stopped. But, in February, 1891, about eighty lots located in this -vicinity were successfully disposed of at auction. Peter F. Meyer, who -conducted that sale, assured me that less than one half of the bidders -had secured lots. - -On the strength of this success, I asked L. J. Phillips to ascertain -whether, owing to the financial stress of the times, the owners, Morton -and Bliss, would take $900,000 for their property, for which they had -formerly asked $1,000,000. - -Phillips’s report was brief: “Nothing less than a million.” - -This was what I really expected, and my directions were briefer: “Go -close it!” - -On March 26th I signed the contract. I paid $50,000 down and agreed to -pay $300,000 more on May 27th. I then interested about fifteen people in -the syndicate, many of whom were very prominent in real estate. We were -granted special facilities to open One Hundred and Eighty-second Street, -and had all the work done before the auction. - -This arrangement gave us sixteen complete blocks with sixty-four -corners, a most unusual percentage. - -There were a number of fortuitous circumstances which helped to make for -success. James Gordon Bennett having large possessions in that -neighbourhood, directed that our sale receive generous attention in the -_Herald_. There had been a secession of some of the auctioneers from the -Real Estate Exchange, which then occupied its own building at No. 65 -Liberty Street. Their manager called and said that their Board of -Directors were ready to do almost anything that I would ask to secure -the sale. They allowed me to display in the salesroom during all of May -a sign 60 feet wide and 20 feet in height, and they also agreed that -they would permit no other sale on May 26th. - -We had numerous conferences, and none of my associates agreed with me -that it was possible to sell so many lots at one session, but I was -absolutely firm and insisted that it be tried. I conceded that I would -stop the auction if I found that the purchasers had been exhausted, or -that the lots were being sold at a loss. Thousands of people visited the -property on the preceding Saturdays and Sundays. We could have sold the -property on the 26th of May without having made our final payment, and -could have used the proceeds of the sale for that purpose, but to avoid -any possible question as to whether we had taken title or not, we closed -the title on the day before the sale. As we were about leaving Morton, -Bliss & Company’s offices, both Bliss and Morton expressed the wish that -we might have a great success the next day, and the genial -Vice-President of the United States added: “If there is anything I can -do, please call upon me.” In response, I asked him whether he would come -over to the auction-room and if necessary, to convince the public of our -authority to sell the property, whether he would make a statement from -the auctioneer’s stand. He consented to do so and waited at his office -until I notified him that there was no need of his remaining any longer. - -When the auction started, the entire floor as well as the auction stands -and gallery were crowded to capacity. The bidding was very lively, and -when some of the One Hundred and Eighty-first Street corner lots sold -for over $10,000, there was considerable applause. - -The auction lasted until seven o’clock, and every one of the 411 lots -was sold. Ex-Register John Reilly had paid the highest prices: he bought -the entire front on the west side of St. Nicholas Avenue from One -Hundred and Eightieth to One Hundred and Eighty-first streets, and he -afterward confided to me that he had succeeded where we failed in -finding out that the Subway was to go through St. Nicholas Avenue, and -that there was to be a station at One Hundred and Eighty-first Street. -The corners of One Hundred and Eighty-first Street and St. Nicholas -Avenue are to-day the most valuable on Washington Heights. - -Our syndicate was well satisfied with the result, as we divided a profit -of $480,000 amongst the men who had invested $300,000. They showed their -appreciation of my work by presenting me with a magnificent silver -service, which was greatly admired by my Turkish visitors in -Constantinople. - -I was quite carried away with my success, and my enthusiasm made me an -easy prey to the temptation of participating in a still larger -scheme--the development of the Town of Bridgeport, Alabama. A few years -prior to 1891 there had been a great boom in Birmingham and Anniston, so -that I was easily persuaded by the firm that had been associated with me -in the purchase of the Astor Block to go in with them to develop -Bridgeport. - -All of us in the North felt that the South was “coming back” and -Bridgeport was near coal and iron fields and had good water power. We -started development, stove- and iron-pipe companies, a hotel, and a bank. -We believed, with energetic New Yorkers back of it, this little town on -the Tennessee River could be made a great manufacturing centre; we all -forgot that it was very far from Broadway. Before I knew it, I had sunk -more than my Washington Heights profit, and I am still paying taxes on -some of the land that I bought at that time. - -The loss of that money was a wholesome lesson, and I resolved to stick -to New York. I broke this resolve on only one other occasion, and that -was my venture into the Bamberger-Delaware gold mine: we took out plenty -of gold--something like $600,000 a year, but it cost us more than that -to do so. That investment also proved a total loss. - -In the winter of 1891 we began an operation which was to result in -winning the record for rapid construction up to that date. Our tenants -in the Hoagland property at Fifteenth Street and Sixth Avenue failed. We -concluded to tear down the old buildings and erect a new one. We had -been negotiating unsuccessfully with Baumann, the furniture dealer, so -we planned with our architect to put up a four-story building. I was in -the architect’s office the latter part of January, when in walked Mr. -Baumann and told me that if I would guarantee to finish the building by -April 30th, he would pay the price I asked. - -I consulted my architect, Albert Buchman. - -“It’s impossible,” he declared, “four and a half months--June 15th is -the earliest date conceivable.” - -“Even if we use double shifts?” - -“Even if we use double shifts.” - -“Well,” I said, “I’m going to chance it.” - -Buchman’s allotment for the excavation was fifteen days. I sent for -Patrick Norton, who had done some excavating work for me in Harlem. - -“Pat,” I asked, after I had sketched the case, “is there any objection -to working twenty-four hours a day?” - -“That depends,” said he. - -“Well, if you went at it on that basis, couldn’t you finish this job in -seven instead of fifteen days? I’ll pay for the light, and I’ll give you -25 per cent. extra.” - -Norton belonged to the type of bluff, enterprising contractors. The -novelty appealed to him, and he accepted it on the spot and completed -the job on time. - -Everything else went with similar speed. We were told that it would take -some time to get the iron posts required for the cellar; I showed our -plans to a man from Jackson & Company, and asked him whether, for an -extra consideration, he could have the posts required for the job -finished within a week. Within three days he made his deliveries. We -changed our specifications and substituted wooden ceilings for plaster. -We had the building finished and the elevators running on April 27th. -The building was a four-story structure with an iron front covering five -full lots, and we erected it for a trifle under $110,000. - -I had another but less satisfactory experience with Pat Norton: - -In the Winter of ’97 I bought from Collis P. Huntington a tract of land -running from One Hundred and Thirty-eighth to One Hundred and -Forty-first streets and from St. Ann Avenue eastward. The Title Company -discovered that Huntington did not own as large an area as was described -in the contract, so I called on him to ask for a reduction. It was a -memorable sight to behold this great old gentlemen, 6 feet 3 inches in -height, over eighty years of age, with as keen an intellect as a man of -thirty, trying to fathom my motives and playing with me as a cat plays -with a mouse. He leaned forward to get close to me, adjusting his little -skull cap a bit, and said: - -“Suppose I make you no concession at all! Are you going to throw up that -contract, or take the property?” - -“I will take the property because I expect to make a profit,” I said, -“but I am going to rely on you to do the fair thing by me.” - -He sat back in his chair and told me his experiences with Trenor W. -Park, who wanted to buy a railroad from him. A dispute arose about it, -which resulted in a law-suit. Afterwards, Park wanted to settle and buy -him out. Huntington fixed the price, and as Park hesitated, he told him -that for every day he delayed in accepting the offer he would add -$100,000 to his price, and as seven days had expired since his first -offer, the price was $700,000 more that day. Park agreed to that figure -before he left the room. - -“My experience,” said Huntington, “is that no man benefits by law-suits, -but that no man can succeed if he is afraid of them. Now, what do you -really think would be the fair thing for me to do in your case?” - -I mentioned a sum, and he said: - -“Strange to say, that is the figure I had in my mind.” He dictated a -letter then and there, agreeing to the reduction. - -We were anxious to dispose of the Huntington property at auction, and -hurriedly prepared it. There was a stone fence running diagonally over -the southerly part of the property, and I thought it would improve the -appearance of this place to have the stones removed, and as Norton was -putting through the streets and laying the sidewalks, I made a contract -to have him do so for $800. The next morning I was impelled to visit the -Huntington property. I was amazed to find 150 Italians working shoulder -to shoulder, digging a trench alongside the stone wall, and dumping the -stones into it. I stopped them and sent for Norton. When he came, -instead of being ready to apologize, he wore a broad grin and said that -he never expected me to come there, as I always came alternate days: by -the second day no trace of that trench would have been left--what -difference would it make to me, as long as it had disappeared, where it -had gone? - -We advertised an auction of this property for April 5, 1898. Because of -the expectation of a war with Spain, a number of people asked me to -abandon the sale. I agreed with their arguments that the sale would not -succeed, but I wanted to see if my analysis of the psychology of -prospective buyers was correct, which was, that some persons expecting -big bargains would come to the sale and would buy. So I concluded to put -up a few of the least valuable lots--those that had considerably more -rock above the surface--and then try some of the St. Ann Avenue fronts. -Just as I expected, the rock lots brought a very low price, but really -all they were worth, and were purchased by one of the shrewdest dealers -in New York. We stopped the sale after thirty were sold. - -In the winter of 1894 great excitement was caused among the real estate -men by mysterious efforts to secure the block on the east side of Sixth -Avenue between Eighteenth and Nineteenth streets. I was keenly -interested because if the east side of Sixth Avenue was to be developed -it would injure our Hoagland property, especially if it were a retail -concern, which would throw the travel from Macy’s on the east side. I, -therefore, called on my old friend William R. Rose, who was acting as -attorney in the matter. On my assuring him that I wished to benefit by -my information without interfering with his scheme, he told me that the -site was being collected for a retail drygoods store with a main -entrance on Sixth Avenue, and it finally turned out to be Siegel-Cooper -& Company. I immediately negotiated for the properties on the east side -of Sixth Avenue adjoining this block and secured for Lachman, Morgenthau -& Goldsmith from William Waldorf Astor the Nineteenth Street corner now -occupied by the Alexander Building, and for myself alone the entire -block from Seventeenth to Eighteenth street to a depth of 180 feet, from -some of the descendants of John Jacob Astor. Simultaneously with the -completion - -[Illustration: Mr. Morgenthau playfully refers to this picture as the -Morgenthau dynasty] - -of the Siegel-Cooper Company, I modernized the block front from -Seventeenth to Eighteenth Street, and we erected a new building on the -corner of Nineteenth Street, and sold it to Andrew Alexander. - -One evening Alwyn Ball, Jr., told me that Henry Parish wanted to sell -his house at the corner of Fifth Avenue and Nineteenth Street. I -suggested that I would buy the property if Mr. Parish would take in part -payment the second mortgage of $100,000 that Alexander had given us on -his corner. The Astor Estate held the first mortgage of $100,000. Ball -looked aghast. - -“Why,” he said, “that’s a preposterous proposition! The idea of offering -a second mortgage on a leasehold for the fee of a first-class Fifth -Avenue corner, and to make it to so conservative a man as Mr. Parish! He -has never even had a telephone in the offices of the New York Life -Insurance & Trust Company, of which he is president! You must want me to -be kicked downstairs.” - -“You’re absolutely mistaken,” I answered. “Mr. Parish is constantly -buying mercantile notes for his Trust Company, and will know that this -personal bond of Andrew Alexander’s, guaranteed by me, is as good as any -note that he has in his wallet. His office is on the ground floor--you -needn’t be afraid of being kicked downstairs.” - -Ball presented the offer and Parish accepted it. The mortgage was paid -on its due date: I made a small profit on the Parish house and disposed -of an almost unmarketable mortgage without any loss; Ball made a good -commission, and so all were happy. - -Shortly after I had another deal with William Waldorf Astor. It involved -a part of the Semler farm on the east side from Fourth to Tenth streets. -My negotiations with Charles A. Peabody, now president of the Mutual -Life Insurance Company of New York, were drawn out for over six months, -as his letters had to follow Astor all over Europe. After we had come -to a definite arrangement, war was declared with Spain. Peabody -surprised me one day when he came unannounced to my office to ask me -whether I was still willing to make the purchase. I told him that I was -convinced that the war would not affect the thirty Germans who were -occupying these houses, and to whom I expected to sell the fees; and -that I would be more pleased if he would sell me one hundred houses -instead of forty. We entered into a contract to purchase forty lots on -which the leases expired within a year. There was tremendous excitement -among the tenants; protest meetings were called and cables sent to -Astor. This brought me another visit from Mr. Peabody. - -“Now, Morgenthau,” he said after sketching his predicament, “will you -try to help us out?” - -“I am perfectly willing,” I said, “to take other property of Mr. -Astor’s, and let him deal direct with the objecting tenants, but I want -a corner plot for a corner plot, and an inside avenue plot for an inside -avenue plot and as many inside street lots as I was to have had. -Although you have no properties on which the leases terminate the same -time as these for which I am under contract, I am willing to buy them on -the same basis,”--which was multiplying the annual ground rent by -twenty. - -Peabody said that this was eminently fair; he would try and show his -appreciation, which he did, by selling us forty-four plots instead of -forty. We consummated the transaction on July 18, 1898. The deed that -was given was the first in which William Waldorf Astor failed to -describe himself as “of the City of New York.” It was a very -satisfactory transaction, as all but three of the tenants availed -themselves of the privilege we gave them to buy the property from us at -a reasonable profit. - -The year 1898 marked the twentieth anniversary of Lachman, Morgenthau & -Goldsmith. As I was leaving for my summer vacation, my partners urged -me to plan out how we could celebrate that event. While I was fishing in -the Thousand Islands, the infrequency of the bites of the black bass -left me ample time for reflection, and I concluded that instead of a -celebration, it would be a separation. I had felt so inclined for many -years, but the delightful association with my partners, the extreme -consideration they constantly showed me, the deep affection we felt for -one another, had caused me to delay, and their persuasion not to do so -had prevented my taking the final step. Here during these uninterrupted -hours on the St. Lawrence, I was able to look at myself objectively and -from both a retrospective and prospective point of view. - -The success of my real estate operations had won me away from the -exclusive devotion to the law which is so essential to rise in that -profession. In figuring the profits that had been made by the various -real estate syndicates that I had managed since 1891, I was surprised at -the total, and realizing that at no one time had I had the use of more -than $500,000 of my friends’ and my own money, I concluded that if I had -had a company with that amount of capital, and could show the profits -that had been made as surplus, the good will of such a company would be -very valuable and would be reflected in the selling price of the stock. -So why not induce some leading financiers to join me in the formation of -a real estate trust company, which would do for real estate what the -banking institutions have done for the railroads and industrials? - -I wrote my partners of my decision, and told them that I would withdraw -from the firm on January 1, 1899. - -Among others with whom I discussed my scheme were Frederick Southack and -Alwyn Ball, Jr., who had surprised me by informing me that they had had -a similar thought and had already secured from the New York Legislature -a special charter granting the privileges that would fit my scheme. - -They asked me to join them and accept the presidency of this company. I -accepted conditionally, telling them, however, that I would aim very -high as to my associates and would insist that as chairman of the -executive committee there be secured either the leading banker, J. P. -Morgan, or the leading bank president, James Stillman, or the leading -trust company president, F. P. Olcott. - -Southack and James H. Post, who was a director in the National City -Bank, presented the scheme to Mr. Stillman, who kept it under advisement -for several weeks, but finally declined because he had been advised that -some of our operations might be too speculative. In the meantime, -Southack and Ball had, in addition to Mr. Post, interested Henry O. -Havemeyer, John D. Crimmins, and several others. They then presented the -matter to Mr. F. P. Olcott, president of the Central Trust Company, who -was a trustee of the estate of Southack’s father. Olcott listened to the -outlining of the plans of such a company, and when they proposed me as -president and told him of the great profits I had made in real estate, -he said that when it came to any proposition involving real estate, he -was entirely guided by Hugh J. Grant, whose office adjoined his. - -Grant had, while Mayor of New York, appointed Olcott to the first Rapid -Transit Commission, and when he was appointed receiver of the St. -Nicholas Bank, Grant called on Olcott and availed himself of an offer -theretofore made him by Olcott to be of service to him. He told Olcott -that he was very anxious to make a record as receiver, and asked an -immediate loan of as much as the assets of the bank justified to enable -him to declare promptly a substantial dividend to the depositors. Olcott -not only did this, but was so pleased with the manner in which Grant -handled the receivership, that he urged him to abandon his railway -advertising business. He did so, and took offices next to Olcott and -above those of Brady, and became the third member of that famous -combination--Brady, the creator of the schemes; Olcott, the financier; -and Grant, the expert in political and municipal affairs. - -He called Grant into the office. Grant listened most attentively to the -proposition, and then said: - -“Morgenthau has been too successful to be willing to work for a salary -and accept the presidency of a company.” - -As Southack and Ball insisted that he was mistaken, Grant, with his -usual directness, came right over to see me. That visit was a very -memorable one for me. We carefully canvassed the entire proposition and -concluded then and there that not only was I to take the presidency, but -that Grant should take the vice-presidency, and become a visible figure -in finance and cease being known as an unattached associate of Olcott -and Brady. - -Grant’s greatest faculty was in being able to “sniff” success, and -through his tremendous amiability--which had made him so popular a man -in New York--he was able to appeal to successful men, who heartily -welcomed his coöperation on equal terms with themselves in their various -enterprises. He also had watched me during my career, and realized the -wisdom of a combination with me from his point of view; while I realized -that a close coöperation--a supplementing of one another--would benefit -us both, so we fell into each other’s arms. Grant and I then and there -agreed to join forces. He agreed to take 1,000 shares for himself, 1,000 -shares for Mr. Olcott, and within an hour telephoned me to note also -Anthony N. Brady’s subscription for 1,000 shares. That afternoon when -Southack and Ball came in and heard of the subscriptions, they each -insisted upon the right to subscribe for 1,000 shares. - -This disposed of one half of the stock. I wanted one half of the -remaining 5,000 shares, but unfortunately for me, the others insisted -that I should content myself with 1,000, and that the other 4,000 should -be distributed amongst the rest of the directors, and amongst lawyers -and real estate operators and brokers, whose interests would produce -business for the company. There was a tremendous scramble for the stock, -and it was impossible for us to satisfy the demand. - -A few days later Grant introduced me to Olcott, who gave me quite a -dissertation on how to run a trust company. He said that the most -important thing was to have no men around who had any “yellow” in them -and that the president must get the business and leave it to the other -officers to execute it and carry out the details. He laid the greatest -stress on the fact that the head of a company must disregard details -entirely. - -“He ought constantly to have his mind,” said Olcott, “on the larger -matters, and should abstain from doing any work that can be done by any -expert help that can be hired.” - -On my part, I gave to Olcott a sketch of how I thought the company -should be developed, explaining to him that the prejudice of the big -trust companies and banks against real estate was not justified, and -that the financial interests of New York had so far failed to recognize -the increased stability of real estate, due to the enlarged population -of the city and to the definite fixation of certain trades in certain -neighbourhoods. I instanced the financial centre in Wall Street; the -jewellery centre in Maiden Lane; the retail centres, and the definite -northward development of Broadway. I also explained how many very -substantial men had entered the real estate field, and how the general -prosperity of the country had improved values in New York City. - -“Now,” I said, “this group of successful men can only handle the large -units that the exigencies of the time are demanding if they have -additional financial facilities given them. Those facilities our company -should provide.” - -I explained how many groups of men had formed real estate corporations, -only to discover that even then their resources were inadequate to -handle all the profitable business that was coming to them. I told of -some of my own larger transactions; how I always had to get others to -help me finance them, and how, therefore, such a company as the one we -proposed forming would undoubtedly become the syndicate manager of some -of the larger operations. I told him if he had no objections, we could -secure large deposits. Olcott replied that my plans would in no way -conflict with his corporation, and that I should do any business that I -deemed profitable. He asked me whom I wanted on the board, and I told -him that I should like to have some representatives of the Mutual Life -Insurance Company, who were then the largest investors in mortgages on -New York City real estate, and suggested Messrs. Juilliard and Jarvie, -the two best known and most influential members of its board. - -We settled on a number of other directors, and a few days later Stillman -sent word that he wanted some of the stock. Olcott agreed that he should -only be given some of the stock if he consented to serve on the -Executive Committee. Post and Southack, who had brought the message, -hesitated to deliver this answer, as they thought we ought heartily to -welcome Stillman’s interest in our corporation, and when they put the -proposition to Mr. Stillman, he asked them, in his mystifying manner, -whether this was an ultimatum. They hesitated to admit it. They were -really afraid of him, and he was simply tantalizing them about his -acceptance, which he finally gave them. He was allotted only 200 shares, -and within a year he sent for me and in his peculiar teasing way told me -that he was dissatisfied with his connection with the company. When I -asked him why, he said that he had not a sufficiently large interest. I -had to coax Olcott to sell 300 of his 1,000 shares for as much as he had -paid for his entire 1,000. I doubt if I could have persuaded him to sell -to any one else. It was simply, as he put it, that he wanted the -satisfaction of making “that smart neighbour of his”--as he often called -Stillman, their offices in adjoining buildings--“put him on velvet in -this transaction.” - -I shall tell later on how, several times, I had to go on bended knees to -have some of these men accept what seemed to me tremendous profits. - -I was now ready to proceed to business, as president of the Central -Realty, Bond & Trust Company. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -FINANCE - - -I had suddenly been catapulted from my comparatively unknown law office -into the very midst of high finance. I was president of a board of -directors in which but a few weeks ago I should have rejoiced to have -been the junior member. My associates were all leaders in their various -pursuits, and gloried in the power and wealth that they had accumulated -while struggling to reach these eminent positions. - -At first I was but a silent observer amongst a lot of gladiators. Here -was a set of dominators watching a newcomer who also had dared to try to -reach the top, and had the good sense to court their coöperation. To -most of them real estate was a closed book. They had looked upon it as -what might be called a frozen commodity, while they had dealt in liquid -assets. They were anxious to see whether this novice could capitalize -real estate equities. Stories of the successes that I had had in real -estate had been told and exaggerated until, even to these big -money-makers, they seemed attractive. Each one prided himself that his -joining the other eminent leaders in this enterprise increased its -chances of success. The fact that the stock was selling at double its -issue price within three months showed that the public was ready to -discount the possibilities. They bought me on my past performances. To -them I was just a new machine which must demonstrate its capacity. I -simply had to make good, or be displaced. - -My position as president of this company involved me in a series of -financial encounters with the biggest men in Wall Street, encounters -that are worth describing because they illustrate the methods by which -the great fortunes of the greatest period of expansion in American -finance were made. I have not heard of any man who had intimate business -relations with the financial giants of that period, who has described, -from his own experience, the intrigues and passions, the personalities -and methods, of those men who dominated the financial structure of -America. My experiences with them were not connected with their biggest -deals, but they were thoroughly representative of all their -operations--and, as such, I feel they are of historical interest and -especially so as they are exceptional revelations of a type of -exceptional men whose business activities have influenced the great -development of American Commerce. I might almost entitle this chapter: -“How Big Financial Deals Are Made.” It is a very human story--full, I -mean, of human nature, with its foibles of ambition, jealousy, hatred, -pride, and cunning. - -When, as president of my Board of Directors, I sat at the head of the -table at our meetings, and looked down either side of the table, my eyes -fell upon at least half a dozen of the greatest financial giants of the -day--men who, as heads of enormous and often clashing interests, -represented nearly every element in the epic struggle for the financial -supremacy of America--that savage struggle which the public at large -sensed but vaguely, and which it saw clearly only at the great moments -of climax, as when the veil was lifted by the famous life insurance -investigation, and later by the Pujo investigation. About this board -were six representative financiers. These men were as diverse in their -appearance and character and their methods as the interests they -personified. The battle between the banks on the one hand and the trust -companies on the other, was represented by James Stillman and Frederic -P. Olcott. Stillman, as became the champion of the older type of -institutions, the banks, was a perfect example of the well-built man of -the world, sartorially correct, soft spoken, with a tendency toward -cynical humour, and with a tongue capable of devastating sarcasms, while -Olcott, as became the representative of the more recent competitors in -the general banking business, the trust companies, was a type of the -rough-and-ready, physically powerful, hard-spoken, tumultuous fighter. -There was nothing conciliatory in his make-up. He rather enjoyed -wrangling with his competitors, and prided himself on never having -become money-mad, and looked commiseratingly on those who had. He was -more interested in this financial struggle as a test of intellectual -prowess, but wanted to remain an amateur gladiator rather than to become -a professional wealth accumulator. Olcott’s burly figure, carelessly -clad, surmounted by a huge, bucket-like head, adorned with unbelievably -big and protruding ears, and illuminated with eyes that could glare -terrifyingly, was in striking contrast with Stillman’s smooth-buttoned -figure, his keen, distinguished face, and eyes that menaced by their -subtlety and gleam of concentrated will, but whose whole manner -betokened a measured, studied self-restraint. - -The war between the sugar trust and the independent sugar refiners was -represented by Henry O. Havemeyer and James N. Jarvie. They never sat on -the same side of the table, but always facing each other--Havemeyer big, -florid, and blustering--displaying in every move the consciousness of -long-exercised power, and resenting that the combination of all the -sugar interests should be compelled to defend its monopoly which was -threatened by the intrusion of a mere coffee concern, Arbuckle Bros., in -which Jarvie had infused such a vigorous, aggressive spirit--Jarvie who -had no prior generations of successful men to point to, but had risen -from the bottom and was then the leading spirit of his firm--a much -courted man for director in leading corporations--a man who not only -directed the investments and loaning out of the Arbuckle fortune, but -was also a leader in all the companies with which he was connected. -Possessed of all the strong and best points of a real Scotchman, -caution, cumulativeness, and stick-to-it-iveness, he was like an eager -bull terrier worrying at the haunches of a mastiff, and watching every -instant for a chance to spring. - -The rivalry between the insurance companies was represented by A. D. -Juilliard and James Hazen Hyde. Juilliard, the distinguished merchant, -philanthropist, and patron of music, personified the Mutual Life -Insurance Company, of which he was one of the directing spirits; and -young Hyde, the perfumed dandy and spoiled child of quickly gotten -riches, personified the Equitable Life Insurance Company and its -astonishing rise to financial greatness. - -By a strange irony of fate, my association with these men was destined -to make me one of the key figures in the life insurance investigation of -1905, which hurled young Hyde from a dazzling financial eminence and -limitless possibilities and transferred him to Paris among the -expatriates there, and which, by the legislation that followed the -exposure of corrupt financial practices, altered the whole financial -structure of America. - -I shall tell that story at its proper place in this chapter, but, first, -I propose to give the reader a picture of the way in which some -financial deals were made in “Wall Street,” and the control of -corporations bandied about by a nod of the head, frequently given as a -reward for a personal favour, or withheld as punishment for a personal -slight. - -The following incidents in my own financial transactions will illustrate -this system which I by no means indiscriminately condemn, as it is an -essential requirement of the broader development of the commerce of the -United States, but which, unfortunately, has again and again been -shamefully abused, so that the reputation of the deserving had suffered -almost as much as that of the evil doers. - -In 1901 we bought some property from a client of D. B. Ogden, the -vice-president of the Lawyers’ Title Company, who mildly remonstrated -with me by saying: - -“You are one of the original subscribers to the Lawyers’ Title Company, -yet you do all your business with the Title Guarantee & Trust Company. -Why not with us?” - -I said: - -“In all our large transactions, we have to borrow money on mortgages; we -do not want to wait until you offer them around and try and place them. -The other company with their enormous resources and backing gave us a -prompt answer. If you want to enter this very profitable field of large -loans, let me double your capital of $1,000,000 and also secure for you -similar backing to that possessed by your competitor. Though your stock -is selling below book value, I am willing to take the extra issue at -book value, and place it with interests that will give you a credit of -$5,000,000 and thus enable you promptly to handle the biggest -transactions, which are now monopolized by the Title Guarantee & Trust -Company.” - -Within an hour Edward W. Coggeshall, the president of the Lawyers’ Title -Company, called and asked me to repeat my proposition directly to him. I -did so, and he said to me: “When can you make a definite binding offer?” -I inquired whether he wanted my personal, or the Company’s offer, and -when he agreed to deal with me personally, I asked him to wait until I -dictated the proposition in his presence, and he did. Two days later he -informed me that his Board of Directors desired to offer 3,000 shares -of the new stock of their stockholders, and could therefore only sell me -7,000 shares, and hence they would be satisfied with a credit of four -million dollars. I consented to this change and immediately called on -the officials of the Equitable Life Insurance Company and arranged with -Mr. Squires, the chairman of the Finance Committee, that they would buy -2,000 shares of the stock, and agree to loan the company two million -dollars on mortgages. I suggested that Mr. Thomas N. Jordan, their -comptroller, should act as one of the experts to fix the value of the -stock. - -I next called upon Mr. Olcott, who would not obligate the Central Trust -Company to make any definite loan, but authorized me to agree on behalf -of the Central Realty Bond & Trust Company to loan one million dollars -on mortgages and to subscribe 2,000 shares of the stock. - -I then called up Mr. James Stillman and was informed that he was at home -nursing a cold. Within half an hour Mr. Stillman telephoned me to -inquire if it was something old or new that I wished to see him about. -When I answered “New,” he requested me to come to his house at three -o’clock that afternoon. I was dilating upon the matter for fully twenty -minutes when I suddenly became aware that Stillman had not asked a -single question, and I so told him, and asked whether this was because -he was not interested in the matter. He answered: “I have but one -question: how large an interest am I to have?” I offered him 1,500 -shares if he would agree to loan the company one million dollars. He -said that he would take the stock, as he thoroughly believed in the -Title Insurance business and that the City Bank would be glad to make -the loan to the Title Company if the latter would keep a balance with -them which would justify them in doing so. So I had secured the required -credit and placed 5,500 shares of the stock. That same day Coggeshall -and I closed the matter. The 1,500 remaining shares were distributed -among some of our friends who we thought could help the Lawyers’ Title -Company. A few days later Mr. Olcott sent for me, and told me that my -handling of the increase of the Lawyers’ Title Company’s capital stock -had raised quite a tempest amongst the Mutual Life crowd: that its -president, Richard A. McCurdy, had asked Olcott at a directors’ meeting -of the Bank of Commerce why the Mutual Life had not been invited to -participate in this increase. - -When Olcott explained to him that we had felt that the Mutual Life was -so largely interested in the Title Guarantee & Trust Company that they -would hardly be of much help to its greatest competitor, while the -Equitable Life was unattached in that respect and would prove a good -ally. Then McCurdy said: “Well, why was not I personally offered a few -hundred shares, as I understand that you and Jarvie and Juilliard have -received some?” This aggravated Olcott, and with a very emphatic -designation of McCurdy’s character, he said to him: “So, that’s your -size?” and that, of course, was pouring oil upon the flames. - -Olcott told me that McCurdy intimated that he would expect Jarvie, -Juilliard and Coleman to resign from our company unless the Mutual Life -were taken care of in this matter. Olcott strongly advised me to defy -and fight them, while on the other hand Juilliard and Jarvie told me -that it was as much Mr. Olcott’s manner and forcible language as my -neglect in taking care of the Mutual Life interests that had aggravated -Mr. McCurdy. Juilliard told me that it would be a pity to break up our -happy little family, and that if I would use my tact, I could -satisfactorily adjust the matter. Although our company had progressed -very nicely, in my opinion it was hardly strong enough to antagonize so -important an interest as the Mutual Life. I, therefore, consented to let -Juilliard arrange an interview between McCurdy and myself. I was ushered -into the well-known throne-room and McCurdy told me at great length of -his connections with the Title Guarantee & Trust Company and that as the -Mutual Life was the largest lender on mortgages and some of its best -directors were on my board, I should have given the company an -opportunity to participate in this matter. He said that the company -could have divided their allegiance and have done business with both the -title companies. I informed him that I regretted that I had not known -his desire and that now it was too late, but that I was arranging to -increase the capital stock of the Lawyers’ Mortgage Company and would -gladly put the Mutual Life on the same basis as the Equitable Life. That -did not seem to satisfy him. He wanted to be interested in the Lawyers’ -Title Company. He was insistent that he wanted some of the stock of the -Title Company and rather spurned the Lawyers’ Mortgage stock. - -Coggeshall and I finally concluded that we would try to have Mr. -Stillman sell some or all of his stock to the Mutual Life. Stillman -absolutely refused to do so when first requested, and he made me accept -it as a personal favour when he finally consented to sell 1,000 shares -for which he had paid $174,000 for $350,000 to the Mutual Life. Stillman -thought that if the Mutual and Equitable were going to fight for the -control of the Lawyers’ Title Company, as he put it, the stock would go -to $500 a share. While I was arguing with him as to the splendid profit -this was, he said to me: “Morgenthau, you don’t understand what profits -we are in the habit of making,” and told me that when the Northern -Pacific was levying a $15 assessment, William Rockefeller and he had -agreed to pay the assessment on all the stock on which the stockholders -would default, and by so doing, had secured about 270,000 shares, had -agreed not to sell it until it showed them a profit of $100 a share, -which it did, and he said that even then they regretted that they had -sold it before the corner in Northern Pacific had occurred, because -thereby they lost a very big additional profit that they might otherwise -have made. - -McCurdy urged me to try and consolidate the Title Guarantee & Trust -Company and the Lawyers’ Title Company, as this would have given him a -larger interest in the new company than the Equitable Life possessed. As -the leading spirits in neither company were very keen about it, it -failed of accomplishment; thereafter we consummated the increase of the -stock of the Lawyers’ Mortgage Company from $300,000 to $1,000,000. I -personally agreed to buy from the company 5,500 shares of an increase of -7,000 shares of the stock at $125. The Equitable Life interests received -1,500, and 1,000 shares went to the Mutual Life interests. It was the -distribution of these shares and the method in which they were finally -purchased by the respective companies that were material factors in the -condemnation of Messrs. McCurdy and Hyde by the Armstrong Committee, but -our company made excellent connections with both the Lawyers’ Title and -the Lawyers’ Mortgage companies, and made very substantial profits in -later on disposing of the stock. - -After these two connections had been made, Grant and I felt that to -complete our circle we would also require a construction company. - -The Fuller Company had made a great success in the West and was invading -the East. Mayor Grant was very much impressed with the scheme, but not -so Olcott, Brady, and Crimmins, who had serious objections to a -contracting company. Before abandoning the scheme, however, we submitted -it to Mr. James Stillman. He listened attentively, and then told us -that if we adhered to it, notwithstanding the opposition of Olcott, -Brady, and Crimmins, he would join us, with the distinct condition, -however, that he was not to dispose of any of the stock, or be asked to -interest any one in the enterprise. But he agreed that, as his -contribution to the matter, he would finance Grant and myself by loaning -us the full amount that was required at a very reasonable rate of -interest, and carry us for the life of the transaction. - -A few days afterward Stillman sent for me and asked me how much of the -preferred stock we had actually sold. When I told him the amount, he -said: “Do not sell any more. As I was bicycling up Park Avenue -yesterday, I was constantly thinking of Mr. Black’s statement, that New -York had to be rebuilt, and the more I looked around me, the more -convinced I became that he was right. We ought to secure a substantial -share of the work at a profitable commission,” he said, “and therefore -we ought not to sell any more of the preferred stock.” - -We did not do so until about ten months later when Black made us a -proposition on behalf of Charles M. Schwab, who was willing to exchange -U. S. Steel Preferred for Fuller Preferred, on even terms. Black -strongly recommended it, as he thought we might secure prompter -deliveries of our steel, which at that time were very slow and -unsatisfactory, if Mr. Schwab were interested in our company. Grant and -I immediately disposed of the 2,500 shares that each of us had taken and -it was rather amusing to have Stillman ask us in that knowing way of his -whether he was justified in concluding from the observations he had made -of the sales of U. S. Steel Preferred as recorded on the tape that we -had disposed of all our stock. We told him we had. A few days later, at -a meeting, he told us with great satisfaction that by letting us rush -ours off first, he, through careful selling, secured on an average of -three quarters of a point more than we had. - -Mr. Schwab became a member of our board, and I had never before met any -one who equalled him in that extraordinary capacity of intelligently -reading and conclusively analyzing a financial statement at a single -glance that seemed hasty and superficial. - -The foregoing incidents are samples of the minor tactics on the field of -battle in the vast struggle which was waging for the financial control -of America. I shall now outline the major strategy of that struggle as -it impressed me from my slight contact with it. - -The decade from 1896 to 1906 was the period of the most gigantic -expansion of business in all American history, and, indeed, in all the -history of the world. In that decade the slowly fertilized economic -resources of the United States suddenly yielded a bewildering crop of -industries. Vast railroad systems were projected and built into being -with magic speed. The steel industry sprang with mushroom-like rapidity -into a business employing half a million men, and yielding the profits -of a Golconda. The Standard Oil Company spread its production and sales -to the ends of the earth. In every field of manufacture, expanding -companies were brought together into great trusts to unify their -finances and to stimulate their production. - -All these swift growths demanded money: money for new plants--money for -expansion--money for working capital. The cry everywhere was for -money--more money--and yet more money. Wall Street was besieged with a -continual supplication for capital--that priceless fluid to water the -bursting fields of pulsing prosperities. It is an old law that he who -has what all men seek may make his own terms, and in that decade Wall -Street controlled the money of America. No wonder, then, that the -financiers of Wall Street leaped to a power greater for a time than the -power of presidents and kings. No wonder that heads were turned, that -power was abused, that tyranny developed, and that finally the nation, -sensing a life-and-death struggle between capitalism and organized -government itself, arose in fear and anger, and put shackles on the -money power that made it again the servant, and no longer the master, of -the people. - -Let me trace briefly how this magic power was concentrated. Under the -old banking system, before the passage of the Federal Reserve Act, the -need for a common banking centre through which to “clear” -inter-community and inter-state debits and credits, following upon the -exchange of goods and the sale of crops, led the “country” banks all -over the United States to maintain in some New York bank a considerable -deposit of their funds, so that interbank transactions could be settled -expeditiously and without cost by the simple device of drawing a draft -against the New York account. The sum total of these country bank -deposits in the metropolitan banks placed in the control of the New York -bankers a vast reservoir of liquid capital. What should have been done -with this money was to use it as the basis for financing the movement of -crops in the fall and the exchange of commodities during the rest of the -year. What frequently was done with it was to lend it to New York -financiers for speculation in the price of crops and commodities, -preventing the farmers and country merchants and small industrials from -securing money at the times they needed it. Another use to which this -reservoir of capital was put, was to lend it to the great industrial -groups battling for supremacy in the fields of sugar, steel, textiles, -railroads, and the like. - -But there were other reservoirs of capital, and these, too, centred in -New York. The great insurance companies were like pools at the bottom of -a great valley: down the hillsides from all directions trickled the -tiny streams of policy holders’ premiums--each in itself but a few drops -of the precious fluid but all together, when gathered in the pool, a -vast golden shining mass tempting the eyes of the speculative builders -of industry. The insurance company presidents, therefore, became, like -the bank presidents of New York, arbiters of financial destiny, because -by their nod of favour, or disapproval, they could grant or withhold the -golden stream of credit for which all men were begging. - -Thus arose a natural struggle between the banks and the insurance -companies for the control of the finances of the country. If the bankers -could control the insurance companies, they would be masters of the -situation. If the insurance companies could control the banks, then the -insurance company presidents would be the great men. It may seem odd to -suggest that the insurance companies might have controlled the banks, -but I can easily demonstrate that this was quite within the realms of -possibility. One man with enough shrewdness and enough force, and -possessed of not more than $100,000,000, could at that time actually -have controlled the banking system of America. On August 5, 1899, when I -entered “Finance” with the organization of our company, the -capitalization of all the banks in the Clearing House was only -$58,000,000, and their total undivided profits were 77 millions--making -their entire resources 135 millions; the selling price of their stocks -was about 200 millions. One man with a private fortune of $100,000,000, -or McCurdy or Hyde controlling an insurance company with assets greatly -in excess of that amount, or the Standard Oil group might have been -shrewd enough to have bought a majority interest in all the important -banks in New York, and this majority interest would have placed in his -control, by virtue of the system I have described above, practically -the entire banking power of America. We should then have had a financial -octopus in the person of one man, with even weirder potentialities of -sinister control of American life than the only less dangerous small -group which actually did dominate the country financially in the early -years of the present century. - -What actually happened was that the banking power, instead of being all -in the hands of one man, was held jointly by a group of a few men who, -although they fought incessantly and bitterly among themselves, -nevertheless often united for common profit. It may interest the reader -to be reminded of these groups and their leaders. - -Towering above them all in the public mind, although in fact but little -more powerful than several of the others, was the massive figure and -threatening eye of J. Pierpont Morgan. Morgan ruled less by virtue of -his wealth than by the overpowering force of his character. Men feared -him, but they trusted him. Nearly every enterprise he financed turned to -gold, and his leadership became the most impressive fact in American -financial life. A close second to Morgan was James Stillman. Elected -president of the National City Bank in July of 1901, Stillman, then -forty-two years of age, heir to a profitable cotton brokerage business -that made him financially independent, had partially retired from active -business life, and was enjoying his cultivated tastes in semi-leisure. -When Percy R. Pyne, president of the National City Bank, retired from -office, and found that his two sons had no ambition to succeed him, he -offered Stillman the presidency, and Stillman accepted. The policies -which Stillman inaugurated at the National City Bank soon gave evidence -of that genius which was shortly to place him at the very top of the -financial world. Stillman previsioned the vast expansion of American -business, and took steps at once to share in the control of it. He -bought all the stock of his bank that came on the market, and then he -made it a leader in the financing of industry by attracting to his Board -of Directors the heads of the greatest enterprises in the country. These -men brought to his bank not only money for deposit, but they brought -what the subtle Stillman prized even more, and that was their knowledge -and their brains. At his board meetings Stillman learned, at first hand, -the inside facts about every business in the country, and this priceless -information gave him the key to all the mysteries of financing that lay -at the bottom of his success, and at these meetings Stillman had for the -asking the advice and counsel of the shrewdest business men in the land. -He once confided to me that by this simple device of putting these men -on his directorate he had secured their services at the absurd price of -about $400 a year apiece. As he expressed it: “These men attend a board -meeting once a week, and receive $10 for their attendance, and for that -price I am free to pick their brains.” - -Stillman was allied with the Rockefeller family by the marriage of his -two daughters to the two sons of William Rockefeller, and through this -alliance gained all the direct and indirect advantages of a favoured -position with the Standard Oil Company and its measures. - -Another group in the financial oligarchy was Kuhn, Loeb & Company, -originally clothing manufacturers in Cincinnati, then note-brokers and -finally bankers. Their great feat was taking over from the U. S. -Government Receivers the Union Pacific Railroad and reorganizing it. -They then made their famous alliance with E. H. Harriman and established -themselves in the first rank of American financiers, through the success -of this joint financing of the Union Pacific Railroad, one of the most -profitable of all the feats of financial legerdemain ever accomplished. - -The trust companies entered the ranks of the financial oligarchs by -virtue of a peculiar provision of the banking laws which permitted them -to accept deposits and grant the checking privilege against them which -was enjoyed by the banks without being required to maintain the cash -reserve against deposits which was exacted of the banks. By paying -interest on daily balances they attracted the best--the non-borrowing -accounts. - -Under this anomaly of the law, the trust companies rose rapidly to -financial eminence. Their progress was bitterly contested by the banks, -but under the leadership of Frederic P. Olcott, the trust companies -became so powerful that they were taken into the oligarchy before the -laws were finally revised, placing them on a parity with the banks. -Olcott, as president of the Central Trust Company, had a hand in nearly -every one of the reorganizations of the railroads, a process through -which almost every railroad in the country was carried during the period -from 1878 to 1890. This experience had made Olcott an expert in every -detail of railroad finance, and his rugged honesty, his utter -fearlessness, his profane disregard of any man’s importance, no matter -how much it might have awed others, had placed him at the front as a -power to be reckoned with under all conditions. - -So much for the bankers. The insurance companies were the other great -powers in the financial oligarchy. Hyde of the Equitable, McCurdy of the -Mutual, McCall of the New York Life--each of these men controlled the -lending of hundreds of millions of dollars of money taken in as -premiums. Before the eyes of each was laid the dazzling opportunity of -using this power to further speculative financing of industry with the -prospect of enormous profits. Some succumbed to these temptations, and -used some of this money, which was entrusted to them for the most sacred -of all financial purposes--the payments of death benefits to the -families of policy holders--as if they had been their own funds to be -risked in private speculation. - -The case of Hyde is doubly appropriate for mention here, because he was -a representative sinner in these corrupt practices, and because it was -my fate to cross destinies at three critical moments in the life of his -son and heir, and to be, at one of these crises, the Nemesis for his -undoing. - -Henry B. Hyde had organized the Equitable Life Insurance Company years -before as a private stock company, capitalized at $100,000, of which he -retained ownership of slightly more than $50,000 worth of the stock. The -Equitable had prospered until it was one of the five great insurance -companies. Its assets had risen to over $500,000,000, its surplus to an -enormous sum. It was a moot question as to whether the stockholders or -the policy holders owned the surplus. Though the stock was restricted to -a 7 per cent. dividend, nevertheless its price had risen to $3,000 a -share, which showed the value that experts placed upon opportunities for -profit--whether legitimate or otherwise--that accrued to the possessor -of the majority of the stock--and the control of the company. The -insurance investigation conducted by Mr. Hughes showed the various -methods by which the men in control of this and other insurance -companies had abused this power and had personally enriched themselves. - -When Henry B. Hyde died, he left to his son, James Hazen Hyde, his -controlling interest in the Equitable. It would be hard to over-state -the dazzling opportunity that now lay within reach of this boy of 24. If -fate had given him the vision of Stillman, or the wisdom and -over-mastering will of Morgan, or the rugged force of Olcott, young Hyde -might easily have become dictator of financial America. The method of -quick profits from the use of other people’s money had been -demonstrated for him by his father, and young Hyde himself was clever -enough to perceive the opening that lay in acquiring control of the -majority stock in banks and trust companies. He had the vision which I -have described above, of the possibility of controlling the banking -system of America by the use of one single fortune. - -Destiny, however, had another fate in store. Fortune had indeed given -Hyde the means and the vision to attain preëminence. But her hand -withheld one essential gift--the gift of character. Reared to the -unrestrained enjoyment of pleasure, Hyde had never been disciplined, and -so had never had occasion to learn those amenities which, even in the -most powerful characters, temper the masterful assertion of authority. -With the pettish temper of a child, Hyde could not brook opposition; his -theory of action was the crude one of “rule or ruin.” Where tact would -have propitiated an antagonist, he tried giving orders. In rapid -succession, he antagonized the most powerful men in America--men who had -earned their spurs on the field of financial battle before he was born, -and who were not of a temper to brook the insolence of a youngster -merely because he had inherited a fortune. Their deep resentment long -boiled below the surface, and it was only when Hyde tried to wrest from -the presidency and transfer to the vice-presidency, which he was then -occupying, the main executive powers of the company that the opposition -to him became organized. President Alexander retained Bainbridge Colby, -who was then in partnership with his son, and also Frank Platt. The -latter by using the agents of the United States Express Company, of -which his father was president, secured the proxies of over 90,000 -policy holders. They then tried to secure prominent and trusted men who -would act as a committee for the policy holders to force an -investigation of the management of the company. This task they found -more difficult. Several times they thought they had their committee -completed when Hyde and his associates exerted such pressure that these -men withdrew their consent to serve. Finally, a group of them put this -situation up to me. They pointed out that I owed a duty to the public to -clear up this lamentable misuse of the public’s funds. - -I debated long whether I had a right to do this service. For myself, -personally, I had no fear of Hyde, but as president of a trust company, -I had the interests of my stockholders and depositors to consider. To -resolve my perplexities, I brought the matter up at a board meeting. I -wanted to accept, but I felt it my duty to explain the situation to my -directors, and I told them that if they felt I was jeopardizing their -interests, I would resign from the Trust Company, and serve on the -committee. Olcott resolved the question. With characteristic honesty and -force, he said: “If you feel that way, stay and serve, and let whoever -deserves, be hurt.” - -I informed the attorneys of the committee of my inclination, but told -them I would not serve until they had submitted to me the evidence they -possessed. It was an interesting evening that Frank Platt and Bainbridge -Colby spent in my library. They brought a satchel full of documents, and -in a short time convinced me that their case against Hyde was complete. -They were very anxious to have me pledge myself to stay to the end, -which was to be the displacement of Hyde, and I exacted from them a -similar promise, so that we came to an understanding that this was to be -a fight to the finish. - -With the Dreyfus trial fresh in my mind, I urged Colby that he should be -the man who would Americanize the “_J’accuse_” and charge Hyde with -these various malfeasances against the policy holders. - -A few days later, Mr. Stillman called and told me that he wanted to -warn me to be very cautious in my activities of this policy holders’ -committee; that public opinion was so excited and might easily be fanned -to fever heat if the conditions in the Equitable were published; and -that the people might demand investigations of all financial -institutions, and thereby create a panic. He also asked me to discuss -the matter with Mr. E. H. Harriman. I had no objection to doing so, and -a conference was arranged. Harriman asked me what the committee wanted, -and I told him that although Hyde owned a majority of the stock, the -assets belonged to the policy holders; and that they had enough -accusations which would condemn him before any court; and that the -committee demanded the removal of Hyde and control of the executive -committee which controlled the company. I told him that it would be much -better for them to make terms with us, who were reasonable men, than to -try to persuade any of our committee to compromise, because the proxies -we had would be taken from us and given to people who would see that -justice would be done. He saw the force of my argument and suggested my -meeting Mr. Elihu Root. We met the next day and went over the whole -situation. Mr. Root laid great stress on the fact that it was unheard of -to displace a man owning the majority of the stock of a company. On -behalf of the policy holders, I told Mr. Root that we were going to -arouse public opinion against the impropriety of having the funds of -widows and orphans subjected to the whims and fancies of a -quasi-irresponsible young man, and I also referred to the grave danger -that the whole financial fabric was being exposed to by permitting the -vast power that went with the control of the Equitable and its -subsidiary companies, to pass by inheritance, and not by election. - -It finally was arranged that no one was to be placed on the executive -committee who was personally objectionable to Hyde. The new directors -were not to represent any faction, but all the policy holders. Thus we -got control of the board and the policy holders were allowed to elect a -majority of the executive committee and Mr. Hyde’s control was wrested -from him. - -Thus, my action in standing fast with the committee of Equitable policy -holders, demanding their rights, was an essential prelude to the famous -life insurance investigation of 1905. The success of that investigation, -once it got under way, is, of course, to the eternal credit of Charles -Evans Hughes. His masterly grasp of the intricacies of the whole -situation; his extraordinarily logical mind which enabled him to bring -out the testimony in such a way as to build up an overwhelming and -complete sense of the right and wrong of the matter, made his conduct of -this investigation one of the most brilliant performances in the history -of American law, and placed Mr. Hughes in the front rank of public -servants. My own testimony at the investigation was useful in -establishing confirmatory evidence of the corrupt manner in which life -insurance moneys were used, as evidenced in the purchase, by Mr. -McCurdy, of stock in other companies with policy holders’ money, but to -the personal profit of the officers of the Mutual instead of to the -Mutual itself. The outcome of the whole investigation is, of course, -familiar to the public. It resulted in the enactment of laws which made -these corrupt practices impossible, and thereby took the insurance -company funds out of the speculative and promoting fields of American -finance. - -The other needed reform--to clip the power of the New York bankers to -control the credit resources of the country--was delayed until, under -the compulsion of Woodrow Wilson’s leadership, the Federal Reserve Act -was passed, and the power of Wall Street over credit for ever crushed. -That Act democratized credit, and made it impossible for any man, or -group of men, to concentrate and control it. - -Young Hyde was shorn of his glory. He was compelled to sell his majority -of ownership in the Equitable for two and one half million -dollars--whereas but a few years before I had been authorized by James -Stillman to offer him ten million dollars for the control of the -Equitable and its connections--and to remove himself from all authority -in its affairs, and from all influence upon finance in general. He -retired to that luxurious obscurity which was his natural level. -Disgusted with America, which did not “appreciate” him, he returned to -France where he had already spent several years, and there devoted -himself to a life of pleasure and of mild intellectual avocations. - -I did not see him again until 1917 when the United States had entered -the World War, and I was visiting Paris. This third encounter with young -Hyde had in it the dramatic elements of a Greek comedy. Later in this -book, I describe how I made Hyde vice-president of the Metropolitan -Opera Company, and facilitated his ambition to become a social leader in -New York. Unappreciative of this service I had rendered him, and eager -for yet greater social opportunities, Hyde had not been content to await -the natural termination of my directorship, and had had the impudence to -ask me to resign in favour of one of his friends. I had indignantly -refused this preposterous request, and served out my term of office. In -the insurance investigation there had been, therefore, a certain element -of poetic justice in my being the instrument in the hand of destiny to -give the little essential fillip to the events that caused his headlong -fall from financial eminence. Our meeting in Paris in 1917 supplied the -final touch of classic irony. There, Hyde, out of touch with his native -land, somewhat chastened by contemplation of his abrupt fall from -financial heights, found himself almost a man without a country in the -midst of the World War, unable to gratify his ambition to be always in -style--and now the style was to be in the military uniform of one’s -country. - -I visited France soon after the entrance of America into that conflict, -and during a brief interval of rest at Aix-les-Bains, I chanced upon -John G. A. Leishmann and his vivacious daughter, who was Hyde’s wife. -She had heard of my political association with President Wilson, but -evidently she had forgotten, or was unaware of, my part in the financial -downfall of her husband. She confided to me young Hyde’s and her own -unhappiness that he had no active part in the service of his country, -and begged me to use my influence to obtain for him some position in the -American service where he could do his bit. I promised to do what I -could. - -Upon my return to Paris, young Hyde himself called upon me with words of -warm appreciation, both that I had been willing to overlook our late -unpleasantness, and that I had not mentioned its existence to his wife. -He was anxious to serve, and almost pathetically eager to convince me -that he could serve. He had been refused a position on General -Pershing’s staff, and wanted me to secure for him a commission from the -American Red Cross. He declared that he could obtain for me or others an -immediate audience from any person in the French Government, no matter -how exalted, and pointed out that by virtue of this capacity he could be -of indispensable service. He wished me to name any French official whom -I cared to meet. I said I should like very much to meet M. Painlevé -informally, and Hyde thereupon, hardly waiting to bid me good-bye, -hastened away to make the appointment. He easily made good his boast, so -that two days later I had dinner at Hyde’s house, and had a most -interesting conversation with Painlevé. I was so impressed with Hyde’s -earnestness and with the possibilities of usefulness that lay in his -remarkable affiliations with the best French society, that I did -intercede for him with Major Murphy and Major Perkins, the heads of the -Red Cross, and prevailed upon them to make him a uniformed officer. He -was attached to the Paris headquarters of our Red Cross work in France, -and, I was afterward told, rendered very useful service. - -As I stated at the beginning of this chapter, the object of the -formation of the Central Realty Bond & Trust Company was to provide an -accumulation of capital for the purpose of dealing in real estate on a -large scale. I shall describe a few of the company’s transactions to -illustrate how the corporate form of operation gave wider scope than was -possible to an individual operator. One of our first transactions -illustrates this very point. - -While looking for temporary quarters to house the company, Mr. Frederick -M. Hilton, the present head of William A. White & Sons, offered me the -space in Boreel Building that had just been vacated by the German -American Fire Insurance Company. Mr. Hilton told me that the Boreel -heirs were receiving a return of less than 3 per cent. on the tax value -of their property, and were facing a substantial diminution of even this -small income now that these insurance offices had been thrown upon their -hands. I said to him: “Why not inquire whether these heirs will sell the -property for $2,000,000?” He was amazed when he found that out of an -expected rental of $15,000 a year there might evolve a sale of the -entire property. I immediately communicated this fact to Grant who -authorized me to purchase the property without consulting the Executive -Committee, and said that both Olcott and he would each take one third -and I could take one third, if the Executive Committee failed to ratify -it. We secured the property for $2,050,000. Mr. Prescott Hall Butler -represented the heirs in this transaction and when I handed him the -check for $50,000, which was paid on account of the contract, he told me -that he intended to deposit it with a trust company until the deal was -completed. I said why not with us, which he agreed to do, so that we -thus owned the property without having parted with the possession of a -single dollar. The fact that we were both a real estate operating -company and a trust company enabled us to repeat this kind of operation -frequently. - -When Mr. Black of the Fuller Construction Company heard of our purchase, -he immediately bought our contract, and gave us a profit of 10 per -cent., so that we secured temporary quarters and made $205,000 without -losing the use of any of our funds. - -Other large transactions followed in rapid succession. Among the most -interesting of these was the collecting of the plots that constitute the -present site of the Broad Exchange Building, directly opposite the Stock -Exchange; the purchase of the Knox Building at the corner of Fortieth -Street and Fifth Avenue; and my joining in the purchase of the Plaza -Hotel, by means of a brief telephone conversation, for $3,000,000. - -In 1904, as the Subway neared completion, I was astonished to find that -there had been no activity in real estate in anticipation of the -benefits that would accrue from the increased transportation facilities -in the upper part of New York and the Bronx. I therefore enlisted the -assistance of my nephew, Robert E. Simon, and of J. Clarence Davies, and -organized what was dubbed by some of the real estate operators the -“Subway Boom.” On behalf of the company and some associates, we -purchased all the big plots that abutted the various transit lines, and -could be secured at reasonable prices. In a period of ninety days we -purchased in the Bronx, in the Dyckman district, in Washington Heights, -and Fort George, about 2,500 lots which were eventually sold for -$9,000,000. - -In 1905, when I realized that a cessation of prosperity and the -necessary declining market that would follow was imminent, I called on -Mr. Olcott and asked him whether our young company could rely upon the -assistance of the Central Trust Company, with whom we kept our largest -account; he told me that if a panic such as I feared should come -everybody would have to look out for himself; that if my accounts and -securities would justify his making a loan at 6 per cent. he would do -so, but as far as his depositing with our company a few million dollars, -as I had suggested, he would not consider it. I went right next door to -Mr. Stillman, and asked him a similar question, first telling him the -attitude Mr. Olcott had taken. Mr. Stillman said I was but one of the -many customers of his bank; his holdings in my company were relatively -small; that the new, unseasoned financial institutions would be the -first to suffer in case the public commenced to doubt the stability of -the financial institutions. “Although it is known that you have a -splendid board of directors, and have the good will of some of the big -interests like the Mutual Life and the Central Trust Company, and my -institution also, still it is well known that none of us control your -institution and are, therefore, not responsible for it. You do not -belong to any one, but I am willing to see you through, no matter what -happens.” - -During the interview, I almost felt that the Stillman collar was -slipping around my neck and shook myself to see if I was free, and I -made up my mind that rather than wear any one’s collar, I would go out -of business. I deliberated at some length for some days, and then had a -long conference with Mr. Grant who, for the first time since our close -connection, was really annoyed at the stand I took. He felt that our -company was destined to become one of the important independent -financial institutions downtown and that my fears of a catastrophe were -exaggerated and that we should risk it, playing the game to the finish. -When I explained to him that I had no desire to quit personally, but to -dispose of the company as a whole, either by consolidation or -liquidation, he coöperated with me faithfully, as heretofore. - -We merged the company into the Lawyers’ Title Insurance Company at a -price which enabled us to pay our stockholders $550 in cash and one half -share of Lawyers’ Title Stock for every share they owned in our company. - -I personally purchased from the company all the real estate that it then -owned. - -Having thus returned to the real estate business, only on a much larger -scale than I had ever operated before, I took my nephew, Robert E. -Simon, into partnership, and formed the Henry Morgenthau Company. This -company then developed all the properties I had left in the Bronx, and -built and financed housings for thousands of people in that section, and -also on Washington Heights, and in Fort George at One Hundred and -Ninetieth Street and St. Nicholas Avenue. - -My venture into the trust company field led me ultimately into an -interest in a kind of business I had never before studied. One day my -friend, Mr. Charles Strauss, who had influenced many of his clients and -friends to open accounts with the Trust Company, came to my office and -asked me whether we would make a loan to one of his clients who, he -declared, was ready to put up as collateral some of the original -Standard Oil Company stock. I told him unhesitatingly that we would do -so. - -He said: “Now, Henry, don’t speak so fast. Before you definitely commit -yourself, I understand trust companies are not making loans on an -exclusively industrial collateral.” I told him that I knew how my board -felt about Standard Oil which was then selling at about $180 a share, -and to convince him that I was authorized I told him that if his friend -had any doubts, I would make him a time loan of six months. Mr. Strauss -brought in Mr. John T. Underwood, the president of the Underwood -Typewriter Company. - -Strauss told me at the time that this transaction might lead to other -business. A few years afterward, Strauss came to see me and told me that -Underwood required additional money to proceed with his enterprise. He -then told me how Underwood had come to this country from England to -represent his father’s business--the John Underwood Company, -manufacturers of inks; how he had started business at No. 30 Vesey -Street; and how, shortly after typewriters had been introduced, had -manufactured supplies for them, carbon paper, ribbons, etc., and built -up a large and profitable business. His transactions were very largely -with the then existing typewriter companies, the Remington and Smith -Premier. Shortly after the Union Typewriter Company had been started, -these people notified Underwood that they would themselves go into the -typewriter supply business. This induced Underwood to go into the -typewriter business and to manufacture the first visible typewriter. - -In 1901, when they came to me, he had invested in the enterprise about -$950,000, and as he wanted to buy a new factory in Hartford, and -increase his facilities, he wanted to secure an additional capital of -$500,000 and that was the proposition that Strauss had suggested to me. -We discussed the matter, and I proposed that he rearrange his -capitalization; sell $500,000 of 6 per cent. First Preferred stock; have -issued to himself, Strauss, and others who had advanced the $950,000, -Second Preferred of $1,000,000; and that he issue $2,000,000 Common -stock, of which he could give the First Preferred stockholders -$500,000. Messrs. Hugh J. Grant and James M. Jarvie of the Executive -Committee of the Trust Company subsequently joined me in the -deliberations, and in the course thereof Mr. Underwood told us that the -Trust had offered him $2,000,000 for his proposition. Jarvie said to -him: “You are a bachelor, you have no under-study. You have no one -dependent upon you. Your enterprise is a one-man enterprise, and much as -I would like to go into this matter with you, I strongly recommend that -you sell to the Trust.” - -Jarvie talked so convincingly that Underwood again opened negotiations -with the Trust. They renewed their offer, but insisted upon making their -payments in installments, which, when analyzed, practically meant that -they would pay Underwood largely, if not entirely, out of his own -profits. Underwood and Strauss rebelled at that and determined to -continue their enterprise. - -It was then February, 1903, and the panic of that year was imminent, and -Grant and Jarvie declined to go into anything new. It rather discouraged -me, but I took a small subscription of the First Preferred stock, more -out of compliment to Strauss and Underwood than for the sake of -investment. Strauss made a proposition to me, saying that they desired -to have me on the Board of Directors, and if I would agree to serve for -five years, they would give me $30,000 of Common stock for nothing. I -consented to do so upon one condition, that all meetings would have to -be held at the Trust Company office, as I did not wish to take the time -it would require for me to go up to their office. They promptly accepted -my condition, as they said they had no meeting room and, in fact, they -considered this, instead of being a condition, an accommodation. I -attended the directors’ meetings pretty regularly until 1909, when at -one of the meetings I was very much gratified to see that during the -current month, the Company had earned more than the $90,000, their -fixed charges on the First and Second Preferred stock for the entire -year. I invited Underwood and Strauss to lunch with me, and I then told -them that I had been a director now for six years, and the time had -arrived when I could be useful in creating a market for the stock, which -was not being dealt in at all. I asked them whether they would be -willing to sell me one half of their holdings, and I would undertake to -popularize the stock. Mr. Underwood gave me an option in November, 1909, -to purchase from him 40 per cent. of the Common stock. He gave this -option without any payment down. I invited Mr. Jacob Wertheim to join me -and when I gave him all the facts that I had learned while acting as -director for years--he found them so convincing that he waived making an -investigation and proposed that we confine the matter entirely to -ourselves--he offered to finance the operation to any extent that I was -unable to do. I accepted this on condition that he would give his son -Maurice, who had married my daughter Alma, an interest in his half. He -consented and I gave my son an interest in my share. After we had made -this arrangement, we decided that it would be better for Underwood and -the other stockholders of the enterprise that, instead of creating a -market for the then existing shares, we should create a new issue of -$5,000,000 of Preferred stock, dispose of it to the public, and with the -proceeds redeem the First and Second Preferred, and also the outstanding -Common stock, pay off the notes then outstanding, and have enough cash -left to more than double the facilities of the Company at Hartford. When -I made the suggestion to Underwood, he said he would not entertain it -until I had consummated my option. We did this promptly, and then -refinanced the Company. It was one of the first companies, if not the -very first, that sold its Preferred stock to the bankers without giving -them, or their purchasers, any of the Common stock as a bonus. My -experience as president of the Central Realty Trust Company had taught -me that this could be done, and I insisted upon trying it, so that when -we finished with the entire operation, Wertheim and I and our sons were -owners of very substantial amounts of the Common stock at a very -moderate price. Underwood and Strauss and the other Preferred and Common -stockholders of the Company were all, and still are, pleased with the -refinancing, as everybody concerned was benefitted by the operation. - -In the meantime, the Underwood Company has completely outstripped all -the other companies, and Underwood has had the satisfaction of -metamorphosing from the discharged purveyor of supplies to the Remington -and other typewriter companies, into the unquestioned, outstanding -leader of the typewriter business, and he is still the same modest, -energetic, tireless executive that he was in 1903. It has been no small -satisfaction for all of us to see the steady, healthy growth of this -infant into the magnificent giant that it is to-day, and some of the -credit is due to our most efficient superintendent, Mr. Charles A. Rice. - -In 1919, when the Underwood commenced to manufacture the portable -machines, I asked Mr. Underwood to give me No. 1, so that I could -present it to President Wilson, as I was about to go to Europe, and -expected to see him in Paris. I sent it to the President, and a few days -thereafter I met Miss Benham, Mrs. Wilson’s secretary, and she told me -that unintentionally I had almost caused a little quarrel between the -Presidential couple, and when I inquired how, she told me that Mrs. -Wilson had annexed the Underwood machine over the President’s protest. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -SOCIAL SERVICE - - -During all these years of which I have been writing my spirit was in a -never-ceasing conflict with itself, a conflict between idealism and -materialism. My boyish imagination had been fired with a vision of a -life of unselfish devotion to the welfare of others, and in an earlier -chapter I have described the influence of religious and ethical -teachings upon my character and activities. But the necessity of earning -a livelihood had early thrust me into the arena of business. Once there, -I became absorbed in money-making. It was a fascinating game. It -challenged all my powers of brain and will to hold my own and forge -ahead in the fierce competition of my fellows. I lived business, ate -business, dreamed business. There came a time when the most interesting -lectures, the finest theatrical performances, or even the best staged -operas could not hold my entire attention. My schemes constantly -intruded themselves upon my consciousness and would absorb the mentality -that was required for me to understand and rejoice with what was going -on. As usual, as with all other business men, the day’s work had -practically absorbed my day’s supply of vitality. I had not the power to -shake off this exacting task-master. - -But, though business could conquer pleasure, it could not conquer -idealism; and idealism resorted to similar tactics as business. It -asserted itself during business hours, and again and again demanded -opportunities to exercise itself. I shall now try to tell how it -successfully resisted complete annihilation. - -When, in 1876, Felix Adler returned from his studies as a rabbi in -Europe, and Temple Emanu-El--the most important Jewish congregation in -the United States--was ready to welcome him to its pulpit, he found that -it would not coincide with his views to follow in the footsteps of his -father, who had been connected with that synagogue for forty years. The -son’s researches had led him to the conclusion that forms, ceremonies, -and customs did not make a religion when pursued in new and entirely -different surroundings. Dr. Adler hoped that the time had come when the -real spiritual essentials of the Jewish religion--its system of -ethics--could be developed, appreciated, and enforced, and that the -American Jews could adjust themselves to the land in which they were -living and drop all that they had had to adhere to in Ghettoized Europe. -He came back filled with an enthusiastic desire to remedy the glaring -evils, not only of the Jews, but of the entire community: he could -diagnose our ills and prescribe a remedy. - -This appeal found a wonderful response amongst the flower of the -reformed Jews and some Christians of New York, who formed the Society -for Ethical Culture, of which the then leading Jew of America, Joseph -Seligman, was elected president. All these felt the need of readjustment -to fit their new surroundings. Some of those religious habits were -imposed upon them while their ancestors were suppressed people. Few, if -any, would adopt Christianity, but all were ready to subscribe to the -aims of a society which are most clearly stated in their present -invitation to members: - - Our Society is distinctly a religious body, interpreting the word - “religion” to mean fervent devotion to the highest moral ends. But - toward religion as a confession of faith in things superhuman, the - attitude of our Society is neutral. Neither acceptance nor denial - of any theological doctrine disqualifies for membership. - -In short, the Jews in America very seriously wanted to complete their -Americanization. They were honestly striving for education, for -refinement, for community and public service, for devotion to art, -music, and culture. Welcome, then, this prophet Adler--this great -reformer! His sterling qualities as a thinker; his wonderful -resourcefulness; his pure and lofty private life, and his totally -uncompromising attitude toward evil, secured him the admiration of all -those who had in their own modest way been hopelessly striving to reach -this plane. Adler by inheritance and by studying the older prophets had -mingled that knowledge with the wisdom of the present day. Here was pure -ethics unencumbered by religious form, the way Emerson taught it, the -way Garrison and Lincoln practised it--and this man was trying to direct -this current, which led away from the old-fashioned religion into a new -field tending toward agnosticism and atheism, and bring it, instead, -into this new field of ethics. His sincerity could not be doubted. He -had voluntarily abandoned an honourable and care-free career that had -been offered him by Temple Emanu-El, and like a modern Moses had -undertaken the harassing and difficult task of satisfying the -unexpressed yearnings of these people, who were discontented with the -existing requirements of their religion and had hopelessly sought for -moral guidance. - -I was among Adler’s earliest adherents. When he organized his United -Relief Work, I was one of its directors; I participated in his Cherry -Street experiment in model tenements--the first in America, which -eventually brought about legislation to do away with the dark rooms of -which there were over fifty thousand in New York City alone, and I -assisted in the establishment of the first Ethical Culture School, which -was started in Fifty-fourth Street, near Sixth Avenue, and was chairman -of the Site Committee that secured the present location on Central Park -West from Sixty-third to Sixty-fourth streets. - -Above all, however, I treasure the fond remembrance of having been a -member of the “Union for Higher Life”--an organization of a few of -Adler’s devotees. He always maintained that, as every man expected -purity from his wife, it was his duty to enter the marriage state in the -same condition, and the members of this “Union” pledged themselves to -celibacy during bachelorhood. We met every week at the Sherwood Studio, -where he then lived. We read Lange’s “Arbeiter-Frage,” and studied the -Labour question. We discussed the problems of business and professional -men. I notice in my diary of April 24, ’82, that we debated the -simplicity of dress and the follies of extravagance. Then, as Dr. Adler -wanted us to feel that we were doing something definitely altruistic, -the members of the Union jointly adopted eight children; some of them -were half-orphans, and some had parents who could not support them -properly; we employed a matron and hired a flat for her on the corner of -Forty-fifth Street and Eighth Avenue. - -We had considered starting a coöperative community for ourselves, and -Adler and I devoted some time looking at various properties. Our -intention was to have separate living quarters with a joint kindergarten -and a joint kitchen, thereby avoiding duplication of menial labour. This -would have enabled our wives to devote more of their time to community -work. It was to be an urban Brook Farm. Already having big ideas about -real estate, I suggested and investigated the Leake and Watts Orphan -Asylum property, now occupied by the Cathedral of St. John the Divine! -It could then have been bought for about $3,000 a lot. Adler, however, -considered it too inaccessible, as it could only be reached by the -Eighth Avenue street car, and so the idea was abandoned. - -As many of my close friends were not adherents of Professor Adler, and -we wanted to share our intellectual developments and efforts, we -organized the Emerson Society; and under the guidance of my brother -Julius who had just received his degree of Doctor of Philosophy at -Leipzig, we not only read, but thoroughly studied, a number of Emerson’s -essays. I was chagrined to find that not only the college-bred men of -our group, but also many of the girls were much better English scholars -than I, so I determined to secure lessons from the best authority on -English at that time. Richard Grant White, the annotator of Shakespeare -and the author of “Words and their Uses,” was universally recognized as -such, but I was told by people whom I consulted that it was useless to -communicate with him as he undoubtedly would feel himself above giving -private lessons. Nevertheless I wrote him for an interview, stating my -age, vocation, and desire, and he answered: - -“It is possible that I may be able to give you the assistance you seek -in your praiseworthy plan. I will see you with pleasure.” - -The interview was successful. Mr. White undertook to give us lessons in -the origin and growth of language, nor shall I ever forget the delight -of that instruction. We used to meet in his apartment on Stuyvesant -Square, the home of an artist and scholar, and his talks on the -development of tongues from the Aryan to our modern English--his -readings from the classics in that beautiful, cultivated voice of his -with its perfect enunciation--are still fresh in my memory. - -Two of my friends had joined me and when I was no longer contented to -meet Josephine Sykes merely as a member of the Emerson Club, and -therefore persuaded her to start a little club of our own, she joined -the class. - -Shortly after the death of Maurice Grau in 1902, my wife and I, calling -on Mrs. Josephine Bonné, found the Conrieds there, and Conried told us -that he was looking for fourteen men whom he could get to join him in -subscribing the $150,000 required to secure the lease and management of -the Metropolitan Opera House, and as I was one that Mrs. Bonné had -suggested, he, with great earnestness, backed up by his fine dramatic -talent, pleaded his cause. He told us of his histrionic training in the -Burg Theatre at Vienna, and how his youthful ardour for the stage was -permanently influenced by the high artistic ideals prevailing there. - -“When I came to America,” he said, “I hoped the prosperous Germans and -Jews would endow a similar institution here, and so I started the Irving -Place Theatre. What has happened? Instead of receiving the support I -expected, I have had to resort to all kinds of devices. I have become a -play broker, secured the American rights to current European -productions, demonstrating their possibilities to the American managers, -and selling them when I could, so that the Irving Place Theatre has -really become only a laboratory or testing room. It has never paid for -itself, and I have had to supplement my brokerage profits by securing -Herr Ballin’s help in founding the Ocean Comfort Company which rents -steamer chairs to transatlantic travellers! Have I put my small profits -in my own pocket? No, I have poured them back into the Irving Place -Theatre, still hoping to attract the support which would give me a -chance to demonstrate my ideals. Here is a short-cut, here is a chance -for me to realize all these ideals without having to risk my own or my -friends’ money. At last my opportunity has come, and I ask you to help -me secure this lease.” - -I doubt if he ever played any rôle more earnestly or with greater -sincerity. Nobody could have resisted him, and I gracefully surrendered -and asked him: - -“What progress have you made? What men have you secured?” - -He answered: “Jacob H. Schiff, Ernest Thalman, Daniel Guggenheim, -Randolph Guggenheimer, and Henry R. Ickelheimer.” All of these men were -of the highest class, thoroughly cultured, and lovers of music, but -knowing as I did the management of the Metropolitan Opera House, I -jokingly said to Conried: - -“If you could only secure a Mr. Hochheimer and a Mr. Niersteiner you -would have a complete wine list, but you could never secure the opera -house through it.” - -He saw the point at once, and asked what I would suggest. I answered -him: - -“I have conceived a plan while sitting here, but to carry it out I must -have an absolutely free hand as to who are to be your associates. I -shall see Messrs. A. D. Juilliard and George G. Haven, who have the -final say in the matter, on Tuesday, and can tell you that evening -whether I can accomplish anything or not.” - -Conried assented. I at once proceeded to carry out my plan to interest -the younger social leaders and communicated with Mr. James Hazen Hyde. -He was most favourably impressed, and suggested that he and I obligate -ourselves for $75,000 each, secure the lease, and then select our -associates. We did so, obtained the lease, and then invited the -following to make up the Board of Directors of the Conried Metropolitan -Opera Company: Alfred G. Vanderbilt, Henry Rogers Winthrop, H. P. -Whitney, Robert Goelet, R. H. McCurdy, Jacob H. Schiff, Clarence H. -Mackay, George J. Gould, Otto H. Kahn, J. Henry Smith, Eliot Gregory, -Bainbridge Colby, and William H. McIntyre. Heinrich Conried was elected -president and Hyde and myself vice-presidents. Success was assured from -the first. Conried took hold of the management with energy and wonderful -resourcefulness that promptly won him the admiration of the directors of -both companies. - -He completely changed the interior of the Opera House, put in a new -ceiling, new chandelier, arranged the proper illumination of the boxes, -and the most important improvement of all being the discarding of the -old-fashioned drop curtain and replacing it with one divided in the -centre, making it unnecessary for the popular stars, when answering -repeated curtain-calls, to walk all the way across the stage from one -side to the other of the proscenium arch. He unsuccessfully fought the -demand of the boxholders for the famous horseshoe to be kept illuminated -all through the performance, and finally compromised by putting red -shades over the lights. - -One week-end Mr. and Mrs. Conried spent with us at Elberon. They came -heavily laden. Mrs. Conried cautiously carried a circular bundle of -discs, and her husband bore what looked like a monster cornucopia, while -their son was bending under the weight of a big box. A very few minutes -after they had entered the house we were spellbound by “Elisir d’Amore,” -sung by the finest tenor voice. We and our children all rushed out to -the room from whence the singing came. We waited until it was finished -and rivalled each other with our applause. Conried, the impresario, -foreseeing in our unlimited applause the success of his future tenor, -benignly smiled and explained to us: - -“This is the great Caruso--a man that is in Buenos Aires just now. Grau -engaged him, and it was these records that induced me to assume the -contract.” - -Conried startled us once more during that same week-end by confiding to -us that he possessed the complete score of “Parsifal.” He said: - -“I shall produce it this winter.” - -We were amazed at this proposition, particularly my wife, who reminded -Conried that when she was at Bayreuth she was informed that both Richard -Wagner and his widow had steadfastly withstood all propositions to -produce “Parsifal”--the chief attraction of its musical festivals--on -any other stage. I feared that many Wagnerians would condemn the -production as a sacrilege. - -Conried waived aside the objections and said: - -“Years ago I told Frau Casimir Wagner that some day I would produce -‘Parsifal’ in America. She ridiculed me. Here’s my chance. I will win -the approbation of thousands who have been yearning to hear this opera -and who will never get to Bayreuth.” - -From that day on, he kept me informed of his progress. We were together -in Vienna when he chose the costumes for the “flower-maidens”; I visited -with him the studio where the revolving curtain was being painted; in -America, my wife and I attended many of the rehearsals. - -His real troubles began as he approached the day of production. The -composer’s widow tried to enjoin him from making the production; for -fear of offending her, Mottl refused to conduct the orchestra; unlimited -abuse was showered on the producer through the press; certain clergymen -denounced the opera as blasphemous; some singers revolted; and, to cap -the climax, there came a warning that the Society for the Prevention of -Cruelty to Children would stop the appearance of the boys who were to -sing in the choruses. - -Conried’s patience and optimism were inexhaustible. He met every rebuff -squarely and surmounted every barrier. He won in the courts. The press -attacks and the pulpit onslaughts only furnished publicity; he found -other singers to take the place of the rebels, and so, as the event -proved, in conferring the leadership of the orchestra on Hertz, he -opened a brilliant career for an excellent conductor until then little -known in America. As for the public response, the demand for seats was -unparalleled, even in Metropolitan history: the directors were all -besieged by applications, and I alone made over a hundred people happy -by securing seats for them. - -Nevertheless, on the eve of the first production everything within the -Opera House seemed in utter chaos. We were there until two o’clock in -the morning and beheld a never-to-be-forgotten sight. The famous Munich -stage manager Lautenschlager, imported for this special performance, was -then still rehearsing raising and lowering the drops for Kundry’s big -scene, and supernumeraries were scurrying about answering the -conflicting demands of their directors; weary stage carpenters and -“hands” were lying in the wings snatching such minutes of sleep as were -possible, while high up in the stage lofts were stowed away the chorus -boys to keep them out of the clutches of the S.P.C.C. To the onlooker, -professional or amateur--to everybody except the confident -Conried--there seemed nothing but disaster ahead. The brilliant success -that evolved is too much a matter of operatic history to require -recounting here. - -Conried had always drawn unsparingly on his reserves of energy and -resistance, and there came at last a moment when those reserves were -exhausted. An unpleasant episode, involving not himself, but one of his -company, enlisted all his efforts. At its conclusion, he was met with a -piece of bad news: Dr. Holbrook Curtis told him that he feared that a -growth which had just appeared in the throat of Caruso would prevent -this, now his particular star, from singing during the coming season and -might end his career altogether. Conried went from the doctor’s office -to the Opera House to watch an important, long-drawn-out rehearsal. -Shortly thereafter he had a breakdown from which he never recovered. - -When he died, his widow and son requested me to arrange the funeral, and -readily adopted my suggestion that as Heinrich Conried’s greatest -success had been won in the Metropolitan Opera House, so his obsequies -should be held there as Anton Seidl’s had been ten years before. I knew -that Conried had not been connected with any synagogue, but I asked -whether he had mentioned a preference. - -“None,” said his son. - -Being president of the Free Synagogue, I requested Rabbi Wise to -officiate. I communicated with the directors of the Conried Opera -Company, who consented to the plan, and every branch of the organization -from the orchestra to the scene-shifters volunteered to help. - -It was an event which none who witnessed it will ever forget. The -proscenium arch was hung with black, and the “set” was the mediæval -interior used in the third act of “Lucia.” In the centre was the great -catafalque, its outlines almost obscured by masses of flowers--lilies, -roses, orchids, literally by tens of thousands--flanked by two Hebrew -candelabra, surmounted by the bust of the impresario that had been -presented to him, during his illness, by the members of the company. - -Promptly at eleven the Metropolitan Orchestra began the funeral march -from Beethoven’s “Eroica,” and, carried by six skull-capped bearers, the -coffin, entirely covered by a pall of violets, was placed upon the -stage. Mme. Homer and Riccardo Martin and Robert Blass sang Handel’s -“Largo”; the choir-boys from Calvary Church who had appeared in the -first American production of “Parsifal” intoned a setting of Tennyson’s -“Crossing the Bar”; Dr. Wise and Professor William H. Carpenter, of -Columbia, spoke of the dead man’s work, and then, with the notes of the -Chopin funeral-march sobbing through the Opera House--attended by -music-lovers, judges, artists, financiers, leaders in almost every walk -of life, there was taken from the scene of his greatest work the body of -the weaver-boy of Bielitz. - -These memories have taken me somewhat far afield and consumed much of -the space that I had intended to devote, in this chapter, to my own -activities. I should like to tell of my service as director of the -Educational Alliance, the consolidation of a dozen activities for the -benefit of children--and particularly the Jewish children--of that Lower -East Side neighbourhood; and, too, of my work on the Board of Directors -of the Mt. Sinai Hospital, the institution which my father helped so -many years before; and of my interest in the Henry Street Settlement so -ably developed by my friend Lillian Wald, my connection with which -eventually led Mrs. Morgenthau and me to establish the Bronx House. Mrs. -Morgenthau once taught in the Louis’ Downtown Sabbath School at 267 -Henry Street, and right next door to it Miss Lillian D. Wald and Miss -MacDowell, the daughter of General MacDowell of Civil War fame, had -started an experiment that was to grow into a vast benefit for the -entire community. Up to that time the people of the Lower East Side who -were unable to afford regular medical treatment for themselves or their -babies went without it until the last minute and then sought the rare -dispensaries; for any other sort of help, they turned to the district -political bosses, who never failed to require a substantial return for -favours and who had few favours to dispense to those who neither voted -themselves nor controlled the votes of others. Miss Wald practically -originated the idea of the house-to-house, or the tenement-to-tenement, -visiting trained nurse, who made friends with the sick and needy in -their own homes, cared for the ill, showed their relatives how to care -for them, gave practical lessons on the bringing up of children, and -demonstrated that household hygiene is the ounce of prevention that is -worth a pound of cure. Out of this evolved the now famous Henry Street -Settlement. - -This work deeply interested me, and I have been a constant and frequent -visitor at the house, and have supported a visiting nurse on Miss Wald’s -staff for the past twenty-two years. - -Some years ago Miss Wald unfolded to me the needs of a sister settlement -house in the Bronx, and urged me to assist in organizing an -establishment similar to hers. At a meeting at my house, which was -attended by Angelo Patri and his wife, Simon Hirsdansky, and Jacob -Shufro--all three of the men being now principals of schools in the -Bronx--and Bernard Deutsch, and a few others, my wife and I were -persuaded by their statements of the great good that a settlement house -could do in the Bronx, and we agreed to finance it for a few years. We -combined with it a music school under the supervision of David Mannes -and Harriet Seymour who had been active in the Third Street Music School -Settlement. - -We established it at once at 1,637 Washington Avenue, and, as the people -said, “with a golden spoon in its mouth.” The children in the -neighbourhood--and there were thousands of them--flocked to it from the -very day it was started. There seemed to be an insatiable demand for -instruction in music, and it has been a never-ending delight to see the -steady strides made by the little orchestra started in the beginning by -Mr. Edgar Stowell, up to 1922, when I saw them carry the entire musical -programme of the pageant of the joint settlement houses at Hunter -College. Several times we have been surprised by having this little -orchestra give us a performance at our house, and at other times we have -been regaled with the performance of “Alice in Wonderland” by one of the -clubs of the Bronx House. When I survey the progress made and the -happiness given the scholars of the music schools, and the members of -the thirty-odd clubs, I feel that the funds that I have invested in the -Bronx House have produced far greater dividends than any of my other -investments. - -Another of my social activities was my work as a member of the Committee -on Congestion of Population in New York City, which really did excellent -service in calling attention to the housing conditions of the -metropolis. This committee owed a great deal to the inspiration of that -beautiful soul, Carola Woerishoefer, granddaughter of Oswald -Ottendorfer; Benjamin C. Marsh was its secretary, and it was active for -several years. Our social survey discovered that over fifty blocks in -New York had each a population of between 3,000 and 4,000 souls, and -that the city’s tenements contained some 346,000 dark rooms. We had -diagrams and models made, illustrating these conditions, listing the -plague-spots where tuberculosis thrived, calling attention to the -overcrowding in schools and the shortage of public playgrounds; in 1908 -we held an exhibition in the Twenty-second Regiment Armoury and, by this -and other means, succeeded in securing considerable remedial -legislation. Then in 1911 there was the terrible fire in the Triangle -Shirt Factory--an “upstairs” factory--where, owing to the bad -conditions, 160 girl employees were killed. That resulted in a public -protest against inadequate factory inspection and the creation of a -“Committee of Safety” in which I served in company, among others, with -Miss Anne Morgan, Miss Mary Dreier, Miss Frances Perkins, George W. -Perkins, John A. Kingsbury, Peter Brady, and Amos Pinchot. When Henry -L. Stimson relinquished his duties as chairman to become Secretary of -War, I succeeded him. We were instrumental in having the legislature -appoint a factory investigating committee of which Alfred E. Smith was -chairman and Robert Wagner vice-chairman. - -These men came to see me, soon after their appointments, in some -embarrassment. They seemed sincerely desirous of performing their -duties, but said they were badly handicapped. - -“Are you folks going to finance this investigation?” they asked. -“Because, if you aren’t, we don’t see how it is to be carried on. The -legislature appropriated only $10,000, and it will take all that to pay -a good attorney to do the necessary legal work.” - -“I can get you a first-class lawyer who will not demand any fee,” I -said, “and he will be satisfactory to everybody concerned, including -Tammany Hall.” - -The man I had in mind was Abram I. Elkus. He agreed with me as to the -good he could do in this capacity, and the public honour to be won if he -would volunteer his services. Within two hours after my interview with -Smith & Wagner, Mr. Elkus had assumed the post. The result was -thirty-one successful bills constituting what is to my mind the best -labour legislation ever passed by a State Legislature. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -EARLY POLITICAL EXPERIENCES - - -My earliest contact with the inner workings of politics was reading the -dramatic story of the downfall of the infamous Tweed Ring. - -Tweed had seemed a wonderful figure; we boys knew him only in his -largest successful aspects as a dictator: the originator of Riverside -Drive, the constructor of the lavish Court House, the arbiter of the -City’s destinies. He had made John T. Hoffman, Governor of the State, -and A. Oakey Hall, Mayor of the City. - -I had come into personal touch with the picturesque Oakey Hall. I had to -serve a summons on him in his official capacity and found him in his -executive office wearing a red velvet coat. - -“Young man,” he said, with all the patronage of an emperor addressing -some messenger from a remote province of his domains--and with a -splendid accentuation of his title--“you can now swear that you have -served the _Mayor_ of New York!” - -Sometime thereafter I saw this same mayor act in “The Crucible,” a play -written by himself, to prove his innocence under the Tweed régime. - -We law-students had looked with veneration to the Supreme Court. We -conceived of its members as men of immaculate morality, constantly -practising an even balance of the scales of Justice. Our deepest -admiration was evoked by their confidence and self-possession and the -awe-inspiring manner in which they exercised their powers. Many a time -when I went before one of these judges to ask an adjournment, or to -have an order signed, I marvelled at the rapidity with which he grasped -the contents of the papers submitted to him, and it was a severe blow to -my faith in our legal and political institutions when the impeachment of -several of these judges, and the removal of some of them, showed that -not a few had been tools in the hands of a corrupt boss. - -Nor were we younger men alone in our disillusionment. Others had been -deceived; the leading citizens of New York had associated themselves in -business with the imposing dictator. I still have an advertisement of -the New York (Viaduct) Railroad Company, and in the list of its -directors the name of William M. Tweed appears between that of A. T. -Stewart and August Belmont; Richard B. Connolly next to Joseph Seligman; -John Jacob Astor has A. Oakey Hall on one side and Peter B. Sweeney on -the other; immediately after Sweeney comes Levi P. Morton. The “Big -Four” of Tammany were in good company. - -How far the Ring might have extended its power, it is impossible to say. -Tweed had promoted Hoffman from the mayoralty to the governorship and no -doubt intended to present him as a presidential candidate in ’72. -Amongst my clippings I find one which shows that the West was already -considering Hoffman as a national figure. It is from a New York -newspaper and quotes the Western press as announcing the following -slate: - - R. Gratz Brown of Missouri, President; - John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts, Vice-President; - Governor Hoffman of New York, Secretary of State; - Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, Secretary of the Treasury; - General Hancock of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; - Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior; - Horace Greeley of New York, Postmaster-General; - George H. Pendleton of Ohio, Attorney-General. - -As it happened, Greeley became a presidential and Gratz Brown a -vice-presidential candidate; Hancock subsequently ran for president, and -Hendricks achieved the vice-presidency; but the serious and -uncontradicted publication of that slate indicated the direction of -Tweed’s ambitions at the time when Samuel J. Tilden wrought his downfall -and relegated Hoffman into obscurity. - -In the reaction from these disclosures, Tilden became the younger -generation’s hero: he had rescued New York from corruption. I was so -impressed with his services that, when my fellow law-student, Michael -Sigerson, ran for the State Assembly, while Tilden sought the -presidency, I made my first entry into politics--before I was even a -voter--by giving several October nights, in 1876, to speech-making for -Tilden and Sigerson in the latter’s district on the Lower East Side. - -I am one of those who have always felt that Tilden was elected, and that -the National Republican machine prevented him from taking his seat. - -My observation of the machine system convinced me, through such -happenings, that the gravest danger to democracy arose from within. I -soon saw that, in such a city as New York, where the mass of the voters -are unfamiliar with governmental functions and ignorant that a proper -administration thereof is the safeguard of liberty, the control of the -dominant party would frequently be secured by a character like Tweed. -The more I saw of Tammany Hall, the deeper this conviction became. - -Tammany was then as well organized as at any time in its history. The -district leaders were generally selected by its boss and always -responsible to him. They, in turn, had their precinct leaders dependent -on them for preferment and continuance in office. The boss arranged his -appointments so that he could absolutely depend on the servility of a -majority of the district leaders. It was only now and then that one had -the courage to assert his independence and fight the machine. Then he -would either be summarily displaced, lose his own little organization by -his inability to dispense patronage, or else he would be brought back -into slavery by the gift of office. - -This plan of organization has, with slight alterations, continued ever -since. After Tweed’s displacement, John Kelly came into the leadership; -his personal honesty was never doubted, but he had used the old system -to obtain power and had to continue it to hold what he had gained. The -story of his downfall, though not discreditable to him, is almost as -dramatic as Tweed’s. - -In his political capacity, Kelly was Comptroller of the City of New -York, when a number of reformers determined to oust him; in his personal -capacity, he was the owner of an influential newspaper, the _Express_. -The loss of the comptrollership would, of course, involve the loss of -his Tammany leadership; but the policy of his paper was an important -factor in the fight. - -William C. Whitney, then Corporation Counsel, headed the opposition; he -had planned to remove Kelly by a vote of the Board of Aldermen. Two -things were necessary: publicity in the press and votes in the Board. - -James Gordon Bennett’s career was just then at its height. Not long -before Whitney began his quiet campaign the owner of the _Herald_--a -powerful six-footer--entering the old Delmonico’s restaurant at Chambers -Street and Broadway, tried to brush aside a slim young man who was -unconsciously crowding him at the bar. To Bennett’s amazement, the -stranger offered resistance. Quick blows were exchanged, and before the -newspaper proprietor knew what had happened, he had measured his length -on the floor; his antagonist was the pugilist Edwards, lightweight -champion of that period. Bennett exerted his influence on the newspapers -to suppress all accounts of this occurrence, and everyone agreed except -the _Express_. It published the story, and, in consequence, Whitney -found the owner of the _Herald_ perfectly willing to do his part toward -the political downfall of the owner of the _Express_. Bennett turned all -the guns of his paper on the Comptroller. - -For action in the Board of Aldermen, however, some Republican votes were -required. Whitney consulted Roscoe Conkling, then leader of his party in -New York State and soon to win national fame for his all but successful -attempt to secure Grant’s nomination to a third term in the White House. -Conkling’s reply was what Whitney expected: the Republican state leader -would not interfere in local matters, but had no objection to Whitney’s -discussing them with his county lieutenants. - -Whitney did. He went to the Republican county leaders, and they agreed -to deliver the necessary votes in the Board of Aldermen. Just what deal -was made, I, of course, do not know, but New York was soon surprised; -the Aldermen displaced Kelly, breaking his power; the Mayor appointed -Andrew H. Green in his stead, and two Republican leaders became police -justices. - -Richard Croker, Kelly’s successor, I knew personally and had unusual -opportunities to study at close range, through my business dealings with -the firm of Peter F. Meyer &. Company, auctioneers. In that combination -Richard Croker was the “Company.” - -Meyer’s career was colourful. Peter, as a mere lad, had a clerkship in -the two rooms on the ground floor occupied by Adrian H. Muller & Son, -one of the oldest and most reliable real estate auctioneers in New York. -By sheer ability he gradually rose to be its head. Through Croker’s -influence, the Supreme Court transferred the public auction rooms back -to 111 Broadway, from whence they had been shifted to the Real Estate -Exchange, 59 Liberty Street. Meyer, with gratitude for such past -favours, and perhaps with a lively anticipation of favours yet to come, -took Croker into partnership; the firm of Peter F. Meyer & Company -resulted. Peter wanted the Tammany nomination for Mayor, was -disappointed when he did not get it, and scornfully refused the post of -Sheriff as a stepping-stone. That his new association profited him in -other directions was, nevertheless, soon evident. - -As I remained long one of the firm’s best customers I had the entrée to -their inner office and so was in frequent contact with the silent -partner. It was an instructive but not always an encouraging experience. -Croker’s real estate office was also his political headquarters; in -fact, as I saw him at work there, I realized that politics was far more -_his_ business than was the earning of the real estate commissions. It -was as his business that he treated the Democratic Organization of the -City of New York. Again and again I have seen this keen, forever busy -man, economic with his words, but always speaking to the point, -demonstrate that he felt he owned that organization just as much as any -man controls a concern in which he has a substantial majority of the -stock. - -Generally as I passed through the outer room, there were district -leaders waiting there, to report to their commanding-general and receive -his orders. Beside them, and on much the same mission, there would -frequently be sitting men of considerable importance in other affairs -than those generally esteemed strictly political; but though these -included certain lawyers who later graced--and many of whom still -grace--the Supreme Court, I feel bound to add that Croker always -respected the sanctity of the Courts. - -In any case, I have rarely seen a leader of whatever sort held in such -awe or so sought after for favours. Once, at a reception of the National -Democratic Club, Croker asked me to sit next to him, and talked to me -for a half-hour and more of real estate prospects and reminiscences; -from the corner of my eye I could see the guests watching him with -interest and me with envy; when I got up, several of my friends adroitly -tried to learn from me what political position I had just been -promised--they could not understand how anybody would be given thirty -minutes of Richard Croker’s time unless asking for, or being offered, an -important office! Many years later, I sat in Warsaw beside Pilsudski, -dictator of the new Poland; the glances that I then received were -exactly of the sort bestowed on me at that Fifth Avenue reception by the -citizens of our own Republic. - -Croker’s withdrawal from the Tammany leadership was voluntary and due -largely to his recognition of his own limitations. During his -incumbency, political conditions gradually changed; they so shaped -themselves that Tammany--which, ever since Tweed’s downfall, had been -relegated to municipal affairs--would soon be called upon to play an -active part in State matters. To protect his organization, the boss -would have to control or check legislation at Albany affecting the City -of New York, and also endeavour to influence the New York delegations to -the National Conventions so as to secure federal patronage. To Croker, -these were unexplored fields; he knew municipal organization politics as -few men of his time, but he appreciated the proverb about teaching an -old dog new tricks. Partly through his connection with Andrew Freedman -of the Interborough System, and partly through that with Peter Meyer, he -had become rich beyond all his early hopes; he had the good sense, -unusual in champions, to quit the ring before losing his title to a -younger man. - -Perhaps with some lingering desire to retain some hold on the affairs of -the organization which he had so long governed, Croker arranged to be -succeeded by a triumvirate--Charles F. Murphy, Thomas F. McManus, and, -to give the Bronx a voice, Louis F. Heins--but that arrangement did not -last long. Murphy had the nominal leadership and soon made it real. He -attached to himself a majority of the district leaders, fought the -remainder, and replaced all who were irreconcilable by creatures of his -own. He went further and accomplished what Croker had not dared to -attempt: the Cleveland Democrats in the up-state organization had -gradually lost their hold on that machine, and the many excellent men -who later became devotees of the Wilsonic teaching lacked the -propensities necessary to assuming control; they were men of affairs who -devoted thought to politics only during a campaign, whereas, the -professional element was “on the job” for three hundred and sixty-five -days in the year; in that element Tammany found its own type, and -converted these into its willing tools. - -Within a comparatively short time, Murphy, who had begun as a humble -leader in the Gas House District of Manhattan, was both the head of the -City and State machine in New York. It has been most depressing for -Independents to see him absolutely control the Empire State delegation -in the last three National Democratic Conventions, casting the vote of -the ninety-six delegates, the largest vote possessed by any state--“as -though,” in Bryan’s phraseology, “he owned them.” - -My personal experiences with him have been few, but they have served to -confirm my first impressions. In 1910 there was to be an election for -Borough President of the Bronx; Arthur D. Murphy, the Tammany leader of -the district, but not related to Charles F. Murphy, aspired to the -position. George F. and Frederick Johnson and I called on the Chief. - -He is a large man, with a huge round face and heavy jowl. His eyes have -not the piercing quality that Croker’s had; they are blue and kindly and -his manner is altogether conciliatory. He knew our mission, but his -reception was cordial. - -We put our case frankly. We were among the largest investors in the -Bronx. We wanted that section to be a desirable home-centre for the -over-flow of New York’s population. We, therefore, felt justified in -discussing with him the necessity of having a proper administration with -a respected citizen at its head. - -“We feel,” we said, “that Arthur Murphy is not the man for the place. We -have no candidate of our own: we ask you to see that a man be selected -who is fitted by experience and character to be the head of this growing -borough. We want to tell you in advance that unless this is done, we -will be forced to defeat Tammany’s candidate at the polls.” - -The Boss listened attentively and without evincing either surprise or -antagonism. When we were through, he said: - -“I’ll try to prevent Arthur Murphy’s nomination.” - -He sincerely did try. He sent his brother to represent him at the -Convention, but failed to prevent Arthur Murphy from securing the place -on the ticket. - -A few days later the Tammany Chief sent for the Johnsons and myself. - -“I did the best I could,” he said, “but I couldn’t stop this thing. I -want you men to recognize my good faith and abide by the decision of the -Convention.” - -“Mr. Murphy,” I said, “I told you before that I never merely threaten. -If I withdrew my opposition, in deference to your wishes, all that we -said at our last visit would become mere bluff. Your unsuccessful -efforts don’t change the status of Arthur Murphy. We mean to run a third -candidate, and we will defeat your man.” - -The manner of the Boss made me feel that far from being angry, he rather -liked my consistency and sincerity. At any rate, we followed our plan, -and Cyrus C. Miller, a Republican, who gave the Bronx an excellent -administration, was elected. - -Within the party, I had seen Tammany fought by the Young Democracy and -then by the Irving Hall Democracy, but for a long time its best -enemy--until that, too, fell before it--was the County Democracy, at the -head of which was Police Judge Maurice J. Power, the discoverer of -Grover Cleveland and incidentally a client of our firm. - -Power was a bronze-founder when Cleveland was Mayor of Buffalo. The -Mayor and the founder had some dealings about a statue that Power had -cast for the city, and the latter observed and admired the Executive’s -extraordinary ability. At the next state convention Dan Manning, Lamont, -and the other leaders had intended to nominate either General Henry W. -Slocum or Roswell P. Flower as Governor. They found it impossible. Power -formed a combination with the delegates of Erie, Chemung, and Kings, and -named Cleveland and Hill to head the ticket. - -Power has told me the story. When he informed Cleveland that he was -expected to name the chairman and secretary of the State Committee for -his campaign, Cleveland asked him: - -“Who have those positions now?” - -“Manning and Lamont,” said Power. - -“Are they good men?” - -“They’re mighty capable men.” - -“Well,” said Cleveland, “I have no personal friends that I want to put -there. Why shouldn’t I keep Manning and Lamont?” - -Cleveland had been an unknown quantity to these men - -[Illustration: © _Paul Thompson_ - -Mr. Morgenthau with Theodore Roosevelt, Charles E. Hughes, Oscar Straus, -and other distinguished citizens on the steps of the City Hall of New -York, urging Mayor Mitchel to accept a renomination.] - -who opposed him in the Convention, and they were pleased by this sign of -his good will and political acumen. They accepted the offer, and later -became his warm friends for life. - -After Cleveland’s second election as President, the newspapers announced -Power as the next postmaster of New York, but he did not attend the -inauguration. It was not until after that event that he went to -Washington, where he met Croker. - -“Judge,” said the Tammany Boss, “if you want to be postmaster, we won’t -oppose you. We want you to have something that will satisfy you.” - -Power went to the White House, where Lamont received him with the -statement that the President had been asking for him a number of times -and could not understand why he had been absent from the inaugural -ceremonies. The caller was taken into the President’s executive office, -where, although the month was March, Cleveland sat at his desk in -shirt-sleeves. He came at once to the point. - -“Look here,” he said, “I’ve been wanting to know whether you’d accept -the New York postmastership. Will you? For old friendship’s sake, I -should like yours to be the first appointment I make for New York.” - -“I’m not strong in administrative work, as I don’t like details,” said -Power. Then, jokingly, he added: “If you have some less exacting -position which will not conflict with my attending to my foundry, I’d be -glad to accept that.” - -Cleveland said that he knew of no such position. However, at 10:30 that -night, Power was again sent for. - -“I’ve found the place for you,” said the President. “They tell me that -the Shipping Commissionership in New York pays $5,000, and will require -but little of your time.” - -To that post Power was duly appointed. - -My relations with him were always pleasant. He once told me that the -lack of funds was about to result in the dissolution of the County -Organization and said that I could have the chairmanship if I were -willing to contribute $25,000 toward keeping it alive: I had no ambition -in that direction, and Charles A. Jackson got the place. Again, in 1887, -when Power was in the saddle, my partner, Lachman, wanted the nomination -of Judge in the Sixth District Court, but because he has always been a -very modest man, and because he had heard that Judge Kelly, then holding -that office, was seeking renomination, he would not follow the usual -custom of going personally to Power and urging his cause. One day within -a month of election, as I crossed Park Place, I saw Power seated on a -bootblack’s stand in front of his office at 235 Broadway. I immediately -went to our office at 243 Broadway, and stormed Lachman into visiting -that bootblack stand immediately. - -“The queer thing is,” said Power, “that I should not have thought of you -for the place long ago. Of course you shall have the place.” - -He went through the form of offering renomination to Kelly, who declined -it. I ran a fourteen-day campaign for Lachman, and he was elected. This -was my only experience in managing a political campaign until I became -chairman of the Democratic Finance Committee in the National Campaign of -1912. - -In 1882, when the Sidney Webbs, husband and wife, the English -publicists, were visiting America, they told Miss Lillian D. Wald that -they would like to meet an American “boss,” and I arranged such a -meeting with Power as the star. With considerable pride and absolute -frankness, he explained in full detail how a boss came into being and -how he remained in control. He laid great stress on the fact that he -was a permanent substance, while the lesser leaders and the captors of -mere popularity were but passing shadows on the political glass. He -explained how the bosses named mayors and governors and sometimes even -presidents--how they played the ambitions of one aspirant against those -of another, and how they had a fatal advantage over opponents who gave -only part time to the business of politics. - -Webb, looking at his wife for agreement, said: - -“Isn’t this remarkable? It’s exactly the method that the executive -secretaries of the English labour unions use to maintain their -positions.” - -Before I had much to do with politics, I found out that neither New York -City nor New York State stood alone in its political obloquy. Some of -the greatest municipalities in the country, and many of the states, -were, and are to-day, under control of machines like Tammany. As these -bosses are of the same ilk, have the same aims and pursue the same -methods, and as many of them have maintained themselves for several -decades, a strong friendship has grown up amongst them, and they to-day -practically control the national committees and the national machinery -of both parties. - -Thus, in 1920, Cox was nominated for the presidency by a combination of -Democratic State bosses, who, fearing defeat, were determined at least -to keep their control of the party organization. I know Judge Moore very -well. He was the only member of the National Committee in 1916 who -threatened to head an open revolt against President Wilson’s selection -of Vance McCormick as chairman of the National Committee, because -McCormick was not a member of that committee. Judge Hudspeth, of New -Jersey, National Committeeman, came to me in great dismay at the St. -Louis Convention, and told me so. We had a private telephone to the -White House, and, at Hudspeth’s request, I called up the President, and -stated the facts. The President answered that, as the campaign was to be -run by his own friends, his choice of one of them would have to be -ratified even if it displeased Judge Moore. - -I was, therefore, much amused in 1920 to see how Judge Moore “beat the -devil around the stump” when he wanted George White selected as chairman -of the Democratic National Committee. Moore resigned his position as a -member of that committee, and White was elected in his place a few hours -before he was made chairman of the Democratic National Committee. It was -Murphy of New York; Brennan of Chicago, who had taken Roger Sullivan’s -place; Nugent of New Jersey; Taggart of Indiana; Moore of Ohio, and -Marsh of Iowa--all outstanding bosses--who combined to control the -nomination. McAdoo and Mitchell Palmer’s followers not agreeing to -combine their forces against this solid phalanx, the latter prevailed -and the Democratic National organization is temporarily in their hands. - -This method of government is by no means confined to the Democratic -Party. The Republicans are even greater offenders. The three Democrats -that have been elected to the Presidency since the Civil War--Tilden, -Cleveland, and Wilson--were all outstanding reformers, and were -nominated in spite of the bosses or machines and not with their -coöperation. The Republicans, on the other hand, have perfected to a -greater degree the machine control of their party, and for many years -their senatorial oligarchy has controlled the party machinery. - -At the convention that nominated McKinley this machinery worked -perfectly, and Mark Hanna, afterward senator from Ohio, was at the -throttle. When, however, McKinley died at the hand of an assassin, in -Buffalo, the party leaders as well as the country’s leading business -men were tremendously concerned lest Roosevelt should disregard their -wishes. The man that the bosses had reluctantly named Vice-President had -hurried down from the Adirondacks, but none of the oligarchs had been -able to get a word with him. Leaving Buffalo, he got aboard a train for -New York, en route to Washington; the leaders boarded the same train. A -member of that group himself told me what followed. - -The leaders agreed that Hanna should come to a personal understanding -with the new President. They went to Roosevelt, who welcomed the idea of -the interview. - -“I should be de-lighted to have him lunch with me here,” said Roosevelt. - -The table was laid in the drawing-room, and as Hanna entered Roosevelt -held out both his hands. - -“Now, old man,” he said, “let’s be friends.” - -Hanna did not take the proffered hands. - -“On two conditions,” he stipulated. - -“State them,” said Roosevelt. - -“First,” said the Senator, “we expect you to carry out McKinley’s -policies for the rest of his unexpired term.” - -Roosevelt nodded. “I’ll do that, of course. What is your other -condition?” - -“It’s this,” said the Senator, “never call me ‘old man’ again.” - -Then he shook hands. He did more; on his part he promised that if -Roosevelt kept his word, and if he retained McKinley’s cabinet and other -appointments, he would have Hanna’s support at the next National -Convention. - -It was a compact that neither man forgot. Before many months were over -rumour reported a conspiracy on Hanna’s part and Roosevelt -unhesitatingly repeated this to him. - -“You are carrying out your part of the bargain,” said the Senator, “as -long as you continue to do so, I’ll carry out mine.” - -When Hanna died, the machine that he had controlled fell for a time into -disuse and Roosevelt, taking advantage of the temporary absence of a -machine-bred leader, assumed leadership, not as the head of the old -machine, but by virtue of his position as President. He did not -recognize the machine leaders of the various states, nor did they stand -behind him, but he used his power to name Taft as his successor. - -Chief Justice Taft has himself described to me how Roosevelt coached him -for the fight. When he called at the White House, the President asked -him: - -“Now, then, what are you doing about your campaign?” - -“I’ve prepared some speeches,” Taft answered. - -“What are they about?” - -“Well, I’m just back from the Philippines. I understand them, and -thought I’d talk mostly about them.” - -Roosevelt threw up his hands. “What in the world are you thinking of? -You cannot interest the American public at election-time in the -Philippines.” - -“If you don’t think they’ll want to hear about the Philippines, what do -you suggest they would like to hear about?” - -“My currency measures,” said the President. “Talk to them about my -currency measures. That’s what they’re interested in.” - -So the candidate disregarded what he had written and composed a new set -of speeches expounding Roosevelt’s ideas on the currency. - -Nevertheless, Taft, as history soon demonstrated, did not recognize the -Colonel as his boss. He undoubtedly felt sincere friendship for -Roosevelt and was grateful to him, but he had a still stronger -appreciation of the responsibilities of his office. Consequently, there -soon came about a conflict between Roosevelt’s adherents and Taft’s, in -which the machine leaders, having got together the pieces of the broken -Hanna oligarchy, aligned themselves with the new President. - -What followed is still fresh in the memory of most of us. Senator -Penrose, of Pennsylvania, gradually assumed leadership of the national -machine; the Senate oligarchy was again in control of the Republican -Party. Assured in 1912 that if Roosevelt reëntered the White House he -would construct an organization that would be the death of theirs, -they fought the most desperate of all fights--the fight for -self-preservation. They triumphed; the Colonel resented his defeat and -bolted the Party. It is one of the absolute principles of machine -politics that the welfare of the machine comes before everything else. -It is not necessary to be in office; a boss is often stronger when in -opposition, with fewer followers discontented through failure to receive -a portion of the spoils of victory; better keep the machine intact and -court defeat than win a national election for a party candidate that the -machine cannot control. These were the maxims that were applied by both -of the rival organizations within the Republican fold--the “regular” -Republicans and the Progressives--in 1912; together they polled over -7,600,000 as against the 6,293,000 Democratic ballots; but each -considered its organization more important than its candidate. The world -can, I think, be grateful: the result was Wilson. - -From 1912 onward the Republican senatorial oligarchy mended its fences -and repaired its machine. With Penrose for the directing mind, this -group included Lodge, Knox, Brandegee, Frelinghuysen, Watson of Indiana, -Moses, Spencer, Hale, and Wadsworth. Some of these were bosses in their -own states; all were influential with their state bosses. Roosevelt they -could not ignore, but, when he died, in 1919, they were left absolutely -free-handed, and their National Chairman, Will H. Hays, originally a man -of Progressive tendencies, had successfully employed his great talents -as an organizer in healing the wounds of the internecine struggle of -1912. They nominated Senator Harding, and he was elected. - -What has occurred since is important in this connection only as a -side-light on my general contention. President Harding knew the -senatorial ramifications from within; he understood the conflict of -personal ambitions that, human nature being what it is, went on behind -the general community of interest in the Senate group. His position was -strengthened by the long illness and subsequent death of Penrose and he -could, and did, manipulate these personal ambitions, playing one against -the other until he secured a practical stalemate. By this evolution of -events President Harding has been relieved of the odium of being -controlled by a senatorial oligarchy. - -If I have elaborated my observations at some length, it is to show why I -am a foe to machine politics. This evil, which can reach as high as -Washington, has its roots in the city election precinct. The district -leader holds his power either through dispensing minor patronage or by -influence with magistrates and political clubs, and, to do this, he must -retain the favour of the city boss. This gives the latter a thoroughly -organized army that includes even a quasi spy system, and at the same -time confers a power unshakeable by anything short of an overt criminal -act. Personal criticism of the boss, ostracizing him from the better -sort of society, does not help matters, does not harm him. He is content -with holding what he has won; the thing to be attacked is not the -individual; it is the system, and, in combating that, the serious and -practically unchangeable difficulty consists in the fact that very few, -if any, self-respecting, high-class men will submit to being bossed. -They will not take orders from Crokers or Penroses, Hannas or Murphys; -therefore, they enter fields where the final arbiters, the men who have -to decide upon their worth and promotion, are of a different calibre, -and where the reward for their efforts and work is not dependent upon -the whims and fancies of a political boss. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -MY ENTRANCE INTO NATIONAL POLITICS - - -“Conscience doth make cowards of us all.” Not mine--mine made me a -politician. At fifty-five years of age, financially independent, and -rich in experience, and recently released from the toils of materialism, -it ceaselessly confronted me with my duty to pay back, in the form of -public service, the overdraft which I had been permitted to make upon -the opportunities of this country. Repayment in money alone would not -suffice: I must pay in the form of personal service, for which my -experience had equipped me. And I must pay now, or never. - -It was a great surprise to my friends when, in 1912, I suddenly entered -politics, and threw myself heart and soul in the enterprise of securing -the Presidential nomination for Woodrow Wilson. “Why,” they asked me, -“should a man like yourself, whose whole active life has been spent in -the thick of the battle for wealth, embark on the untried sea of -politics? And why, if you are determined to take the risks of this -experiment, do you choose so forlorn a hope, as the cause of the least -likely of all the candidates, for the nomination of the party that has -elected only one President since the Civil War?” - -The answer was as simple to me as it was strange to them. My life had -been an intense struggle between idealism and materialism. In youth I -had burned with an enthusiasm for the ideal, which had fed alike upon -the teachings of the Reverend Dr. Einhorn in my boyhood, the inspiring -association which I had enjoyed with a saintly Quaker doctor in New -York, the noble messages to which I had listened from Christian -ministers, and the austere and lofty ethical philosophy of Dr. Felix -Adler. - -In early manhood, however, the temptation of materialism had beset me in -a familiar form. Shortly after my marriage I had some financial -disappointments; and I was compelled to devote more time than I had -expected to providing for my family. My intention was to make their -future modestly secure, and then to resume my idealistic avocation. I -soon found, however, that I had a special gift for making money. By the -time I had attained the competency which had been my ambition, I had -become fascinated with money-making as a game. Before I realized it, I -was immersed in a dozen enterprises, was obligated to a hundred business -friends, and, like all my associates, was deeply absorbed in the chase -for wealth. - -Fortunately, in 1905, the prospect of disaster brought me to my senses. -I foresaw the Panic of 1907; and, while others all around me plunged -onward toward the brink, I paused and took stock of my future. I began -to sever my financial connections. This process of slowing down my -business pace gave me time for other introspection; and I realized, with -astonishment and dismay, how far the swift tide of business had swept me -from the course I had charted for my life in youth. I was ashamed to -realize that I had neglected the nobler path of duty. I resolved to -retire wholly from active business, and to devote the rest of my life to -making good the better resolutions of my boyhood. - -It took me some years to divest myself of my business obligations on one -hand, and, on the other, to find a practical field for social service. -During this period, in which I was “finding myself,” I was attracted to -the career of Woodrow Wilson. I admired the courage with which he was -fighting the battle of democracy at Princeton. And, in the early months -of 1911, I was even more delighted to watch his progress as Governor of -New Jersey: the splendid fight he was making there to overthrow the rule -of the bosses, and to write into the statutes of the state those seven -measures of practical reform which his enemies derisively dubbed the -“Seven Sisters.” - -“Here,” I said to myself, “is a man who does not merely preach political -righteousness; here is a practical reformer. This man has Roosevelt’s -gift for the dramatic diagnosis of political diseases; he has Bryan’s -moral enthusiasm for political righteousness. But he has qualities which -these men lack: these are, the constructive faculty, the imagination to -devise remedies, the courage to apply them, and the gift of leadership -to put them into effective action.” I wished to know more of this new -and promising character. I resolved to find an occasion for meeting him. - -Such an opportunity came a few weeks later. As president of the Free -Synagogue in New York City, I invited Governor Wilson to be a guest of -honour at the dinner in celebration of the fourth anniversary of its -foundation. As I presided at the dinner, and as the Governor was seated -at my right, it gave me a chance to get acquainted. I found in him at -once a congenial spirit, and in that one intense conversation I got more -from him than I could have gotten from half a dozen casual meetings. - -On my left was the other guest of honour, Senator Borah of Idaho. He and -Wilson proved instantly antagonistic. The air was electrical with the -clash of their dissimilar temperaments. How startled I would have been, -that evening, could I have realized that this discordance of their -natures, of which I was at that moment acutely conscious, had in it the -seeds of a future battle--an epic struggle, with the White House and the -Capitol for its headquarters; the world for its audience; and the -destiny of the nations, following the greatest war in history, the prize -that was staked on the issue. - -I was then, in fact, aware only that I was seated between two men of -strong and mutually unsympathetic natures; and that they seemed equally -to feel this natural antagonism. Wilson revealed it by his request that -he be allowed to speak last: he plainly wished to study his rival before -he made his own oratorical appearance. Borah was even more palpably -depressed by the presence, at the same table with him, of this strange, -new, powerful personality, whose glittering intellect and polished -manner were so strikingly contrasted with his own blunter, though, in -their way, also powerful weapons and character. The Senator was so -disturbed by this impact with Wilson’s personality that his own speech -of the evening fell far below his usual high standard. He himself was so -deeply impressed with this deficiency that twice afterward he recalled -to me his comparative failure of that evening. These two men thus seemed -predestined to a combat which with natures so intense and powerful could -be nothing less than mortal. When, in 1920, Wilson lost (as I believe, -only for the moment) his gallant campaign for the League of Nations, and -fell truly a soldier stricken on the field of battle, partly because of -blows that were dealt by Senator Borah, I could not but revert in memory -to the vivid picture of that evening in New York in 1911, when the two -men met and took each other’s measure. - -They were not alone in this measuring of mettle. Governor Wilson’s -speech of that evening was a revelation to all of us who listened. We -saw in him a man of lofty idealism, and a knightly spirit; his -convictions grounded on the secure foundation of a deep study of -governmental institutions, and of the history of the human race; his -political philosophy erected symmetrically upon these firm foundations; -its façade adorned with a beautiful conception of democracy and justice -as the ideals of political endeavour. I, for one, felt that here truly -was an inspired leader behind whom all men like myself could range -themselves and know that their efforts to advance his fortunes would be -an effective participation in the highest form of public service. - -My own acceptance of his leadership was instant and decisive. I asked -him whether he was really a candidate for President of the United -States, and told him that I had a definite object in asking him the -question. I was delighted with his reply. Looking me squarely in the -eye, he said: “I know a great deal more about the United States than I -do about New Jersey.” - -“Governor,” I said, “my object in asking you this question was to offer -my unreserved moral and financial support of your candidacy.” - -The enthusiastic impression I gained upon that evening was confirmed and -strengthened two days later, when I attended the dinner of the National -Democratic Club, at which the Governor was again a guest of honour. -Here, again, he made a speech that was heartening to all who sought -leadership in the struggle for the regeneration of America. - -Let me remind my readers what the political situation was in 1911. That -situation should be recalled in the light of the preceding fourteen -years. In that period (which began with the election of William McKinley -as President in 1896), the United States had passed through one of the -most momentous epochs in its political history. The election of McKinley -by the Republicans, under the leadership of Mark Hanna, marked the -culmination of thirty years of materialistic growth in this -country--three decades in which the energies of the people were absorbed -in the conquest of the West, in the building of our gigantic railroad -system, and in the magician-like creation of our stupendous -manufacturing industries. Pittsburgh was almost the new capital of a new -nation, with its marvellous development of iron and steel. It was -followed closely by the great manufacturing centres that sprang up in -New York, New England, the Middle West, and Alabama. Monstrous fortunes -grew up over night from the exploitation of our natural resources, our -boundless supplies of coal, iron, oil, zinc, and lead. Masters of -industry, like Carnegie and Rockefeller, amassed gold beyond the wildest -dreams of even gem-laden Oriental potentates. Masters of transportation -like Commodore Vanderbilt and James J. Hill created new empires for the -residence of man, and gathered to themselves princely fortunes. Masters -of finance, like J. Pierpont Morgan, sat at the golden headwaters of -national enterprise, directing the fertilizing streams of credit, and, -by taking toll of them as they passed, accumulated an imperial revenue. -Below these men were nameless thousands, of only less ability, aping the -masters, and dipping with feverish hands into the golden flood. Mingled -with these builders were pick-pockets of finance, pirates of promotion, -and skulking jackals of commerce. But--all alike were money-mad. From -the Morgans and Hills and Rockefellers and Carnegies, who wrought with -far-seeing vision, down to the shopkeepers and smallest manufacturers, -nine men in ten were absorbed in the game of riches. - -Politics, too, had become infected. Public honours were no longer heaped -upon patriots and statesmen: the proudest title of distinction was to be -called “a captain of industry.” The best brains of the country had been -drained out of the public service into business life. Men who, in other -days, would have led great public causes, were now presidents of great -corporations. Their intellects were taxed to the last limit in the -fierce struggle of competition. Their characters were formed and -hardened into the inflexible will and ruthless determination of -commanders of vast competitive business armies. Men like Morgan, upon -whose shoulders rested the responsibility for billions of invested -capital, brooked no obstacle that threatened for an instant the security -of these vast aggregations of money, nor anything that would stand in -the way of their continuous return of profit. - -Such gigantic financial operations inevitably affected those -inter-relationships of the people which are expressed in law; and -organized government soon confronted the danger of being swallowed by -organized business. By the close of McKinley’s first administration, -government, indeed, had become practically a vassal of business, little -better than another instrument of power in the hands of the leaders of -industry. Legislation was bought like merchandise; lawmakers and -administrators of law were corrupted. Politics had become an almost -disreputable profession. Lobbyists of the most odious type flaunted -their trade publicly. To the high-minded elements of the community it -seemed as if the nation were sliding down the declivity of destruction -to share the fate of Rome. - -I was myself fresh from this seething caldron of materialistic -competition, and I knew personally the men and the methods of Big -Business, so that I had occasion to appreciate more keenly than most -people the reality of the danger which confronted the nation. - -To us perplexed political idealists the country over, who looked on with -apprehension at this death grapple between the soul of the people and -the ugly octopus of Big Business, the appearance of Woodrow Wilson on -the horizon seemed a very act of Providence. Here at last was the -leader: the man who, thinking our thoughts, sharing our visions, brought -to us the promise of a political personality under whose banner we could -range ourselves, organize our enthusiasm, and take fresh hope for -redemption. - -True, the Democratic Party organization was no better than the -Republican. Nevertheless, I recalled with faith the words of that -valiant reformer, Carl Schurz, who years before had said: - -“Between them [the old parties] stands an element which is not -controlled by the discipline of the party organization, but acts upon -its own judgment for the public interest. It is the Independent element -which in its best sense and shape may be defined as consisting of men -who consider it more important that the Government be well administered -than that this or that set of men administer it. This Independent -element is not very popular with party politicians in ordinary times; -but it is very much in requisition when the day of voting comes. It can -render inestimable service to the cause of good government by wielding -the balance of power it holds with justice and wisdom.” - -Here, I thought, in this great body of thoughtful independents of both -parties, lies the hope of political regeneration. Woodrow Wilson is the -only man in either party who stands out clearly for the things which all -of us hold dear. If we can introduce him to these men, if we can lift -him up upon a platform high enough to permit his ringing words to reach -across the continent, they will rally to his banner as we have done. - -It was from these motives, and in this splendid hope, that I threw -myself whole-heartedly into what my friends had called a “hopeless -cause.” Now was the opportunity to restore idealism to our government; -to place man, as of old, above the dollar; to place law once more -securely above the greed and personal ambition of the individual. -America was very dear to me! I had come to her an alien by race and -speech; she had thrown wide open the door of opportunity to me; I had -been free to find satisfaction for every one of my ambitions. Surely, -the utmost I could do in her service was little enough to repay the just -debt I owed her. - -Let me return now to the dinner of the National Democratic Club, which I -have already mentioned. I sat at a table facing the guests of honour, -and before they seated themselves I went up and spoke to Governor -Wilson. On a sudden impulse, he exclaimed: “Come along with me, I want -to introduce you to someone.” He led me to another table, and there I -had my first meeting with Walter Hines Page, who was then editor of the -_World’s Work_ magazine, and who was destined later to play such a -momentous part in the salvaging of civilization while acting as -President Wilson’s Ambassador at the Court of St. James’s. Wilson and -Page had been acquainted for many years and they addressed each other -familiarly. - -“This,” said the Governor, laying his hand on my shoulder, “is the Mr. -Morgenthau I talked about to you this afternoon. Now you two get -acquainted.” He then returned to the speakers’ table, and Page spoke to -me and expressed his hearty satisfaction at welcoming “the latest -recruit to the little band of Wilson adherents.” He invited me to call -upon him at his place of business, at Garden City, Long Island, for a -longer conference. - -Two years later Page and I recalled this scene, under very altered -circumstances. I stopped in London on my way to Constantinople. There I -found Page installed in the American Embassy. When I entered his private -office, Page had cleared his room, and we faced each other there -alone--Page sitting forward on the edge of his chair, his elbow on the -table, his head leaning against his hand, and with the most quizzical -and expectant look upon his face. I said to him, “Ambassador, I know -what you are thinking about.” - -“Well, what?” he challenged. - -“You are thinking,” I said, “of the day when the Governor of New Jersey -introduced the retired financier to the magazine editor. That was only -two years ago; and now what a difference! He is President of the United -States; you are here as his Ambassador to the Court of St. James’s; and -I am his Ambassador at the Sublime Porte. And you are thinking that it’s -mighty funny.” - -“No; you’re wrong,” said he. - -“Then what are you thinking?” - -Still giving me that quizzical look over the top of his glasses, and -dropping his voice to the very bottom of his diaphragm, he rumbled, “I -was thinking it’s _blanked_ funny!” - -Some time after our first meeting I called on Mr. Page at Garden City, -and told him I was now ready to immerse myself completely in the -campaign; and some months after this William G. McAdoo invited me to -join him at a luncheon with William F. McCombs, who was then in full -charge of Wilson’s campaign for the nomination. I then agreed to -subscribe a substantial sum, and, also, to undertake raising money from -others. They accepted both offers gladly. I found the first by far the -easier to make good. To redeem the second was a very different matter: -my friends in the business world looked upon me almost as one who had -lost his reason. “Why,” they asked me, “should any one who has property -be willing to entrust the management of the United States to the -Democratic Party? How can a reasonable man hope for Wilson’s nomination -against veterans like Bryan, Clark, and Underwood? And how can any -Democrat hope for victory against the intrenched Republicans?” - -It was the hardest proposition that I ever undertook to sell, but we -managed somehow to meet our financial emergencies as we came to them. - -Meanwhile, the other candidates were busy. William Jennings Bryan had -been, for years, at once the prophet and the Nemesis of the Democratic -Party. He controlled its national machinery. Thrice he had led it to -defeat, and now, for the fourth time, he aspired to lead the charge. -Party politicians, who knew that Bryan’s economic heresies were fatal to -the party, did not dare call together the national committee, where his -discipline ruled their actions. The only other place where party -councils could be taken was in the National Capitol. For this reason, -the cloakroom of the House of Representatives became the whispering -gallery of other aspirants. The House developed two candidates for the -nomination: Champ Clark, the genial Speaker; and Oscar Underwood, the -popular and substantial floor leader of the majority. - -Nevertheless, we adherents of Wilson were not dismayed. Our plan of -action was to secure a few state delegations, and, for the rest, to -concentrate our energies upon creating, through the press, a sentiment -among the Democratic masses, which, we hoped, at the end would prove -irresistible in the Convention. - -The first great test of our success (and, what was more important, of -Wilson’s capacity to grow to national stature) came on the occasion of -the Jackson Day dinner at Washington on January 8, 1912. This classic -festival of Democracy has, every quadrennium, a special and a solemn -significance for candidates for the Presidency. It is somewhat like the -opening day of the Kentucky Derby at Louisville, when the favourite -horses are led out before the first race for the inspection of the -spectators. A seat at this dinner is as much prized by Democratic -politicians as a grandstand seat is at the races. The candidates and -their managers are as much excited as are the horse owners and their -trainers. Upon the showing made at this preliminary try-out depends much -of the crystallization of the sentiment amongst the politicians in -favour of one special candidate. - -Our first experience with this dinner was a disappointment. We men who -were active in Governor Wilson’s behalf had our headquarters at the New -Willard Hotel; and we had gone there a day earlier to make arrangements -for more than one hundred of the leading Democratic politicians and -citizens of New Jersey who were coming on to Washington the next day, to -back up Wilson’s aspirations. Imagine our dismay when we found that, of -the sixty-five tickets for the dinner to which New Jersey was entitled, -fifty had been given to Mr. Nugent instead of to Mr. Grosscup, the -chairman of the state committee. Mr. Nugent was one of Governor Wilson’s -bitterest opponents, and well enough we knew that we could not get back -the tickets from him. - -News of this blow came to me at 11 o’clock at night, just as I was -turning out my light preparatory to retiring. My telephone rang. I heard -the excited voice of Judge Hudspeth, the national committeeman from New -Jersey, exclaiming: “Come right over to our room! We need you at once!” -“But,” I protested, “I am just getting into bed for the night.” “Haven’t -you learned yet,” he cried impatiently, “that politicians never sleep?” - -Reluctantly, I got back into my clothes and went to his rooms. There I -found McCombs, Congressman Hughes, Mr. Grosscup, Joe Tumulty, and -others. They were angry at the miscarriage of the tickets, which they -attributed to trickery; and gloomy at the thought of the poor showing we -would make to our hundred and more friends from New Jersey who were -coming down to the dinner, and who would charge us with lack of -influence in the higher councils of the party. - -I turned the situation over in my mind while they were giving vent to -their indignation, and said: - -“I think I see a way to turn this mishap into a victory. Let us arrange -an overflow dinner for Mr. Wilson’s friends exclusively, and give him an -opportunity to show his appreciation of their presence, and to get their -inspiration.” - -This idea of a separate dinner at the Shoreham Hotel was a happy -thought, for at the main dinner at the Raleigh not more than fifteen -diners were really friends of Wilson. It was a discouraging outlook for -a man who faced the ordeal of trying to win an audience. The overflow -meeting solved this difficulty. It gave him the encouragement of an -enthusiastic greeting from a large body of his friends before he had to -face the unsympathetic audience at the main gathering. - -The morning of the day of the dinner Governor Wilson came to Washington -and went into conference with Dudley Field Malone, Franklin P. Glass of -Alabama, and myself at a luncheon in his room. He was confronted with a -serious problem. The newspapers of that very day were full of the letter -he had written to Adrian H. Joline, in which he had been guilty of that -famous indiscretion of saying that “William Jennings Bryan should be -knocked into a cocked hat.” As we sat at luncheon about twenty reporters -were waiting outside for Mr. Wilson to give them an explanation of this -letter. It might have the gravest political consequences. Bryan was -still the most powerful politician in the party, and, though he was not -able to gain the nomination for himself, he could easily keep any other -man from getting it. Wilson was deeply concerned to find a way out of -this difficulty; but though he was greatly worried, I can still recall -with what keen appetite he attacked a big steak and plateful of -vegetables, while he asked for our suggestions. He listened to us all, -and then he said: - -“Now, let me bare my mind to you. What did I really mean when I wrote -that letter? I have always admired Mr. Bryan as a clean-thinking, -progressive citizen. I have always admired his methods of diagnosing the -troubles and difficulties of the country. But I have never admired, nor -approved, his remedies. What I really meant, then, was that _his -remedies_ should be knocked into a cocked hat.” - -We then discussed the means by which this explanation should be given to -the public. We finally agreed that Wilson should not give it through the -press, but should wait until the Jackson Day dinner, that evening, to -make his explanation. Malone then went outside and told the reporters -our decision. - -In the meantime, we had heard that Bryan was not really much annoyed at -Wilson, because he realized that the men who were trying to injure -Wilson were trying to injure him also. Hence we sent an emissary to -Bryan to ask whether he would be willing to speak at our overflow -dinner, and though he declined the invitation, he did so graciously. - -The main dinner that evening at the Raleigh was attended by more than -seven hundred eager politicians from all parts of the country. It was an -exciting occasion for everyone, and an occasion of special apprehension -for us, because it was Wilson’s début in national politics. - -About midway of that dinner Wilson slipped away from the speakers’ -table, and drove over to the Shoreham. There, our happy gathering of a -hundred had been kept entertained and enlivened by speeches from -Tumulty, Dudley Malone, and others. When Wilson arrived, he found an -audience eager to be charmed, and it put him upon his mettle. He gave a -very happy speech; and when he left, to return to the Raleigh, there -were cheers and felicitations ringing in his ears. It put him in fine -feather for his masterly effort of the evening at the main dinner. - -Here I had an opportunity to observe, at very close range, one of the -most interesting spectacles of my whole experience. At the speakers’ -table sat Senator O’Gorman, the toastmaster of the evening. At his right -was William Jennings Bryan, the ever-hopeful leader of the Democrats, -who was playing each of the important candidates against the other, in -the hope of killing them all off, and securing the nomination himself. -There sat also Underwood and Clark and Foss and Hearst and Marshall. -Pomerene was there, as the representative of Governor Harmon of Ohio, -and Judge Parker, happily forgetting his defeat. Each man knew that this -moment was charged with fateful destiny. As each one made his speech, I -could see the others taking his measure, and watching the crowd of -diners to divine its reaction. Bryan, as the patriarch of the -candidates, was to make the last address of the evening. It was to be -his opportunity for a great oration that would restore to him the -mastery of the party. - -Wilson was the last speaker to precede him. When he arose, there was a -brief applause of politeness, with an extra short outburst from the -little handful of fifteen adherents. Every speaker who had gone before -him had talked of party harmony. Wilson seized the opportunity of this -text to clear up, with one masterly stroke, the dilemma of the “cocked -hat” story. After a few happy remarks of acquiescence in the plea for -harmony, Wilson turned to Mr. Bryan and, with a really Chesterfieldian -gesture, said: “If any one has said anything about any of the other -candidates, for which he is sorry, now is the time to apologize,” and -made a smiling bow to the Commoner. - -The audience broke into spontaneous and sincere applause at this stroke. -They appreciated both its manliness and its cleverness; and they sat up -with really expectant attention to hear the rest of his address. - -Wilson rose to his opportunity. His speech revealed to these men a new -power in the party. He made a splendid exposition of the issues before -the country, and gave his vision of the remedies with beautiful -eloquence and unanswerable logic. The audience progressed from rapt -attention to enthusiasm. - -All this time I was watching the face of Bryan. I have never seen a more -interesting play of expression on the stage than the exhibition which he -unconsciously gave. Here was the rising of a new political star, which -he well knew meant the setting of his own. His face expressed in turn -surprise, alarm, hesitation, doubt, gloom, despair. When Wilson took his -seat amidst tremendous applause Bryan’s face was that of a man who had -met his Waterloo. He rose like one who was dazed, and made a speech of -abdication. He said that the time had come when a new man should be -nominated, a man who was free from the asperities of the past, and that -he was willing to march in the ranks of the party, and work with the -rest of us to help on this victory, which he saw assured. He then -started to sit down, but everyone applauded so vigorously, shouting “Go -on! Go on!” that he became confused. For once, his political sagacity -forsook him: he did not realize that he should stop. He regained his -feet, and made a sad anti-climax by telling the diners stories of his -observations in the Philippines and elsewhere. The evening was a Wilson -triumph. - -The effect upon Wilson’s fortune was instantaneous. The next morning our -little headquarters was the Mecca of the politicians. Congressmen and -Senators and members of the National Committee streamed to our rooms at -the Willard. Some came to pledge us their support of Wilson; others to -take the measure of his managers. Of the latter class, Senator Stone of -Missouri was the most interesting. We saw then how he had earned his -title, “Gum Shoe Bill.” He dropped in, so he said, for just a minute’s -conversation, as Mrs. Stone was waiting for him in the lobby, where he -had promised to rejoin her in a few minutes. He stayed for more than -half an hour. He spent that time telling us a very humorous story, which -would be worth retelling on its merits if it were printable. It dealt -with several whimsical characters in a little town in the Ozarks, and he -told it with all the rich embroidery of characterization and dialogue -with which the best Southern story tellers elaborate their narratives. -It was really a little masterpiece of the raconteur’s art, but it had no -pertinence to our serious business. I soon became aware, however, that -Stone himself had a serious purpose. All the while he was spinning his -story out, to make it longer, his eyes were stealing from one face to -another of his auditors, shrewdly appraising their reactions, studying -each of them to learn what he could of their characters and foibles. -When he finally drew the story to its close, sprung the “nub,” and got a -round of laughter, he left, as I felt sure at the moment, with a pretty -definite estimate of each of us in his head. - -The extraordinary success of Wilson’s Jackson Day speech had its evil -effects as well. It made other candidates realize that the man each of -them had to beat was Wilson. Thus, all the politicians centred their -attacks on him. They ceased their efforts to take delegates away from -one another, and allotted to each candidate an undisputed field in the -territory where he could help to make a showing. Their plan was to -prevent Wilson from coming to the Convention with a large pledged vote. - -In the meantime, we devoted our efforts to making Wilson popular among -the Democratic press and masses, building up, throughout the country, a -sentiment which made him the second choice in nearly every section where -a favourite son got a preference with the delegates. Our greatest fear -was that one of the two strongest candidates might yield his strength -to the other in the hope of defeating Wilson. - -Fortunately for us, the logic of the situation made our strategy also -the best strategy for Bryan. He and his brother, with their keen -political sense, were playing exactly the same game as we were. The -result was that every candidate came to the Convention with his full -strength, and a determination to use it. - -We had other troubles. Repeatedly we faced financial difficulties, and -many times the few men of means among us had to go down into their own -pockets to make up the deficiency. I had to do so myself, and I leaned -heavily on devoted friends of Wilson, like Cleveland H. Dodge, Charles -R. Crane, and Abram I. Elkus. Then, too, there were personal -differences. I shall never forget when Dudley Field Malone, with his -high-powered temperament and his high-flown oratory, burst into my -office, exclaiming, “I come with a message from a King to a King!” - -“Come to earth, talk English,” I responded. - -“Well,” he said, “the Governor has sent me to ask you to investigate the -row between McCombs and Byron Newton. He wants you to settle the matter -without his intervention.” - -I sent for Newton first, to get his version of the trouble; and when he -called, he was so unbridled in his language and so sweeping and -illogical in his accusations against McCombs--he gave me an ultimatum -that either he or McCombs must be instantly displaced--that I did not -wait to hear the other side of the story, but promptly decided in -McCombs’s favour. I concluded at once that Governor Wilson could not -afford, at that critical moment, to expose himself to the charge of -being ungrateful toward McCombs, who, notwithstanding his shortcomings, -had rendered him invaluable services. - -At last came the great days of the Convention. We went to Baltimore -with less than half enough pledged delegates to secure the nomination. -Our hopes lay in the splendid impression that Wilson had made upon the -country, and in the generalship we should exercise upon the floor of the -Convention. The odds were all in favour of Champ Clark. He had better -than a hundred more pledged delegates than Wilson, and the ground swell -of the politicians in his favour. Still, we were not daunted. - -There were elements in our favour. The Baltimore _Sun_, chiefly through -the enthusiasm of Charles H. Grasty, created an atmosphere of Wilson -optimism in the city that had an undoubted effect upon the delegates. -And a determining influence with many delegates and the public at large -was a wonderful editorial, written by Frank I. Cobb and published in the -New York _World_ at the psychological moment. - -The supreme opportunity for all of us to use our best talents in behalf -of Wilson came at the dramatic climax of the Convention when, on the -third day and with the tenth ballot, Champ Clark received a majority -vote of the delegates. Though two thirds were necessary to get the -nomination, Clark’s adherents thought that the achievement of a majority -marked the turn of the tide and the assurance of victory. They had sound -historical warrant for this faith: for only once before had a Democratic -candidate who received a majority of the votes failed to get the -nomination. - -If Clark’s managers had been able to capitalize that critical moment, -their candidate might have gone to the White House eight months later. - -When this tenth ballot was announced, the Convention greeted the Clark -majority with wild enthusiasm. What his managers should have done was to -have pressed this advantage to an immediate conclusion. A few more quick -ballots taken under the emotion of that moment would doubtless have -carried him over the line to victory. Instead, they wasted the -opportunity, and the Missouri delegation organized a snake dance around -the hall, and spent the next fifty-five minutes frittering away the -precious enthusiasm of the Convention by cheering themselves hoarse in -celebration of an assumed victory. They stimulated the joy of Clark’s -adherents by bringing in his young daughter, wrapped in an American -flag, and placing her beside the chairman. This pretty picture provoked -a fresh outburst of triumphant cheering. - -Those fifty-five minutes cost Clark the nomination. McCombs, Palmer, -McAdoo, and the rest of us had a hurried consultation on the platform, -not ten feet away from Ollie James, the impartial chairman, who did -nothing to discourage the wild demonstration. We agreed on a plan of -campaign, and, as lieutenants, all scurried about the hall, consulting -with the leaders of the other delegates. We got the Underwood forces to -agree to stand fast for their candidate on the next few ballots, and -made the same arrangement with the Marshall and Foss delegates, pledging -ourselves, in turn, to hold our people fast for Wilson. - -In three quarters of an hour we had corralled our delegates safely out -of the path of the Clark stampede. They sat immovable in the face of the -frenzy of the crowd. When the Clark demonstration had subsided, and the -next ballot was taken, the Clark managers had a rude awakening: the -result was practically unchanged. Then, with a stroke of political -genius, Mitchell Palmer arose, and claimed recognition from the Chair. -Tall, massive, and extremely handsome, Palmer was at the height of -youthful grace and vigour. The Chairman recognized him, and Palmer moved -an immediate adjournment to the following morning. Before the Clark -delegates grasped the meaning of this manœuvre the motion had been put -and carried. This respite gave Clark’s enemies a full day in which to -make fresh alliances against him, and every one of the succeeding -thirty-five ballots cut down his vote in the Convention. - -The tide had turned. Wilson’s strength grew steadily, because as soon as -a delegate realized that his own candidate’s cause was hopeless, his -thoughts turned from his personal preference to the welfare of the -party, and, in almost every case, he realized that Wilson was the one -man to lead it on to victory. They realized, too, that a solemn duty -rested on them. The Roosevelt defection from the Republican Party had -ruined its chances, so that these Democratic delegates knew they were -not merely nominating a candidate--they were actually electing a -President. - -After the nomination, the preliminary notification followed at Sea Girt -a few days later. Here again was an opportunity to study human nature. -Most of the defeated competitors for the nomination came and tendered -their hearty congratulations. But Clark came like one who was attending -the funeral of his hopes. He could not master his disappointment, nor -conceal it. His depression lay upon the gathering like a cloud. It was -so palpable that Tumulty saw that something must be done to lift it, -else the proper spirit of the occasion would be destroyed. Tumulty then -came to me, and suggested that Clark be taken for a ride. I approached -Clark, and invited him to use my car. He accepted and asked if he might -go anywhere he wished, and, of course, my reply was, “Certainly.” He -then explained that his daughter was visiting in the neighbourhood, and -he would like to see her. Filling the car with his friends, they drove -away, with my son, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., at the wheel. - -When my son came back, he had a broad smile on his countenance. “Where -do you suppose,” he exclaimed, “Clark asked me to take him? His -daughter is staying with George Harvey’s daughter!” - -The “George Harvey” to whom my son referred was, of course, Mr. Wilson’s -former supporter with whom he had recently had a much-advertised -disagreement, and who is now Mr. Harding’s much-discussed Ambassador in -London. - -Here was a dilemma! I had already told Governor Wilson that Clark had -gone to visit his daughter, and that she was staying with friends in the -neighbourhood, and he had said: “I shall see that my daughters call on -her.” Now, I had to tell him who “the friends in the neighbourhood” -were. When I did so, he only smiled, and said: “That’s rather awkward, -isn’t it?” - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE CAMPAIGN OF 1912 - - -Wilson’s nomination in 1912 was equivalent to an election. The split in -the Republican Party made this a foregone conclusion. They forgot the -interests of the country in a bitter internal struggle for the control -of their party machinery. Roosevelt, furiously ambitious to regain his -power, was pitted against the old organization bosses, who were -determined to retain possession of the party. Led by Penrose they were -lost in an implacable rage against the “rebel” who had once unhorsed -them in the party councils. To them the election of a president became a -secondary matter. The supremely important issue was the control of their -party machinery. Penrose and his fellow bosses felt that their -future--their very existence as political leaders--was at stake. If -Roosevelt made good his position, that the Independents ought to -continue to control the mechanism of the party (as they had controlled -it during his tenure of office), what did it profit Penrose and his kind -to build up their state machines, only to be balked of the supreme prize -of national ascendancy? They would, like Othello, find their occupation -gone. With the fury of men blinded by hatred and ambition, they -preferred to wreck the party’s chances for the next four years if, by so -doing, they could destroy the Roosevelt rebellion against their -domination. - -I really felt that my own connection with the campaign was at an end. -With the Presidency thus secure by reason of the Republicans’ -internecine quarrel, we Democrats were in the position of a plaintiff -who had simply to go through the formality of entering judgment by -default and take possession of the Government on behalf of the people. - -I had never participated in the active work of a national campaign, and -it did not appeal to me to do so. The offer made me by McCombs to become -chairman of the Finance Committee I had promptly declined, as I thought -that if I had anything to do with the finances of the National -Democratic Committee, I should be treasurer. So I prepared to spend the -summer in the Adirondacks. But the day that I was to take my family to -the mountains I motored down to Sea Girt to bid Governor Wilson -good-bye. The Governor had not yet come down to breakfast, and, as I had -to take an early train to make my connection for the mountains, I was -about to leave when word came down from him requesting me to wait a few -minutes longer, as he was anxious to see me. Shortly afterward he came -down the steps, as sprightly and active as a man of thirty, full of -energy and determination. When I told him I had come to say good-bye to -him, he was surprised and concerned. - -“This is a great disappointment to me,” said Governor Wilson. “I had -hoped that you would accept the position of chairman of the Finance -Committee. This is a new position which I have asked the National -Committee to create especially for you, and I had relied upon your -willingness to accept it and render me a great service.” - -I told the Governor that I was disinclined to be merely a money -collector, and unless I was appointed treasurer, or a member of the -Campaign Committee, I should not care to participate in the campaign. -The Governor answered: - -“Of course I expect you to be a member of the Campaign Committee, and I -still hope that I can persuade you to accept the chairmanship of the -Finance Committee. My idea is that in this campaign the chairman of the -Finance Committee will have to perform the functions of the president of -a bank, directing the large financial policies and protecting me against -mistakes of accepting moneys from improper sources. The treasurer should -correspond to the cashier. He should be the custodian of the funds and -have charge of the clerical and bookkeeping details. - -“I shall insist that no contributions whatever be even indirectly -accepted from any corporation. I want especial attention paid to the -small contributors. And I want great care exercised over the way the -money is spent. These duties will call for an unusual degree of -ingenuity and resourcefulness. I would not ask you to undertake this -task if I didn’t think you had the imagination to accomplish it; and I -would not expect you to accept it if I did not think it would be -interesting to a man of your experience and ability.” - -The Governor seemed so genuinely concerned and showed so clearly that he -dreaded facing another financial canvass after the frequent worries he -had endured from this source in his pre-nomination fight, that I could -no longer resist. I accepted, and added: - -“I shall take a few days to settle my family in the Adirondacks; then I -shall return and get to work. And now, Governor, having accepted the -responsibility, I want to assure you that you may dismiss all thoughts -of finance from your mind from now until election.” - -The Governor took my hand and held it while he said: - -“You do not realize what a load you are lifting from my shoulders. I can -now devote myself entirely to campaigning and to my duties as Governor.” - -I considered the discussion closed and was about to leave, when the -Governor detained me. - -“One thing more,” he said. “There are three rich men in the Democratic -Party whose political affiliations are so unworthy that I shall depend -on you personally to see that none of their money is used in my -campaign!” - -I gave him my assurance, and he gave me their names. This was the only -occasion on which I discussed finances with Mr. Wilson from that day to -this. I made good my promise that he should have no cause to think again -of finances. And when he went into the White House he went without -obligations, expressed or implied, to any man for any money that had -been contributed during the campaign. - -The principal reason I was able to make good my promise to the Governor -was that I instituted, for the first time in American political history, -a budget system both for collecting the funds and expending them. I -called to my assistance Mr. Raymond B. Fosdick, a budget expert; and in -consultation with the members of the Democratic National Committee, we -worked out an allotment of the amounts we expected from the various -states. We then worked out the kinds of legitimate expenditures which we -would encounter, weighed their relative values, and allotted to each its -corresponding proportion of the money we expected to raise. With minor -exceptions, we adhered to this budget throughout the campaign; and we -had the great pleasure of paying every bill in full before the first of -the following January, and of having $25,000 cash balance to the credit -of the National Committee in bank. - -My financial work in the National Committee was novel to me only in the -sense that it was managing the use of money in a new field. But my work -with the Committee on its human and political sides was an entirely new -experience, and a very fascinating one. - -On the human side, I found the same play of personal ambitions--of -jealousy and other evil passions--aroused by the prospect of advantage -in politics, that I had seen aroused by the prospect of material reward -in business. But, on the whole, the human picture in politics was as -pleasant as it was interesting. Our headquarters was, to be sure, the -scene of the ill-humoured rivalries of McCombs and McAdoo and their -adherents; but, on the other hand, it was the scene also of the touching -fraternal devotion of “Joe” Wilson, whom the Governor affectionately -called “my kid brother,” who gladly did all the tasks that came to hand -out of sheer regard for the Governor. The delightful friendships that I -formed with Rollo Wells, Josephus Daniels, Joseph E. Davies, Senator -O’Gorman, Hugh C. Wallace, Homer S. Cummings, and others, were a source -of enduring pleasure. We all soon fell into the genial habit of calling -one another by our first names--this is indeed a custom of the National -Committee. McCombs, who felt somewhat my greater age, began calling me -“Uncle Henry,” a name which has since stuck to me in the familiar -conversation of most of my close political friends. - -As it ultimately turned out, the headquarters was a proving ground for -coming Cabinet members, senators, and diplomats. Josephus Daniels had -for the moment abandoned his paper in North Carolina and come to New -York to take charge of the national publicity. McAdoo dropped his -business temporarily to become vice-chairman of the National Committee -and forward the Wilson fortunes. Congressman Redfield, discarded by the -local Democratic organization in Brooklyn, found an opportunity for -usefulness which led to his later appointment as Secretary of Commerce. -At the Chicago branch of National Headquarters, Albert S. Burleson of -Texas was a field-marshal of our growing army. Colonel House did not -take an active part in the direction of the campaign; he was then only -in process of attracting Wilson’s confidence in him as a man above the -wish for personal advancement. - -But on its political side I found my work a real revelation. Perhaps, -indeed, the biggest single lesson I ever got in politics I got through -the contact I then experienced with William Sulzer, who was Democratic -candidate for Governor of New York. This experience added so much to my -knowledge of the invisible government which stands behind government, -and was besides so picturesque and dramatic, that I think it worth while -recounting it at some length. - -One morning as I sat at my desk at the headquarters in New York, an odd -though familiar figure was ushered into my office. I had known William -Sulzer for perhaps twenty years. His greatest pride was his resemblance -in face and figure to the immortal Henry Clay. This physical resemblance -was not fanciful. Sulzer had his high forehead, large mouth, and -deep-set eyes--he bore, indeed, altogether a quite remarkable likeness -to the Sage of Ashland. He had, too, the same long, slender, and -loose-jointed figure. This resemblance, with which Nature had endowed -him, Sulzer had cultivated with assiduous care. He had grown a long -forelock, and had trained it to fall over the forehead after the Clay -style. And he had cultivated a gift for ready speech into as near an -approach to the eloquence of Clay as his limitations of mind permitted. - -But as I looked up at him that morning in 1912, I saw Sulzer garbed in a -strange departure from the elegance with which Clay, who was something -of a dandy, was used to adorn his person. Sulzer was made up--it is fair -to use this theatrical expression because Sulzer was evidently seeking a -theatrical effect--made up to portray the part of “a statesman of the -people.” His coat was of one pattern, and his vest of another. His -baggy trousers were of a third. The gray sombrero which he always -affected was rather dingy; his linen just a trifle soiled. Familiar as I -was with Sulzer’s political poses, through our acquaintance, I mentally -noted the skill of the morning’s costume in dressing the part of “a -friend of the people.” - -Sulzer’s career had been of a sort possible only in America. A native of -New Jersey, the son of a Presbyterian minister, a graduate of Columbia -University, a man of good family, good mind, and good education, he had -taken up his residence on the lower East Side of New York City, had -joined the Tammany organization, and had struck out boldly for a great -political career in those untoward surroundings. Despite his religious -heritage, he had been greatly impressed, as a young man, with the -prophecy of a clairvoyant who had told him he should be Speaker of the -New York State Assembly, Governor of New York, and President of the -United States. - -Sulzer had, indeed, made considerable progress on this path of political -advancement. Elected to the State Assembly as a young man in his early -twenties, he quickly rose to prominence, and at thirty he was chosen -Speaker--the youngest man, I believe, ever to hold that office. From the -State Assembly he was sent by Tammany to Congress, and now, in 1912, had -represented his district in Washington for seventeen years. He -constantly “played up” to the Jewish element. The ingratiating manner -which he carefully cultivated appealed to a people, proud, sensitive, -and accustomed to a lack of consideration from officers of Government. -In Congress he was indefatigable in the interest of his constituents; -and, on the whole, his attitude on public questions was satisfactory. -From the public viewpoint Sulzer was one of the most respectable of the -Tammany adherents. From the Tammany viewpoint he was “safe.” - -The nomination of Governor Wilson and the assurances of Democratic Party -success in the national campaign gave Sulzer his great opportunity. From -the Tammany leaders came covert intimations to us members of the -Democratic National Committee, that we would be permitted to suggest the -Democratic candidate for Governor of New York. Fortunately we realized -the implications of this offer and declined it. It meant, in substance, -that Tammany, by permitting us to name the candidate for Governor, -thereby became fully affiliated with the national campaign and would be -in a position to demand, after election, special consideration in the -distribution of Federal patronage. We made a reply which did not offend -Tammany but which, on the other hand, left us entirely free of the -Tammany entanglement. We said that we were not interested in taking a -hand in the state situation; that we endorsed the then widespread public -demand for an “open convention” to nominate the Governor. We suggested -that Tammany refrain from dictating the nomination, so that the -Independents of New York would support the national as well as the state -Democratic ticket. - -The Tammany leaders professed to accept this decision. The state -convention, when held, had the air of an open convention. They cast -about for a candidate, and settled on Sulzer. Without inconveniencing -Tammany, he had been able to make something of a reputation as a -political progressive. He had professed a great attachment for social -reforms, the kind which Roosevelt in Washington and Wilson in New Jersey -had made popular. He had built up a reputation as a friend of the common -man, and in New York he was still “strong with the East Side.” Tammany -manipulated the “open convention” at Syracuse, and Sulzer was nominated -for Governor. - -I had followed Sulzer’s career with a good deal of interest. Though I -did not approve of his capitalizing politically his friendship for a -racial element, I felt, nevertheless, that he had been a useful public -servant; and he had been successful with me, as he had been with many -other political independents, in making me believe that he was sincerely -interested in the cause of civic reform. Consequently, I greeted him -cordially. - -Sulzer began the conversation by thanking me for “what I had done in -helping him and bringing about his nomination.” This was a polite -generality as, of course, I had had no hand in that enterprise, except -that I had been a party to the “hands-off” policy of the National -Committee, and also, that I had shared in the request of the Committee -to McAdoo not to accept this nomination which some of his friends were -trying, with some hope of success, to secure for him. We had felt that -it was his duty to stay in the national campaign, as McCombs was still -incapacitated by illness. - -Sulzer then went on to express the wish that I would be of use to him -after he was elected. He spoke in glowing terms of the reputation -Governor Wilson had made by his reforms in New Jersey, and expressed an -ambition to make a similar record as Governor of New York. He confided -to me the clairvoyant’s prophecy of his future and declared that he -believed that the path to the Presidency lay in championing “the cause -of the people.” - -He wanted my coöperation, after he should be elected Governor, in -formulating plans to make his administration a success. As everyone -knows who is experienced either in business or politics, there are -“subtleties of approach” that suggest a man’s real meaning without his -even remotely mentioning the true subject in conversation. Sulzer’s -remarks were of this nature. I saw plainly that he was directing my -thoughts to a point where it would be possible for him without -embarrassment to solicit a subscription to his campaign fund. I wanted -to save the future Governor of New York from soliciting a subscription, -and consequently, I forestalled his intention by voluntarily handing him -my check for $1,000. His response to this action was in keeping with the -amenities of the situation. He said: “I did not expect that from you. I -don’t want it, because you are doing so much for the National -Committee.” But the check disappeared into a pocket of his dingy coat. - -In the meantime, the march of political events led us on to Election Day -and victory. Woodrow Wilson was triumphantly elected President, with a -Democratic Congress behind him. The political ambitions of some of his -managers were gratified. McAdoo became Secretary of the Treasury; -Daniels, Secretary of the Navy; Redfield, Secretary of Commerce; and -Burleson, Postmaster-General. What my friends a few months earlier had -called a hopeless cause was now a dazzling success. - -In April, 1913, Senator O’Gorman telephoned me from Washington that he -had been requested by the President to offer me the Ambassadorship to -Turkey. I apparently astonished him when I told him please to thank the -President for me, but that I would not accept. O’Gorman, whom I had -known for many years, urged me to come to Washington to discuss the -matter with him. He said that I had no right to refuse such a tender -over the telephone. I complied with his request, and we discussed the -matter one evening until well past midnight. O’Gorman used all his -persuasive powers, and told me that it seemed strange that I, an entire -newcomer in politics, without ever having rendered any other political -service, should have the temerity to decline to be one of the -President’s ten personal representatives, in the capacity of Ambassador -at one of the important Courts of Europe. He told me that the President -was very much disappointed at my decision; and urged me to see him -personally, and explain to him my reasons for declining. He said he knew -the President was very anxious to avail himself of my services, and -thought it ill advised for me to refuse to obey what amounted to a -command from the head of the Government. I called on the President, and -he said: - -“I want you to take the Embassy at Constantinople. I am convinced that -the two posts that demand the greatest intellectual equipment in our -representatives are Turkey and China. Therefore, I am particularly -concerned to have, in these two countries, men upon whom I can -absolutely rely for sound judgment and knowledge of human nature. This -is the reason I am asking you to take the post at Constantinople.” - -“If that is the situation,” I replied, “I should much prefer China, -although it is only a ministership. And for this reason: the Jews of -this country have become very sensitive (and I think properly so) over -the impression which has been created by successive Jewish appointments -to Turkey, that that is the only diplomatic post to which a Jew can -aspire. All the Jews that I have consulted about your offer have advised -and urged me to decline it. Oscar Straus has been criticized by some of -his co-religionists for accepting a second and even a third appointment -to Constantinople. I don’t mind criticism, but I share the feeling of -the other Jews that it is unwise to confirm an impression that this is -the only field for them in the diplomatic service.” - -Mr. Wilson’s reply was aggressive in manner and almost angry in tone. - -“I should have hoped,” he said, “that you had a higher opinion of my -open-mindedness and freedom from prejudice than this. I certainly draw -no such distinctions, and I am sorry that you should have thought so. I -think you will agree with me when I give you my further reasons for -this choice. In the first place, Constantinople is the point at which -the interest of the American Jews in the welfare of the Jews of -Palestine is focussed, and it is almost indispensable that I have a Jew -at that post. On the other hand, our interests in China are expressed -largely in the form of missionary activities, and it seems quite -necessary that our Minister there should be a Christian, and preferably -a man of the evangelical type; and I am sincerely anxious to have you -accept Turkey.” - -Nevertheless, I remained firm in my refusal to accept the offer, and -told the President I would have to find some non-political path in which -to serve the people. - -As I left the President, he gave me a look which is hardly describable. -He was sadly disappointed that he had not been able to dominate my -decision. He showed a deep affection for me, and it was evident how much -he regretted that his arguments had failed to persuade me. On the other -hand, I felt sorry, and probably showed it in my face, that I appeared -so ungrateful at not promptly complying with his request, and abiding by -his judgment that Turkey was the best place in which I could serve the -country. - -Shortly thereafter, my wife, my daughter Ruth, and I embarked for -Europe, where we intended to spend the summer. While at Aix-les-Bains, I -met Ambassador Myron T. Herrick, and I mentioned to him that I had -refused the Ambassadorship to Turkey. He told me that I had made a -grievous mistake, and probably from ignorance; that I did not comprehend -what a splendid position that of Ambassador was; that not only I, but my -children and my children’s children, would be benefited by my having -held such a position. He ended by urging me that if I still could obtain -the post, I should take steps to secure it. - -My friend, Dr. Stephen S. Wise (of the Free Synagogue of New York, of -which I was president), was then in Paris. I wrote him about the matter, -and asked whether he could come to Aix-les-Bains for a consultation. He -replied that he had but three days left in Europe, but that if I would -start to Dijon the following morning he would also start from Paris, and -we should both reach Dijon at noon. He would meet me at the station, and -we could have four hours together to discuss the matter before our -return to our respective bases. - -We met at Dijon as arranged, and to my astonishment I found Wise -tremendously anxious to have me accept the position. He told me that he -had just visited Palestine, and that amongst the other services that I -could render in Turkey, would be a great service to the Jews in -Palestine. He reminded me of the happy experience, in the same office, -of Solomon Hirsch, of Portland, Ore., who had been president of his -congregation in that city. I knew the facts of that experience as Mr. -Hirsch was the uncle of Judge Samson Lachman, who had been my partner in -the practise of the law for twenty years. Dr. Wise urged me with all the -force of his eloquence to rescind my declination. - -I told Dr. Wise that I would be back in America in September, and if the -position had not yet been filled at that time, I would reconsider it. On -the strength of this statement, Dr. Wise telegraphed the President that -I would accept. Within three days I received a cable from the President, -again tendering me the position, and I accepted it. - -Meanwhile, on January 1, 1913, Sulzer had been inaugurated as Governor -of New York. A few weeks before this event, some of the leading social -workers of New York City came to me and asked me to secure them an -opportunity to have a conference with the President-elect. They wished -to put before him the kind of legislation that would be required to -carry out the social programme which they had been largely responsible -for having embodied in the Democratic and Progressive platforms. I told -them I did not see how the President could do much in this direction. -Most of their plans called for state legislation, and I pointed out that -it would be better and more effective for them to meet Governor Sulzer. -I offered to give a dinner at my house in New York, at which Governor -Sulzer would be the guest of honour, and I told them they might give me -a list of the people whom they wished to have meet him. The list they -gave me included the best-known social workers, such people as Homer -Folks, Owen R. Lovejoy, Mary E. Dreier, Lillian D. Wald, John A. -Kingsbury, and Edward T. Devine. - -Sulzer accepted my invitation readily enough. One reason for his -acceptance became apparent when I heard that the state printer at the -moment was pressing him for the manuscript of his inaugural address, -which he had not yet written, though it was already late in December. -When the address was delivered some days later it embodied in his own -language many of the thoughts and proposals that were put forward that -evening by the social workers. - -After the dinner the party adjourned to the library, and there I seated -Sulzer in a big carved oak chair, facing the others, who sat in a -semicircle before him. Each of the guests in turn made a presentation to -the Governor of the situation and needs in the field of social reform in -which he or she was an expert. These were really splendid expositions of -the improvements required in the health, child-labour, tenement-house, -and other laws. When Sulzer made his reply to their addresses, I was -astonished at the grasp he displayed of the principles involved in these -reforms, and at the eagerness with which he embraced their advocacy. It -really seemed as if he were going to go heart and soul into making a -record of progressive legislation for his administration. - -I was not less delighted when, after a conference a few weeks later with -Messrs. Folks, Kingsbury, and Devine, concerning the most important of -these reforms--the drastic revision of the health laws--the four of us -went up as a delegation to see Sulzer, and secured his hearty support. -The situation was, that the health laws of New York State were being -administered by five or six hundred health boards in the various -villages, and an investigation had shown that a very substantial -percentage of the health commissioners in these places were undertakers. -We proposed a centralized state health board headed by a state health -commissioner. Sulzer agreed to back the plan. He went further and said -to me: “What’s more, you may name the Health Commissioner.” We thereupon -returned to New York, and my friends drew up a draft of new laws to -regulate the public health. This codification was enacted by the -legislature at Sulzer’s insistence, and has since been adopted by more -than thirty states. We agreed that Dr. Hermann M. Biggs was the ideal -man for Commissioner, and I asked Sulzer to appoint him. He then hedged -on his promise and selected another man, though Dr. Biggs was later -appointed and made a national reputation in the office. Sulzer did, -however, make good a part of his promise. He felt it necessary, for -political reasons, to appoint two or three men of his own choice to the -State Board of Health, but he allowed us to name the majority -membership. - -Sulzer’s administration thus started auspiciously. He saw, what every -other shrewd observer also saw: the dazzling opportunity which lay -before any politician who stood out boldly for the people as against the -bosses, and who could embody this independent position in practical -measures of reform. The lesson of Roosevelt’s career had just been -confirmed by Wilson’s. But the experiences I am now narrating ultimately -convinced me that Sulzer did not have the courage which had carried -these two men of eminence. He “played politics,” and got no further than -an unconvincing imitation of their methods. He continued to assure us -Independents, on the one hand, that he was whole-heartedly converted, -and that he had broken entirely with his past. But later we found out -that he was at the same time assuring his friends in Tammany that “I am -the same old Bill.” He tried to imitate Roosevelt’s success in another -direction, in building up a personal “machine” in New York State by -coquetting with the up-state Independent Democrats, to whom he allotted -a share of the patronage which he controlled. - -Ultimately, of course, both sides found him out for what he was. When -they did, the Independents simply dropped him. Tammany, however, exacted -a swift and terrible vengeance. If discipline were to be maintained -within the wigwam, not even the appearance of open revolt could be -tolerated, and Tammany proceeded to make a spectacular example of -Sulzer. - -Sulzer’s first appearance at Albany as Governor was not, however, a -shock to Tammany alone. Albany is like Washington on a small scale. The -Governor’s mansion was, traditionally, not only the office of the chief -executive of the state, it had been likewise the social centre around -which revolved a sort of court of élite society. Heretofore every -governor of New York had been a very presentable social figure, and they -had all maintained at the executive mansion an atmosphere of social -distinction. Sulzer rudely overturned this tradition. He wished in every -possible way to dramatize his rôle of “friend of the people.” -Consequently, he always referred to the executive mansion as the -“People’s House,” and ostentatiously invited all who would to come and -call upon him in it. The staid Knickerbocker society of Albany was -aghast at the sight of throngs of what they termed “the rabble” invading -the hitherto exclusive chambers of the executive mansion. Great was -their anger toward Governor Sulzer. They, too, cherished hopes for -vengeance. - -In the meantime, Sulzer was having other difficulties in maintaining his -rôle of independence. One day he telephoned me to come up at once to his -rooms at the Waldorf-Astoria. He had a matter of great importance to -discuss, he said, and we could talk it over at luncheon. When I arrived, -I found him in great excitement. - -“The powers,” he exclaimed, meaning Tammany, “are trying to force me to -appoint a certain man chairman of the Public Service Commission, and I -am refusing to do it because I don’t think it a proper appointment. But -they are getting very angry about it, and I don’t know what to do.” - -I told him there was only one thing he could do and that was to continue -to refuse to appoint him. - -“But,” complained Sulzer, “it means my political death if I don’t name -him.” - -“Well,” I said, “then you are going to political death anyway. Because -as surely as you yield to them, the public at large will become even -bitterer enemies than Tammany. On the other hand, if you at least prove -to the public that you have the nerve to stand out against the -organization, they will come to the rescue and stand firmly behind you.” - -As we talked, a Tammany leader was announced. Sulzer had him ushered -into his bedroom while we continued our talk in the parlour. Evidently -the Tammany leader was waiting for his final decision, for at length -Sulzer said: - -“Very well, I will go in there.” - -He went into the bedroom and was gone for more than an hour. I had to -wait so long that I grew impatient and, ringing for a waiter, ordered my -luncheon. As I ate, I could hear the voices through the closed door, and -though I could not distinguish the conversation, it was violent, for -occasionally I could hear an explosion of vocal fireworks in the -bedroom. When at length Sulzer came out, his manner was one of excited -bravado. Throwing back the tails of his Prince Albert coat and assuming -the Henry Clay pose, he exclaimed, “Well, I have done it! I have -actually defied them!” - -And he added: - -“I did it on your account and by your advice. And now you have got to do -me a favour.” - -When I asked what this meant, he replied: “It may come to this: Murphy -may press me so hard to name somebody else whom I ought not to nominate -that I may have to appoint you yourself as chairman of the Commission. -Even Murphy would not dare to prevent the confirmation of the -appointment of the chairman of the Finance Committee of the Democratic -National Committee. Will you accept the position if that situation -arises?” - -This was a critical test of my willingness to serve the cause of good -government, as I had every reason to suspect that President Wilson would -soon offer me a position of a much greater distinction in the National -Government. But I was so wrapped up in the hope of achieving political -regeneration in New York, as we had just achieved it in the nation, that -I did not hesitate. - -“If I can keep you from having to obey orders from Murphy in making your -appointments, I will even do that,” I replied. - -Sulzer thanked me warmly and then added: - -“Now you must do me one other favour.” - -“What is that?” I inquired. - -“You have got to make a speech at my birthday dinner down at the Café -Boulevard to-morrow night. I want you to show that you are back of me.” - -“Governor,” I replied, “I will make that speech; but let me tell you -now, bluntly, that I shall say there what I have told you to-day, that I -shall continue to back you only so long as you adhere to your promises -to us to be independent.” - -“I don’t care what you say,” said Sulzer, “if only you will come down -and prove that you are behind me.” - -This dinner was quite a dramatic occasion. The old Café Boulevard was -the Delmonico of the East Side, and it had been the scene of many a -Tammany festivity. Sulzer here was among his own people, and this gave -him the feeling of confidence which came from having his friends around -him. The dinner was in celebration of his fiftieth birthday. People well -known in many walks of life crowded the tables. Sulzer was personally -still popular, and the feeling of the occasion was one of cordial good -wishes. Not only were his life-long friends of the East Side among those -present, but such other Democratic friends as Senator Stone of Missouri, -Frank I. Cobb of the New York _World_, John D. Crimmins, and myself; and -even representative Republicans, such as District Attorney (later -Governor) Whitman, Judge Otto Rosalsky, Louis Marshall, and Samuel S. -Koenig, were among the diners. - -I resolved to take no chances of spoiling my speech, which I had -prepared rapidly but with great care the day before. So when I arose, I -read it. This address made a local sensation at the moment. It was -called by the papers “the wish-bone speech.” As it was very brief and as -it had some effect on the political situation at that time, I think it -worth quoting. - -“Governor,” I said, “you have wished, and have been training all your -life to be a leader of the people; you have wished it so long that now -it has become true, and we want to see your wish-bone converted into -back-bone, for you will need much of it. - -“You are now at the head of a mighty host that is marching onward in the -fight for good government. Picture to yourself the thousands behind you -in a solid phalanx, crowding you on so that you cannot turn back. If you -fail them as a leader the march will still proceed, and someone else -will be chosen. - -“The combat is to be fought to a finish. The people have discovered how -near they were to losing their Democracy, how both great parties were in -danger of falling into the control of designing self-seekers who were -determined to secure control of the Government for their own selfish -ends. At Baltimore it was determined that they could not control the -National Government. It was you who, as presiding officer of the -Convention, gave Mr. Bryan the opportunity to throw the victory to Mr. -Wilson. - -“At Syracuse, you were nominated in an open convention to lead the -Democrats of this state. We look to you to be the Governor of the Empire -State, and not to be the agent of undisclosed principals who hide -themselves from the public view. They can no longer govern this country, -state or city; and no office-holder needs to be responsible to or afraid -of them. - -“There is but one master who will last forever and to whom all ought to -bow, and that is enlightened public opinion. If you enlist under its -banner, you can proceed unmolested by petty tyranny, and the harder you -fight, the greater will be the army that will enlist in your cause and -under your leadership. You are to be envied the opportunity you have to -advance the cause of good government. It is not an easy task; your -opponents are numerous and trained in the art of spiking their -opponents’ guns; but you must stand up, plant yourself firmly, saying: -‘Come one, come all. This rock shall fly from its firm base as soon as -I.’” - -This address, with its unexpected note of blunt warning, became the -key-note of the evening. The other speakers discarded their prepared -addresses and spoke in a similar vein. Sulzer realized that he had to -meet this challenge, and in his reply he pledged himself anew to the -cause of the people. - -“Long ago,” he said, “I made a vow to the people that in the performance -of my duty no influence would control me but the dictates of my -conscience and my determination to do the right--as I see the right--day -in and day out, regardless of political future or personal consequences. -Have no fear--I will stick at that.” - -These were brave words. But Sulzer proved unequal to their promise. All -he did was to go far enough in the surface appearance of independence to -rouse the Tiger of Tammany to a fury of vengeance. - -Tammany soon found an occasion to carry out this intention, and they -removed Sulzer from his office. This act of private vengeance cost -Tammany four years of control of the city government of New York, for -Hennessy’s disclosures made the public eager to administer a rebuke to -Tammany, and this rebuke took the form of electing Mitchel as Mayor. - -The Tiger’s opportunity to impeach Sulzer came about in this way: When -Sulzer filed his sworn statement of campaign expenses, Tammany scented -some gross discrepancies and did some shrewd detective work. The result -was that they discovered that he had not included in his list of -contributions the $2,500 he had received from Jacob H. Schiff, nor the -checks of several others, including my own, which amounted in all to -many thousands of dollars. By careful investigation they had -established the fact that he had not applied these moneys to his -campaign expenses, but had deposited them to his personal account and -used the money as margin with a Wall Street broker for stock-market -speculation. Thereupon, Tammany leaders in the State Legislature arose -in the Assembly Chamber and impeached William Sulzer of high crimes and -misdemeanours. They charged him, among other things, with filing a false -statement of campaign expenses, with perjury, and with the suppression -of testimony; and demanded his dismissal from office. The Assembly -sustained a motion for his impeachment. When I returned from Europe in -September, 1913, I found that his trial was in progress, and I was -summoned as a witness to testify before the High Court of Impeachment. - -It would take the pens of a Macaulay and a Swift to do justice to this -modern burlesque of the trial of Warren Hastings. I use the term -“burlesque” in no sense of disrespect toward the Court and its setting. -The dignity of the proceedings was almost awe-inspiring. But the -defendant lent no such exalted interest to the event as did the romantic -figure of Warren Hastings. The offences of Hastings had, at least, the -dramatic merits of their magnitude. Burke’s indictment of him was a -recital of crimes worthy of the treatment of a Greek tragic poet. -Hastings’s accusers were distressed queens, pillaged treasures, and -suffering peoples. Burke’s plea for a verdict was an appeal to the -conscience of mankind. - -By this comparison the Sulzer impeachment was a travesty, the defendant -a petty misdemeanant, and the purpose of the trial a spiteful vengeance -on a rebellious henchman. The setting of the Court, however, gave the -event a fictitious dignity. The Senate Chamber at Albany had been -altered for the occasion by the state architect. A lofty seat had been -provided for the presiding judge of the High Court of Impeachment, -Judge Edgar M. Cullen, who, as chief judge of the Court of Appeals, -presided _ex officio_. Below him was a long seat for the associate -judges. Ascending tiers of seats were provided for the forty-four -members of the State Senate who, with the judges of the Court of -Appeals, constituted the High Court of Impeachment. Behind Judge -Cullen’s chair the entire wall of the room was hung with a dark red -velvet curtain in the centre of which was emblazoned the coat of arms of -New York in gold embroidery, flanked on either side by national emblems. -At one side of the court room, places were provided for the “Fourth -Estate,” the gentlemen of the press, to whom Burke had made so eloquent -an appeal on the greater historical occasion. The public balcony, which -at the Hastings trial had been crowded with the Sarah Siddonses and the -_haut ton_ of London, was, here at Albany, crowded with the vengeful -Knickerbocker aristocracy, who had come to gloat in triumph over the -final discomfiture of the demagogic desecrator of the executive mansion. -The Edmund Burke of the Sulzer impeachment was Edgar T. Brackett, late -of the New York Senate. Alton B. Parker and John B. Stanchfield were the -chief counsel of the managers for the Assembly which had presented the -indictment, but Brackett was the man who made the oratorical -impeachment. Sulzer stood upon the prerogative of early precedents and -refused to make a personal appearance before the Court. In compliance -with a judicial ruling he abstained from functioning as Governor while -the trial was in progress and, instead of facing his accusers, spent his -time in a frantic but futile effort to make political combinations that -would save him. - -Witness after witness testified to Sulzer’s solicitation of -contributions for which he had made no accounting. My testimony was only -confirmatory of a mass of evidence elicited from men of eminence like -Jacob H. Schiff and many others. I appeared before the Court on -September 24, 1913. Replying to questions from the prosecutor, I -repeated the conversation I had had with Sulzer when I gave him my check -for $1,000, and I also testified to the fact that on the day I returned -from Europe, Governor Sulzer had telephoned me, “If you are going to -testify I hope you will be easy with me”--to which I answered that I -would testify to the facts. - -The verdict of the court was “Guilty.” Sulzer was shorn of his high -office. His proud hopes, fostered by the soothsayer’s prophecy, were -sadly broken. Knickerbocker society had its revenge; the “People’s -House” became again the executive mansion. And Tammany had its -vengeance; it had crushed its rebel henchman and given all other -potential malcontents a spectacular object lesson. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE SOCIAL SIDE OF CONSTANTINOPLE - - -The Senate confirmed my appointment as Ambassador to Turkey on September -4, 1913. Soon afterward I went to Washington to familiarize myself with -the duties of my office and to receive my instructions. A new Ambassador -is allowed thirty days for this purpose. Usually, he spends them in the -State Department, taking a sort of course of intensive training. I did -not take the full month allowed me. The Chief of the Division of Near -Eastern Affairs took me in hand, and in a series of conversations -outlined to me, first, the duties, prerogatives, and privileges of an -Ambassador; and, second, a general survey of existing relations between -Turkey and the United States. Then several hours were occupied in -studying the methods of keeping the accounts of the Embassy, and of -handling its funds. - -I found this period of preparation intensely interesting. It was to be -crowned in October, upon a second visit to Washington, by an official -call on the Secretary of State. I looked forward to this visit with -great expectations. Alas for the illusions which a day can wreck! -William Jennings Bryan was the Secretary of State. He knew no more about -our relations with Turkey than I did. The long-looked-for instructions -were an anti-climax. They were, in full, as follows: - -“Ambassador,” he said, “when I made my trip through the Holy Land, I had -great difficulty in finding Mount Beatitude. I wish you would try to -persuade the Turkish Government to grant a concession to some Americans -to build a macadam road up to it, so that other pilgrims may not suffer -the inconvenience which I did in attempting to find it.” - -Thus fortified by the Secretary’s complete programme for my -Ambassadorial task, I set forward to the White House for a farewell call -upon President Wilson. He bade me a hearty God-speed, and in parting -gave me an injunction which enabled me to save many lives in the next -three years. “Remember,” he said, “that anything you can do to improve -the lot of your co-religionists is an act that will reflect credit upon -America, and you may count on the full power of the Administration to -back you up.” - -Fortunately for the success of my mission, I had a most enlightening -conference in New York before I left. At the suggestion of Mr. Alfred E. -Marling, who was one of the trustees of the Presbyterian Board of -Foreign Missions, I had an interview at that great centre of missionary -activity, 156 Fifth Avenue, with a large group of earnest and able men, -who could speak with authority on the problems I should confront in the -East. I learned that five of these men were to cross the Atlantic at the -same time I should be crossing. These were Doctors Arthur Judson Brown, -James L. Barton, Charles Roger Watson, Dr. Mackaye, and Bishop Arthur -Selden Lloyd. These men were the leaders of the Foreign Mission Boards -of the Presbyterian, Congregational, United Presbyterian, Methodist, and -Protestant Episcopal Churches. One of them, Doctor Barton, had himself -been a missionary in Turkey, and had also acted as President of the -Protestant College at Harpoot. Another, Doctor Watson, had been a -missionary in the Turkish Protectorate of Egypt, and his parents had -been missionaries for half a century at Cairo. - -I had engaged passage for Europe on the _Imperator_, but when I learned -that these five men were sailing at nearly the same time on the _George -Washington_ (later to become famous as President Wilson’s “peace ship”) -to attend a world missionary conference at The Hague, I asked them to -change their reservations and go with me. They were limited in their -expense accounts and could not change, so, emulating Mohammed, I “went -to the mountain” and changed to their ship. The voyage gave me an -opportunity to gain from them a fuller picture of the work of the -mission boards, which was very helpful to me in my new task. - -The conversations I had with these men on shipboard were a revelation to -me. I had hitherto had a hazy notion that missionaries were sort of -over-zealous advance agents of sectarian religion, and that their -principal activity was the proselyting of believers in other faiths. To -my surprise and gratification, these men gave me a very different -picture. In the first place, their cordial coöperation with one another -was evidence of the disappearance of the old sectarian zeal. They were, -to be sure, profoundly concerned in converting as many people as they -could to what they sincerely believed to be the true faith. But I found -that, along with this ambition, Christian missionaries in Turkey were -carrying forward a magnificent work of social service, education, -philanthropy, sanitation, medical healing, and moral uplift. They were, -I discovered, in reality advance agents of civilization. As -representatives of the denominations which supported them, they were -maintaining several hundred American schools in the Levant, and several -full-fledged colleges, of which three, at least, deserve to rank with -the best of the smaller institutions of higher learning in the United -States. They maintained, also, several important hospitals. And, as a -part of their purely religious function, they were bringing a higher -conception of Christianity to the millions of submerged Christians in -the Turkish Empire, who, but for them, would have been left to practise -their religion without the inspiration of the modern thought of the -West, which has so vastly widened its spiritual significance. - -As my wife and youngest daughter, Ruth, could not accompany me, I took -with me my daughter Helen, her husband, Mr. Mortimer J. Fox, and their -two sons Henry and Mortimer. We Visited London, Paris, and Vienna on our -way to Constantinople, and at each of these capitals I paid my respects -not only to the American Ambassador, but to the resident Turkish -plenipotentiary as well. In doing this I had in mind two things: first, -to accustom myself to the looks of an embassy from within, as I had to -that date never been in an embassy building in any country; and second, -to secure some hints upon the character of the government to which I was -accredited, in advance of my first formal contact with it. At last, on -November 27, 1913, we rolled into the railroad station at -Constantinople. - -My first impression of the famous old capital of Asia-in-Europe was of a -moving sea of silk hats. The station platform seemed populated entirely -with frock-coated gentlemen buried under these chimney-like black -headpieces. After some confusion, human personalities began to emerge -from under them, and to individualize themselves as real people with -proper names, and a rational relationship to myself as another human -being. The first to greet me was Mr. Hoffman Phillip, who as Conseiller -and First Secretary of the Embassy had acted as chargé d’affaires during -Mr. Rockhill’s visit to the United States. - -He introduced me to the others, and after a somewhat bewildering round -of handshakings, Phillip, the Foxes, and I stepped into a carriage and -were driven to the Pera Palace Hotel, where Phillip gave us a -Thanksgiving dinner. - -The Embassy at Constantinople is a handsome, marble, three-story -structure, set in a garden surrounded by a high wall, and overlooking -the Golden Horn. Often during my first days there I would find myself -humming the old refrain, “I dreamt I dwelt in marble halls.” There were, -to be sure, no “vassals and serfs by my side”; but I had more useful -assistants in my official staff. Besides Mr. Phillip, there were second -and third secretaries, and A. K. Schmavonian, the Turkish legal adviser -of the Embassy. He was the permanent attaché--the interpreter--and was, -besides, the custodian of the Embassy’s traditions. He knew every -American interest in Turkey, had carried on for years the correspondence -with the consuls and the missionaries, and hence was an invaluable -storehouse of information. He knew, also, all the Turkish officials; the -ramifications of the Turkish governmental departments; the names and -characteristics of the leaders of the recent revolution; and, of course, -he was versed in the niceties of diplomatic custom. - -Soon after my arrival I observed a curious phenomenon concerning the -position of an ambassador. The instinctive ambition of the attachés led -them to try to keep the Ambassador from taking an active hand in the -work of the Chancery. It was explained to me with great solemnity, that -the business office of the Embassy was not like other business offices; -that its operations were so involved in delicacies of diplomatic usage -that none but old hands, trained in all their niceties, were competent -to handle the transaction of its intricate affairs. All details, I was -informed, should be left to those accustomed to handling them. I made -short work of this mysterious nonsense. Business is business, and -details are the substance of larger concerns. Therefore, I promptly -acquainted myself with the records of the Embassy for several years -preceding, and took absolute charge of its functions, as I was in duty -bound to do. The mysteries faded instantly. Common sense, judgment, and -energy are the desiderata of all business relationships, and I found no -barrier in these affairs, because of their so-called diplomatic nature. - -Other American ambassadors have complained to me that their subordinates -usurped their functions in this fashion; and I know of some who have -occupied the most exalted posts in Europe and never penetrated the -mysteries of their Chanceries, and, consequently, never really -functioned as ambassadors at all. - -As my wife and Ruth had not accompanied me, their absence relieved me, -for the moment, of social duties, and gave me time for a considered -survey of the society in which I would soon be projected as an active -member. I realized that much depended upon the first associations I -should make in that society, and I needed just such an opportunity to -learn by indirection the composition of it, the factions into which it -was divided, and the cross currents of personality and interest that -disturbed it. - -The “diplomatic set” at Constantinople was a little world apart. At -most, its members numbered a scant hundred. It comprised the Grand -Vizier, the Premier and his Cabinet, and the ambassadors and ministers -of other governments, with their principal attachés. Occasionally, there -were added to this intimate circle a few leading international bankers -and merchants and distinguished tourists. But chiefly we consorted with -ourselves. Our intercourse was a continuous succession of luncheons, -teas, dinners, and formal state functions. In such a constricted -society, thrown into such intense communication, the personal equation -was naturally of paramount importance. Ere long, I had occasion to use -every resource, from social gifts to business experience, to maintain -myself in this society of shrewd and cultivated men, all of whom had -the advantage of a life-long training in diplomacy and in the -intricacies of European statecraft. - -My first concern, therefore, was to appraise their personalities. I -recalled a piece of wise advice from James Stillman the elder, who was -one of the cleverest American financiers. He told me that when a man -confronted a new situation, and was not yet sure of his ground, his -safest course was to impress his adversaries by mystifying them. I -adapted this advice to the present occasion. I realized that the -diplomatic corps at Constantinople knew much more about me than I knew -about any of them, because I was the one stranger to them, and they were -many and all strange to me. I resolved to do, as nearly as I could, -directly the opposite of what they expected of me. For one thing, they -had fallen into the European habit of imagining that all successful -Americans are men of fabulous wealth, and they credited certain absurd -stories about my supposed intention to conduct the Embassy on a scale of -lavish expenditure, designed to make a great social impression. -Accordingly, I went to the other extreme and managed the Embassy very -modestly. For some weeks after my arrival I did not even use an -automobile, contenting myself with a carriage and a pair of Arabian -ponies. - -Further to play the rôle of mystifier, I obeyed only the letter of the -custom which prescribes that a new Ambassador shall call upon the other -ambassadors after he has been presented to the Sovereign. They are -supposed to return this call, and thereafter the newcomer is expected to -make the advances to his elders toward a more intimate and workable -acquaintance. Instead, I remained at the Embassy and devoted myself to -the business of the Chancery and did some watchful waiting. - -These tactics were rewarded by an opportunity to enter the society of -the diplomatic corps under circumstances that gave me the advantage. -One day the local correspondent of the _Frankfürter Zeitung_ called upon -me at the Embassy. This was Dr. Paul Weitz, who had been a resident of -Turkey for more than twenty-five years, knew all the officials, spoke -the language, and understood the subtleties of Turkish psychology. He -was, in reality, an unofficial attaché of the Embassy and a secret agent -of the German Government. Dr. Weitz opened the conversation. - -“Mr. Ambassador,” he said, “I have gotten the impression that you are a -man of direct methods. For this reason I, too, shall use the direct -method. Frankly, I have come as the emissary of the German Ambassador -and the Austrian Ambassador, with whom I had luncheon this very day. You -were the principal topic of conversation. These gentlemen are puzzled by -your attitude and they are curious to learn your true character. They -have commissioned me to find out these things for them, and I have -preferred to come and ask you bluntly rather than to follow my usual -method of finding out by indirection. What is your real attitude? Are -you by preference a recluse, or are you playing a game?” - -“I am glad,” I replied, “that you have come to me personally with these -questions, especially because it gives me the opportunity to send a -direct message to your principals. Please be good enough to tell them -for me that I have made it a life-long practice never to make the first -advances. I have always waited for the advances to come from the other -side. Therefore, you may tell “Their Excellencies” that it is for them -to decide whether they wish their relationship with me to continue to be -one of formal diplomatic exchanges, or a frank, man-to-man friendship. -If they prefer the latter, I shall be delighted to meet them halfway, -but they must cover the first half.” - -Dr. Weitz readily agreed to carry this message, and he was so pleased -with the frankness of my conversation that he made no concealment of his -own position. He went on to tell me that he was a confidential adviser -to the German ambassadors, and frequently was commissioned to carry on -unofficial negotiations in which, for reasons of delicacy or of policy, -it was not advisable either that the Ambassador should appear in person, -or that he should make use of one of his official family. He explained -to me that the reason he was used in this capacity was his intimate -acquaintance with Turkish life and officials, and he offered to -undertake similar commissions for me at any time I might care to make -use of him. For obvious reasons, I never availed myself of the offer. - -Dr. Weitz faithfully repeated my message to the German and Austrian -ambassadors who afterward told me that they were greatly delighted with -it. The very next afternoon, Baron Wangenheim paid me a call; and the -following morning, his Austrian colleague, Marquis Pallavicini, arrived -to improve my acquaintance. They both greeted me in the spirit of my -message, and we entered at once upon an acquaintanceship which removed -the formality of an official relation. Both of them were very useful to -me during my first weeks in Constantinople. The Marquis was the doyen of -the diplomatic corps. He was a nobleman of ancient family, had grown old -in the diplomatic service, and was an authority on every point of -diplomatic usage, from the most subtle phrasing of a threat of war to -the refinements of precedence in placing guests at table at a diplomatic -dinner. In this latter direction, indeed, he was invaluable to me in -teaching me the relative rank of the bewildering array of officers and -title holders among my visitors. - -Baron Wangenheim I have described at great length in my earlier volume, -“Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story.” Unlike Pallavicini, who was quiet, -formal, conventional, and a typical diplomat of the old school, -Wangenheim was a perfect representative of Prussia. He was not a native -of Prussia--but his bearing was that of an excitable Hindenburg. He was -a man of great stature, in the prime of life, overflowing with physical -vitality, energetic in person, opinionated and positive in manner, -voluble and aggressive in conversation, somewhat flirtatious, proud, -overbearing--he was Prussia and modern Germany embodied. - -After Pallavicini and Wangenheim had broken the ice, I speedily made the -acquaintance of the other members of the diplomatic corps, and their -characters emerged in my mind in sharp definition. Sir Louis Mallet, the -British Ambassador, was a fine type of English gentleman. He exhibited -the quiet force and cultivation which one naturally expects from a -member of the English upper classes. Though a bachelor, his -establishment was one of the most magnificent in Constantinople. Turkey -has always been a vital point in British policy, and the British -Government has spared no pains to make its public appearance there -correspond with the splendour and importance of the British Empire. - -The French Ambassador was M. Bompard, the Russian was Michel de Giers. -These men also adequately embodied their respective countries, the one -in its ideals of polished politeness and clear intellectual grasp, the -other in its ideals of imperial pride and the sense of power. - -Meeting these men at luncheon; dining with them and their ladies at -gorgeous evening functions, where the splendour of the men’s uniforms, -the brightness of the women’s costumes, and the gayety of the young -couples made a lively scene of light-hearted inconsequentiality; it was -hard to realize that they were, in truth, acting the part of expectant -legatees of a friendless dying man--sitting at tea in his parlour, and -waiting for his last gasp as a signal for a scramble to divide his -property among themselves. They frankly told me (though of course not in -these words) that this was their position. In their eyes the Sick Man of -Europe, so long the diseased invalid among the nations, was now really -dying. They had no hesitation in discussing their ambitions regarding -his property. Giers comported himself already as if Russia had actually -attained her age-old vision of capturing Constantinople--as if he were -the Governor of Russia’s new capital city. Sir Louis Mallet did not -conceal the interest which his government had in everything that tended -to insure the safety of the Suez Canal. Bompard was deeply concerned to -secure more concessions for French capital in Turkey. Even the Greek -Minister talked with confidence of an approaching Hellenic confederation -which should embrace Smyrna and part of the Asian hinterland. - -There was, indeed, considerable reason for their hopes. The -revolutionary party in Turkey, under the name of the Union and Progress -Party, had overthrown the Government and had taken possession of the -country in the name of the people. Abdul Hamid, whom Gladstone, for his -atrocious crimes, had dubbed “Abdul the Damned,” was now shorn of his -power, and was a prisoner in a palace, almost within sight of the -American Embassy. His throne was now occupied by a nominal successor, -his brother, Mohammed V. This good-humoured weakling, however, enjoyed -only the shadow of power and none of its substance. His brother, fearful -of a plot to overthrow him, had caused his successor to be reared in a -manner that totally unfitted him for the exercise of authority. He had -kept him secluded from society, had not permitted him to learn even the -rudiments of history and statecraft, and had enfeebled his intellect and -character by constantly exposing him to the temptations of -self-indulgence. He had placed before the Heir Apparent all the -pleasures of life; had supplied him with countless wives, luxurious -food, rich wines, and all the other ministers of sensual enjoyment. -Reared in such atmosphere, he had grown up and passed the prime of life, -ignorant of Government affairs and without any chance to develop his -character. Socially, of course, he was a charming gentleman, but as a -ruler, he was hopelessly incompetent. - -He was, indeed, merely the figurehead of a government whose substantial -ministers were the aggressive, self-made leaders of the Committee of -Union and Progress. These were men of native shrewdness, character, and -courage. Their political leader was Talaat Bey, a great hulk of a man, -who had begun life in the humble capacity of porter in a village -railroad station, and who had advanced to the limits of his social -prospects when he had achieved the dignity of a telegraph operator in -the same station. By sheer force of natural genius, however, he had -become a political power, and after the revolutionists had sprung their -coup d’état, he soon rose to be their leader. With their success, he had -leaped immediately to the dazzling eminence of a Cabinet position, and -was then the chief of the Cabal that was the real ruler of the Empire. - -The military head of the Young Turks was Enver Bey, a handsome and -dashing young officer, who had studied his profession and cultivated the -social graces as military attaché of the Turkish Embassy at Berlin. He -was now minister of War and in control of the Turkish Army--a necessary -weapon in the hands of Talaat to maintain the Young Turk party in power. -Some of my foreign colleagues of the diplomatic corps assured me that -these two men were the real power in Turkey. They had seven associates, -all men of great influence, and all members of the Committee of Union -and Progress. - -The personalities of these men, and the drama of their conflicting -ambitions and intrigues, gradually unfolded themselves before my eyes. -It was like sitting at the performance of a fascinating play, only this -was more interesting because it was the reality of life. The actors were -the representatives of great nations, and upon the issue of this -dramatic situation rested the fate of millions of people. - -The experiences of my first few weeks at Constantinople and the -intensely interesting sensations they aroused in me can best be conveyed -to my readers by reproducing a few of the letters which I wrote home to -America in the excitement of these moments. The first I shall quote was -dated December 23, 1913, and was addressed to my wife and youngest -daughter: - - I have been so very busy that I have not written for a few days--so - I will tell you briefly what has happened since. On December 20th - we had our reception, of which I enclose you an account--it was - really splendid--no one can describe the sensations and thrills. I - had to be told and made to feel that I was the head and responsible - man for the property of those great institutions, managed by such - soulful, disinterested, and altruistic people--it makes our small - efforts in New York appear insignificant. Think of a small - determined “band” of Americans revolutionizing with educational - means the Balkan States--the drops of water they kept a-going for - forty or more years had the result of wearing away the indifference - of the Bulgar and roused him. Everybody who is well-informed admits - that Robert College deserves the credit for the education that has - spread there. - - At 9:30 Mort and I went to the _Scorpion_ (the gunboat detailed to - guard the Embassy) and had a royal reception and inspected the - boat. On Sunday I then went alone to the college--but I feel as - though I wrote you all this so I’ll skip it--if I didn’t write it, - I’ll tell you about it when you are here. We had intended to go on - the _Scorpion_, but instead we drove to the Seven Towers of Jedi - Kulet, and walked on top of the ramparts and then for one hour - along the old wall--it was a bewitching sight--the sun was shining - brightly, the Marmora made up the background, and the twenty or - thirty towers along the wall in various stages of decay, with the - moat alongside, made a never-to-be-forgotten impression on us all. - As usual, Mortie took a number of pictures and Abdullah guarded us - most carefully. It takes this kind of absorption of the history of - a country to teach one what these people really are. This city is - unquestionably the most favoured by nature of any I have ever seen. - It excels New York and San Francisco. - - On our way home, we stopped to inspect the Kahri Jeh Janisi - Mosque--the oldest in C.--it was formerly a Greek Church and the - paintings of Christ, Saint Mark, the old Bible heroes, and angels, - etc., are still here in mosaic--much finer than in the San Marco in - Venice. We were shown through by an old Turk who could give - half-intelligent descriptions of the mosaics, etc., in English and - German. We wended through many narrow little streets, inhabited - largely by Greeks, and it was a most interesting sight. It was - nearly two when we sat down to dinner and none of us complained. - - On Monday I had a great day. In the morning, representatives of the - Austrian _Kultur Gemeinde_ called to invite me to attend their - synagogue and visit their school; they instruct about 300 children. - I agreed to do so. I took my first meal away from the house at - Tokatlian’s--the best restaurant here--had Schmavonian with me. At - two, we were at the Finance Office for an interview with Talaat - Bey--who is acting Secretary of Finance as well as Secretary of the - Interior, and the strongest and most powerful man in Turkey at - present. I am already on good terms with the men in power. We had - coffee and cigarettes four times that P.M. We next called on - General Izzett--he wore a shabby uniform, spoke German, and was - really disconsolate--they are very frank people if they talk at - all--he made some very confidential communications to me. The - rumour or hope has gotten around that I may prove their Moses who - will lead them out of their difficulties. Let us hope so; I’ll try - anyhow. Next we called on Colonel Djemal, the newly appointed - Minister of Public Works. I tried to dodge the coffee--but he said - a call in Turkey without coffee is no call. He was of a hopeful - temper and rather dapper. Then we called on Osman Mardighian, the - Postmaster General. He speaks good English and is very - able--devotes his time to administrative works. When I got to the - office, I had to dictate a few despatches and say good-bye to Mr. - Phillip, who is going on a four weeks’ leave of absence. At 5 - o’clock, the Grand Rabbi and his Secretary came--he is a very - intelligent, nice, youngish man of forty or so--he thinks he has - the Red ticket settled, but has not and I shall have to help in - disposing of it. While he was upstairs, Helen discussed the White - Slave traffic--babies in the Hospitals, etc., etc. She really does - well at the tea table. It is a picture to see one of those tea - scenes. Helen, Chief Rabbi (addressed as His Eminence, as he ranks - with the Church dignitaries of the rank of Cardinal), Sir Edwin - Pears, Sir Henry Woods Pasha, Rev. Mr. Frew, the Rabbi’s Secretary, - Schmavonian, Mort, and I; and I have to listen to French and - fortunately am beginning to understand it. They left at 7--I worked - at those telegrams until 7:30--then went to bed for a nap and - over-slept, not wakening until 8:25, so that we reached the British - Embassy at 8:40, the last of the guests! You can’t imagine my - feelings as I was ushered into that room in which were thirty other - guests including the Grand Vizier, Talaat Bey and three other - Cabinet Ministers, the Wangenheims, D’Ankerswaerd and other Sirs - and Ladies, and had them all look me over--when - - “The American Ambassador” - - was announced. I felt, “is it I or not?” Then, “Mr. and Mrs. Fox” - were announced. And then, “_Diner est servi_.” I took in Madame - D’Ankerswaerd. Escorted her to her seat and then went to the other - side of the table where I was seated next to Baroness Wangenheim, a - fine, good looking, typically aristocratic German--a charming - conversationalist. She is W.’s second wife--he divorced his first. - W. is a great personal friend of the Emperor. Sir Louis Mallet, the - English Ambassador, sat on the other side of Baroness W. After - dinner we smoked and drank coffee and talked to others than our - table companions, while fifty or sixty others gathered for a dance. - Such a sight! And to think that we are part of it--Young Princes, - Barons, Sirs, and Americans from the Embassies, etc., and lots of - Turks and Egyptians, etc. I shall never forget it. Helen sat right - opposite me--between Baron Wangenheim, all be-decorated, and - Colonel Djemal (Turk) in full uniform. I talked with Baroness - Moncheur--we have struck up a nice friendship--with Marquis - Pallavicini--Talaat Bey, and Miss Wangenheim, etc., etc., until - about 12, when Wangenheim asked me to play bridge with him, a Turk, - and a Greek banker--which I did until 1:30, when the dancing was - over and they all went in for supper, etc. (I went home) and then - they danced again until 2:30 or so. I thoroughly enjoyed it, I am - not overstating when I repeat what I said in a previous letter--I - am _very glad_ I came. - - To-day--at 11--a call from the Bulgarian Minister. In the afternoon - I finished my official calls on the Cabinet Ministers--called on - Mahmoud Pasha of the Marine, Ibrahim Bey--Secretary of Justice, the - Dutch Minister, and Mrs. McCauley (the wife of the commander of the - _Scorpion_). - - Mesdames Pallavicini, Bompard, Moncheur, Wangenheim, and Willebois - are the popular and fine women here, and they are out of the - ordinary--you will like all of them and they will like you. Pierre - Loti is wrong, so far as this winter is concerned--we have had no - cold weather. Yesterday and to-day were delightful--the thermometer - has not been below 45°. - -On the same day as the foregoing, my daughter Helen (Mrs. Fox) also -wrote her mother a letter which adds new touches of colour to some of -the scenes described in mine. She wrote as follows: - - So much to write about! Yesterday afternoon I had Mme. de Willebois - and Mme. Eliasco to tea, and after they left (Mme. de Willebois is - the Dutch Minister’s wife), papa sent up word that “His Eminence” - the Chief Rabbi and his Secretary were here and would like tea. - They trotted up, and His Eminence is an awfully nice soul, garbed - in a flowing black _gouri_ and a fez, be-turbaned in white, - something like a combination of a Greek priest and a Hadja. He is - very learned, especially about archæology as related to the Jews, - and was interesting. In the meantime, Woods Pasha, Sir Edwin Pears - (a marvellously interesting man and English lawyer here), and Mr. - Frew (a Scottish minister who was pastor of the English Church in - Constantinople) arrived. I kept thinking how interesting they all - were, but would they leave me any time to dress for dinner! I had - been to Scutari in the morning, sightseeing with some of the - College faculty, and had brought them home to luncheon. Mr. Frew - left at 7:30, and I was so busy trying to make myself gorgeous that - I completely forgot papa who fell asleep and did not wake up until - 8:15. The dinner was at 8:30. Of course, we were all blaming each - other and not ourselves and tearing around, whistling for coats, - servants, etc. We finally tore up to the English Embassy at twenty - minutes to nine. Never in my life have I experienced anything so - wonderful. The Embassy is very large and imposing. Two - marvellously uniformed _cavasses_ stood at the door inside, where - powdered footmen in knee breeches, about twenty of them, were also - stationed. As we came to the stairs, the second Secretary received - us and assured us we were not late. However, we were the last! We - then took off our coats and were ushered into the drawing room, - outside of which stood a little coloured page dressed like an - Egyptian slave. Sir Louis Mallet seems awfully nice. He is a - bachelor, rather nice looking, and very shy and diffident, and - wears a monocle. So many people came up to greet us. Then dinner - was announced. I went down with a Turkish member of the Cabinet, - and sat in the next to the place of honour. Baron von Wangenheim - sat on the other side of me. I think he likes to flirt. At any rate - we chatted in German and had quite a gay time together. The table - had quantities of roses (all from Nice) on it. The only light in - the whole room was from huge, massive, silver candelabra, standing - on mirrors all along the table. We had silver dishes and soup - plates. The meal was served in the usual rapid-fire English style. - Papa sat between Lady Crawford and Baroness Wangenheim. Everyone - goes in according to rank, and consequently, usually husbands and - wives sit with each other’s better halves. The Turk ate most - heartily and told me afterward he didn’t know whether he’d get any - dinner the next night or not. At dinner it was funny--on the other - side of the Turk sat Mrs. Nicholson (née Sackville-West), a beauty, - and with the most gorgeous emeralds! She afterward played poker - with five Turks, as her husband informed me. My partner told me he - hated formal dinners, it was so uncomfortable eating in a uniform. - After dinner there was dancing, and heaps of people were asked for - that. I danced quite a bit, but was so tired from my terribly busy - day that we left at twelve o’clock. Papa played bridge and didn’t - get home until 1:30. The English Embassy is lighted entirely by - candles and really the effect is wonderfully beautiful. - - Next day--This morning Mme. Elise, the children, and I, accompanied - by the ever-present Abdullah (the body guard), went to Therepia in - a motor to find a house for the summer. It is just heavenly. You - simply cannot imagine how perfect it is. The houses have the most - beautiful gardens and are right down on the Bosphorus, which is so - blue; and from one’s windows one looks across at Asia. Papa is - going some time to decide finally, as this was just a preliminary - survey. We picked violets and a rose, just think of it, on - December 22nd! But it is quite cold at times. The gardens are so - inviting, and I can just imagine tea parties and all kinds of - thrilling things happening in them. This afternoon I had two - Turkish ladies to tea--Halide Edi Hanum and her mother. They came - in their _yashmaks_ and we had Mme. Elise serve the tea. Halide is - a graduate of the College and a real beauty. She is tall and dark, - with almond-shaped eyes, and has a beautiful complexion; and she is - so gentle and soft and charming. She speaks in the sweetest voice, - and what do you think she is doing? Translating Oscar Wilde into - Turkish! Her mother is the daughter of the sixth wife of a very - great Pasha, and her grandmother was a Circassian slave girl. The - mother cannot speak anything but Turkish, and she smoked all the - time she was here. I gave her some candy and a box of American - cigarettes to take home. Halide doesn’t smoke, and anyway, if she - went into a ball-room at home she’d create a sensation, she is so - charming. You simply cannot imagine how lovely it is here and I - just relish and cherish every moment. Baron von Wangenheim hopes - you will take a house right next to him this summer. He wants to - ride with Ruth. Beware, Ruth! - -A rather amusing incident occurred late in January, 1914, when upon -receiving word that my wife had left Vienna for Constantinople, I -communicated at once with Talaat and told him I wished him to facilitate -my intention of meeting Mrs. Morgenthau at the boundary of Turkey. I -told him I proposed to go to Adrianople, the point at which her train -would enter Turkey, to meet her. Talaat’s reply was characteristically -Turkish: - -“What!” he exclaimed, “going to all that trouble to meet one’s wife! I -never heard of such a thing.” - -“I cannot imagine an American,” I replied, “failing to do it. In my -country, our wives share all their husbands’ interests, and I should -certainly consider myself lacking in both respect and affection if I -failed to show my wife this attention.” - -Talaat was frankly bewildered. - -“In Turkey,” he said, “we let our wives come to us, we do not go to -them.” - -As a last resort, he interposed what he intended to be an unanswerable -objection. - -“Adrianople!” he exclaimed. “It’s out of the question. There is not even -a hotel in the whole city.” - -“Very well then,” I replied, “I shall find accommodations in a private -residence. But to Adrianople I am going.” - -With this retort, I left him. - -Mr. Schmavonian later went to Talaat and told him that I was quite -serious in my intention. Talaat then sent me word that he would arrange -with the Governor of Adrianople to entertain me, and that I could -dismiss all thought of other preparations from my mind. I therefore -contented myself with arranging to arrive in Adrianople in the morning, -planning to spend a day there sightseeing, and then joining my wife on -the train, which was due to come through the following morning at 3:30 -o’clock. Imagine my astonishment, therefore, upon arriving at -Adrianople, to find that the Governor, acting on Talaat’s orders, had -transformed part of the City Hall into a hotel for my reception. The -office furniture had been removed and a suite of bedrooms for myself, my -son Henry (who had now joined me), and a member of my staff, had been -freshly furnished, with comfortable beds and bedding specially bought -for this occasion. One room had been fitted up as a kitchen; another as -a dining room. Talaat’s attentions had gone so far as even to see that -we were provided with pyjamas, bedroom slippers, and toothbrushes. - -When I arrived at Adrianople, the Governor was at the station to meet -me, accompanied by a military guard of honour. He at once took us in his -automobile for a sightseeing tour of the city. I found him a man of -great intelligence--some months later he became a member of the Turkish -Cabinet at Constantinople. He was especially interested in the answers -that my son was able to make to his numerous questions about American -farm machinery, which he wished to import for use on his large estate. - -After a very pleasant day we returned to the City Hall and there we were -tendered a splendid dinner and reception. The Governor then told me that -the express train on which my wife was travelling was reported to be -several hours late, and that I had as well make myself comfortable by -going to bed and resting. He promised to have me aroused in plenty of -time to meet the train on its arrival. Accordingly, I made my way to my -improvised bedroom and was soon asleep. At three o’clock in the morning -the Governor himself awakened me. He urged me to hurry, as he said the -train had now made up most of its lost time and was due any minute. We -were soon driving through the chilly streets of Adrianople to the -railroad station. Arriving there, we found that the report was erroneous -and that the train was still two hours late. The waiting room was small, -very dirty, and unheated. It was useless, however, to return to the City -Hall, so we waited for those two hours in the dimly lighted and -evil-smelling waiting room, beguiling the time with conversation and -cups of Persian tea. He was greatly interested to find out from me the -practical workings of the American system of government. Most of our -time was spent in questions and answers regarding our elections, with -their, to him, almost incomprehensible peaceful transitions from one -group of rulers to another. - -At length the express drew into the station, the military guard was -mounted, and the Governor with great ceremony escorted me to the train -platform. I thanked him most heartily for a day unique in my experience. -Having undertaken with reluctance to facilitate this meeting of my -wife, Talaat had gone to the other extreme and had given it an almost -royal setting. Through his kindness I was enabled to escort my wife -properly to her new home in Constantinople. - -Arriving there, she entered at once into the spirit of my mission and -became of invaluable assistance to me. She had looked forward to it as a -dreary exile from home and friends in a dull and uncivilized community. -Instead, she soon found, as I had already, that the diplomatic circle -was a group of charming people, intellectually stimulating, and engaged -in the fascinating game of high politics. She shared as well my intense -interest in the work of the missionaries, just as she had shared in New -York my interest in the Bronx House and other works of social -betterment. She enjoyed, besides, a most unusual opportunity that was -denied to me, namely, the opportunity to study, under the most -favourable circumstances, the strangely interesting life of the Oriental -woman. This life was not only very different from the life of Western -women but was also very different from our preconceived ideas of it. -Mrs. Morgenthau found, to be sure, that the exclusion of Turkish women -from masculine society was a reality, but she was astonished on the -other hand to learn the extent to which the more ambitious ones among -them had been able to achieve contact with Western thought. The plight -of these intelligent women was really tragical. They were the pioneers -of an epochal social change in Turkey, and they were suffering the usual -martyrdom of pioneering. They had been allowed to acquire the education -and ideas, which have so broadened the mental outlook of Western women, -but the social barrier of custom still prevented them from enjoying in -practice the advantage of its possession. Their husbands sought their -intellectual companions entirely among other men, and continued to -regard their women as playthings of the harem. They were thus denied -the stimulation and enjoyment of contact with masculine thought and were -cut off of course from all active participation in practical works, -where the mind exercises its acquired talents. Doubtless in the course -of time women in Turkey will be freed from these ancient restrictions of -custom and will join their Western sisters in a full freedom to take an -active part in the life of the world, but their position during the -transition period is truly pathetic. - -Mrs. Morgenthau came across many cases of this anomalous condition. One -of the most striking was in the home of the Persian Ambassador. He had -married a very cultivated French woman. Notwithstanding the liberality -of thought which had permitted him to marry a European, he had done so -only on the agreement that she should become a Mohammedan; and having -done so, he insisted that she live the life of a Mohammedan woman. She -had thus stepped from that stirring French society of which one of the -most outstanding characteristics is the almost abnormally important -influence exerted by women, both in the intellectual life and in public -affairs, into a society where she was debarred entirely from association -with men and cut off from all practical relations with outside affairs. -When Mrs. Morgenthau entertained her, or any of the native Turkish -ladies, at the Embassy, even the male servants were kept below stairs -and luncheon was served by the house-maids. - -So much for the colour of life at the Embassy during the first months -after my arrival. On the sober business side, there was much of equal -interest. When the Young Turks succeeded to power they had brought with -them great hope of permanent progress for their country. This hope was -shared by Liberals not only in Turkey but everywhere. The Christian -world without felt that at last there was a prospect that Moslem -government might succeed in treating a Christian population justly. The -total failure of this party proved again the impossibility of true -reform among the Turks. This was evident to careful observers long -before my arrival at Constantinople, but I was so ardent in my desire to -help them that it took me nearly a year to become wholly disillusioned. - -The Young Turks from their accession to power failed in every serious -task they undertook. They made war on the Albanians, with whom the -Sultans had compromised for more than four hundred years. Having been -trained as professional soldiers they were accustomed to the use of -force only. They had not the slightest notion of democratic political -methods or of peaceful conciliation, though it was obvious that among -the various peoples of Turkey peaceful conciliation was the only way of -beginning a united national life. The Young Turks brought the dispute -with Greece concerning the possession of Crete to a crisis. Instead of -recognizing the accomplished fact in Tripoli they insisted upon -retaining control of that province, and Italy declared war. Against the -Armenians the massacres at Adana were conducted with all the horrors of -the past. The guilty, instead of being punished by the Central -Government, were exonerated. But the greatest failure of all on the part -of the so-called Committee of Union and Progress was in connection with -the national legislature. The revolution led the Greeks and Armenians to -think that a democratic government would be established. But the Young -Turks “selected” (not “elected”) the members of the Chamber of Deputies -from among their own adherents. - -The Committee of Union and Progress was, in truth, a desperate set of -men confronted by desperate conditions. Therefore they were willing to -take the most desperate means to retain “Turkey for the Turks,” and -especially Turkey for themselves. Their subsequent actions were all in -keeping with this resolve. I was told by my colleagues that business had -to be transacted with the Grand Vizier. But I found that I could obtain -the quickest results through Talaat and Enver. My somewhat democratic, -business-like methods seemed to appeal to them. There were occasions on -which I even went so far as to deal directly with lesser officials. Some -of my experiences would, I am sure, fill a professional diplomat with -dismay as regards the future of his calling. - -As I became better acquainted with Talaat, who was the real head of the -Government, meeting him very often at my house and sometimes at the -house of the Grand Rabbi, he confided to me the great disappointment -which he and his fellow revolutionists felt with their people. Having -lived for so many years in a state of subjection, the masses seemed -completely cowed and did not respond in the least to any suggestion of -progress or improvement. He also blamed the Sheikhs and feudal chiefs -who were still extorting tributes and using most exasperating methods in -collecting taxes. The right to collect taxes was, in many districts, -farmed out to the state bank or to the richer inhabitants. They were -entitled by law to collect in kind 10 per cent. of the crops, but were -never satisfied with this portion. They would go and measure the crop -and leave the farms without collecting the taxes. Whereupon the poor -people, not being permitted to use their food and forage, and knowing -that they were in the power of the tax collector, would implore him for -a prompt settlement. Often, to prevent starvation, the farmers would -submit to an exaction of one third of their crop. Talaat thought that -nothing less than the hanging of a number of these men would ever stop -the evil practice. He seemed to have no notion that a better system of -collecting the taxes could be instituted. - -During the winter of 1913-14, Talaat and Enver, especially the former, -came to me repeatedly for advice. Inexperienced as they were, their -problems were such as to test the strength of the ablest statesman of -any country. The only reason I can give for the fact that they drew -close to me in the matter of asking advice was that they felt that -America alone of the larger foreign nations had no private axe to grind -as regards her relations with Turkey. Feeling the deepest sympathy for -all efforts to forward the welfare of backward peoples, I did all I -could to aid them with the best counsel I could offer. - -One opportunity for such assistance presented itself on the occasion of -the dinner given by the American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant, on -February 22, 1914, at which I was invited to make the principal address -of the evening. Talaat and some of his colleagues were to be guests of -honour. I felt I could point out to them in my address, by indirection, -the path along which they might lead Turkey to regeneration. To do this, -I recapitulated the story of America’s great moral and material -advancement, interpreting the events in the way which I thought would be -most intelligible to the Turkish intelligence, and suggesting that the -Turkish leaders be guided in their policy by the lessons of our history. -As this speech had a considerable effect upon the Turkish Government, -and as it is, I think, not without interest to Americans themselves, I -take the liberty of quoting the substance of it: - - What an achievement it would be if the Young Giant of the West, who - by strictly attending to his own business has developed into one of - the greatest and richest nations of the world, could make others - see the advantages and wisdom of following his example. We - recognize the difficulty which confronts everyone who tries to - prevail upon another to benefit by his experience, but perhaps - nations, which are guided by disinterested patriots who have only - the good of the people at heart and none of the selfish motives or - petty vanities of an individual, may be willing, not only to study - the history of a successful nation, but also to profit by its - experiences, and thus save the expense and spare the waste caused - by experimenting. - - As a diplomat I am “directed by my Government especially to refrain - from public expressions of opinion upon local political or other - questions arising within my jurisdiction.” These are the exact - words contained in my Instruction Book, and I am obliged to follow - them conscientiously. But that does not prevent me, however, from - telling you what we have done at home to establish and increase our - commerce and what we are doing to improve it and the conditions of - our people; and it is for this country, the Balkan States, and - Persia to determine how much of it can be adopted by them. - - It is just fifty years ago that our country finished one of the - bloodiest and most expensive internecine wars recorded in history, - and you all know that the worst strifes are those that are waged - between brothers. All the southern states had been completely - devastated; a large part of their white male population was killed - during the war; millions of slaves had been set free and were - unprepared to take care of themselves and would not work; both the - North and the South were in a complete state of physical and - financial exhaustion. The cost of the war exceeded 1,500 million - dollars; our Government bonds were selling below par and were - mostly owned in foreign countries; we had just been deprived of the - wise leadership of the great Abraham Lincoln who had been foully - murdered. We had fought for a principle and had won, but the hatred - of the sections for each other survived and the great problem was - to reconcile the combatants to the new conditions and again to - absorb into our commercial and business activities the hundreds of - thousands of members of the disbanded army and to have our - communities resume their normal condition and bring about a - reconstruction of the southern states. We were confronted by a - tremendous problem, and it took wise statesmanship, great grit, - patient toil, and unswerving enthusiasm born from an absolute and - abiding faith in the future to solve it. We had only 35,000 miles - of railroads and many of these traversed the devastated country. I - say “only,” because to-day we have more than 250,000 miles of - railroad which have brought into easy communication with the large - markets of our country all our developed farms and mines, etc., and - have given the country four transcontinental routes. We had a - population of 34 millions which has now grown to more than 95 - millions, of which 19 millions attend our public and two millions - our private schools, and 320,000 attend 596 universities and - colleges in which there are thirty thousand professors and - instructors and which have libraries containing 16 million volumes - of books. Our imports in 1870 were 436 millions and our exports 393 - millions, showing a balance against us of 43 millions; while in - 1913, our imports were 1,813 millions and our exports 2,465 - millions, so that we had a balance of trade in our favour of 652 - millions, and for the last seven years the average annual balance - of trade has been more than five hundred million dollars. We have - gained by immigration about 30 million people of which the year - 1913 brought 1,200,000--practically equal to the population of the - city of Constantinople. This great army, besides bringing their - energy, strength, and capacity to work, also brought with them 30 - million dollars in cash! I wonder if these figures give you the - faintest idea of this tremendous growth. - - How was this all done? - - We invited, urged, and welcomed help from every source and there - was a generous response. We utilized English, French, German, and - Dutch money to help build our railroads. We opened our portals wide - to immigrants who overflowed our shores in a most unprecedented - fashion. It first relieved Ireland and Germany of their surplus - population and thereby bettered the condition of those that - remained at home; later on Italy and Russia sent us hundreds of - thousands of their people. And it was thus that the native - population received the necessary reinforcements to help develop - the new districts that were being opened for settlement. As fast as - the railroad development pierced the West, villages and cities - followed it. The Northerners and Southerners found a common ground - in the great and almost boundless West which was then entirely - undeveloped and they worked side by side in this new land of - promise and soon forgot their past differences. They started out in - log cabins which they erected with their own hands; they slept on - pine boughs and were willing to forego all comforts to enable them - rapidly to recoup their lost fortunes. Gradually they acquired the - almost luxurious surroundings in which they live to-day, for there - is hardly a farmhouse without an organ or a piano, a sewing - machine, a small library and carpets on the floor, and most of them - own considerable agricultural machinery and a great many of them - their own automobiles. - - We adopted a system of protection so as to foster our then infant - industries which are now managed by wonderful corporations that not - only can stand alone but compete with the world. We encouraged - thrift and habits of saving so that the deposits in the savings - banks to-day amount to 4,450 millions and the assets of the life - insurance companies to more than 4,400 million dollars. - - What do such accumulated assets mean? - - They mean opportunities realized, steady thrift, thousands of - thrills of pleasure at individual progress toward independence and - protection against want in old age, provisions for rainy days; the - renewed prosperity of the natives of the South, North, East, and - West; conversion of millions of stalwart immigrants into prosperous - farmers, businessmen, mechanics, etc., who are the owners of these - and other assets. I am going to leave to your imagination and - poetic temperament to analyze still further what are the component - parts when reduced into human endeavours that constitute this - monument of prosperity. - - We are not so conceited as to arrogate to ourselves the claim that - we are the only country that has accomplished such wonderful - results in the last fifty years. In 1865 there was no German Empire - nor United Italy; their creation and phenomenal development have - taken place since then. I believe that a description of the - industrial and commercial development of those and many other - countries would make as fine a story as I have told you about the - United States; but they are so near to you that it would lack the - enchantment that distance lends to a view. I have shown you results - and I now want to tell you that they have not been attained without - a great many troubles and tribulations. We have had our severe - panics and recessions; our droughts and floods; our pests of - grasshoppers and bollweevils; our strikes and labour troubles, some - of which have led to bloodshed. It was no easy task to assimilate - the many different nationalities that reached our shores. The - troubles of most nations are those of struggling against poverty. - We have had the unusual experience of having to fight and suppress - the excessive prosperity of the privileged classes of our country, - because they were about destroying our free government and were - depriving our people of their equal opportunities. Fortunately we - found in our present President, Woodrow Wilson, a champion for - justice and right, and he has, through his infinite skill and - wisdom, practically after one year of administration, adjusted the - matter. - - If I were in America and wanted to compare our accomplishments to - something definite, I would speak of a fifty-story building in - contrast to some of the two-or three-story buildings. But being in - Turkey I want to say that I have shown you the wonderful national - rug that we have produced in the United States. It was woven by the - millions that inhabit our land, natives and foreigners, whites and - blacks, people from the North, South, East, and West, men and - women, and from materials produced in our own soil and imported - from all countries; and as far as we have finished it, we pride - ourselves, notwithstanding some faults and defects, that it makes a - fine, harmonious whole. And the sincerest compliments that any - country could pay to us would be to adopt and imitate our pattern. - -When I described the success we had attained in our endeavours during -the fifty years since the Civil War, Talaat and some of his colleagues -were visibly impressed. Shortly after this dinner both Talaat and Enver -urged me to visit various parts of the Turkish Empire in order to be -able to advise them as regards reforms in their administration and other -means of public progress. While my instructions from my government, like -those of every country to its foreign representatives abroad, forbade my -intermeddling with purely domestic affairs, I felt that the situation in -Turkey was wholly without precedent. So I set myself to study the -country and its varied and most intricate problems. With Talaat and -Enver I planned three trips--the first to Palestine and Syria, the -second to the south shore of the Black Sea, and the third to the -interior, as far as the Bagdad railway was then constructed. The coming -of war prevented the second and third trips. The first I shall describe -in the next chapter. - -But, fascinating as were my discoveries in the novel field of diplomacy, -and much as I enjoyed the effort to assist the Turkish leaders, I felt -after all that my true function as American Ambassador was far removed -from the intrigues of the Old World Powers and from the momentary -struggles of the existing Turkish Government. On the one hand, America -had no ambitions in Turkey that called for diplomatic gambling. Our -interests there were almost wholly altruistic. We had, to be sure, a -small commercial interest, and I had no disposition to shirk my -responsibility for fostering its improvement. The Standard Oil Company -was our most considerable business representative. The Singer Sewing -Machine Company, served in Constantinople by Germans from its Berlin -branch, was second. The third in importance were the American buyers of -Turkish tobacco and Turkish licorice. Besides these, we had little -commercial representation. - -America’s true mission in Turkey, I felt, was to foster the permanent -civilizing work of the Christian missions, which so gloriously -exemplified the American spirit at its best. As I frequently explained -to the Turkish Government officers, we had little need for foreign trade -or foreign sources of raw material. Our territory was so vast, and our -population relatively so small, that we had neither reason nor -disposition to covet further territory. I explained to them further that -our citizens were accustomed to achieve their own financial -independence, and that this characteristic of rising from poverty to -affluence had bred in them, as a national characteristic, a sympathy -with those not yet arrived at fortune, and a helpful wish to place the -means of advancement within the reach of those still struggling upward. -This spirit had lavished itself in America upon the advancement of -common schools and higher institutions of learning, and upon thousands -of other forms of philanthropy and helpfulness. This spirit of good -will, I explained further, overflowed our boundaries into other lands, -partly because we wished to share our good fortune with others, and -chiefly because it was prescribed by the Christian faith, which declared -that good works should not be limited to those of one’s own family or -kindred. America, I told them, is constantly receiving hundreds of -thousands of emigrants from the Old World, and American generosity has -placed among these newly arrived citizens the services of expert -advisers, who use every means to make easy the path of the immigrant, -and to induct him as rapidly as possible into the full fellowship of -American life. The Christian missions in Turkey, I added, carried this -work one step further: it went into other lands and tried to carry to -them some of the benefits which our material prosperity made possible -among us. - -I think my words were received, at first, with some reserve, not only by -the Turks themselves, but by my colleagues, the representatives of the -European nations. They soon learned, however, to believe them, when they -saw that I sought no concessions, that I devoted no more attention to -the American commercial enterprises represented in the Levant than were -necessary for the transaction of their ordinary business, and that I -gave my chief attention to encouraging the work of the Christian -missionaries and spreading the gospel of Americanism. I soon found that -I could be of the greatest assistance to these people. It was generally -believed in Turkey that I was unusually close to the President. -Consequently the attentions which I took pains to shower upon the -missionaries added enormously to the importance of their position in the -eyes of the Turkish Government, and placed them upon an entirely new -footing in their consideration. When it was observed that Dr. Gates, the -president of Robert College, frequently accompanied me on my horseback -rides, and that I made an invariable custom of entertaining at dinner at -least once a week Dr. Mary Mills Patrick and Dr. Louise B. Wallace, the -president and the dean, respectively, of the Constantinople College for -Girls, the Turkish Government conceived an entirely new idea of the -importance that America attaches to these institutions; and they gave a -corresponding deference to the wishes of their presidents. - -Even if I had not conceived these attentions to be one of my prime -duties, I should have been drawn to these companionships by a native -congeniality of temper. Dr. Patrick and Dr. Gates were splendid examples -of American womanhood and manhood. Both had forsaken the opportunity of -success in America to devote their lives unselfishly to the great task -of human betterment. Their gifts of mind and graces of character would -have made them delightful companions in any circumstances. But having, -besides, as they did, a profound interest in the kind of work that had -so deeply engrossed me in New York, I gravitated toward them in -Constantinople by a natural attraction. With them I would mention Dr. -Peet, the resident financial representative, in Constantinople, of the -Mission Boards of America--a man of great experience and gracious person -who had given a quarter of a century of his life to work in this field. -Further along in this article, I shall describe some of the happy -experiences I had in meeting some of the young men and women who were -students at the colleges. - -My relationships with the Jews of Constantinople were equally useful and -equally pleasant. I cultivated the acquaintance of the Chief Rabbi -Nahoun, a learned and brilliant man in his early forties. I took pains -to show him every possible honour in public. I let it be generally known -that I frequented the B’nai Brith Lodge at Constantinople, which, to my -astonishment and gratification, I discovered to contain in its -membership a group of men of higher average quality than are in any -American lodge of the same order with which I am acquainted. My public -attentions to these representative Jews gave to them also a new -importance and a new dignity in the view of the Turkish Government. It -was indeed gratifying to me to be able, with scarcely an effort, so -greatly to improve the status of my co-religionists in the eyes of a -government which controlled the historical birthplace of the Hebrew -religion and the scene of its one-time temporal grandeur. - -One of my ambitions at Constantinople was to make the Embassy truly the -American Headquarters. Every American of whatever degree, whether -resident or visitor, was welcome within its portals. I endeavoured to -have every one of them enjoy even its formal hospitality--an invitation -to a luncheon or a dinner. I felt that the Embassy was not intended -merely to provide an opportunity for exclusive social distinction for -the Ambassador. On the contrary, it belonged to the American people; and -certainly part of my function was to see that it was of service to them. -I soon observed how greatly an invitation to the Embassy was -appreciated; and since my return to this United States I have had -innumerable evidences of the enjoyment which the simplest courtesy I -extended brought to its recipient. Time after time I have had strangers -salute me in various parts of this country and remind me with great -warmth of the pleasure they had enjoyed in a call at the Embassy in -Turkey. - -But perhaps the most satisfying of all my associations in Turkey was the -privilege I enjoyed of constantly sharing in the problems and -accomplishments of the two principal American colleges. To me their work -was an endless source of satisfaction. To see these great evidences of -American idealism functioning in this remote and backward land, -spreading civilization among people long submerged in ignorance, was a -profound reason for pride in my country. As a humanitarian, it was a -corresponding delight to see the students themselves--their young minds -expanding, their young spirits fired with enthusiasm, in the congenial -atmosphere of these institutions which, but for America, would not have -existed and for which there was no substitute within their reach. - -The Girls’ College especially appealed to my sympathy. Here, in a land -in which the position of women was the most unfavourable, was an -institution which was offering to the future mothers of the Near East an -entrance into a new world of freedom and opportunity. Girls were -gathered here from all parts of the Turkish Empire--Turkish girls, -Armenians, Jews, Greeks, Bulgarians, and Albanians. It was a delight to -see how they responded to their opportunity. On numerous occasions, Dr. -Patrick invited me to address them, and one such occasion I recall with -a special pleasure. I described to them the American profession of -social worker, tracing the reasons which gave rise to the movement for -social betterment in our country and explaining how this new profession -arose out of the need for trained workers in that field. I was -astonished to see how deep an impression my description made upon them. -It appealed to the universal instinct of women to cherish life and to -work for its improvement. So enthusiastic were these young Oriental -women that afterward Dr. Patrick told me more than half of them had -expressed an ambition to devote their life to social service. - -These girls, touched by the stimulation of the new intellectual world -freely opened to them, attempted many imaginative experiments. One of -the most interesting that I observed was the product of a debate held in -the college, in which one team had maintained the position of the Greek -Stoics against the other group which had defended the philosophy of the -Epicureans. Not satisfied with debating the subject abstractly, the -girls had resolved to put the two philosophies to the practical test of -experience; and for a week the Senior Class was divided into two groups, -one of which attempted actually to live for that period according to the -Stoic dogma and the other according to the Epicurean. They took the -experiment seriously, but of course, with the lightheartedness of -youth, they found it an entertainment as well. The essays written on -their experiences as Stoics and Epicureans would make interesting -reading. I could not refrain from speculating with hope and enthusiasm -upon the numerous influences which this college, through these eager -young spirits, would wield in directing the future destiny of the -millions of backward people among whom they would be scattered as torch -bearers of civilization. - -Robert College was an institution for men, founded fifty years ago by -Christopher R. Roberts, a wealthy leather merchant of New York. Its -early destiny was directed by Dr. Hamlin and Dr. Washburn, two -far-seeing statesmen of education. They had steered a course for the -institution which had gained at least the passive coöperation of the -Turkish Government, while in America it had gained the enthusiastic -support of great philanthropists like Cleveland H. Dodge and John S. -Kennedy. Gradually there had been added to its faculty men of strong -character and profound learning, so that by the time I reached -Constantinople it was an institution worthy of all the care that had -been lavished upon it. These earnest men had made a real impression upon -the life of the Near East. Being the only great seat of learning in that -whole large territory, it had attracted the ambitious youth from the -remotest Armenia and all the Balkan countries. Bulgaria especially had -appreciated its opportunity. Hundreds of the leaders of Bulgarian -political and economic life received their training here. - -In Dr. Gates, the president of Robert College, I found a man who was -very useful to me. He had lived many years in Turkey, knew all the chief -figures in its public life, and was a profound student of Turkish -psychology. In return, I had the pleasure of being useful to him during -the trying days after Turkey entered the war. - -Such was the picture of Constantinople as I saw it during the first four -months of my embassy. It was a picture full of strange anomalies and -apparent contradictions. Here was I, a native of Europe, representing -the greatest republic of America at the court of an Oriental sovereign. -Here was I, a Jew, representing the greatest Christian nation of the -world at the capital of the chief Mohammedan nation. Here was I, a man -without any previous diplomatic experience whatsoever, suddenly -projected headlong into one of the most difficult diplomatic posts in -the world, as one of the ten personal representatives of the President. -Here was a nation, ruled in name by a proud descendant of Mohammed, and -ruled in fact by a group of desperate adventurers whose chieftain was an -ex-railroad porter. Here was the capital of an ancient and decaying -nation, which was soon, because of its strategic position, to become one -of the very vital centres of world diplomacy. Here was a wornout empire -dying, which in its death agony clutched other peoples still with its -withered fingers and was soon to reach up and draw within its fatal -embrace, in the death grapple of a world war, boys from the cattle -ranges of Australia, aboriginal Indians from the wilds of northwest -Canada, peasants from farthest Russia, cockneys from the East End of -London, shepherds from the Carpathian Mountains--vast aggregations of -soldiers as polyglot as the population of Constantinople itself--that -mongrel city which, sitting at the cross roads of ancient trade routes, -had for centuries drawn citizens from every people under heaven. How -could I realize, during those peaceful first months of my embassy, that -I, the representative of remote and isolated America, should soon be -involved in diplomatic complications that should involve the very -continuance of American institutions. It was well that I had those few -months of peaceful education into that society before the storm of the -World War burst upon us. It was well, too, that I had my trip to Egypt -and Asia Minor, where I met and learned much from Lord Kitchener, Lord -Bryce, and the wise Americans and Jews whom I there encountered. This -journey was of so much importance to me that it deserves a separate -chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -MY TRIP TO THE HOLY LAND - - -All through the winter of 1913-14, though busily engaged in mastering my -other duties as Ambassador, there were constantly two problems -interesting me. - -The first was the American missionary activities, whose ramifications -reached into all parts of Turkey, and whose many and varied requests, -though intelligently interpreted by Dr. W. W. Peet, I could not fully -grasp, owing to the meagreness of my knowledge of the men and women -concerned, and of the physical conditions surrounding them in their -activities in the interior of Turkey. I was at the seat of government of -all these missionary activities, and had become well acquainted with the -directing forces. Doctor Peet had shown me his vast records, and had -acquainted me with the many branches, and told me of the many -representatives that they had scattered throughout Turkey. Occasionally, -visits from some of the interior missionaries had impressed me so -favourably both as to their sincerity and sympathy for their flocks, -that I became thoroughly aroused with a desire to see the entire -mechanism of the missionary activities in Turkey. I personally wanted to -know the administrative and educational forces, and visit the buildings -and surroundings in which they were operating, so that I might be able -properly to present their claims to the Turkish officials, and finally -give an intelligent account to those of my friends in America who had so -anxiously impressed upon me the deep interest felt by such a vast -number of them in the welfare of the missionaries. - -My second problem was the Jewish question, which I will discuss in a -separate chapter. Naturally I concluded to visit first the Holy Land and -the Mediterranean Coast of Asia, where so many of the important -Christian missions were located. When I spoke to different people -concerning this trip, everyone urged me to go. The Turkish authorities -felt that it would greatly benefit them if I could, with my own eyes, -see the possibilities of an industrial and agricultural revival of -Turkey, for, thereafter, I might be useful to them in influencing -foreign capital to invest in their prospects. The missionaries were -enthusiastic. They expected--and I afterward ascertained were justified -in this--that a visit to their main stations by the American Ambassador -would so impress the local authorities both at those places and at -Constantinople that their standing with, and their treatment by, the -Turkish officials would be greatly improved. My Jewish friends, -similarly, felt that such a tangible evidence of American and my -personal interest in their condition would greatly benefit them with the -authorities. The men in the Embassy who now realized how easily an -“outsider” could master the knowledge that lay buried in the records of -the Chancery also encouraged my scheme to delve further into the outside -ramifications of American activity in Turkey. - -The best and most direct transportation to Palestine was supplied by the -splendid Russian steamship lines that were then plying weekly between -Odessa and Alexandria, and as these boats stopped for a day at Smyrna, -and another day at Piræus, I should thereby be enabled to visit the -Consul and the American College at Smyrna, and to view the interesting -sights of Athens. I therefore chose this route. - -As the journey was made for the purpose of studying two distinct -problems, I think it well to describe in this chapter all the things -that are of general interest, reserving for a later chapter the highly -specialized Jewish question as I saw and studied it in Palestine. I -shall not weary the reader with a complete record of the journey, but -shall select for him some interesting incidents and observations without -following too closely their chronological order. - -Of these, one of the most interesting (and one that involved several -amusing complications) was my visit to the Caves of Machpelah. When -Doctor Peet heard of my plans to visit Palestine, he came to see me and -spent a long time in informing me of what I could see, and of the -tremendous benefit that it would be to me and to the missionaries to -become personally acquainted. This was a helpful service, and I -gratefully made notes of his suggestions. When these were finished, I -was somewhat puzzled when he launched into a long dissertation upon the -unique advantage which I, as an ambassador, enjoyed in being able to -secure permission to visit the Caves of Machpelah. He explained that -these caves were the authentic graves of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, of -Sarah, Leah, and Rebecca. He added the curious information that the -Moslems regarded these patriarchs as among the holiest of the saints of -Islam. And so jealous were they in their religious veneration of these -tombs that, by an extraordinary paradox, they have for one thousand -years prohibited not only the Christians, but the blood descendants of -Abraham, the Jews, from visiting these tombs. The Moslems had erected a -mosque over them, and they were guarded day and night. The only -exception to the rule that none but Mohammedans might visit them was -that the privilege was extended to visiting princes of royal blood, and -to ambassadors, who represented, not nations, but the persons of their -sovereigns. Doctor Peet then enlarged again upon the extraordinary -opportunity which this privilege gave me of enjoying a unique -experience. - -Light had now dawned upon me, and I asked Doctor Peet a question which I -intentionally drew out into a long sentence, so as to study the effect -upon him. I asked him whether my inference that this great interest -which he displayed in my trip and the importance which he attached to -the opportunities incident to my travelling not as a private citizen, -but as an ambassador, could be construed by me as a hint on his part of -a lurking wish that he might accompany me. - -Doctor Peet was usually so serious that I did not know how he would -respond. He answered me quite earnestly: “Well, really, that was my -object in telling you all about it.” I told him I fully realized how -valuable his company would be, especially in arranging my meetings with -the missionaries, and I most cordially invited him to come with me. A -few days later, Peet called again, and said to me: “You know, I have -been thinking a great deal about our trip. I shall be able to render the -assistance you expect of me in Palestine; but when you visit Syria and -Galilee, you ought to have with you Dr. Franklin Hoskins of Beirut, who -is a great Arabic scholar and in charge of the missions there, and knows -everybody in and everything about that region.” I ended the interview -with an invitation for him as well. “But,” I said, “if I invite Hoskins, -shall I not slight Dr. Howard Bliss, president of the Protestant Syrian -College at Beirut, who was introduced to me at a luncheon given for that -purpose in New York by my warm friend, Cleveland H. Dodge, and whom I -had then promised to visit at Beirut?” Then Peet said: “Why not invite -Bliss, too? He would be a great acquisition to the party.” “But,” I -added, “this won’t do, unless I also invite his daughter and her -husband, Bayard Dodge.” So I invited these various parties, and -received prompt acceptances. But this by no means completes the story. - -A few days later Mr. Schmavonian, who had been connected with the -Embassy for seventeen years as the Turkish adviser, and who was the -custodian of the tradition of the Embassy, awaited me in my office one -afternoon after, as I subsequently discovered, he had carefully -instructed the doorkeeper not to announce any one for half an hour. He -pointed out to me with great detail that American ambassadors had come -and gone out of Constantinople, “while Schmavonian went on forever.” He -then said: “Now, the benefits of all this knowledge that can be secured -on this trip will be lost when you leave Constantinople. Why not take me -along, and perpetuate them?” I laughingly asked him how long he expected -to stay in the service of the United States, and he answered that he -expected to die in it. I hesitated about taking Mr. Schmavonian along, -and I told him so, as I feared it would interfere with the activities of -the Embassy. He quickly responded: “You know that nothing important will -be done in your absence without your consent, so why not have me with -you at your elbow, so that you can have the benefit of my advice in -deciding the problems that may come up in performing your duties as -ambassador, while you are travelling?” I cabled the State Department, -and got their consent to take him with me, and he proved of invaluable -assistance. - -My party then numbered six, besides my family. But, one day in Cairo, -where I stopped en route to Palestine, I was approached by Chancellor -McCormick of the University of Pittsburgh. After introducing himself and -exchanging the compliments of the day, he said: “I hear you are going to -visit the Caves of Machpelah. I would not have the audacity to ask you -upon so informal an acquaintance [about twenty minutes] for permission -to accompany you, but if you want to do a real favour to the three -thousand girls and boys who attend the Pittsburgh University, by -enabling them to hear from me all about the Caves of Machpelah, I hope -you will take me with you.” His plea on behalf of those fine young -Americans was irresistible, and he was promptly invited. - -That same afternoon, a very likely, rather clerical-looking young man -came up to me, and said: “Chancellor McCormick has told me that he has -secured permission to accompany your party to visit the Caves of -Machpelah and I thought that perhaps if you knew who I was, you would -take me along also.” I asked: “Pray, who are you?” He replied: “My -brother married Jessie Wilson.” So I said: “My dear Dr. Sayre, you are -most cordially invited to join our party.” - -Proceeding a few days later from Port Said to Jaffa, I discovered to my -great delight that Viscount and Lady Bryce were fellow passengers on -that boat. I invited them to join us at our table, and we had a very -pleasant talk until late in the evening. I then left the tireless old -Viscount on the deck with Schmavonian, and a little later was just about -to retire for the night when Schmavonian knocked at the door of my -stateroom. He told me that he had, perhaps unguardedly, told the -Viscount of our intended trip to the Caves of Machpelah, and that Bryce -had expressed an ardent desire to accompany us. I discussed the matter -with the Viscount on the following day, and he said: “You know that I, -as a former British Ambassador to the United States, could also secure -the privilege of visiting the Caves.” I promptly told him that I would -consider it a great honour if he and his wife would join our party. - -When we finally started our trip to the Caves of Machpelah, our party -like a rolling snowball had grown to twenty-six persons. The Caves are -near the village of Hebron, some twenty-odd miles north of Jerusalem. -We drove thither in open carriages, and at the end of our journey had an -experience which confirmed my apprehensions regarding the -susceptibilities of the Arab Mohammedans. As we drove into Hebron, a -large crowd had gathered to greet us around an arch of welcome which the -Jewish communities of Hebron had erected for the occasion. Just as our -carriage drew near to the archway, a little Arab child broke loose from -his parents, and ran directly in the path of our carriage. At a cry from -my wife, the driver reined the horses back to their haunches, but the -child was already directly beneath them. By good fortune that was little -short of a miracle, their hoofs did not touch him, and he was quickly -snatched to safety by his panic-stricken mother. But, I shall not soon -forget the black looks of instinctive hatred upon the faces of the Arabs -in that throng, who looked upon us as infidel intruders. The same looks -and deep murmurs of disapproval accompanied us as we entered the sacred -portals of their mosque, which covers the Caves of Machpelah. Their -prayer hour had been postponed on account of our visit. Once inside, the -spell of antiquity, and the great traditions, erased all other -impressions from our minds. Several of the tombs were above ground, and -over them were erected stone catafalques, their sides adorned with -gorgeously embroidered rugs and broken by grilled doorways through which -entrance to the tomb itself was permitted. The other tombs were in caves -below the floor of the mosque. They could be seen through holes left in -the floor for that purpose. As we examined them from above we observed -that two of them, the graves of Abraham and Jacob, were littered with -pieces of paper. Inquiry of our Moslem guides disclosed the reason. The -Mohammedans have a belief that the spirits of these patriarchs have a -special influence with the Deity, and that their intervention in behalf -of the faithful can be invoked by written petitions addressed to them -and dropped upon their tombs. Observing more closely, we noticed that -there was a striking preference shown by the petitioners in the greater -number of appeals that had been made in this manner to the spirit of the -one rather than to the spirit of the other. Further inquiry developed a -curious Moslem tradition to the effect that one patriarch was reputed to -be of a benign and accommodating disposition, whereas the other was -supposed to be irascible. In consequence, the prudent worshippers had -mostly addressed their petitions to the spirit which they felt would be -more receptive and not resent their intrusion. - -After inspecting the tombs of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, we started to -make a similar survey of the tombs of Sarah, Leah, and Rebecca. Our -Moslem guides promptly stopped the men of our party. They explained that -the Mohammedan rule, that men might not look upon the faces of women, -applied to the dead as well as to the living, and that therefore only -the ladies of our party might look within the enclosures which protected -the tombs of the female saints. - -Our inspection of the tombs occupied considerable time, and it was an -interesting experience to feel the spell of their antiquity growing upon -us. As the moments slipped by, we felt ourselves carried farther and -farther back along the aisles of time and into the venerable realities -of an august past. From talkative sightseers we were transformed into -thoughtful ponderers upon these impressive memorials of history, and -finally into silent and reverent worshippers at this shrine of three -great religions. As we were about to leave, Dr. Hoskins suggested that I -ask all of our party to devote five minutes to silent prayer. I did so, -and there we stood, Moslems, Christians, and Jews--all of us conscious -of the fact that we were in the presence of the tombs of our joint -forefathers--that no matter in what details we differed, we traced our -religion back to the same source, and the ten minutes to which this -prayer extended were undoubtedly the most sacred that I have ever spent -in my life. - -Never have I experienced so solemn and exalted an emotion as that which -filled my spirit, standing there in worship at those tombs four thousand -years old, around which converged, and met, a sublime religious history, -which had altered the life of one half the human race through forty -centuries. - -I have carried my narrative away from its chronological sequence in -order to tell of our visit to the Caves of Machpelah as one related -incident. Returning now to the earlier part of our journey, our brief -stops at Smyrna and Athens were followed by a direct route to -Alexandria, where we arrived on March 26th. Our Russian vessel ran up -the American flag at the masthead in honour of our presence aboard, and -at the dock we were further honoured by a reception committee consisting -of Olney Arnold, the American consular agent at Cairo, Consul Garrels, -Captain Macauley of the _Scorpion_, and Mahmoud Tahgri Bey, the acting -Governor of Alexandria. The last-named was a fine young man of about -twenty-eight years of age. He told me that for some time Alexandria had -been without a governor, but that the Khedive in honour of my coming had -appointed him to that office, especially to give me a proper reception, -and that he had only assumed his office at eight o’clock that very -morning. He presented Mrs. Morgenthau with a bouquet of flowers and my -daughter Ruth with a box of _marrons glacés_, with the compliments of -the Khedive. It was amusing to see what important stress he laid upon -this--his first--official act. The Khedive had sent his own official -private car for our journey. At the railroad station in Alexandria the -Khedivial Entrance had been opened for us, and a cordon of soldiers -were lined upon either side to secure us an uninterrupted passageway; -the Khedive had neglected nothing, not even forgetting to provide a -delicious luncheon, which was served us in his car, as we proceeded to -Cairo. - -We arrived in time to drive out and view the Pyramids before going to -Arnold’s house for dinner. There Arnold acquainted me with a curious -complication which arose out of my wish to meet Lord Kitchener. He -explained to me the anomalous position which Kitchener occupied in -Egypt. Though Great Britain absolutely controlled that country’s -destinies, and though Kitchener, as the representative of Britain, was -practically dictator, Egypt was nominally a part of the Turkish Empire, -and the Khedive was the head of its government. Kitchener’s official -title was British Agent and Consul-General, and as such, on ceremonial -occasions, he ranked far below not merely the Khedive, but myself, as an -Ambassador. When Arnold had told Kitchener of my coming, and that I -wished to meet him, he expressed a cordial interest in the interview, -but was somewhat puzzled how to meet the question of precedence. If he -recognized me at Cairo as Ambassador from the United States, it might -embarrass him in maintaining the attitude that Great Britain was taking -in regard to Turkish rights in Egypt. If Kitchener invited me to meet -him, the question of rank would come up. This question had arisen -before, because even the other consuls-general who had arrived at Cairo -earlier than Kitchener outranked him in diplomatic precedence. This -problem, however, had been solved by an ingenious device. Whenever -Kitchener was invited to a function where it was likely to arise, he was -requested to act as host and thereby secured the place of honour. - -I resolved Arnold’s perplexity and Kitchener’s by saying that I had no -intention of standing on my rights, and would be glad to pay Kitchener -an informal call, as I certainly did not wish to leave Cairo without -seeing him. When Kitchener received this message, he promptly invited me -to call at ten o’clock the following morning. He was evidently informed -of my intention to call on the Khedive at eleven o’clock and wished me -to call on him (Kitchener) first. This call was very brief. After the -exchange of the customary formalities, Kitchener launched into numerous -questions about Turkey. He wished to know more about the men who made up -the Committee of Union and Progress. He was especially interested in the -Grand Vizier, Prince Said Halim, to whom the Young Turk Government had -promised the place of the Khedive of Egypt--a position which he was -qualified to fill on its social side by virtue of his aristocratic -lineage and superior education. Kitchener asked me to explain, if I -could, how a man of Said Halim’s antecedents had come to be associated -with “such uncouth cut-throats” as Talaat and Enver. - -We had scarcely gotten into an intimate conversation when I realized -that I must hurry back to my hotel where the Khedive’s carriage was to -call for me shortly before eleven o’clock. Kitchener said that he wished -to continue the conversation, and asked me if I would not bring Mrs. -Morgenthau and my daughter to lunch with him two days later. I accepted -the invitation. - -At eleven o’clock the Khedive’s carriage arrived to take me to the -Palace for my official call. Policemen were posted at every cross street -along the entire route, so as to give us an uninterrupted right of way -and to give us proper recognition. I was delighted with my conference -with the Khedive. He proved to be a thoroughly up-to-date, modern -enterprising business man without any frills or assumption of airs. He -met me at the door of the reception room, led me to a sofa, sat down -next to me, and while sipping the inevitable Turkish coffee, talked to -me for about half an hour about some of his investments in Turkey, and -told me of his intention to occupy his summer residence on the Bosphorus -at Yenikeny where I also had taken summer quarters. He then said that he -regretted exceedingly that, before he had learned of my impending visit, -he had made an appointment which would require him to leave town that -afternoon, and he asked, in consequence, if he might not return my visit -that same day. I told him that he reminded me of a Japanese student who, -after paying a two-hour afternoon call on a lady in Boston, and -receiving from her when he left a polite invitation to call again, -walked around the block three times, and paid her a second visit. The -Khedive laughed heartily, and though I assured him that I would gladly -waive the formality which required him to return my visit, he insisted -that he wished to continue the conversation, and would call later in the -day. - -Consequently, that same afternoon, the Khedive returned my call at the -Consular Agency, continuing the conversation as though there had been no -interruption. He told me of the enormous cotton exports of Egypt valued -at two hundred million dollars a year, and how his forefathers had -developed the cotton industry in Egypt. As Kitchener had done, he asked -numerous questions about the conditions in Turkey, and was very -solicitous about the activities of the Government, and their relation to -the diplomatic situation in Constantinople. It was a very curious -experience to sit with one of the Oriental potentates on an absolutely -equal footing, and to hear him talk about commercial and political -affairs in perfectly good English, and in a business vernacular. - -The day after I exchanged calls with the Khedive I had a very -interesting visit from his brother, Ali Mehemmid, who called on me, and -we talked for two hours. He proved to be a thoroughly chauvinistic -Oriental, even assuring me that he had remained single because he -wanted absolute freedom in his political moves. He had travelled a great -deal, and his pride and patriotism were deeply wounded by the fact that -Egypt had to submit to British protection. Under the pressure of my -questions, he admitted that the Egyptians had greatly benefited by -British rule, but he claimed that these benefits were more than -counterbalanced by the evils which the European customs and schools had -introduced into his country. He felt that the schools depraved the -Egyptian children, and that the Egyptian women had been much happier -before they read European novels and became slaves of the modes. He -admitted that the Orientals were imitators, and would eventually have to -find some way of “Orientalizing the Occidental Progress,” which I -thought was a neat way of putting it. He disliked the Union and Progress -Party in Turkey because its members lacked breeding, and experience in -administration. He believed that the Arabs and Turks living in Turkey -would not permit the Constitutional Turks to trade them away in order to -save their five vilayets in and near Europe. I returned Prince -Mehemmid’s visit the next day, and was greatly surprised to see that he -was building an Egyptian palace. He had none but Egyptian workmen, and -was having magnificent wood carvings done right on the premises. He -showed me his stables, and told me he had purchased the best specimens -of pure Arab breed, and was determined, for the sake of Egypt, to -perpetuate the finest breed of Arabian horses. - -During our several days in Cairo we had a number of interesting -experiences, including various meetings with the Jews, which I shall -describe in another chapter. After a visit to the oldest Coptic church, -which was built fourteen hundred years ago on the site of a temple that -stood on a spot where the Arabs first entered Cairo, we went to the -famous Cairo University. Our guide was Arif Pasha, the representative of -the Khedive, who had been a schoolmate of Mr. Schmavonian. He introduced -us to the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who took us to see the pupils. This was a -never-to-be-forgotten sight. Ten thousand pupils were seated on the -floors of the institution, there being no chairs or benches. Squatting -on the ground, which was covered with stones, all of them were intently -listening to readings or explanations by priests and teachers, all of -them obviously very poor, and all equally sincere and earnest. The -scholars were from many lands and races--from India, all parts of Turkey -and the provinces, Abyssinia, even negroes from Somaliland. I have never -seen so many people apparently so insatiable for knowledge, and so -tremendously absorbed in acquiring it amid such squalid conditions. They -seemed perfectly content, and, yet, I was told, they live on next to -nothing. Each receives at the beginning of the week a certain number of -flexible pieces of bread, and they have to divide them up themselves so -that they will last for the succeeding seven days. They sleep on -miserable cots, four and five in one room. - -At last came our luncheon with Lord Kitchener. Even at this private -luncheon I could foresee that the question of precedence was bound to -present itself, and I was interested to learn how he was going to -circumvent it. When we arrived, I was very much amused at the ingenuity -he had displayed in evading it. In his dining room he had had two -separate tables set, at one of which he presided with Mrs. Morgenthau at -his right, and at the other of which his sister presided, and I sat at -her right. After luncheon, he took us through some of the rooms, and -showed us his wonderful collection of Russian ikons, describing how he -had gathered them, and drawing our attention to those that were -especially attractive. Then he took me into a small room, closed the -door, and we had an intimate lengthy conversation. He had profound -reasons for being intensely interested in the personalities and -ambitions of the new Young Turk Government in Constantinople, and he -evidently intended to take full advantage of my freshly acquired -knowledge, for he practically put me on the witness stand on this -subject, and indulged in a very thorough cross examination. - -With Egypt nominally a protectorate of Turkey, and in view of Great -Britain’s interest in Egypt, it was enormously important for Kitchener -to get at the actual facts of what was going on at the capital of -Turkey. He could not understand how Said Halim, who was the cousin of -the Khedive and was wedded to an Egyptian princess, was permitting these -Young Turks to use him as a figure-head, and allowing them to encroach -upon his prerogatives as Grand Vizier. Kitchener told me that he knew -all about the Sultan, and realized how impotent he was to exert any -influence, or to assume any real authority; that he had expected that -Said Halim would be the real power in Turkey, but that his present -information was that Talaat and his Committee of Union and Progress were -developing into the real authority. He was especially anxious to know -all about Enver. He was surprised that a man like Enver who had never -won a battle and was only a revolutionist, and not a soldier, should be -raised from the rank of major to be Minister of War, because, in Turkey, -the Minister of War was really the head of the army. Kitchener also -asked me what the true condition of the Turkish army was, and whether -his information was correct that Turkey was rapidly disintegrating. He -thought that these inexperienced men would never be able to master the -situation, and re-assert their authority over lost territories. He was -anxious to know the attitude of the foreign ambassadors toward the Young -Turks--how they treated them--and whether they mixed with them -socially; and he was astonished when I told him that the German -Ambassador was the only one who had any real contact with, and influence -over, the Young Turks. - -I answered all his questions as fully as I could with propriety, and -then, in turn, began to ply him with questions of my own. I asked him -whether he was satisfied with England’s progress in Egypt. In reply, he -went into a very elaborate and interesting explanation of Great -Britain’s colonial policy, and explained his conception of empire -building. He pointed out the definite continuity that had existed in -Great Britain’s growth, and how essential it was for her to make secure -the avenues of approach for her commerce from England to India. He -expressed the opinion that the English--both by reason of their flexible -character, their equitable system of administering justice, their -willingness to preserve established customs and respect for religious -institutions, and their long experience in such enterprises--were the -best equipped of all peoples for colonial administration. He told me -about some of his experiences in developing the Soudan; and in his -description of this work, and of the work of the British Empire builders -in other parts of the world, he talked of the Colonies in the same -manner, and from much the same viewpoint, as I had been accustomed to -hear among business men in New York who were developing some big -business combination or trust. - -I left Lord Kitchener with an impression of a man of sound business and -political sense, powerful force of will, and an intense patriotism. - -When we bade farewell to Cairo, we passed again through the Khedivial -Entrance, and again entered the Khedive’s private car, which sped us -part of the way along the Suez Canal to Port Said. We spent an hour -inspecting the Canal at its mouth and the DeLesseps monument, and then -boarded the steamer which was to carry us to Jaffa on the coast of -Palestine. It was on this steamer that we had the good fortune to meet -Viscount Bryce and his wife. This meeting was the beginning of a -friendship which I valued most highly. On this trip I first had occasion -to observe his method of obtaining information, which doubtless accounts -for a part of his remarkable equipment as an historian. He was quite the -greatest living questioner that I have ever met. He had developed cross -examination to a fine art of picking men’s brains. Most other men gather -their information from books. It was a joy to be permitted to attend his -séances with people who possessed information. He first put them -completely at ease by ascertaining what subjects they were thoroughly -posted on, and then, with a beneficent suavity, he made them willing -contributors to his own unlimited store of knowledge. His thirst for -facts was unquenchable. Question followed question almost like the -report of shots fired from a machine gun. By this process, I have seen -him rifle every recess of the minds of men like Schmavonian, who was a -storehouse of Turkish history, custom, and tradition, and of Dr. -Franklin E. Hoskins, who is a profound scholar in Bible history. His -method was physically exhausting to his victims, and in the hands of a -less delightful personality would have been intolerable. But Lord Bryce -was as charming as he was inquisitive, and more than that, he gave out -of his vast erudition as freely as he received. - -The morning after my first cross examination at his hands we arrived at -Jaffa and proceeded on our tour through Palestine. - -After the customary visits to the shrines of the Christians and the Jews -and the Moslems (whose interest and significance were doubled by the -eloquence and learning of Dr. Hoskins and Mr. Schmavonian), we proceeded -northward toward Nabulus and Damascus. On our way thither we made a -side trip westward to witness the Samaritan Easter sacrifice on Mount -Gerizim. These Samaritans are one of the most interesting surviving -remnants of antiquity in the world. They have scrupulously refrained -from marrying outside their tribe, and have retained unchanged the -customs which their lineal ancestors observed in the remotest Biblical -times, antedating the Christian Era by many centuries. The total -population in March, 1919, was only one hundred and forty-one. During -Easter week they dwell in about twenty camps, living the life of their -ancestors, and worshipping God in accordance with customs nearly four -thousand years old. Each year at Easter-tide they ascend Mount Gerizim -which they claim is the original Mount Moriah, to perform the ancient -sacrifices after the manner, and as they claim, on the spot where -Abraham performed them at the time when he offered to sacrifice Isaac. -When we reached their encampment on Mount Gerizim, we called on the High -Priest, Jacob-ben-Aaron who, after we had paid our respects, asked us if -we wished to go over the grounds, and have the various things explained -to us. He was too old to accompany us, and consequently requested two -senior priests to act in his stead. They showed us the ruins of the -Temple which Abraham had erected, the spot where he had suddenly -discovered the ram who saved Isaac from the sacrifice, and the altar -where the ancient sacrifices took place. - -Just before sundown, the Samaritans gathered and began the services -which were to last all through the night. They began with prayer and -song, which were kept up for more than an hour until the sun had set. -They then killed seven beautiful white lambs, and put them into a great -hole in the ground, in which fires had been burning for a week. This was -in accordance with the law which prescribes that no flames shall touch -the meat of sacrifice. So the fires were removed before the carcasses -were placed in the pits and covered with earth, after which the intense -heat of the ground accomplished the necessary roasting. The Samaritans -then resumed their prayers and singing, which by alternating, they kept -up unbroken until a quarter to twelve, midnight. In the meantime, we -occupied our two tents which had been erected by the American colony at -Jerusalem for our use--one of the tents for repose, and the other a -dining room where we took our evening meal. Some of the ladies wrapped -themselves in rugs and went to sleep on steamer chairs, and the girls -sat about chatting, while Doctors Bliss and Hoskins and I visited the -different tents of the Samaritans, and had long talks with the High -Priest and other priests. The High Priest explained to us that the -material condition of the tribes was very bad. The Arabs disliked them -and barely tolerated them. He, himself, was supposed to live on a tithe -of the income of the tribe, but he said that this amount would not -suffice to keep him for more than one month of the twelve, so that -although he was more than seventy-four years of age, he used most of his -time in copying the Pentateuch in Samaritan, and selling it whenever he -could. Upon this hint, I bought a copy. - -One of the tents was reserved for the unclean women. They are not -permitted to partake of the holy meat, but in return they are allowed -certain liberties. They had an Arab servant who was dancing for them -while they were beating time with their hands. - -In another tent we visited there was a sick man who was being looked -after by a doctor. It was a very queer sight. The moon was shining -brightly and you could see the men and women sitting around and visiting -one another, all anxiously awaiting the division of the lambs. The High -Priest excused himself for not having provided one lamb for us, but he -had not anticipated that we would remain there until midnight. Of -course, he said, as we were not Samaritans, he could not offer us any of -the sacrificial meat. - -About midnight, the lambs were brought out and there were seven groups, -and to each group was given a lamb, and they divided it with their hands -and ate it with their fingers--no knife, fork, or any other implement -being used. A great many of the men took large chunks of the meat to -their tents, where the women and children were waiting. They ate it -ravenously, as the law prescribes. - -It was indeed a strange and interesting experience. Here, on a fine -moonlight night, on a lonely mountain in distant Palestine, was a little -tribe of people carrying out without affectation the customs which their -ancestors had observed unbroken for thousands of years, still dressed in -the same garb, speaking the same language, and conducting themselves in -the same manner as the shepherd folk of the time of Abraham. - -A member of our party, Mr. Richard Whiting, took a number of remarkable -flash-light photographs of the ceremonies, a complete series of -reproductions of which was published in the _National Geographic -Magazine_ some years ago. Shortly after midnight our party started -homeward. Most of them were afraid to trust themselves in the dark on -the horses and donkeys, and so they walked. Lord Bryce and I stuck to -our horses, and it was a curious sight to see our little caravan wending -its way toward the hotel in the darkness of the middle of the night--I -with my Samaritan manuscript, and my daughter with one of the knives -used for the sacrifice, which had been presented to her by one of the -Samaritans. - -The headquarters from which we had made our excursion to Mount Gerizim -was the city of Nabulus. From this same headquarters we made another -excursion to Sebastiyeh, the old Samaritan capital of the ten tribes of -Judea. Here was the spot where the Assyrians besieged the Jews for three -years, and then, in turn, were driven out by Alexander the Great. The -ruins had Jewish foundations and superstructures erected by the Romans -under Herod. - -These two plunges into remote antiquity suggested to my imagination the -reply which I made to the Governor of Nabulus when he called one day in -great excitement to say that he had just been notified that Talaat had -telegraphed from Constantinople to ask whether we were satisfied with -our progress and receptions. The Governor was very anxious to know what -he could do for me, and asked whether I preferred a dinner or some other -form of entertainment. I replied that I had had so many Turkish dinners, -and so many formal receptions, and asked if he would not arrange an -Arabian night. The allusion evidently meant nothing to him, for I had to -explain that I wanted to witness exactly how the Arabs spent their -evenings, and suggested to him that this could be done if he would -collect a group of important men of the town at some place where they -were accustomed to gather, and permit me and a few of my friends to sit -in with them as silent observers. The Governor caught the spirit of my -request, and arranged for the entertainment. At eight-thirty the -following evening he and a number of his officials called for us (Lord -Bryce, Doctors Bliss and Hoskins, Messrs. Peet, Schmavonian, and -myself), and led us through the winding darkness of the streets of a -real Arabian town. - -The Chief of Police and three of his assistants headed our procession. -Each was carrying a table lamp instead of the ordinary lantern. Then I -followed, with the Governor of Nabulus on one side and Viscount Bryce on -the other, and behind us, the rest of our party, Mahmoud Tewfik Hamid, -the recently elected Deputy of the District, and other prominent Arabs. - -As we walked through the dark, narrow little streets bending in every -direction, we saw here and there a shoemaker at his work, and a few -fruit shops still tempting the few passers-by with their wares. The air -we breathed was laden with a pleasing Oriental aroma. At last, we -unexpectedly found ourselves in a large square courtyard, in the centre -of which was a fountain playing. From this courtyard we were ushered -into an illuminated room about thirty feet square and twenty feet high. -Marble divans ran around the sides of this room, covered with beautiful -rugs. In the centre were numerous lamps of various kinds, and the walls -were hung with rugs. On the divans sat, cross-legged, twenty-four of the -most prominent Arabs of the city, smoking, drinking coffee, sipping -lemonade, and carrying on an animated conversation. Through the guide, a -nephew of the Governor, I requested them to continue their discussions, -and to disregard our presence. The guide, in the meantime, informed us -as to the pedigree and identity of the Arabs present. - -Doctor Bliss interpreted for me. The Arabs were discussing the expected -completion of a railroad line to Nabulus, and the effect it would have -upon the exports of soap, which was the principal product of the city. -They were pleased to know that they could make up larger packages than -could be carried by the camels, which were the only means of transport -at the moment, and they were figuring out the economy of this -innovation. After concluding their discussion, they turned to us and -acted as our hosts. They spoke with great pride of their lineage. They -looked, indeed, with their intelligent faces and dignified bearing, like -men bred of good stock. One of them told me that he had positive -evidence at home that his family had lived in Nabulus for more than -five hundred years, and another one traced his lineage back to the -prophet Mohammed. - -The scene reminded me of the “Thousand and One Arabian Nights.” Two sons -and two nephews of Ismail Agha Nimr, the owner of the house, were -continually flitting about, serving cigarettes, syrup, tea, and coffee. -Nothing could have been more gracious or hospitable than their manner -toward us. - -Our homeward walk was made under the full moon, and was as picturesque -as had been the one earlier in the evening. Unconsciously, I could not -keep from expecting genii to jump out at me from one of the little doors -of the native houses. - -From Tiberias, our route led us to Damascus, where we spent several days -exploring this most ancient of cities, and the beautiful surrounding -country, and visiting the very attractive ruins at Balbek. Thence, we -went to Beirut where the Syrian Protestant College is located--one of -the finest American institutions in the Near East. Here we visited a -very interesting Jewish settlement also. We then journeyed to Mersine, -Adena, Tarsus, and Rhodes, returning to Constantinople on May 1st. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE CAMPAIGN OF 1916 - - -In January, 1916, I applied to the State Department for a leave of -absence, so that I might pay a visit to the United States, which I had -not seen for more than two years. I had begun to feel the effects of the -nervous strain of my labours to avert the terrible fate of the Armenians -and Jews. These labours, and my experiences with German diplomatic -intrigue in Constantinople during the war, have already been described -in my earlier book, published in 1918 under the title, “Ambassador -Morgenthau’s Story,” to which I must refer any of my readers who are -interested to pursue my Turkish experiences further. - -I spent the first few days after my return to the United States with my -old political friends in Washington, and I was shocked at the prevailing -political atmosphere. Not one of the numerous men high in the -Administration with whom I talked had the slightest hope that President -Wilson could be reëlected that fall. They were all convinced that, as -the breach in the Republican Party had been healed, our political -opponents were prepared to present a united front and were determined to -win; and that, on the other hand, the Administration had made so many -enemies in the preceding three years that the President’s defeat in -November was a foregone conclusion. Tammany had received no -consideration at his hands, and was very bitter; and hence there was -little likelihood of our carrying New York. “Organization leaders,” -otherwise the bosses, generally, had been ignored, and the party -machinery was rusty from disuse, where it was not actually broken down -by dissension. William G. McAdoo told me frankly of his intention -shortly to resign from the Cabinet and return to private business. -Josephus Daniels spoke hopelessly of the political outlook. Frank L. -Polk and Franklin D. Roosevelt gave me the same picture of party -dissension, apathy, and despair. Even Senator James A. O’Gorman of New -York, whom I had known for many years as a man of native optimism and -Irish courage, said to me: “Henry, it is sheer insanity to talk of -reëlecting President Wilson. He hasn’t a ghost of a chance. I am -convinced that the Democratic Party will be buried under a Republican -landslide this fall.” But after listening to my enthusiastic arguments -to prove that the President simply must be reëlected and that we could -convince the country of this necessity, he shared my conviction. He -said: “Henry, if I had had your viewpoint on this matter earlier, I -would have modified my attitude. But I have gone too far now: with my -record behind me, I cannot make a fight for reëlection as Senator.” - -My conversation with these men shocked me, but did not depress me. It -aroused my fighting spirit. To my mind, the reëlection of President -Wilson offered not merely an opportunity for partisan advantage, but I -felt profoundly that the condition of international affairs made it a -vital necessity to our safety as a nation, and to the cause of humanity -the world over, because the rest of the world was looking to Mr. Wilson -to be ultimately the man who should bring about peace. I pointed out to -my friends the force of these arguments, and the folly, from our -national point of view, of changing Administrations at such a critical -juncture in our history. If a Republican were elected in November, Mr. -Wilson’s hands would practically be tied for the remaining four months -of his Administration, while the President-Elect would be equally -impotent to take effective measures to safeguard our interests in -international affairs. - -I stressed the need to arouse the party from its lethargy, and to begin -at once a powerful and nation-wide campaign to reëlect the President. -The Cabinet officers at Washington responded to the enthusiasm which I -poured into this enterprise, and I soon had some members of the National -Committee awake and actively coöperating. At a conference with Mr. -Burleson, I discovered that the Congressional Campaign Committee had -done nothing. He sent for Mr. Doremus of Michigan, whose duty it was to -launch this Congressional campaign. He painted a gloomy picture of the -outlook for the Congressional elections. “We have no money to help the -boys make their fights for reëlection, and we have no one to whom we can -go and get it. Many of them are thoroughly discouraged, and see no use -in trying to do anything for the party, so they are just waiting for the -end and planning to go back into private life.” I asked Mr. Doremus: -“What is the minimum amount necessary to start vigorous work for their -reëlection? I don’t want to know how much you want, but how little you -can possibly get along with.” He named a modest figure, but declared -that even this was impossible to raise. I promptly under-wrote it -personally, and he went to work eagerly; and he afterward reported to me -that this action greatly changed the attitude of the Congressmen when -they realized that help was at hand to make a real fight for the -election. It practically created several hundred active campaign -managers at a stroke. - -I then returned to New York, and on my own responsibility, leased -national headquarters at No. 30 East Forty-second Street, signing the -lease in my own name, after I had shown the rooms to Colonel House and -Charles R. Crane, who approved my selection. I bought and rented -furniture, typewriters, and other supplies, and got everything in shape -so that the moment the approaching Convention was over, and the new -Campaign Committee named, they would find the tools for their work ready -to hand, and could go on the job without the delay we had experienced in -1912. - -In view of the hopelessness which I had found among the party leaders, -and in view of the very narrow margin by which Mr. Hughes was defeated -the following November, I take pride in the consciousness that my -activities were one of the necessary factors that led to Mr. Wilson’s -reëlection in 1916. - -I shall return later in this article to other dramatic incidents of that -campaign, including some of the exciting events of Election Night that -are not generally known. - -Meanwhile, in addition to the negative difficulties of apathy and -despair, there were numerous positive troubles that needed immediate -attention. I shall describe one of these problems in which I was called -upon to take a hand personally in straightening it out. It concerned the -appointment of a Postmaster for New York City. Here was a dangerous -political situation. The late John Purroy Mitchel was then Mayor of New -York City, and was making a splendid record. His presence in that -position was of course a standing annoyance to Tammany Hall, which he -had fought all his life. Tammany was already irritated enough at the -Administration, because of President Wilson’s unbending opposition. Some -of the party managers in the Administration at Washington had thought to -placate Tammany by a tardy recognition of the “Wigwam” in the shape of -an appointment of a Postmaster agreeable to Murphy. Postmaster General -Burleson had manipulated this arrangement, and when I arrived in -Washington, I found that the appointment of a Tammany man to be -Postmaster had proceeded so far that the commission was on President -Wilson’s desk for him to sign. The man to be named was Joseph Johnson, -who was an intimate associate of Murphy’s, and who had done some very -aggressive publicity work for Tammany Hall. Murphy had had him appointed -Fire Commissioner of New York under Mayor Gaynor, and Mayor Mitchel had -displaced him when he succeeded Gaynor. In retaliation, Johnson had -taken great pleasure in spreading political propaganda adverse to -Mitchel, so that there was an intense political feud between the two -men. I realized that Johnson’s appointment as Postmaster would deeply -offend the better element of the Democrats in New York, and would cause -such dissension as probably to result in our losing the state and -national election. I knew, too (and this was perhaps of even greater -importance), that Johnson’s appointment would be so repugnant to the New -York _World_ that this brilliant champion of President Wilson and his -policies would be disgusted and would lose the fine enthusiasm that made -its support so effective. I therefore went to the White House, and -called upon President Wilson. - -I presented my arguments against Johnson’s selection with all the force -of which I was capable, but found that the President took only a languid -interest in my attempt to re-open a subject which he considered closed. -The nearest approach to rousing him which I achieved, was when I pointed -out to the President that Johnson’s appointment would alienate John -Purroy Mitchel. He thereupon flashed out with, “Mitchel is no help to us -anyway.” I then realized the President’s deep irritation at Mitchel’s -active campaign for military preparedness, which he had pushed so -vigorously that it amounted, on the one hand, to a threat that he would -leave the party if a preparedness programme were not undertaken, and on -the other, to a serious embarrassment of the President’s carefully -considered foreign policy. The President finally tried to dismiss the -subject by saying that I had come too late, that Burleson had arranged -the whole matter, and that the commission was on his desk for signature. -I then asked him as a personal favour not to sign the commission for a -few days, and to this he consented. - -I then made a call upon the Postmaster General. Mr. Burleson evidently -misjudged the temper of my resolution. In our association in the -campaign of 1912 he had never seen me thoroughly aroused, and did not -realize that I was so now. He argued the matter in a soothing manner, -and at length made me the astounding proposal, not only that I should -assent to the nomination of Johnson, but that I should write a letter to -the President commending it. I evidently astonished the General with the -vigour of my reply. I informed him emphatically that I would not write -such a letter, and practically challenged him to see which of us would -have the final say regarding the nomination. - -I next sought Colonel House to get his advice and coöperation. I got -only the advice--and a glimpse into the true nature of his relationship -with the President. He told me that it was his custom to present freely -to the President his views upon questions of the moment, but that he -believed that it was the President’s duty to decide, and that once the -President had expressed an opinion, it was not proper for him to argue -the matter with him. - -I did not accept Colonel House’s advice. I was confident that my -judgment of the Johnson appointment was sound, and I felt no hesitation -in renewing my effort to convince Mr. Wilson. I returned to the White -House, and resumed my argument. I pointed out to the President the -danger of losing the enthusiasm of the New York _World_ and the extreme -importance of carrying New York in the fall election, and the -embarrassment which Johnson would cause us in that effort. “Do you mean -to say,” demanded the President, “that if I appoint Johnson Postmaster, -it will cost us New York in November?” - -I understood the President’s psychology well enough not to answer with a -direct affirmative. If I had said “Yes,” the Scotch-Irish in him would -have instantly replied, “Then, I don’t care if we do lose it.” Worse -yet, he would have doubted my own loyalty and fighting spirit. I -replied, therefore, somewhat less directly. Recalling Mr. Wilson’s -enthusiasm for golf, I said: “No, Mr. President, I do not mean that. -What I do mean is that you will put an enormous bunker in our way and it -will require great skill for us to get over it.” This answer pleased -him, and we continued the discussion. “Whom else could I name?” he asked -me. I answered truthfully that I had no candidate; and that I was -concerned only to prevent Johnson’s selection, and had not the slightest -objection to his selecting a good Tammanyite for the position. I added -that two Tammany men occurred to me as being unobjectionable, State -Senator Robert E. Wagner, or Assemblyman Alfred E. Smith. - -The President finally agreed not to appoint Johnson, and several days -later, telegraphed me in New York, asking me to offer the position to -Senator Wagner. I did so, and almost persuaded him to accept it, with -his proviso that he should get Murphy’s consent. This he failed to -obtain, so that for the rest of the year the Republican incumbent -continued to hold the office. Tammany would not have been placated -anyway by this one sop thrown to them at the last minute, and, on the -other hand, I had the satisfaction of preventing the defection of -Mitchel and the weakening of the New York _World’s_ support. - -President Wilson was re-nominated unanimously at the Convention at St. -Louis in July. The next question was to name the Chairman of the -Campaign Committee so that we could proceed at once to vigorous action. -I was suggested for the position, and I promptly refused to consider it, -pointing out that my antagonism to Tammany would certainly cause the -organization in New York to resent my appointment. The various state -organization leaders were already irritated enough over the lack of -consideration that they had received throughout the Wilson -Administration. Some of them were determined to revolt unless a chairman -should be named from the recognized party workers of the National -Committee. The President has the right to name the man who shall manage -his campaign for reëlection, and his advisers were distinctly worried -over the attitude of the organization leaders. I was asked to suggest -someone to act as Treasurer of the Campaign Committee, and I mentioned -Vance McCormick of Pennsylvania. This probably suggested a solution of -the difficulty, and the President shortly afterward named McCormick -chairman of the Campaign Committee. As McCormick was a regular party -leader, and was besides very popular, there could be no objection to -this choice. It proved indeed a very happy one. All who know McCormick -personally are unanimous in their appreciation of his high character and -of his utterly charming personality. He is a most unusual mixture of -forcefulness and sweetness of spirit. His selection was an ideal one. -The concord which prevailed at Democratic headquarters throughout the -campaign of 1916 was in pleasing contrast to the fretful bickerings of -1912, and this difference was due chiefly to McCormick’s influence. - -I devoted myself, as I had in 1912, chiefly to the financial side of the -campaign. This time I had powerful assistance. Thomas L. Chadbourne, -Jr., and Bernard M. Baruch were particularly valuable allies. I had only -to suggest, to one or the other, where I thought they might find some -prosperous and as yet untaxed Democrat, to have him eagerly exclaim, -“I’ll get him,” and neither of them ever failed to make good his boast. -Some gave cheerfully out of their abundance, as did Edward L. Doheny, -whom I personally solicited and who contributed $50,000, which he later -got back, and a quarter of a million more, by taking a sporting chance -on a close election and betting heavily on Wilson’s success. Others gave -equally greatly out of meagre resources. Of these, the most touching was -the gift from the late Franklin K. Lane, who had saved up a thousand -dollars in the preceding six months and gave it out of the fulness of -his patriotism and his personal affection for the President. - -Perhaps the most amusing episode of our campaign for party finances was -our experience with Henry Ford. One of our plans called for an extensive -campaign of newspaper advertising, which would require a large sum of -money. Someone suggested that Mr. Ford, in view of his interest in world -peace and in President Wilson’s peace record, might be willing to supply -the funds. After some correspondence, Ford agreed to meet Vance -McCormick in New York, and in August, 1916, they met at luncheon in -McCormick’s rooms at the Biltmore Hotel. The luncheon party consisted of -Ford, McCormick, Thos. A. Edison, and Josephus Daniels. All four men are -well known for their temperance proclivities, and doubtless they lived -up, on this occasion, to their professions and their usual practices. It -must have been either the intoxication of political ideas, or the -effervescence of youthful spirits which prompted them after luncheon to -dispense temporarily with the serious business in hand, and enter into a -lively competition in high kicking in the sitting room of the suite in -friendly but vigorous rivalry to see which could first kick the -chandelier. None of them reached this goal, but Henry Ford, who started -his business life by repairing bicycles, set a new world’s record by -topping the other three several inches in this pedal competition. To -make sure that my memory of this event was correct, I wrote to Vance -McCormick for verification. His reply is worth repeating: - - DEAR UNCLE HENRY: - - Your recollection of the Ford-Edison luncheon was in general - correct. The luncheon was held in my sitting-room in the Biltmore - and the invitation was arranged through Secretary Daniels who was - present at the luncheon with Mr. Ford and Mr. Edison. As I - remember, John Burroughs was also present. I will have to confirm - that, however, through the newspaper accounts of the luncheon.... - - During the luncheon, as I remember it, the principal topic of - discussion was the question of the best diet for an active man to - produce the greatest results and extend one’s life to a ripe old - age. Mr. Edison started the discussion by stating that he lived - principally on hot milk and bread. This lead to a general - discussion, but the principal debaters were Mr. Edison and Mr. - Ford, each advocating his own diet. Finally the debate waxed so - warm that a demonstration of athletic ability was proposed and I - think it was Mr. Ford who stated that he could kick higher than Mr. - Edison, whereupon as we left the table a high kicking contest was - indulged in and the marks made upon the wall, and my recollection - is that Mr. Ford was the highest kicker although, I believe, the - contest was a close one. - - The lunch party was a most enjoyable affair and carried off more in - the spirit of schoolboys than that of statesmen and geniuses.... - - With kindest regards, I am - -Very sincerely yours, -(Signed) VANCE C. MCCORMICK. - - - -This expansion of movement on Ford’s part, however, suffered a severe -contraction when the subject of finances was resumed. He interposed -objections to every argument that was made for his contribution to the -advertising campaign. He objected to giving money for political -purposes, because he had heard so much about improper expenditures, and -he was afraid that some of his money might go that way. He stood firm in -that position even after it was pointed out to him that advertising -rates were easily determined, and the expenditures could be checked. - -Exhausted by their efforts to pin Ford down to a definite proposal, -McCormick and Daniels brought him over to Democratic headquarters, -introduced him to me, and, as McCormick expressed it, left him to my -tender mercies. I re-argued the points they had covered, and found out -Ford’s real position. He would contribute, but he wanted terms that -would advertise himself and his cars. The advertisements, when -published, must be in the form of a statement of Ford’s personal views -on the campaign, and must bear his signature. In addition, as -compensation, we were to guarantee him the privilege of calling upon the -President, so that he might lay before him the plan which he -contemplated of adding the women in his employ to the men who were -already benefitting by the minimum wage of $5 a day. He wanted the -President, he said, to get the credit for advising him to make this -arrangement. No doubt, he was even more anxious to get the publicity -that would come from making the announcement after the visit. - -We accepted Ford’s proposition, but he drove a hard bargain, for, after -all, his contribution was a small one, and absurdly disproportionate to -his means and to his professions of interest in the election. - -One minor incident of the campaign had a significant bearing on the -subsequent career of Senator Carter Glass of Virginia. President Wilson -asked me to see Mr. Glass and persuade him to accept the position of -secretary of the Democratic National Committee. He gave no reason for -this request, and I had considerable difficulty with Mr. Glass, who -shied away from the suggestion. I assured him that we did not expect him -to perform any routine duties. We wished him to accept the post only so -that we might have him at hand to consult upon questions of campaign -strategy as they arose. He finally consented. From subsequent -developments, it was evident that Mr. Wilson even then had Mr. Glass in -mind for higher honours, and wished to use this means of bringing him -more prominently before the general public, so that he would be more -readily accepted by national opinion when the day came for an -appointment. - -We realized that the election at best was going to be a very close one. -We felt reasonably sure that the disaffection of Tammany in New York, -and of the Roger Sullivan organization in Illinois, would cost us those -two states. We had to make up their expected loss in other directions, -and for this reason we concentrated on Ohio and the states of the -Pacific Coast. I was very much astonished when Mr. Elbert H. Baker, the -proprietor of the Cleveland _Plain Dealer_, came into headquarters one -day and assured us that we would carry Ohio by 75,000 votes. I had no -such hopes, and regarded Mr. Baker as a well-meaning enthusiast. Some -days later, however, in conversation with Secretary of War Newton D. -Baker, he assured me that his namesake was not far wrong in his -estimate. Both were subsequently justified by events, as Ohio gave -President Wilson 90,000 more votes than Mr. Hughes. - -One of the most useful individual contributions to our ultimate success -in the Pacific Coast states was the vigorous campaign waged in the West -by Mr. Bainbridge Colby on his own initiative. Mr. Colby, it will be -recalled, had been a Republican, but in 1916 he was attracted by the -progressive character of Woodrow Wilson. He therefore aligned himself as -a member of the Democratic Party, and became one of President Wilson’s -most ardent supporters. His services were of the greatest value. - -Despite our anxieties, we came to Election Day with hopes so high that -they amounted to complete confidence in the result. So sure was I of the -outcome, that I invited as many of my political friends as remained in -New York (most of the National Committeemen had gone to their homes to -vote) to join me at a dinner at the Biltmore on Election Night, November -6th. We arranged to receive the returns at the table, and planned that -the occasion should be one of progressive jubilation. - -When the dinner began, we were a happy party. Mrs. McAdoo’s vivacity was -the keynote of an evening full of jest and laughter, and of confident -anticipation of victory and four years more of Democratic control of -National policies. Everything went merrily until about nine o’clock, -when unfavourable returns began to filter in, and gloom began to settle -on the assembly. Nervousness gave way to consternation when, about ten -o’clock, we received word that the New York _Times_ and the New York -_World_ had flashed their beacon lights to announce that the Republicans -had won. Mr. McAdoo sank deep in his chair, the picture of dejection. -Mrs. McAdoo’s vivacity and appetite fled together. They excused -themselves comparatively early, and departed. Our dinner soon became, -what it was afterward aptly called, a “Belshazzar’s Feast.” The party -broke up, and those of us who had been active in the campaign, headed by -Vance McCormick, hurried back to headquarters on Forty-second Street. -The news from New Hampshire, Minnesota, and California was especially -encouraging. We resolved that, whatever else happened, this should not -be another Tilden-Hayes defeat. We sent for Attorney General Gregory, -and at our request, he telephoned to United States District Attorney -Anderson in Boston, ordering him to send deputies at once into New -Hampshire, to see that no violations of the election laws were -permitted, and especially to guard against the reported intimidation of -election officials preparing their returns. - -The newspaper reporters were flitting back and forth between our -headquarters and the Republicans, and we got from them a report that -financial men were gathering in the headquarters of the enemy, and were -raising an enormous fund to affect the returns from the West. We used -the reporters to carry an ultimatum to the Republicans. We reminded them -that we had control of the Federal legal machinery, warned them that we -had already put the United States authorities in all doubtful states on -the watch, and assured them that if the proposed fund were raised, it -could only be for illegal purposes, and that if this effort were not -instantly stopped, the whole crowd would find themselves in jail on the -following morning. If they seriously contemplated such action, this -threat was effective to stop it, and no effort was made by the -Republicans to use funds improperly. - -We then concentrated our attention upon California. Within an hour had -secured a through telegraph wire to Democratic headquarters in San -Francisco and arranged that every precaution be taken to secure a fair -count throughout the state. - -We kept a close watch also on Minnesota, where, if we had needed it, I -have always been convinced a recount would have given us a majority that -would have made the loss of California a matter of no moment. We all -spent the entire night at headquarters, my son going out at three -o’clock in the morning to bring us in hot rolls and coffee. At six -o’clock in the morning, our collars wilted, our dress shirts soiled, and -looking generally bedraggled, we took taxis to our several residences to -refresh ourselves with bath and breakfast, and to change into business -garments. By eight o’clock everyone was back at headquarters, and we -worked through that entire day and until midnight without sleep. Our -reward was the final assurance of victory. - -Woodrow Wilson was again President of the United States. The nation -could count upon an uninterrupted and consistent policy through the -critical winter of 1916-1917, and the world was the gainer by the -exalted leadership and sustained nobility of policy which marked our -reluctant, but high-minded, entrance into the World War, and its -progress to a victorious conclusion. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -MY MEETINGS WITH JOFFRE, HAIG, CURRIE, AND PERSHING - - -Just one week after the United States entered the war, President Wilson -invited twenty-four men from all parts of the country to meet in -Washington on April 21, 1917, to consider means of financing the -American Red Cross. As I was one of the group, I came to Washington a -day earlier, and a few of us met at dinner. Of the guests that I can now -recall there were Charles D. Norton, Cornelius N. Bliss, Jr., Cleveland -H. Dodge, Vance McCormick, and Eliot Wadsworth. We all agreed that the -funds should be raised by a nation-wide popular subscription. The -impression of all those present, with the exception of myself, was that -about five, or at the most ten, millions could be raised for this -purpose. I vigorously contested this point of view, and suggested that -the minimum sum that we should start out to raise was fifty million -dollars. I outlined the terrific needs, not only in this country, but -also in Europe, for help of this kind. None of them agreed with me that -as large a sum as fifty millions could be secured, and they finally -said: “If you feel this way about it, you propose it at the full -committee meeting to-morrow.” - -The next day, when the committee was in session, I made the proposition -and was astonished that none of those present at first grasped the idea -that the American people could be induced to subscribe fifty million -dollars. I then spoke a second time and told the committee that the -American Jews alone (of whom there were only three million) were then -engaged in raising a fund of ten million dollars for their -co-religionists abroad, and pointing to my friend, Julius Rosenwald, -added: “There is one man in this room who individually obligated himself -to contribute up to one million dollars to that fund. And I have no -doubt there are several other men in this room who could and would -subscribe one million dollars to the Red Cross, to say nothing of the -other patriotic Americans who would do likewise.” - -When our committee finally selected Harry P. Davison, of the firm of J. -P. Morgan & Company, to be chairman, some of them hesitatingly told him -of my suggestion that fifty million dollars be raised, adding that they -thought my proposal was absurd. “You are right,” he said, “Mr. -Morgenthau’s proposal of fifty million dollars is absurd--absurdly -inadequate. At least one hundred million dollars will be required, and -that is the amount we must determine to raise.” - -This was an inspiring example of those qualities of imagination, vision, -and daring, which had made Mr. Davison, while still a young man, one of -the foremost leaders of American finance. His decisive leadership and -fiery energy aroused the enthusiasm of his associates, and put the work -instantly in full swing. - -I suggested that the best way to get our campaign immediately and -dramatically before the public was to obtain a proclamation from the -President commending our plan to the nation. “We have a psychological -opportunity,” I declared, “to reach the pockets of the people through an -appeal to their eager desire to serve. At the most, only a small -percentage of the population, and those the young men, can be active -combatants. But every citizen wants to feel that he is himself enlisted -in the common cause. Active membership in the Red Cross is such an -enlistment, because the Red Cross will be the second line of our army, -inspiriting and heartening the boys.” - -They all agreed, but they feared it would take some time to get such a -proclamation from the President, because he was so very busy, and it -would be hard for him to find time to write it. I thought the -proclamation could be secured by the following morning, and told Mr. -Davison that Secretary Franklin K. Lane was the man in Washington who -could most nearly phrase an idea in the language of the President, and -that if we could get him to write the proclamation for us, I had no -doubt that the President would sign it without substantial change. We -went to Lane’s office, and it was a pleasure to me to introduce these -two able men of such diverse achievements, and to see how promptly each -fell under the spell of the other’s charm of manner. Mr. Lane readily -agreed to draft the proclamation, and promised to have it ready in a day -of two. “We want it in twenty minutes!” I exclaimed. “I will give you -the ideas we want expressed, and you can write it as well in that time -as in as many days.” “All right, go ahead,” he replied, and after a -short discussion, he reached for pen and paper, and within a few minutes -had written the following message to the American people, that thrilled -the country and made easy the path of the Red Cross Campaign. - - Throughout the land the spirit of the American people has been - aroused and an intense desire to render some service that will give - proof of their patriotism is moving every heart. As not more than - one million of our citizens can be utilized to serve in the Army - and Navy of the United States and be given the privilege of risking - their lives on behalf of our beloved country, it is the duty of all - the rest to do something to help those who are at the front. - Sickness and discomforts can only be prevented by the hearty - coöperation of those who remain at home. - - To give every one a chance to share in the defense of our country: - - I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, and President of - the American National Red Cross, do appoint and proclaim that May - 30th, 1917, be dedicated, in addition to our devotion on that day - to those who have heretofore sacrificed their lives on the altars - of our country, as a Red Cross day on which all our citizens should - give, according to the measure of their ability, their money and - their time to the American National Red Cross for the general - purposes of the Society, and especially for the comfort of our - armed forces, the care of those dependent upon them, and the relief - of war sufferers in foreign lands. We must perform this duty - generously and not stintingly. No less than fifty million dollars - should satisfy American pride. - -In a few minutes, his stenographer supplied us with typewritten copies, -and within another hour, Mr. Tumulty, the President’s secretary, with -whom we left the draft, had promised to bring it to Mr. Wilson’s -attention that night. The following morning it was delivered to us, -bearing the President’s signature. The confidence in America’s -generosity was more than justified, as the Red Cross drive brought in -110 million dollars. - -In the following month (May, 1917) I had a curious experience with the -ineptitude that able men sometimes display in public affairs. In that -month a number of gentlemen gathered for the purpose of formulating a -plan for a government-backed campaign to inform the American people more -fully regarding the European situation, our aims in the war, and our -proposed methods of waging the war. This meeting was one of the first -steps taken in the direction which ultimately led to the formation of -the Bureau of Public Information, which performed the dual function of -distributing government war publicity in this country and American war -propaganda abroad. This was a non-partisan gathering, and the following -gentlemen were present: Charles E. Hughes, Thomas L. Chadbourne, Jr., -John Purroy Mitchel, Hon. William R. Willcox, Chairman of the -Republican National Committee, William Hamlin Childs, George W. -Perkins, Frank Munsey, Willard D. Straight, William A. Prendergast, -Robert Adamson, and myself. We had a very interesting discussion, and at -the close, Vance McCormick and I were appointed a committee to submit -the results to the President. That evening, Frank Munsey called me up on -the telephone and after a great panegyric of John Wanamaker, and -enlarging upon his vast experience as an advertiser and publicity man, -and as though he were delivering a nominating speech, suggested Mr. -Wanamaker as War Publicity Director. I curtly answered that he would not -do. He then veered over into a similar and extended eulogy of George W. -Perkins who, he declared, and with some justice, was one of the great -experts in the securing of publicity. I was really taken aback that a -man of Mr. Munsey’s acuteness should suggest to me that I propose one of -these two men, both of whom had so openly and unflinchingly attacked -President Wilson during the recent campaign. I reminded him that Mr. -Wanamaker had paid for lavish advertisements to bring about the defeat -of President Wilson. Then my sense of humour overcame my annoyance: the -very absurdity of his suggestions was irresistibly funny, and I asked -Mr. Munsey why he did not suggest George Harvey as his third choice and -so complete the trinity of Wilson’s strongest opponents in the publicity -line. - -Another episode, as felicitous as this one was inept, occurred in this -same month. The occasion was the reception which New York City gave to -Marshal Joffre, René Viviani, and Arthur J. Balfour, who were visiting -this country as the heads of the French and British mission sent to -express the appreciation of their governments upon our entrance into the -war, and to advise with us upon the best means of making our military -alliance effective. New York City enthusiastically welcomed both its -distinguished guests, and Mayor Mitchel and his Reception Committee -were happy at the opportunity to give these visitors the freedom of the -city. To prevent any possibility of wounded susceptibilities, by seeming -preference of one guest over another, separate ceremonies were arranged -for each. - -At all these ceremonies, including the reception of the men at the dock, -and even at the special dinner given to a select seventy at Sherry’s, -the lead was always given to that great citizen and grand old man of -American private and public life, the late Joseph H. Choate. There never -was any doubt as to who should be selected to match the generations of -culture and statecraft so ably represented by Balfour, the nephew of -Salisbury, the vivid French eloquence so charmingly illustrated by -Viviani, and the French eminence in the art of war which Marshal Joffre, -the hero of the Marne, so adequately typified. Joseph H. Choate was -preëminently the man whom we could proudly call upon; who in his own -person combined all the requisites of social grace, intellectual power, -and international distinction. - -The climax of the entertainments offered our guests was a great dinner -at the Waldorf-Astoria, at which Mr. Choate presided. As I was also a -member of all the committees, and was in addition an ex-Ambassador, I -was constantly at his side. I know of no one, either in my own -experience or in history, who at that advanced age, was his equal in -youthful energy, in ebullition of spirits, in consummate geniality, and -spontaneity of wit; nor any one who so wonderfully combined the learned -lawyer, the able diplomat, and the democratic citizen. He was -universally recognized as the “highest type of living American,” and we -were proud to match him against the world. - -When he made his speech with Joffre, Viviani, and Balfour at his side, -and delivered that famous message to the officials at Washington: “For -God’s sake, hurry up,” and was greeted with the thunderous applause that -followed, he reached the pinnacle of his career. As he stood there -looking at that audience, radiating forth one of his beaming smiles, -full of human sympathy, of hope and faith in America, it thrilled the -audience and gave to the British and French representatives an -unmistakable assurance that America was with them, and would stay with -them to the finish. It was a glorious and most fitting close to Choate’s -great career to be permitted to use his last thoughts and energies, in -his eighty-fourth year, for the welfare of his country. A few days -later, while the effect of his last speech was still penetrating into -the farthest corners of the earth, he passed away, mourned by all. - -In June, 1917, the President asked me to go abroad upon a secret -diplomatic errand, which I am not even yet at liberty to disclose, -further than to say that I learned that what the President hoped for -could not be accomplished, and after a few days I proceeded to Paris. - -This was one of the great hours of history. General Pershing had arrived -with his little staff of officers and a few regiments of American -Regular soldiers. This was America’s first pledge toward the promise of -military aid, which was speedily to be redeemed in terms of two millions -of American troops in France, and final victory in the war. I dined with -Ambassador Sharp; and in his home I met General Pershing, Thomas Nelson -Page, our Ambassador to Italy, and other prominent Americans. I renewed -old acquaintances in the American colony at Paris, and soon learned the -immense significance of the appearance of our soldiers in France. It was -now the middle of July, and only a little earlier the French people had -almost seemed to falter in their struggle. France seemed to have been -bled white by three years of devastating war. Frenchmen were saying -that it was as well to die on their doorsteps as to be led to useless -slaughter at the front. The French Government was making a final -desperate effort to restore the nation’s confidence. Joffre in May had -pleaded at Washington for American troops--“No matter how few you send, -only give us the sight of Americans in uniform on the streets of Paris.” - -I now had the privilege of watching, from the most favourable point of -vantage, a critical test of the national psychology which the French -Government made in July, 1917. With a profound sense of dramatic values, -they had arranged that the American troops should be exhibited to the -French public on their Independence Day, July 14th, as units of a great -patriotic parade. To make sure that they might accurately gauge the -psychological effect, the President’s reviewing stand was placed in -Vincennes, where the people had suffered greatly from the privations of -the war, and where disaffection was rife. I received an invitation to -witness the parade from the President’s reviewing stand, and Ambassador -Sharp, General Pershing, and I were the only Americans so favoured. We -were arranged around President Poincaré, with Monsieur Painlevé, -Minister of War, and others. M. Painlevé afterward told me that he and -the President of the Republic had headed the procession while it was -passing through the poorer quarters of the city, to test the attitude of -the people before they had tasted the enthusiasm which the sight of -troops would naturally arouse, and that they had been encouraged by -receiving everywhere a cordial and even a hearty reception. -Nevertheless, I could plainly see the evidences of nervousness amongst -the French officials--a nervousness which grew more intense as the -military parade approached. It was somewhat relieved as the French -soldiers marched by, and were greeted by the hearty cheers of the -people. It disappeared entirely when our splendid Americans swung past -the reviewing stand. The enthusiasm of the spectators then passed all -bounds. To the French officials this approval of the populace meant -relief from a heart-breaking anxiety: to us Americans who stood with -them it was an occasion for patriotic pride. To see the flag of our -young nation in this old capital of Europe, and behind it those two -thousand splendid examples of our young manhood, so erect in carriage, -and so lithe in motion--their faces so eager and intelligent--their -whole bearing so proudly representative of the millions that were to -follow them, and to see how much their presence meant to rulers and -people alike--all this made a picture that filled us with happiness. The -effect upon the French nation was instantaneous and electrical. From -despair, they changed overnight to fresh hope and confidence. Though -they then only hoped for one third of a million reinforcements within a -year, and little dreamed of the marvel which was actually performed of -bringing two million men speedily to France, they were nevertheless -enthusiastic over the prospect. Responsible Frenchmen urged me to advise -President Wilson to assert himself at once as the leader of the whole -alliance against Germany; and responsible Britons soon afterward added -that they, as well as the French, would welcome a unified control of the -Allies’ political policy with President Wilson in command. I think it -profoundly significant, in view of the later course of events, that the -European nations thus early conceded the necessity that Americans should -lead. - -I was still further informed of the real thoughts of the French -officials when a few days later I dined with Painlevé, who spoke with -deep appreciation of the help which America was beginning now to extend. -He spoke quite freely of the recent disaffection that had come among the -French people after three years of terrible fighting and heavy losses, -and with gratification of the change that had come over public opinion -with the arrival of the American troops. He covered at length the -dangerous situation on the Russian front, the blunder committed at the -beginning of the war in the failure of the Entente fleet properly to -pursue the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_, the capture of which would have -kept Turkey out of the war and spared them the difficult problem of the -Balkans. He discussed also the difficulties of the French in governing -their colonies and dependencies; and, with special significance, he -declared that negotiations for peace with Germany could not be commenced -before the complete evacuation of all the territory then occupied by the -enemy. - -Painlevé was especially solicitous regarding our ability to solve the -problem of transportation of men and munitions to France. He was -concerned over our ability to drill into a real army more than two -hundred and fifty thousand men within a year. He asked eagerly about -President Wilson’s character, especially whether I thought he had the -determination which, now that we had entered the war, would cause him to -see it through with energy. He feared, from the hesitancy that we had -displayed before entering, that we might be planning a lukewarm effort. -He was delighted when I assured him of the iron resolution of President -Wilson, and of the habit of the American people, once aroused, to see a -fight through to the finish. - -In the course of that evening (Saturday), he asked me whether I had -posted myself on the military conditions in France. I told him I had -projected a trip to the British front, and was only waiting for the -arrangements to be completed. He asked me whether I would not like to -see something else in the meantime, and I replied that I should like -very much to see the French front, and especially to visit the parts of -Alsace which the French had at last reunited to France. He was somewhat -taken aback when, having asked me when I should like to go, I replied on -the following Monday. Nevertheless, he proved himself possessed of a -capacity for prompt action and execution. At ten o’clock on Monday -morning, there appeared at my hotel a very dapper French officer. He -saluted, introduced himself as Captain Jaubert of General Headquarters, -and added: “At your command. I am to accompany you on your mission--your -visit to the front.” A few moments later, a heavy-set, very -intelligent-looking man, in the garb of a chauffeur, presented himself, -likewise came to attention, saluted, and informed us that the car was -ready. Shortly thereafter, we were on our way. - -Our party consisted of Captain Jaubert, my old friend Schmavonian of the -American Embassy at Constantinople, Professor Herbert Adams Gibbons, and -myself. Our first objective was Gondrecourt, the camp and headquarters -of the then tiny American Expeditionary Force. Our route took us through -that part of the battlefield of the Marne which was nearest to Paris, -and as we sped along, Jaubert explained to us, by means of sketches -traced on the window glass with his forefinger, the tactics of that -battle. - -Arrived at Gondrecourt, we saw a splendid sight. Here were American boys -in American uniform, with American automobiles and other equipment. It -gave us a keen sense of home. Captain Jaubert, whom I had by this time -discovered to be not only a captain but a marquis, and a nephew of the -Duke of Montebello, soon located the headquarters of General Sibert. We -were here invited to dine with General Ponydreguin, the commander of the -famous “Blue Devils,” a very charming gentleman. He commanded the French -troops in this neighbourhood, as General Sibert commanded the Americans. -After dinner, we adjourned to the camp headquarters, which I found -these two gentlemen shared. As neither spoke the other’s language, it -was amusing to see them, while using an interpreter to converse with -each other, carry through the French politenesses of direct -conversation, smiling at each other, and bowing and courtesying, General -Sibert especially finding it difficult to accommodate his rather formal -American manner to the livelier conventions of Continental usage. - -After a tour of inspection, on the following morning, of the interesting -activities of the camp, we proceeded on our way to Domremy, the -birthplace of Joan of Arc, where I wished to visit the church, which is -a shrine to her memory. By this time I had discovered not only that my -escort was a marquis, but, more surprising, that our chauffeur had been -in private life a member of the Paris Bourse. The car in which we were -riding belonged to him, and he had volunteered to do his bit for his -country by putting the car at the Government’s service, and offering -himself as its chauffeur. Captain Jaubert, in accordance with military -traditions of discipline, had treated him, a mere sergeant, as -impersonally as if he were another piece of the car’s mechanism. When we -drew up at Joan of Arc’s Chapel, and dismounted to enter, I saw by his -expression that he was as eager as I to see the interior of this famous -shrine. The yearning look on his face, as he stood before the portals, -which an absurd military convention forbade him to enter in company with -us, who were no better than he, was too much for me to withstand. I -asked Captain Jaubert to relax the rigours of discipline for the moment, -and allow him to accompany us. The Captain acquiesced with -characteristic French politeness, though I suspected he did not -especially relish it; but the chauffeur’s appreciation was sufficient -recompense for whatever slight damage was done to military tradition. -The Captain himself had a fair grievance against military fate: he was -a graduate of St. Cyr and had resigned from the army during the Dreyfus -episode, with the result that he had had to reënter the army as a -captain, while most of his classmates at the Military School were at -least colonels and many of them generals. - -That night we reached Thann. We arrived about nightfall, and were met at -the town boundary by the Mayor. He invited us to spend the night with -him at his suburban home, as it was not safe for us to sleep in the -town. I was ushered into the best room in his house, and found that the -mirror in the bathroom, as well as the tub, was almost demolished. The -Mayor explained that this damage had been done during the week, and that -he had not had time to repair it. The next day was a great Catholic -holiday, Assumption Day, and we were invited to attend the services at -the church of St. Theobald. This spectacle was intensely interesting, -because the parents of these people, though French by origin and -sympathy, had been compelled by the Germans to rear their children in -the German tongue, and consequently, though the first sermon of the -celebration was delivered in French by a chaplain of the French army, a -second sermon was then delivered in German by an old abbé. The French -general explained to me that he saw no reason why he should deprive the -inhabitants of the town of their religious comfort simply because they -could not understand French. - -At one o’clock we were entertained at the hotel by the two oldest -inhabitants and most respected citizens of the town, Messieurs Weber and -Groshents. At this luncheon they paid me one of the most touching -compliments I have ever received in my life. They were men of about -seventy. Both had been of age during the Franco-Prussian War, and both -had continued throughout the forty-three years of the German occupation, -since that war, to be unconquerably French in their patriotism. During -the luncheon, while the conversation was lagging, owing to my -insufficient knowledge of French, the two old men whispered to each -other for a few minutes, and then one of them, Mr. Weber, turned to me, -and said in German: “We have just released each other from the vows we -made in 1871, that we would never again speak German in public. But we -want to enjoy your company and we want so much to hear you talk to us, -that we think we are justified in suspending our agreement.” - -We then had a most delightful conversation. Mr. Weber told me how, in -1871, he had taken the French flag which had flown over the City Hall -until the German occupation, and secreted it in the back of a sofa in -his parlour, and how he had taken the flag staff and hidden it in his -garret. Then, when the French entered the town in 1914, he ripped open -the sofa, took out the flag, fastened it back on its staff, and at -seventy years of age had proudly presented it to President Poincaré in -celebration of the return of Alsace to France. - -Leaving these delightful old gentlemen and their quaint city of Thann, -we motored southward. At dinner next evening we were entertained by the -Mayor of Mazevant, Count de Witt Guizot. After a very pleasant evening -with him, and as we were about to take our leave, I inquired if he were -related to Francis P. G. Guizot, the famous historian. He smiled, and -replied: “Slightly; he was my grandfather.” - -Another day of interesting travel took us through the Alsatian provinces -to Belfort, and there we abandoned the automobile, and returned by train -to Paris. - -A few days later I had the pleasure of renewing my acquaintance with -Marshal Joffre, which I had first made at the civic receptions in New -York. I called upon him at his headquarters at the Military School in -Paris. Marshal Foch had succeeded him as Commander-in-Chief of the -French armies, and Joffre was now engaged chiefly in training staff -officers, and in advising the High Command when his judgment was needed -in council. The Marshal gave me, with great frankness, his ideas upon -what America should do to make effective our military participation in -the war. - -Immediately after our interview I had a memorandum prepared by the -gentleman who acted as my interpreter, from which I have made the -following extracts: - - In the present warfare there is a most vital need for artillery - officers and for general staff officers. The American Department of - War must realize this. It is not enough to have the men, the other - officers, and even the equipment. The framework of the army is far - from being complete or efficacious before you have a sufficient - number of trained artillery and general staff officers. In order to - train these officers for active field service, they should be sent - to France. They can at once be sent to the front where for a week - or two they can see the work done there. The general staff officers - can then attend courses in the general staff school, and the - artillery officers can be attached to French artillery regiments - until they are thoroughly familiarized with the work. - - Besides the artillery and general staff officers, the Marshal - advises to send in turns a certain number out of the two hundred - newly promoted American generals to join the French divisions, army - corps, or armies where they can obtain very valuable practical - information most useful to them when they take over commands in the - field. - - The Marshal said that he had something very delicate to add. He had - come to know that in America there was a certain class of officers - whom he would call “the old officers”--those who would like to see - all promotions and appointments made solely on the basis of - seniority. Between these old officers, and the younger officers, - the Marshal understood, there was or there might be friction. The - Marshal said that in an emergency like the present the things to be - taken into consideration are efficiency and ability. When he took - over the command, the same question came up in France. The Marshal - did not hesitate to drop from the ranks a large number of officers - and to appoint in their stead younger and more capable men, without - taking into consideration the seniority of the former. Without - clearly stating it, the Marshal very delicately left the impression - that in his opinion politics should play no part in military - appointments. - - The Marshal said that twice he had Mr. Roosevelt next to him at - dinner in America. Mr. Roosevelt seemed anxious to come to France - with some volunteers and fight against the Germans, and he (Mr. - Roosevelt) would be satisfied by being only second in command under - a general. Marshal Joffre was not of the opinion that the - realization of Mr. Roosevelt’s plan could be of great service and - therefore desired to dissuade him from attempting to carry out his - plan. So the Marshal told Mr. Roosevelt, “My Colonel, whatever you - may be, you cannot be second!” - - In recapitulating, the Marshal said, “Do not wait until you are - entirely ready _in America_. You should not attempt to act before - you are ready, but there are things which you can do at once by - degrees, little by little, while you are preparing yourselves. Send - officers to be instructed for the artillery and General Staff - services, send some generals, and put them at once in contact with - our generals at the front. Let a regiment or a battalion go to the - trenches. From time to time send some men over.” The Marshal’s idea - seemed to be that while the main preparation and equipment should - be carried out in America, some men and officers should be sent - over for instruction in France, and the arrival from time to time - of men and officers would create a favourable impression on the - minds of the French who would see that America was doing something. - - The Marshal spoke very highly of General Pershing. - -Two days before my conversation with Marshal Joffre, I had arranged a -dinner in honour of General Pershing. On the morning of that day, -however, I received a letter from his secretary postponing the -engagement. It read as follows: - -AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCE - Office of the Commanding General - Saturday, August 18, 1917. - - MY DEAR MR. MORGENTHAU: - - General Pershing has requested me to inform you that much to his - regret he will be unable to dine with you and Mrs. Morgenthau this - evening. The General has had an engagement of long standing to - take a particular trip with General Petain when the latter was able - to arrange it. This morning General Petain has just sent General - Pershing word that he has made all arrangements for them to leave - this afternoon. So under the circumstances the General hopes you - will understand why he is unable to be with you this evening. - -Very sincerely, - W. C. EUSTIS, - _Secretary_. - - - -When we met at dinner, four days later, the true meaning of this letter -was revealed. General Pershing explained that “his engagement of long -standing to take a particular trip,” when translated, meant that General -Petain had promised him to let him witness the battle at Verdun the -first time active operations were resumed there. On the morning of our -first appointment, General Petain had sent General Pershing word to come -to Verdun at once, and Pershing had, of course, cancelled all -conflicting engagements, and left for the front. He described to us what -he had seen at Verdun, and spoke with the eloquence and enthusiasm of a -boy who has just seen his first Big League game of baseball. Pershing -gave us a vivid picture of a modern battle. He had accompanied General -Petain to an observation dugout, where they could see the battle through -the telescopes, as well as keep in touch with its multitudinous -operations by telephone. The General in command of the division at this -point was receiving messages from all parts of the battlefield, and -transmitting them to Petain. Word would come that X had taken another -hill, and Petain would tell him to hold it or to move on, making his -decisions for the various parts of the battlefield in accordance with -his general plan of military action. - -General Pershing was especially interested in a double coincidence of -this visit. The Division Commander in the dugout was General Gouraud. -Oddly enough, General Gouraud had been the French military attaché in -Tokio when Pershing was American attaché at the same point. In the -dugout they fell to comparing notes on their experiences together in -Japan in 1905. General Pershing recalled that one of their acquaintances -there had been the German attaché, whom they had both detested. “By the -way,” he inquired of Gouraud, “what has become of that little German, -Von Etzel, that we used to know in Tokio?” “Come here,” Gouraud replied, -“and look through this telescope. That is Von Etzel’s army retreating.” - -Three days later, my eagerly anticipated trip to the British front was -undertaken. Schmavonian again accompanied me. Lord Esher, who had -arranged this trip for me on behalf of the British, introduced to me -Captain Townroe of the British General Headquarters Staff, a fine, -determined gentleman, who had been the private secretary of Lord Derby -during the recruiting period in England and was the author of a popular -play called “Nations at War.” General Pershing had kindly designated -Captain Quekemeyer, then as now his personal _aide_, to accompany us as -an American representative. They first escorted us to an old château -occupying the land where the battle of Agincourt was fought. First we -visited two American regiments of engineers. It was a great revelation -to see how two or three West Point officers had been able to whip into -perfect shape 1,200 civilians and out of them to create splendid -regiments. General Biddle escorted me to their headquarters, and we -reviewed the regiments. We then went to Roisel where we visited the 12th -U. S. Engineers. They were just making camp. Their colonel apologized -for the chaotic condition of affairs. I kept looking at him, thinking -that I had met him before. At length I made a few inquiries of him as to -his antecedents, and where I could have met him, when suddenly, having -penetrated through the years - -[Illustration: Mr. Morgenthau as one of the group of financiers, -doctors, and sociologists who organized the international association of -Red Cross societies at Cannes in 1919] - -which had left its marks upon him, it dawned upon me that this man, -Colonel C. M. Townsend, was the same Townsend that had attended the -College of the City of New York with me in 1870, and we had not seen -each other once in the ensuing forty-seven years! This was one of the -most remarkable feats that my memory ever surprised me with. - -When we returned to the château that evening, our genial host, Colonel -Roberts, introduced us to a number of British writers who had arrived -that day. Lovat Fraser, then leading editor of the London _Times_; C. J. -Beattie, the night editor of the _Daily Mail_; L. Cope Crawford, of the -London _Morning Post_; H. B. Tourtel, of the _Daily Express_; Sydney -Low, and a few others. After supper, we sat in the parlour in the old -château, with its engravings by Wilkie on the walls, and the old -furniture, etc., and were reminded that it was right on the battlefield -of Agincourt. I listened to Sydney Low’s story of his writing “The -Conquest of Attila,” who was assisted in his war by the Ostrogoths -(Austrians) and opposed by the Franks, Visigoths, etc., and how Attila -had said that God would help him to destroy the Christians, and he would -be a scourge to them and sack their cities, or, as Low put it, “just -like Emperor William, who told his army to act like the Huns, and they -are doing it.” - -Another evening, we had discussions with some of the British labour -leaders, who had come over to visit the front under the direction of Mr. -J. E. Baker of the Ministry of Munitions. They were amazed when I told -them that it was ridiculous to think that democracy could be established -in a few years. They were really surprised to think that twenty-five -years was inadequate to reform the world. - -Another evening, Colonel Roberts asked me whether he could invite Major -Tibbetts who was then in command of Tank Town, which they called the -headquarters of the Tank Corps in that neighbourhood, as the Major was -very anxious to meet me. I told him I had never heard of the Major, but -that I should be very glad to meet him. It turned out that Major -Tibbetts was in command of one of the landing parties at the Dardanelles -and that he was most desirous to ascertain what took place on the -Turkish side of the lines at that time. So here we sat in France and -completely dovetailed our two stories into each other. He told me of his -experiences--how he, with his party, had reached the cliffs, and had to -dig themselves in, and the Turks were pushing them hard, while the -British ships were attacking the Turks on the beach, and they were -suspended between the two fires, totally ignorant of the actual state of -affairs, while we in Constantinople were wondering why those two -detachments had not coöperated. He explained it, but as his explanation -was rather confidential, I do not care to repeat it. - -One day, General Charters, who was in charge of the Intelligence -Department, came to see me, and asked me whether I was perfectly -satisfied with my programme. I looked at him quizzically and said: -“Satisfied? Yes. Perfectly? No.” He said: “What else do you want?” I -told him that I had heard so much recently of the activities of Sir -Arthur Currie, that I was anxious to meet him. He told me that it was -impossible, as General Currie was then conducting the attack on Lens. I -said to him: “Look here, General, when I took charge of British affairs -in Constantinople, and found that the secretaries and clerks were much -inclined promptly to say ‘No’ to all requests from British citizens, I -promulgated Order No. 1, which was, that no one but myself could say -‘No’ to any request from any citizen of any country whose affairs we had -taken charge of, and, furthermore, that I would not say ‘No’ unless I -had first received a ‘No’ from the Grand Vizier, or from the State -Department in Washington.” - -General Charters said: “I am on, sir,” and left the room. He came back -in twenty minutes, and said: “Sir Arthur Currie most cordially invites -you to lunch with him to-morrow at one o’clock.” I said: “Accepted with -great pleasure; but tell me, how did you do it?” He said: “I called up -Sir Douglas Haig, and told him your story. He called up Sir Arthur -Currie, and the invitation was, as you see, promptly extended.” - -Rather than repeat from memory the very interesting interview I had with -Sir Arthur, I shall quote verbatim from the diary which I kept at the -time, giving my impressions as they were written fresh at the moment: - - August 25, 1917. Received by Currie, a fine, tall, well-set, calm, - determined man. He was anxious to make sure of our names. Even - there he showed his thoroughness. We repeated our names and handed - him our cards. We were presented to his staff, Generals Radcliffe - and Sinclair, Prince Arthur of Connaught, etc., and went straight - to lunch, “hot curry,” liver and bacon, rice pudding, salad and - fruit, being served. We discussed Turkish conditions, the price of - land there, etc., Currie saying that their expected land grants - would hardly be appreciated. We also discussed general affairs of - war, Radcliffe and Connaught joining in the conversations, as they - were anxious for facts about the Dardanelles and Bagdad. - - After luncheon, the General took us into his office from two to - three o’clock. We talked of warfare, the battle of Lens while it - was in progress. He said that he still had in his corps men who - were very proud of their victorious record and tried to live up to - it. He spoke fairly freely, and explained his method of leap-frog - attack, laying great stress upon a full knowledge of the enemy’s - position and strength, etc., when about to make an attack. His - command had never failed to get their objective and retain it. - Example of spirit of men: Two units who after capturing a height - and then a quarry were driven out of latter and he was wondering - what to do and studying the situation, when he heard that the men - without waiting for orders, of their own initiative, attacked the - quarry again, regained it, and are now in possession of it. Currie - bemoaned an accident to his ankle which he had sprained playing - Badminton. He disliked going amongst men who were real casualties, - while his injury was caused by a game. He favours reserving and - using different and fresh troops for repelling counter-attacks and - attributes much of his success to this policy. He has strong common - sense. His men coöperate. Artillery answered S. O. S. call in - thirty seconds, and thus helped to relieve infantry promptly. He - favours light railways which he has greatly extended in this - section. Carries two thousand tons a day on them instead of - expected one hundred and fifty tons. Spirit of victory induces - Smith, R. R. engineer, if requested by Jones Chief Gunner for more - shells to make special trip _sans_ hesitation. Canadians originated - raiding trenches without capturing them. - - When complimented on calmness amidst storm, etc., as several - generals and flyers were waiting outside to report and for - conference for further action in battle in progress, he evidently - was totally absorbed and enjoying our talk. He said: “The Great God - has given me this calm nature, which prevents my becoming excited, - and I use it to study everything which I think will help to lick - the Boche.” - - He showed great confidence in the final issue of the war, and was - delighted with the U. S. entry into it, and said: “I do not believe - that God or Fate has brought English-speaking people together - intending them to lose.” He objected to Canadians being treated - patronizingly by the British, and he said: “England doesn’t want - it, why should we? We are not fighting for England, but for the - British Empire of which we are a part, and which we want - perpetuated, and we are fighting for our skins.” He insisted upon - the imperative need of a G. O. C. [General Officer Commanding] - having undisputed and untrammelled power to send home incompetent - officers and disregarding political influences. Men should only be - sent against enemies with good leaders. It is strange all the - generals speak of the Germans as “he” and “him.” - - Canada is provided with clothing and food by England. It pays them - for everything. He recognized that the United States could not have - entered earlier, as their people were not favourable. Hoped the U. - S. would profit by their experience and avoid their mistakes. “The - lessons of the war should teach the U. S. how to use their great - power to advantage and secure permanent victory and peace.” He said - he knew a great deal about the U. S., as he lived in Vancouver, and - was a National Guardsman, colonel of a regiment, then had a - brigade, a division, and now a corps. - - After our talk, we entered his Rolls Royce, and went to Vimy Ridge - accompanied by G. S. O. No. 3 of the Corps, a fine intelligent - fellow. We walked eight hundred yards over a long row of slats laid - down for King George who made the same trip, and after passing - through a trench, reached an observation tower. It had an opening - about 8 ft. wide and was 20 inches in height, and was used by a - sergeant and two assistants. Had powerful glasses and maps showing - the country. We could see the Battle of Lens in its progress. The - ground around it was pock-marked with shells. The panorama of the - fight was thrilling to behold. It gave an impression of the - enormity of the task to make any progress at all. We wore steel - helmets and carried our gas masks with which we had practised in - the auto, as we were well in the danger zone. Some shells dropped - within 400 yards of us. The N. C. O. [non-commissioned officer] in - charge pointed out some Boches running on the streets of Lens and - also corpses lying in little gray heaps. Sixty-pounders and other - shells were being hurled through the air above us right into Lens - and Mericourt and in return the Germans were firing on Vimy. Two - airplanes were flying right over the battlefield, with German - shells exploding several hundred feet below them. - -When I had started on this trip with Sir Douglas Haig as my chief -objective, my wife had begged me to ascertain from Sir Douglas why he -had not captured Lens. The reader will recall that, at that time, there -were constant reports about the Battle of Lens, and it was very puzzling -to us that, although the British seemed in complete control of the -batteries around Lens, they hesitated about taking the town. Therefore, -one of the first questions I put to Sir Douglas when I met him three -days after my meeting with Currie, was the one entrusted to me by my -wife, and in reply he explained to me that it was more efficacious to -use Lens as a means of diminishing the Germans’ unused reserve than to -take possession of it. - -The full record of my meeting with Sir Douglas Haig, quoted from my -diary, is as follows: - - Tuesday, August 28, 1917: It rained hard. We left the Château at - 11 A.M. ... We had an accident with auto forty minutes from - headquarters, were hastily transferred to another car, an open - Sunbeam, with torn top which I had to hold down, raining, rushing - madly, stopped by R. R. crossing, and once by a long line of - troops, but we reached there at 1 P.M. - - Sir Philip Sassoon, M. P., private secretary of Sir Douglas Haig, - received us and ushered me into private room of D. H. We talked for - ten minutes before, and forty minutes after, lunch, alone; most - interesting and instructive. He showed me and explained maps of - Ypres, Lens, etc., and lists of German divisions and the steady - diminution, since April 15, of their unused reserves which declined - from 44 to 5. He said that Germans having concluded that the French - were used up and the British unprepared, commenced transporting - troops to the Russian front, and among other things he wanted to - save Russians, so he ordered attack on Lens and made attack on - Ypres. He also wanted to convince Lloyd George and others of his - capacity to push back the Germans and settle the war on western - front. He thinks it wrong tactics to attempt to secure small - victories at Gaza or Bagdad. The war can only be won by attacking - the German army. The only place to reach them is at the western - front. Germans will never admit or consider themselves defeated - even if all their allies are whipped and forsake them. Hence - everybody should concentrate attention here. Italians should also - help.... - - Thinks Germans are beginning to realize their position and possible - defeat and great loss of economic position, and will in October or - so offer peace terms, which it will be difficult to have French - decline. He begs and urges that no early, incomplete peace be made, - now being the day or time of reckoning. He thinks the Germans are - much worse off than is known. He is positive that England will hold - out until we can come to assist. He says it is unnecessary expense - for us to prepare great airplane units, and that shelling German - cities will not end war, or shorten it. It is right here, with - artillery and infantry and of course a proper amount of airplanes, - that work must be done. - - He believes that the U. S. is destined to play a very important - part, but thinks we must admit it is also self-defense that prompts - our actions, and not only the altruistic spirit. He said the French - were not ready at Havre to receive U. S. troops, and it would be - much more effective if U. S. troops joined them and received their - hints in good English which they understood. He is pleased that U. - S. troops believe in same system of warfare as English, offensive - and hitting out and not defensive. He explained their method of - attacking, their intention only to move far enough each time to - secure a height and drive the Germans from points of advantage and - be prepared for counter attacks and each time absorb some German - divisions. Lays great stress on gradual diminution of German unused - reserve division. - - Engineers built 600 miles of standard and narrow-gauge railroads. - They have 600 locomotives and 6,000 cars. Shortage of freight cars - was great handicap. They took old rails from England, South - America, and U. S. to build these lines. He hopes we will send more - railroad men and engineers. Quick transporting of men and material - greatest help. He thinks war has at last given Great Britain an - empire and hopes it will also give them the U. S. as a permanent - ally. War must be won by Great Britain and U. S. jointly. Said - their own experience will make them patient with us. Spoke most - flatteringly of Pershing and our American troops. Thinks their - temperament is so spirited and warlike.... He makes the impression - of a determined experienced soldier, who has a well-defined plan - which he is sure will lead to victory and wants everyone to adopt - it and fight it out here in Flanders. He neither drank nor smoked - at lunch. - -From our luncheon with Sir Douglas Haig we returned at once to Paris. My -diary for the next day contains the following: - - Wednesday, August 29, 1917: Called at headquarters. Saw Col. - Harbord, and then General Pershing.... Harbord told me French put - Americans south of them and not next to English, because they, - themselves, wanted to be defending Paris and did not want - foreigners to determine destiny of France. It sounds plausible. He - again suggested a visit from Baker, who could then talk more - convincingly to Americans and would understand needs. Pershing told - me that every sinew of his muscles, every artery leading to his - heart, and all his energy and hours are devoted to working for - success. He again expressed hope of United States fighting to the - end. He spoke of needs of dockage for the ships, thinks it will - require 30 to 40. Feels we need our own locomotives and cars to - send men, etc., to front; claims our camps will be so located that - we can send men to any part of lines. Shipping is needed to bring - men over, and then their food and ammunition. He says nothing can - be secured here--all must come over. Hopes seized German ships will - answer; if not we should insist upon Allied ships, including Japan - and Italy. It will take fully a year before we can be of much - actual assistance. - -A few days later, I sailed for America to make my report to President -Wilson. It was my intention, upon my arrival in New York, to make this -report in the form of a letter, and with this idea in mind, while still -aboard ship, I wrote several drafts of it by hand, and in New York -dictated a letter in final form to the President under date of September -15, 1917. I finally decided, however, that a verbal report was better, -and consequently, I proceeded to Washington, and on September 19th, -called on the President. I gave him at considerable length the -information I had gathered. As our conversation, however, was simply a -verbal enlargement of my letter of the 15th, I will quote that letter -here. It is, I think, of some historical importance: - -September 15, 1917. - - MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: - - After close observations, visiting fronts, conversations with - members of the French Cabinet, Generals and others, both French and - British, I have arrived at the following conclusions, which I - submit for your consideration, and expect to elaborate upon, when - you grant me an interview. Among the men I have talked with are - Generals Sir Douglas Haig, Sir Arthur Currie, Joffre, Pershing, - Sibert, Biddle, and others, and also Messieurs Painlevé, Ribot, - Cambon, and Steeg of the Cabinet. - - No separate peace can be made at present with the Turks as they - still think that the Germans will be victorious, and because many - of the members of the Union and Progress Committee are enriching - themselves through the continuation of this war. - - The Turkish atrocities perpetrated against Armenians, Syrians, and - Arabs establish beyond doubt that the Turks should no longer be - permitted to govern non-Moslems and non-Turks of any description. - - The British and French successes at Verdun, Ypres, and Lens have - reduced the German unused Reserve Divisions from forty-four in - April to five in August, and have demonstrated that the German - positions are not, as has long been believed in the United States, - impregnable. The British and French are now confident of final - victory, depending, however, on the coöperation of the United - States Army. - - For moral and political effect, they deem it highly desirable that - more American troops, though unprepared, be sent immediately. - - The German autocracy with its strong leadership and blind following - of its allies will never yield until German military prestige has - been destroyed. - - A test of strength will have to take place on the Western Front. - - Victory will be won as much through the steady hand and intrepid - determination of the leader that will direct the united allied - forces as by the physical resources that will be employed. - - Both British and French authorities have separately admitted that - in none of the Entente countries is there a statesman who would - satisfy them all as a leader. They think that your consistent - attitude in this great struggle between democracy and autocracy and - all your messages and particularly your masterful answer to the - Pope’s proposition, indicate you as the leader--to take immediate - control of the situation. They do not want you to wait until our - Army, Navy, and Aircraft are equipped and at the front. They are - willing to discount all this, as they need your guiding and - universally trusted hand now at the International Helm. - - Traditional mutual jealousies and ambitions, and their consequent - suspicions disqualify any European statesman for that leadership; - while the knowledge that America has no political ambitions in any - part of the Old World, and the esteem which they feel for you - personally would secure you the enthusiastic support of all the - statesmen of the Allied Governments and their peoples. All our - European co-belligerents are deferential towards us, receptive to - American ideas and ready, as far as possible, to meet our wishes. - I, therefore, venture to urge upon you to give this matter your - very serious thought. The need for a disinterested leader is - absolutely imperative. - - In addition to the power you exert through the Government at - Washington, the diplomatic missions in the Entente Capitals, and - the American military missions in Europe, you might appoint a - special commission to be stationed in Europe to represent you in - all civil and political matters. It is difficult here to enumerate - the various activities which you could entrust to such a - Commission. This Commission should assist, in case of need, the - American military authorities in their relations with the French or - other European Governments and try to avoid and adjust all possible - friction between them; it should be in touch with the political - parties, the civil authorities, journalists, and all men who have a - share in the forming of public opinion; it should collect all - possible information, especially of a political nature, and report - the same to you; it should, at the same time, through the press, - the platform, and other similar means, impart American information - and exercise an influence on French public opinion in the direction - you may desire. I lay stress on this matter of exercising an - influence on French public opinion because French affairs are now - subject to petty political differences, schemes, and - counter-schemes of those who are in power and men like Caillaux, - Briand, Clemenceau, and others of the opposition. Such a commission - under your guidance should endeavour to exercise such a salutary - effect upon French public opinion as to make Frenchmen forget at - this critical juncture all their petty strifes and induce them to - concentrate their entire forces and energy upon the great main aim - to destroy the autocracy of Germany, which should be declared an - “international nuisance” for it is maintained by the Hohenzollerns - contrary to the wishes of many of its citizens. Even prior to the - war, more than forty per cent. of the votes were cast by Social - Democrats and others of the opposition. It is certainly a menace to - the welfare and rights of self government of surrounding nations. - No one feels this more keenly than the Germans and their - descendants in the United States. They left Germany to escape this - monster and have enjoyed the privilege of living anew and becoming - an indissoluble part of this great liberty-loving nation. Alexander - II emancipated the Russian serf; Lincoln freed the poor Negro; and - it is your privilege to extricate the Germans from their miserable - thraldom. - - Moreover, our co-belligerents have divergent and conflicting - interests, both in regard to the disposition of territories which - they hope to liberate from their enemies, and in regard to the - general problem of what concessions can be allowed our enemies, - when the bargaining begins. - - This Commission should study these questions and all others - connected with them, so that you will have your own independent - up-to-date information upon which to act in dealing with the Allies - and the enemies during the war and at the Peace Conference. - - Such a Commission can greatly assist you in your task to infuse the - Great American Spirit into the Allied peoples, and so strengthen - them that they will fight for right until it is established and has - permanently destroyed the danger of a tyrannic militarism fastening - its clutches into the whole world. - -Yours most sincerely, - HENRY MORGENTHAU. - - - -Perhaps the most important feature of my conversation with the President -was the word I brought him of the universal desire of our European -associates, that he should exert the intellectual and moral leadership -of the common cause. The President was deeply impressed with the -earnestness and solemnity of this message that I had brought him. He -seemed for the moment almost overpowered at the thought of the -stupendous responsibility that it thrust upon him. We now know how nobly -he rose to that responsibility--how adequately he expressed and -organized the moral basis of our cause--with what masterful and -intellectual grasp and statesman’s firm procedure he rose to be the -undisputed leader of a world in righteous arms against the menace of -autocracy. But, at the moment, he seemed perplexed, he seemed almost to -despair. “They want me to lead them!” he exclaimed. “But where shall I -lead them to?” - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -JOHN PURROY MITCHEL - - -Shortly after my return from Europe, John Purroy Mitchel came to my -house to seek advice on a matter concerning both the destinies of his -city and, as the event proved, the end of his own career. He asked me -whether he ought to run again for Mayor, or accept a tempting business -offer that had just been made him. - -Mitchel was always an attractive and frequently an inspiring figure in -municipal affairs. A typical American, of fighting stock, the grandson -of a man that had battled for free Ireland and the nephew of a -politician that had made his mark, Purroy Mitchel, whose face and -carriage reflected the latent power of leadership, was one of those -young souls at once sensitive and fiery to whom Tammany’s abuse of -opportunity becomes a personal affront. More than once our paths had -curiously approached each other. - -Back in 1908, E. H. Outerbridge had come to my house and, as chairman of -the Citizens’ Committee in the current campaign, urged me to accept the -fusion nomination for President of the Borough of Manhattan. My answer -was: - -“President of the Board of Aldermen--yes, but no administrative office.” - -“I’m sorry,” said Outerbridge, “but the man for that place has already -been determined upon. He is John Purroy Mitchel.” - -Had that answer been different, the entire course of my life would have -been changed, for the whole Fusion ticket was elected, with the -exception of the man at the head of it, Otto Bannard, who was defeated -by Judge Gaynor. Mitchel became President of the Board of Aldermen. - -Then again, while in that office, his life touched mine. - -In 1912, he sought me in much such a quandary as that in which he was to -find himself in 1917. He had been offered, and wanted to know whether he -should accept, the presidency of a struggling mortgage-guarantee company -in Queens County. He was evidently influenced to come to me because I -had been prominently identified with the Lawyers’ Mortgage Co. of New -York. - -This was then my advice: - -“It would be a good thing for you to get out of politics for a while and -give the next few years to accumulating a competency. After that, you -can reënter politics, inspired by business experience and free from -money cares, but this mortgage guarantee company is not what you should -go into. Your talents and special training as Commissioner of Accounts -could be much better utilized in some established industrial enterprise. -I think I can arrange to have you made the vice-president of the -Underwood Typewriter Company.” I promptly took up the matter and -arranged an interview between Mitchel and Mr. John T. Underwood, with -the result that the former was offered the vice-presidency I have -referred to, with the sole proviso that he must pledge himself to hold -the position, and refrain from politics for at least five years. Mitchel -hesitated and the old maxim came true: “He who hesitates is lost.” His -political acumen informed him that the succeeding autumn would offer him -the best if not the only chance to become Mayor of his native city. -Devotion to good government and a burning desire to displace Tammany -were his ruling passions: he disregarded material considerations, -declined the Underwood offer, and remained in politics. - -But our fates were not yet divorced. In the spring of 1913 ex-President -Roosevelt held a meeting of some leading Progressives at his office to -agree on a fusion slate for the next New York Municipal election. It was -planned to put forward a candidate who would attract all shades of -voters but who was opposed to Tammany Hall. Charles S. Aronstam, who -attended the caucuses representing the Progressives of Brooklyn, writes -me this account of that gathering: - - I have been trying to refresh my recollection as to what transpired - at the conference at Colonel Roosevelt’s office in June, 1913, when - your name was suggested as a probable candidate for President of - the Board of Aldermen on the Fusion ticket with Charles H. Whitman - for Mayor and William A. Prendergast for Comptroller. There were - present besides the Colonel, the late Lieutenant-Governor Woodruff, - Mr. Edward W. Allen, of Brooklyn, and myself. - - You will recall that at that time Mr. Whitman was on the crest of - the wave and he was the unanimous choice for Mayor of the - Republican members of the Fusion Committee. The only other - candidate that was under serious discussion was Mr. George A. - McAneny. Mr. Mitchel having been appointed Collector of the Port - was apparently out of the running. His name was discussed but his - candidacy had not yet reached such a stage of development as to - make him a probable choice. Colonel Roosevelt’s choice between the - two was Mr. Whitman, not because of his superior qualifications - over Mr. McAneny, but because of his greater availability on - account of the tactical position he occupied at that time in the - public eye and because he had the unanimous backing of the - Republican Party: The important consideration being the defeat of - Tammany Hall. It was then suggested that with Mr. Whitman, a - Republican as a candidate for Mayor, and Mr. Prendergast a - Progressive as a candidate for Comptroller, in order to invite the - support of independent Democrats, it would be necessary to select - for the second place an independent Democrat, preferably one - closely associated with the Wilson administration. - - I do not recall which one of us first suggested your name as a - most desirable choice for that place if you could be persuaded to - run. I do recall, however, that when your name was suggested, - Colonel Roosevelt banging his fist on the desk in his - characteristic manner exclaimed, “Just the man! Do you think he - would consent to run?” - -However, I sailed for Europe before they could get in touch with me. But -Aronstam was himself to take ship within a day or two and Colonel -Roosevelt commissioned him to see me abroad and secure my assent. - -My recollection is that Mr. Aronstam first called on me in Paris and -that there was then made a tentative decision, later confirmed by a -letter from Aix-les-Bains. At all events, his mission was like that of -Mr. Outerbridge years before, and what Aronstam had to offer me was what -I had on that other occasion told Outerbridge I would accept. - -My natural question was: - -“Who is slated for Mayor?” - -“Charles S. Whitman.” - -“What about Purroy Mitchel?” - -Well, Mitchel was Collector of the Port, and not considered available, -whereas Whitman, as District Attorney, had the centre of the stage, and -would appeal to the popular imagination. The only other candidate that -had been considered was Mr. George McAneny, and the Progressives did not -think that he would be a good vote-getter. - -As Aronstam was submitting his message from the Colonel, my mind went -back several years to a statement once made to me by Herr Barth, a -well-known member of the German Reichstag. He said that men of the -Roosevelt type would never be content to remain out of office, and to -rest in the rôle of merely philosophic guides for the people: having -once exercised power, they must continue to possess it. - -I felt that Roosevelt, for his own good and the good of the people, -should reënter the public service. Here, it seemed to me, was a chance -to serve many purposes. Roosevelt’s first demonstration of his power had -been in municipal politics, when, as Police Commissioner of New York, he -fearlessly enforced the liquor law. I recalled, too, the incident of his -unexpectedly accepting an invitation to review, at that time, a parade -of German societies, and how, arrived at the reviewing stand, he heard -somebody unacquainted with his presence express in German the wonder -whether “Rosenfelt” would have the nerve to put in an appearance at a -time when he stood for a strict enforcement of liquor regulations, to -which most of them were opposed. Roosevelt’s peculiarly penetrating -voice supplied the answer: - -“_Hier ist der Rosenfelt._” - -That was the sort of man New York needed in the present juncture. The -chance ought, moreover, to appeal to him, because it seemed to me that -his election would be inevitable, and that, as a consequence of it, he -would very likely re-occupy the White House in 1916. - -For my part, I had just refused the appointment of Ambassador to Turkey, -which I then considered relatively unimportant. I believed that I could -be useful as a member of a possible Roosevelt municipal administration -and so I said to Aronstam: - -“I’ll take the nomination if the Colonel himself will run for Mayor.” - -Mr. Aronstam, such is my recollection, cabled home my decision. He -received word that Whitman’s name was to stand and communicated this to -me at Aix-les-Bains. From there I wrote to him: - - MY DEAR MR. ARONSTAM: - - After very mature deliberation, I have concluded that I would not, - if asked, run with Whitman. There is no use giving you my reasons - in detail. Kindly take this as final and so inform Timothy - Woodruff. I don’t want to keep him and his associates under any - mistaken impression that your telegram may have created. - - I would run with T. R. He would win and make a great Mayor. - -With kindest regards, - Yours sincerely, - HENRY MORGENTHAU. - - - -What finally happened is still fresh in the public mind. Chosen -President of the Board of Aldermen, Mitchel’s admirers had groomed him -vigorously for the Mayoralty. President Wilson’s appointment of Mitchel -as the Collector of the Port really stamped him as an independent Wilson -Democrat and placed him in the lime-light. Elected Mayor, he surrounded -himself with men of his own years and temperament. He gave the City one -of its best administrations. - -So the circle completed itself. We now come back to September, 1917. -Here again was this young Robert Emmett at my house and the first thing -he said was a sort of echo of what he had said five years before: - -“Morgenthau, do you think I ought to run again for Mayor?” - -Memory paints him to-day as he stood there then, a hero to a vast number -of New Yorkers, often erratic, frequently ill-advised, but still a -justified hero. His dark brown hair was disordered, his Irish grey-blue -eyes were bright, but he looked more matured and considerably more -care-worn from his many fights and the scars they had left, than the man -who had sought my advice in 1912. - -It was an affecting situation. During four years he had done his best -for the City, and that best had disappointed the professional office -holders through his fixed determination to protect the tax-payers he had -alienated the vast army of municipal employees; finally some of his -investigations had antagonized the adherents of certain of the Catholic -charities; and he undoubtedly felt that the chances for his reëlection -had been considerably diminished. Ought he to endeavour to complete the -task that he had set himself or was it useless to make further efforts? -My advice was the reverse of what it had been the last time: - -“You have given the public the impression that you would run again. You -must not drop out at the last moment; you must not retreat under fire; -you will have to be the standard-bearer of good government in this -election even if you are conscious of an impending defeat.” - -For any writer of fiction, this episode would complete the chain of -coincidences, yet truth forged another link. There was formed a -citizens’ committee to conduct a mass meeting in City Hall Park at which -speakers representing the un-bossed element of all parties should urge -Mitchel to run again for Mayor. Charles Evans Hughes was one of these -speakers; so was Theodore Roosevelt. The others were my old friend -Outerbridge and myself. Thus it befell that here was Mitchel in office -and urged to remain by the men who had previously played at such cross -purposes in connection with his career. - -That was an almost unique political event. The young Democratic Mayor, -still flushed from his fight for Preparedness, was flanked by two -outstanding Republicans, a recent Presidential candidate, and a popular -ex-President; shoulder to shoulder with these stood the head of the New -York State Chamber of Commerce, and myself as a representative of the -Wilson Democrats. One and all, we called upon him to stand again for -Mayor. - -The lighter touch was not lacking. As, following Mr. Outerbridge and Mr. -Hughes, my turn to speak arrived, I turned toward Colonel Roosevelt and, -recalling his famous exclamation about throwing his hat into the ring, -said: - -“I’ll now throw my hat upon the steps.” - -“No, no,” said the Colonel: “let me hold it!” - -He took and guarded it throughout my address. When he was about to -speak, it was my part to return the favour. - -“No, thanks,” said Roosevelt. “I shall need my hat.” - -Why? It was illuminating to observe. - -The audience naturally shaped itself into three separate crowds: those -directly in front of the speakers, and those on either side. When the -Colonel’s effective oratory evoked applause from the people directly in -front of him, he would turn first toward the right and then toward the -left, shaking his historic soft hat as he did so, and he thus always -hauled the two other crowds into the circle of Mitchel enthusiasm. - -Purroy Mitchel was, however, fighting his last fight as a St. George -against the Tammany dragon: Bennett insisted on running as a straight -Republican and, as such, drew thousands of the dyed-in-the-wool -Republican votes; the Socialist Morris Hillquit secured the ballots of -the Pacifists and pro-Germans in addition to his own party’s. On the eve -of election, a party of us concluded our efforts by joining Mitchel in a -trip to Camp Upton and addresses to the soldiers there. Coming home, he, -Dr. Arthur B. Duel--who had gone along to keep the candidate’s -over-taxed vocal-cords in order--Commissioner George W. Bell, and I had -a midnight supper at Patchogue. - -There Mitchel eased his overburdened heart. In a subdued voice that -increased the effect of his simplicity and earnestness, this upstanding -young man gave a voluntary account of his stewardship. He told us of -some of his struggles in office that it would be a betrayal of -confidence to repeat, many of his experiences at the Plattsburgh -Training Camp, and much of his anxiety to do personally his share in -this great World War. As he spoke of his present campaign, he showed -that he anticipated defeat, and was philosophically adjusting himself to -the conditions he expected to confront on January 2, 1918. Some phrase -of his moved me to remind him of our offer of the vice-presidency of the -Underwood Typewriter Company: he frankly confessed that he would have -been better off had he accepted it, devoted part of his youth to -business, and left his riper middle age for public service; but my -present belief is that this mood was the fruit of momentary -disappointment, for, shortly after, there came a return of his more -characteristic fighting spirit, and he was telling us that he would not -accept a flattering offer just received from an important -corporation--he was again going to act as he had acted five years before -and would give his services to his country so soon as his term in the -Mayoralty had ended. - -That course he consistently pursued. His death in a falling airplane at -a Texas camp, while qualifying as an army aviator, was mourned by the -entire nation. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -A HECTIC FORTNIGHT--AND OTHERS - - -The Mitchel campaign was an incident--important and affecting, but only -an incident--in the stirring summer and fall of 1917, when we had just -entered the war. My trip to Europe that summer, on a government mission, -fixed a new and broader purpose in my mind. While in Turkey in 1914 to -1916 I had seen only the German machinations and listened to the German -apologies. Now I had observed the devastation wrought in France and -heard from French and British lips their version of the war. Moreover, -my talks with Joffre, Painlevé, Sir Douglas Haig, Sir Arthur Currie, and -others, showed me how fearfully low the spirits of the Allies had fallen -before we entered the struggle. Prussianism had defied and all but -conquered the world; its victims were at the very edge of despair; as -for America, it was not yet fully cognizant of the sad conditions -prevailing in Europe, because censorship, guided by political -considerations, prevented the full truth from crossing the Atlantic. - -When I returned in September, I was impressed not only with the -necessity of continuing my activities to alleviate the suffering of the -Armenians and the Jews and of doing all I could to eliminate the cause -of that suffering, but I was much more impressed with the bigger thought -of also doing all in my power to rouse American sentiment to the fact -that this great struggle was dependent upon our activities to replenish -the diminishing resources, both physical and moral, of the countries -which were immersed in this tremendous conflict. I determined to make -use of this special knowledge, which it had been my fortune to acquire, -to help defeat the Germans. - -This dual determination made the ensuing period one of intense -activities, varied, yet not conflicting. Things happened pell-mell, but -are more coherent if grouped topically rather than chronologically. - -The Armenian outrages were constantly in my mind, and I wrote for the -_Red Cross Magazine_ an article on the Turkish massacres concluding: - - I wonder if four hundred million Christians, in full control of all - the governments of Europe and America, are again going to condone - these offenses by the Turkish Government! Will they, like Germany, - take the bloody hand of the Turk, forgive him and decorate him, as - Kaiser Wilhelm has done, with the highest orders? Will the - outrageous terrorizing--the cruel torturing--the driving of women - into the harems--the debauchery of innocent girls--the sale of many - of them at eighty cents each--the murdering of hundreds of - thousands and the deportation to and starvation in the desert of - other hundreds of thousands--the destruction of hundreds of - villages and cities--will the wilful execution of this whole - devilish scheme to annihilate the Armenian, Greek, and Syrian - Christians of Turkey--will all this go unpunished? Will the Turks - be permitted, aye, even encouraged by our cowardice in not striking - back, to continue to treat all Christians in their power as - “unbelieving dogs”? Or will definite steps be promptly taken to - rescue permanently the remnants of these fine, old, civilized, - Christian peoples from the fangs of the Turk? - -That was a tragic story, but it had its lighter phase. Following a -common custom, the editors of the _Red Cross Magazine_ printed on the -front cover of their publication my name and the title of the article. -The juxtaposition was unfortunate and startling: - - “_Henry Morgenthau--The Greatest Horror in History!_” - -“That’s pretty rough,” wrote the New York _Sun_. “We always realized -fully that the former Ambassador to Turkey was not a handsome man, but -the _Red Cross Magazine_ really has gone too far.” - -The Jewish question interested me quite as deeply, and on December 12, -1917, I published in the New York _Times_ a carefully considered -statement. - -This was the fruit of my thirty months’ experience with the problem of -the Jews in Turkey and of my observations at first hand of their status -and projects in Palestine, and was in line with my purpose to do more -than alleviate the present sufferings of the Jews. Because this -statement is important in its bearing upon my chapter on Zionism, I am -reproducing it here in full. As my present opinion on Zionism is the -outgrowth of years of sympathetic reflection, continuous observation, -and conscientious personal study of the facts, I should like to -emphasize the date of this publication, and thus indicate the progress -of my views toward their settled conviction regarding Zionism: - - _To the Editor of the New York_ Times: - - The fall of Jerusalem, its recapture by Christian forces after - twelve centuries of almost uninterrupted Mohammedan rule, is surely - an event of the greatest significance to us all. American - Christians, and indeed Christians everywhere, will rejoice that the - Holy Land, so well known to them through both the Old and New - Testaments, has been restored to the civilized world. - - I, with my co-religionists, rejoice not only as an American but as - a cosmopolitan who recognizes the fertile seeds of civilization in - all truly religious faith and experience. For the whole civilized - world, the 10th of December, 1917, will be remembered as a day of - profound historical interest, and, I hope also, of large meaning - for the future. - - During my recent visit to Palestine, I was greatly impressed by the - progress made by the Jewish colonies. These colonies had developed - under most adverse circumstances, and had demonstrated fully that, - when real opportunity is given, the people of the Jewish faith can - create most creditable self-governing units. With Palestine - liberated from the curse of Turkish misgovernment, this work will - go on with ever greater success. All Jews, both the Zionists and - those of us who do not take part in the advocacy of the entire - programme of the Zionists, rejoice at the prospect which is now - open. Many Jews will wish to settle in Palestine. Many others, as - well as great numbers of Christians from all lands, will wish to - visit the Holy Land, and there undertake studies in history and - religion. Many of us hope that the Hebraic language and the - elements of the Hebraic culture will develop there sufficiently to - be again, in a new way, of genuine service to the moral and - cultural life of the world. - - But at this point I wish to sound a note of warning to my - coreligionists on the one hand, and on the other strongly emphasize - to all my American fellow-citizens that certain positive facts - should not be overlooked at this time. I believe that the leaders - of the Zionists have always perceived that it would be impossible - to have all the Jews return to Palestine, and that the others who - hold to that Utopia will soon be disillusioned. It is almost - unnecessary to refer to the fact that it is economically impossible - to settle 13,000,000 people upon the narrow and impoverished lands - which were the ancient soil of our people. But this is not what I - wish to emphasize chiefly. The fact that has vital significance to - me, and, I believe, to a majority of those of my faith in America, - is that we are 100 per cent. Americans, and wish to remain so, - irrespective of the fact that some of our blood is Jewish and some - of our clay is German, Russian, or Polish. To us and our children - America, too, is veritably a Holy Land. - - It has been a great mission of the Jewish people, through their - religious faith, to teach the whole Western world that there is one - God. The great moral and spiritual mission of the American people, - in my opinion, is to teach the world that there must be one - brotherhood of humanity. I hold that it has been nothing short of - providential in the history of the human race to have had America - preserved as an undeveloped continent until this later period. We - are making it the experimental station for the intergrafting of - various peoples. The ideal of America is, through freedom and equal - opportunity, to permit the complete physical, intellectual, and - spiritual development of all our citizens. The American people are - not the descendents of the original English, French, Dutch, or - Spanish settlers. The American people to-day are composed of every - inhabitant within our borders who loyally supports the principles - which form the roots of our national life and well-being. To me it - seems clear that the principles embodied in the Declaration of - Independence, the Constitution, the laws and, above all, in the - moral attitude of mind which marks the true American, require much - of us. Above all, they require mutual service, equality as regards - the highest as well as the less important goods of life, and, high - above all, complete toleration and mutual respect. These are the - veritable foundations of human brotherhood. This is America’s - fundamental contribution to the world’s civilization. It is not - essential in this connection, even if space permitted, for me to - indicate and emphasize the part which the Hebraic laws, Hebraic - morals, and the Hebraic religion, through the Old and New - Testaments, have had upon the American mind and the American soul. - I leave that to the historian. I am here referring to the present - and the future, rather than to the past. - - We have now come to a great crisis in the history of the world. The - essential thing for us is to fight for universal peace as a basis - for a practical world brotherhood. This great result is not only - possible, it is necessary if civilization is to endure. Let me ask - my co-religionists, face to face and heart to heart, how many of - you would be willing to forswear the great duty we have here and - the great task which history gives us of being true, real, - unalloyed American citizens in this time of resplendent ideals and - momentous deeds, in order to devote your entire lives to the - upbuilding of Hebraic institutions in Palestine. I, for one, do not - see that it is at all necessary to ignore the lesser in order to - serve the greater purpose. But let me repeat most emphatically, we - Jews, in America, are Jews in religion and Americans in - nationality. It is through America and her institutions that we - shall work out our part in bringing better ideals and morals and - sounder principles of policy to the whole world. Likewise the Jews - of the British Empire, that is probably 99 per cent. of them, have - not the slightest intention of deserting their British - fellow-citizens. The same holds good as to France and Italy. If - Russia maintains, as we all hope and pray that she may maintain, a - republican form of government in which the elements of liberty are - saved to her people, the Jews of Russia will very soon come to feel - the same fellowship with all their Russian neighbours that we now - have as regards our fellow-Americans. - - And yet Zionism is more than a mere dream. Its theories, upon which - so much emphasis has been placed during the last generation, - contain practical elements which are not above realization. I have - reflected much upon this matter and I have had the privilege of - discussing it with leading Jews the world over. I most sincerely - trust that those of my religious faith who are now imbued with - this idea will not permit impracticable schemes to make impossible - the realization of the good that is in Zionism. The Jewish - communities in Palestine should be given every opportunity for - development. Some Jews now in America will wish to live there - permanently; many others, who have not the slightest intention of - surrendering their citizenship in the countries where their - children are to live and work, will still wish to have a share in - the preservation and development of a free, Jewish Palestine. But - not only Jews are interested in Palestine; every truly educated and - liberal-minded person in the world will wish to see the ancient - Jewish culture given an opportunity for expression and growth. - Furthermore--and this is what I beg my Jewish fellow religionists - not to lose sight of for a moment--all Christendom, too, looks upon - Palestine as the Holy Land, in which every believing Christian has - a deep religious interest and a right to share. The thousands of - Christians who will annually visit Palestine will wish to feel that - they have a part in all the holy traditions which cluster about the - sacred localities and the remaining monuments. - - As regards the administration of Palestine, this phase of the - subject does not seem to me to present any insurmountable - difficulties. Under an international and inter-religious commission - there could be a very large measure of self-government on the part - of the local citizenship. The whole world is now moving away from - the emphasis hitherto placed upon extreme nationalism. The forces - of internationalism must be developed practically and - systematically. What an error it would be, at the very time when - the primary message to the world of the Jewish people and their - religion should be one of peace, brotherhood and the international - mind, to set up a limited nationalist State and thereby appear to - create a physical boundary to their religious influence. Let us - give the strictly Hebraic culture a better chance than this would - imply. Let us permit it in its original form and purity to test out - its strength with other religions amid twentieth century - surroundings. Whatever value it may have for the world’s - civilization will thus be fully realized. Meanwhile nothing should - draw our attention from the infinitely greater opportunities of the - age in which we live. After the many centuries of restrictions, - persecutions and cruelties suffered by our people we are at last - sharing the blessings of freedom and of universal fellowship in all - the great democratic countries of the world. - -HENRY MORGENTHAU. - - New York, Dec. 11, 1917. - -Sunday, March 3, 1918, was the last day for me to function as presiding -officer of the Free Synagogue. Dr. Wise had asked me to occupy his -pulpit on that date, because he had to go to Washington on business of -the nature of which I was then unaware. The next day, the New York -_Times_ contained the following statement, telegraphed from Washington, -March 3rd: - - Approval of the plans of the Zionist leaders for the creation of a - national Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine was given to-night by - President Wilson to a delegation of representative Jewish leaders - who spent an hour at the White House in conference with the - President over the international status of the Jews around the - world. The delegation was headed by Rabbi Stephen S. Wise of New - York.... - -It affected me strangely to think that while I was taking Dr. Wise’s -place in the pulpit, he should be helping to secure the approval of the -President of the United States for a plan of which, because of my -knowledge of conditions in Palestine, I totally disapproved. I -telephoned Dr. Wise that this occurrence determined me to resign the -presidency of the Free Synagogue. He called at my house and tried to -dissuade me, but my duty seemed clear. - -In effect, I said to the doctor: “You are entitled to your views, and I -to mine, which I propose to express as forcibly as I know how, whenever -I think they will do the most good for the welfare of the Jews. I still -hope it will never fall to my lot to attack Zionism in public, but I -assure you now that I will not shirk the responsibility if the time ever -comes when it seems right that I should handle it without gloves. It -would then be a great embarrassment for me to be president of your -Synagogue.” - -The resignation read thus: - -March 3, 1918. - -EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, -Free Synagogue. - - DEAR SIRS: - - After twelve years of incumbency of the office of President of the - Free Synagogue of New York, I am impelled to resign that office. - Much as I have enjoyed the honour of filling this position and the - happy and inspiring association with its Rabbi, Dr. Wise, I feel - that our views of Zionism, in the advocacy of which he is one of - the leaders, are so divergent and apparently irreconcilable, that - it seems necessary for me to withdraw from what may be called the - lay leadership of the congregation. - - I would have no question arise as to Dr. Wise’s freedom or my own - freedom regarding Zionism. - - With the sincere hope that the friendly and cordial relations which - have long obtained between Dr. Wise and myself will be unaffected - by this decision, I am - -Yours cordially, -HENRY MORGENTHAU. - - - -On March 10th, at a dinner given by the Executive Committee of the Isaac -M. Wise Centenary Fund, which was attended by about fifty rabbis, I made -the following speech, which was published in the next day’s _Times_: - - The greatest fight in history has just been fought between - democracy and autocracy. It was so important that we should centre - our attention upon it. We should give all the consideration we can - to awaken ideals. - - You have that chance now. Zionism is going to do you some good. It - is going to arouse you from your complacency. You must realize that - it will turn you back a thousand years. Why _surrender_ all you - have gained during that time? Reformed Judaism must assert itself. - If American democracy can annihilate autocracy and anarchy, we Jews - cannot accept the foolish argument that you must have Zionism to - keep the Jews as Jews. We must have something, but it is not - Zionism. The Rabbis and people must spread Judaism in America and - they must be militant. - - I believe that to-day there is a religious revival in the world. - Why should our patriotism be doubted if at the same time we are to - have a moral awakening? I have been delighted as I have travelled - over this country in order to promote various causes, such as the - Jewish Welfare Campaign, to find the Rabbis honoured in their - communities, and that everywhere they held important positions. We - can have a Jewish revival in this country, which is our Zion, and - not Palestine. - - I have no objection to the founding of a Jewish university in - Palestine. I think it is a fine thing. But when we realize the - opportunities that the men who sit at this table have had in this - country, it seems a stupid and ridiculous notion not to admit that - this is the Promised Land. Let us wake up and, as the Christians - have done, be a militant religion. - - Everywhere I have been, people have told me that they were not for - Zionism, but that they were afraid to assert themselves. All the - Zionists want they have gotten. President Wilson has assured us - that full civil and religious rights would be granted to the Jews - everywhere. It did not require Zionism to get that. They will get - it as the result of the conduct of the Jews throughout the world. - The League of Nations would be imperfect if it did not include it. - - You cannot make a good American out of anybody unless he is - religious; and as we want a fine morality, we are looking to you - ministers of the Jewish faith to give it to us. - - To the moral strength of our nation, American Judaism must - contribute in the greater measure. In times of adversity and - prosperity the moral and spiritual courage of the Jew has become - proverbial. Now, in this new era for America and for the world, - this strength and courage, the roots of which are imbedded in our - religion, must be fostered and made a living force more than ever - before. The Isaac M. Wise Centenary gives us the opportunity to - establish the institution of American Judaism on a firm foundation. - This we must do, lest we fail to contribute in the fullest measure - our share to the spiritual rebuilding of the world. - -Extended trips for the Near East and Jewish Relief Committees, and also -for the Liberty Loan and United War Work Drive, had taken me during -these months into almost every part of the country, addressing -gatherings in cities as far scattered as Lewiston, Me., Atlanta, Ga., -and Portland, Ore. The itinerary included most places of any size in the -Middle West and frequently demanded speeches for two or three of the -causes the same day. - -The meetings were usually preceded by dinners or luncheons or followed -by receptions, at which the leading men of the cities gathered. A more -inspiring experience it would be hard to imagine than seeing every -prejudice and hatred laid aside for labour in a common cause. Wherever -my way led there were revealed, as national characteristics, an intense -moral enthusiasm, warm-hearted response to human suffering, open-handed -generosity, and mutual tolerance. - -Nevertheless, contact with voters in these drives had intensified my -realization that a large number of our citizens were still Pacifists and -that many of the German-Americans and their friends were protesting that -the German Empire, innocent of having caused the world struggle, was -fighting in self-defense. As I had positive information through Baron -Wangenheim and the Marquis Pallavicini, my German and Austrian -colleagues at Constantinople, that the war was premeditated, I consulted -my friend, Frank I. Cobb, of the New York _World_, how best to make this -fact public. The result was his collaboration and the appearance in that -paper on October 14, 1917, of an article in which it was declared: - - This war was no accident. Neither did it come through the temporary - break-down of European diplomacy. It was carefully planned and - deliberately executed in cold blood.... It was undertaken in the - furtherance of a definite programme of Prussian imperialism. - -Proceeding to give my reasons for such a statement, as cause and effect -had been revealed to me by Von Wangenheim himself, the article included -the first authoritative confirmation of the rumour that the Kaiser had -indeed held the now famous Potsdam Conference, at which the German -financiers, as early as the first week of July, 1914, had been -instructed to complete the concentration of the Empire’s resources for -war. The disclosure of these facts, copied in newspapers throughout the -country, created a sensation and profoundly influenced American public -opinion. - -A number of friends urged me to write a book, giving my evidence more -fully and revealing how Germany had dominated Turkish policy and forced -the Sublime Porte into the war. Hesitancy as to the propriety of an -Ambassador using his information publicly led me to consult President -Wilson. In doing so I expressed the opinion that the Congressional -election of 1918 was in grave doubt and that everything should be done -to prove that the Executive had been right in entering the war. The -following letter resolved my doubts and confirmed my inclination: - -THE WHITE HOUSE -27 November, 1917. - - MY DEAR MR. MORGENTHAU: - - I have just received your letter of yesterday and in reply would - say that I think you get impressions about public opinion in New - York which by no means apply to the whole country, but nevertheless - I think that your plan for a full exposition of some of the - principal lines of German intrigue is an excellent one and I hope - you will undertake to write and publish the book you speak of. - - I am writing in great haste, but not in hasty judgment you may be - sure. - -Cordially and sincerely yours, -WOODROW WILSON. - - - -I then wrote “Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story.” - -On September 30, 1917, I had contributed to the New York _Times_ an -article headed, “Emperor William Must Go.” Then followed the _World_ -interview already referred to, and, on October 18th, less than a month -before the Armistice, I delivered at Cooper Union an address in which I -said: - - There is only one way to chasten Germany and that is to defeat her - so completely that the memory will not pass out of her mind for - many generations. Such a defeat is absolutely essential to her - reeducation along the lines of civilization and democracy. I will - regard her utter defeat in a military sense, and the elimination of - her war-lords, as the essential preliminaries to the new German - democratic state. These changes are necessary to re-establish that - healthy and normal mentality which is the first requirement if she - is to emerge from the present war a nation with which the rest of - the world can consent to associate as a brother. - -On March 8, 1918, I had a meeting with Lord Reading, Lord Chief Justice -of England, whom Lloyd George had sent as special Ambassador to this -country. In our conversation, he revealed a fact of great historic -interest. - -The day before, at a luncheon given him by the Merchants’ Association of -New York, Lord Reading had used what seemed a singular expression for an -official representative of Great Britain. Referring to the gravity of -the military situation and the necessity for America to exert her full -strength, he described the tremendous sacrifices of his own people and -then declared: - -“You must take up the burden. We _have_ done all we can do.” - -Recalling this in our talk, I suggested that it must have been a slip of -the tongue, and asked: “Did you not mean to say, ‘We (Great Britain) -_are doing_ all we can?’” - -“Quite the contrary,” Lord Reading instantly replied. “I said it -deliberately, and it is the fact. Every Englishman that is fit for -military service has been called to the colours; we have even combed our -civil service. We have no reserve man-power left.” - -Nevertheless, public utterance of such a statement at such a time -revealed a misconception of our national psychology. I pointed out to -Lord Reading that we Americans were not yet far enough advanced in -experience of war to react favourably to such a message. - -Nor were the women that we met in these war activities less interesting -than the men. Mrs. Emma Bailey Speer, president of the Y. W. C. A., -sent a car to take me over to Tenafly, N. J., to make the dedicatory -address at a new hostess house. In the car was a lady wearing the Y. W. -C. A. uniform. She said that Mrs. Speer, being unable to come herself, -had sent her as a substitute--and it was splendid to see how this, the -daughter of Senator Aldrich, and the wife of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., -could be just a good private in the Y. W. C. A. ranks, taking her -position and doing her duties with seriousness and efficiency. - -Soon after this, we gave a dinner in honour of Dr. Henry Pratt Judson, -president of Chicago University, who had recently returned from Persia -on behalf of the Near East Relief Committee. An amusing incident -occurred which partly spoiled the evening for Mr. Schiff, the great -financier and much beloved leader of the Jews, and recognized as one of -the most eminent citizens of America. He sat next to Mrs. Rockefeller -and accidentally caused the spilling of a cup of coffee over her dress. -She tactfully said that the dress had been cleaned before and could be -cleaned again. Nevertheless, it depressed Mr. Schiff to think that he -should have been so awkward as to raise his elbow while the coffee was -being passed. A week later he showed me with great satisfaction a letter -from Mrs. Rockefeller, accepting the beautiful lace scarf which he had -sent her with the explanation that it was to cover the spot on her -dress. The incident again proves that the biggest men devote the -required time and thought to straightening out even such little mishaps -as that here related. - - * * * * * - -The signing of the Armistice abruptly terminated hostilities a year -earlier than most people had expected. Public opinion was far from -clarified upon the question as to the kind of peace treaty which should -be drawn up. The public did realize, however, that it was confronted -with an issue perhaps even more vital than the issues of war. A peace -must be devised to end this war and prevent a recurrence of so terrible -a disaster. At this time, the only powerful and organized body of men -which had studied this subject and had a solution to offer was the -League to Enforce Peace. The leaders of this league felt that it was a -public duty to place their solution before the nation, and give it the -utmost publicity in the hope that it might be serviceable in directing -the course of investigations at Paris into channels of permanent benefit -to humanity. - -They worked out an ingenious and effective plan. Not content with merely -announcing their ideas through the press or on the platform, they -organized nine “congresses” in as many cities, each the centre of an -important section. They arranged to have district delegates sent to the -sessions of the congresses, and from five thousand to ten thousand -delegates attended every one; besides, numerous audiences flocked to -overflow meetings. A group of public men, headed by ex-President Taft, -was organized to address the sessions, as representatives of the League. -I was asked to be one of that group. - -Mr. Wilson was in Paris. Fearing that this campaign might in some way -embarrass him, or conflict with his plans, I consulted several Cabinet -members: Secretaries Lane and Houston applauded the wisdom of the -proposed campaign. Secretary Baker wrote: - -December 21, 1918. - - MY DEAR MR. MORGENTHAU: - - I return herewith the letter which you enclosed with yours of the - twentieth. - - I have not agreed to speak for the League to Enforce Peace, nor - have I any idea of speaking under the auspices of that society; not - that I have any objection to it but simply that I doubt very much - the wisdom of anybody connected with the Administration at this - time associating himself with a society which has a particular - mode of assuring future peace. So far as I am personally concerned, - I am for any way the President can work out. I did say to Mr. - Filene and some other gentlemen who called upon me as - representatives of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, - that I would be very glad to attend a couple of dinners held under - the auspices of the Chamber of Commerce, and incidentally would say - something in favour of a league of nations, but with the distinct - understanding that I was not speaking for the Administration and - was not speaking for any plan or programme whatever. Since making - this promise I have even more doubted the wisdom of doing it, for - exactly the reasons you state in your letter. It seems to me - entirely possible for us here, with the best of good intentions, - deeply to embarrass the President in his very delicate task, and so - far as I am concerned, I have no intention of doing it. Unless I - change my mind, I will beg off from the engagements already made, - and I am sure it would be better for all of us to refrain from that - kind of discussion just now. - - Cordially yours, -(Signed) NEWTON D. BAKER, - _Secretary of War_. - - - -I was assured that I was expected to speak only in the general terms of -an association of nations without outlining any detailed plan therefor. -On receipt of this assurance, I decided to go. - -The party comprised ex-President Taft, President Lowell of Harvard; Dr. -Henry van Dyke of Princeton; Dr. Elmer R. Brown, Dean of the Yale -Divinity School; George Grafton Wilson, Professor of International Law -at Harvard; Edward A. Filene, of Boston; and Mrs. Philip North Moore, of -St. Louis, president of the National Council of Women. The three weeks, -passed in a tour of the country with such able and delightful people, -was thoroughly enjoyed. - -On this journey, my acquaintance with Mr. Taft was transformed into a -genuine friendship. On the first day out, it was “Mr. Morgenthau”; on -the second, “Henry Morgenthau”; and on the third it became, and has -since remained, “Henry.” He was a most delightful travelling companion -and fellow-worker, good-humoured under all circumstances, uncomplaining -under the heaviest tasks, the soul of friendliness and consideration: -“To know him was to love him.” One day, as we were sitting in his -compartment, discussing some details of the trip, he broke into one of -his characteristic little chuckles: - -“Here you have been opposing me politically all these years,” he said, -“and now we’re together on the same platform for the good of the whole -world. Doesn’t public service make strange compartment companions?” - -Our trip was filled with hard work, exhausting hours, and not a few -discomforts, but it brought us many moments of inspiration and some of -amusement. Of the latter, one stands clear in my memory. We were -standing unobserved at the railroad station of a small town in the -Dakotas, when President Lowell thought we ought to do something “to get -our blood in circulation” and challenged me to a foot race on the -station platform. - -“I’ll take a handicap--I’ll run backwards.” - -His challenge was accepted, and he won the race. Then he confessed that -running backwards was one of his accomplishments from undergraduate -days. - -The outstanding moments of the trip were those which immediately -followed our receipt of the first draft of the League Covenant. We were -steaming through Utah, when it was handed aboard. At once it was given -the stenographers for manifolding, and none of us is likely to forget -the impatience with which each awaited his copy, the eagerness with -which each took it to his own compartment for study. - -That evening President Lowell, Dr. Van Dyke, and myself were called to -Mr. Taft’s compartment. He sat there, his face all aglow with -satisfaction. He put his hand on his copy of the Covenant, which was -lying on the table, and said: - -“I am delighted to find it has teeth in it.” - -We had a long discussion, concluding that we ought to prepare a -pronouncement for publication. Mr. Taft asked us three to draw up a -statement. We complied and called in Professors Brown and Wilson, who -were very useful in condensing it. Mr. Taft read the result, approved of -it, but added the concluding sentence: - - The alternative to a League of Nations is the heavy burden and the - constant temptation of universal armament. - -That addition made, the signatures were affixed, and the train stopped -at a little station to telegraph our statement to the Associated Press. -The local telegrapher doubted his ability to transmit accurately a -message that he considered so important as this one, but he notified the -operator at the next town to be ready for us, and from there the -statement was sent out in the following terms: - - AN APPEAL TO OUR FELLOW CITIZENS - - The war against military autocracy has been won because the great - free nations acted together, and its results will be secured only - if they continue to act together. The forces making for autocratic - rule on the one hand, and for the violence of Bolshevism on the - other are still at work. - - In fifty years the small states of Prussia so organized central - Europe as to defy the world. In the present disorganized state of - central and eastern Europe, that can be done again on a still - larger scale and menace all free institutions. The death of - millions of men and the destruction and debt in another world war - would turn civilization backward for generations. In such a war we - shall certainly be involved, and our best young men will be - sacrificed as the French and English have been sacrificed in the - last four years. Such a catastrophe can be prevented only by the - reconstruction of the small states now seeking self-government, on - the basis of freedom and justice; but this is impossible without a - league, for divided its members are not strong enough for the - task. Should the victorious nations fail to form a league, German - imperialists would have a clearer field for their designs. - - By the abundance of its natural resources, by the number, - intelligence, and character of its people, the United States has - become a world power. It cannot avoid the risks and must assume the - responsibilities of its position. It cannot stand aloof, but must - face boldly the facts of the day, with confidence in itself and in - its future among the great nations of the earth. - - United as never before, our people have fought this war. United and - above party we must consider the problems of peace, resolved that - so far as in us lies, war shall no more scourge mankind. The - Covenant reported to the Paris Conference has come since the last - election, and the people have had no chance to pass judgment upon - it. In this journey from coast to coast we have looked into the - faces of more than 100,000 typical Americans, and believe that the - great majority of our countrymen desire to take part in such a - league as is proposed in that document. We appeal to our fellow - citizens, therefore, to study earnestly this question, and express - their opinions with a voice so clear and strong that our - representatives in Congress may know that the people of the United - States are determined to assume their part in this crisis of human - history. The alternative to a League of Nations is the heavy burden - and the constant temptation of universal armament. - -February 23, 1919. -(Signed) - -WILLIAM H. TAFT. -HENRY MORGENTHAU. -A. LAWRENCE LOWELL. -HENRY VAN DYKE. - - - -Mr. Taft’s endorsement of the Covenant as then drawn moved me, at our -journey’s end, to telegraph to Washington suggesting that he join -President Wilson in an exposition of the League before a great mass -meeting. The reply came back that such a plan was already being put into -execution. It was carried out at the gathering on March 4, 1919, in the -Metropolitan Opera House, New York, on the eve of Mr. Wilson’s return to -Paris. - -That night, when the Democratic President of the United States walked on -the stage with the Republican ex-President, the audience seemed almost -justified in thinking that the Covenant had been lifted above -partisanship and that the Magna Charta of the Nations was secure. - -This conviction was strengthened by Mr. Taft’s address. He delivered it -without any apparent exertion. He had thoroughly mastered the general -subject during his long connection with the League to Enforce Peace, he -had secured the draft of the Covenant, locked himself up with it, -analyzed and digested it. He had “tried out” the subject in conferences -with specialists, and presented it before popular meetings across the -Continent. Now, for one hour and a half, he discussed this historic -document in all its national and international phases. His address, -given with natural and admirable simplicity, the quintessence of deep -thought, was complete, technical, erudite, judicial: the reading of a -momentous interpretation by the future Chief Justice of the Supreme -Court of the United States. The speaker injected some of his native -geniality into his delivery; but not for that reason alone did the vast -audience listen ninety minutes without a sign of restlessness: the -believers, the doubters, and the active opponents were spellbound by his -logical and convincing argument. - -During all this time it was more than interesting to watch the fixed -attention that the President was giving to the address. We all wondered -what was going on in his battling brain. Some of us noticed for the -first time a nervous twitching in his cheek, undoubtedly a reflex of the -tremendous harassment that he had undergone in Washington. - -He had come back to America to sign some bills before the expiration of -Congress on March 4th, and brought with him this Covenant. Now, before -his departure for Europe, he listened to the fine approval of his ideal -by his predecessor, who, though prominent in his party and highly -esteemed by all Americans, was not speaking with final authority: the -Senate had to approve the Covenant before it could become binding on the -United States. - -So Woodrow Wilson, whom the peoples of the world were ready to accept as -their leader, had to return to Paris knowing that the thirty-seven -Senators who had signed the “round robin” were pledged against him in -terms which could have no other purpose than to notify our Associates at -the Peace Conference that the Senate would not confirm any League of -Nations projected by him. With this fear in his heart, he was on his way -to resume his participation in the greatest diplomatic struggle of -modern times. This evening, he saw again unmistakable evidence that if -the American people possessed the authority and could express it, they -would undoubtedly grant him the necessary power, without restrictions or -reservations, to enter into an agreement, which would help to lift the -world out of the mire of militarism to a higher plane, where wars would -disappear, where international peace and justice would prevail, and -where the combined efforts of mankind, purified and energized by its -moral elevation, would be diverted from its destructive pursuits and -concentrated on the promotion of happiness. - -That evening I brought Homer Cummings home with me. We were both buoyed -up, tingling from the enthusiasm of that great meeting, yet fearing that -this League of Nations might be shattered by partisan politics. - -As we settled down in my library, I said to Cummings: - -“Homer, you are really neglecting your duty as National Chairman unless -you undertake immediately to present to the American people the attitude -of the Democratic Party toward this League of Nations, and denounce, in -the unmeasured terms that it deserves this violent opposition that has -developed against it.” I told him that it required a real Philippic, and -then related to him my own recent experience with Demosthenes, which -occurred at a dinner given to some Greeks, when Dr. Talcott Williams -told an anecdote of Hellenic influence on modern life. - -Williams said that some twenty-five years ago he had asked a Princeton -college professor whether there was, in his opinion, any way of -affecting current thought except through the pulpit or the press. The -professor replied that there was the forum, and that, for his own part, -he was fitting himself for the forum by a careful study of Demosthenes. -Years passed, and Dr. Williams met the professor again and reminded him -of his youthful conviction. - -“I haven’t changed my opinion,” said the Princetonian, “and only -recently I had to brush up my Greek to enable me to refresh my -recollection of some of the Philippics.” - -The Princeton professor was Woodrow Wilson. - -When I told this story to my wife, who was both my kindest and severest -critic, she immediately secured and placed on my desk, without any -comment, a translation of Demosthenes. Inspired by its perusal, I dared -to face a great audience in Buffalo and deliver an opening address for -the Liberty Loans. - -I said to Cummings: “Now, as President Wilson is returning to Europe, -you, Homer, ought to be the Demosthenes of the Democratic Party.” - -Cummings took fire. “I believe I can do it,” he cried. - -He was the man for it. Physically big, with a commanding presence and a -good delivery, his experience as a member of the Democratic National -Committee, his campaigns for Mayor of Stamford and Senator from -Connecticut, and his successful service as state’s attorney for -Fairfield County in that state, had qualified him long since for -brilliant public speaking, and latterly for public speaking of the -denunciatory sort. - -We consulted Demosthenes. We analyzed the Fourth Philippic. - -Cummings’s eyes flashed, as he exclaimed: - -“I can do it! I can do it!” - -The opening was to be a vindication of the Democratic Party throughout -the war and the subsequent peace negotiations: the peroration, a -denunciation of the opposition. - -The question remained: what forum should be selected? We canvassed the -possibilities: the Economic Club, of which I was then president, and a -number of others. One by one, all were dismissed. Finally, it was -decided to give a small dinner at the National Democratic Club on the -evening of March 14th, and to follow that immediately by a large -reception, at which the speech in its first form was to be delivered. - -This plan was carried to a successful conclusion, and what Cummings said -that night was the basis or skeleton of his soon-famous speech at San -Francisco. “The rest is history.” - -Meantime, my period at home was drawing to a close. I had written for -the New York _Times_ “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War.” On March -7th, I received a cablegram from Henry P. Davison. It asked me to serve -as delegate to the Conference at Cannes for the formation of the -International League of Red Cross Societies. Mr. Taft and Jacob Schiff -both gave me advice that matched my inclinations. On March 15th, the -_Times_ published an interview giving my point of View in regard to this -trip: - - I am going to Europe to assist Henry P. Davison in his work of - organizing the Red Cross for the great mission which I believe it - is called upon to perform in the world. - - We have a very definite vision of what this work is to be. The - League of Nations, when it is formed, will necessarily confine its - administration to the more material aspects of government, such as - boundaries, armament, and economic questions. There is need, - therefore, for a League to care for the human wants and moral - aspirations of all peoples. This other “League of Nations” may well - be the International Red Cross, which enlightened men and women are - now engaged in forming. I am to assist in that work. It is a work - dear to my heart, something for which for many years I have felt - there is a definite need. - - The Red Cross, in the new and more splendid opportunity that has - come to it, because of its services in the great war, is the - medium, I believe, through which all true lovers of mankind may aid - in making the world a better place to live in. - -I came home from the Democratic Club’s reception to Cummings, snatched a -few hours’ sleep, and, on the following morning, boarded the ship that -was to take me on the journey which began with the International Red -Cross Conference and ended in my investigation of the Jewish massacres -in Poland. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS - - -We sailed on the _Leviathan_, formerly the _Vaterland_. When we boarded -the ship, we found the dock was elaborately decorated for the arrival of -the Secretary of the Navy; the handsome royal suite was reserved for him -and his wife. Josephus Daniels, no longer wearing his customary white -suit, now displayed an admiral’s cap, and was surrounded by admirals and -captains who were under his orders. He was the Secretary of the Navy and -to the chagrin of some of our prominent ironmasters, he had assumed the -exacting supervision of naval armour plate in lieu of his effective -distribution of newspaper boiler plate during the first Wilson campaign. - -Other fellow passengers were seven physicians bound, like myself, for -the international conference of Red Cross Societies at Cannes: William -H. Welch, of Johns Hopkins, typifying to us all the wonderful -accomplishments of the Rockefeller Institute; L. Emmett Holt, the -medical foster-father of thousands of American babies; Hermann M. Biggs, -who, in his official capacities, has lifted public hygiene into a -recognized requirement of modern civilization; Colonel Russell, Chief of -the Division of Infectious Diseases in the U. S. Surgeon-General’s -office; Edward R. Baldwin, head of the well-known Saranac Lake -Sanatorium for Tuberculosis; Fritz B. Talbot, of Boston, famous as a -specialist in children’s diseases; and Samuel M. Hammill, head of the -Pennsylvania Child-Welfare Board. With these was Mr. Chanler P. -Anderson, ex-solicitor of the State Department. - -We took our meals at the same table and used these often wasted hours to -weave precious strands of friendship that can best be created amongst -people animated by the same aims and sharing the obligations of service. -At my suggestion, we decided to hold daily meetings to prepare for -submission to the Conference a plan which would embody the combined -thoughts of our entire party. Dr. Welch had intended to devote his time -at sea to writing an article on his old associate, Dr. Osler, but rather -regretfully postponed his task and accepted his usual position--that of -chairman. Dr. Holt was elected secretary so that, with Dr. Biggs as -vice-chairman, we transferred to our gatherings the precision and expert -management of the Rockefeller Institute. - -Dr. Welch’s first thought has always been of public service. Before our -country entered the war, he went to the President and suggested making -ready our medical practitioners and hospitals for service. Mr. Wilson -appointed him to the Council of National Defense, and some day the -public will be surprised to learn how much he did toward that phase of -preparedness. On the _Leviathan_ he brought out what was best in us and -proved, at the age of sixty-eight, the fallacy of the popular -interpretation of Dr. Osler’s statement about the end of human -usefulness at forty-five. - -All of the physicians were animated by this same high motive: not to -commercialize their talents, but to devote much of them to research work -for the benefit of mankind. As all of them were recognized authorities -in their respective fields, they stated their experience and knowledge -in so convincing a manner that it was like reading the last word written -on the subject. - -After a few days of strictly medical discussion, I ventured to read them -my conception of the proper future of the Red Cross as published in the -New York _Times_ of March 15, 1919, arguing that this noble -organization ought now to become militant and endeavour to reach with -curative and preventive measures into the innermost recesses of both -hemispheres, where diseases originate and dense ignorance prevails. We -all agreed that we must remedy the intellectual deficiencies as well as -the physical weaknesses of the backward peoples, and, therefore, -prepared a memorandum, later presented to the Conference, recommending a -broad international programme of this character. - -We landed at Brest, and hurried to Paris and immediately reported to Mr. -Davison. There I met Mr. Hoover’s secretary, who said that “The -Chief”--a title given Hoover by all his admiring adherents--was anxious -to see me. I found Hoover concerned as to whether our contemplated -organization would conflict with his exclusive authority conferred by -President Wilson to manage all the American relief activities -everywhere. I promptly relieved his mind, assuring him that the League -of the Red Cross Societies had no intention of distributing food or in -any way interfering with the American Relief administration. - -Our first Red Cross meeting was held next day in Mr. Davison’s office at -the Regina and then we presented our programme, urging its adoption as -necessary to retain the interest and coöperation of the millions of -adult and junior members of the American Red Cross. But, unfortunately, -Mr. Davison relied largely on Colonel Strong, and his plans were -adopted; they were conventional and confined to a limited field. - -A few days later, Mr. Davison gave a dinner at the little old-fashioned -house on the Quai de la Tourelle. The recruits from America were meeting -the scarred veterans just returned from the front-line trenches. Here -were the men that had fought dismay in Italy, typhus in Servia, who had -worked wonders on the Bosphorus, and saved the babies of Roumania. We -heard their modest reports through which their valour and their triumphs -shone like so many pillars of fire. America had done these things: all -non-combatant Americans had faithfully worked to develop the -organization which made them possible; we newcomers from America, -burning with the volunteer spirit and ready with a programme to continue -that usefulness and extend it throughout all the world, were raised, as -we listened, far above the material plane. - -War-time regulations were still in force: all lights should have been -extinguished at 9:30, and Frederic himself popped a worried head in at -the door several times to tell Davison so. Therefore, when our host -called on me for the closing speech, he said: - -“I regret that you will have only five minutes for it, too. The curfew -has rung three times already.” - -In concluding my speech, I said: - -“My friends, I have been entranced by the splendid spirit displayed this -evening. I have shared with you the elation of the hour. - -“You field workers have inspired us by recounting the blessings that -have been showered upon you by the thousands of grateful recipients of -your services, while we have freshened your drooping enthusiasm and -reinforced your ardour by transmitting from your millions of members at -home their hopes and prayers that you will ‘Carry On.’ The determination -of all the guests to transform these hopes into definite actions seems -to have changed this table into an altar at which to pledge ourselves to -assume this new task of further brothering those who are still crying -for help.” - -Next day, on the train for Cannes, when Davison called Chanler Anderson -and myself into conference, I again stated that, as we had the moral, -scientific, educational, and sociological experts of nearly all the -world mobilized and ready for further work, it would be criminal -negligence not to make use of such an unprecedented opportunity. Davison -agreed as to fundamentals, but was afraid that too big a programme would -frighten away the representatives of other nations. We could have the -larger goal in mind, he said, and hope ultimately to reach it, but we -must commence with something concrete in the conventional way to secure -the coöperation of the non-American delegates. - -Notwithstanding this, the Cannes Conference was an inspiring experience. - -Here we were gathered from all parts of the world, exchanging -condolences for the terrible ravages suffered by the various nations, -watching intently, and waiting with deep fear in our hearts the outcome -of the developments in Paris, hoping and praying that some definite good -would result from this war, bewildered at our inability to recognize any -definite signs of a coming solution, conscious that the old-fashioned -diplomacy was eclipsing the modern thoughts and aims of the progressive, -disinterested members at the Conference. We felt that perhaps true -democracy could only exist, as it did at our Conference, where every man -was chosen on account of his individual merit, and not on account of -birth, or political pull, or influence; and some of us thought that, -perhaps, after all, the improvement of the world would have to be -brought about by a non-political body of men, whose right to serve arose -from their own qualifications, and whose tenure of service would not be -influenced by constant changes in government. It dawned upon us that, -_perhaps_, these millions of members of the Red Cross Societies all over -the world, with the many more millions that would join them, could -undertake to establish a permanent organization that would put into -practical execution all the teachings of religion, science, education, -medicine, hygiene, and sociology. While those in Paris were rearranging -the boundaries, we were trying to develop the universal spirit of -service to all humanity which would recognize no boundaries, or class -distinctions, or religious differences. - -Under the presidency of Dr. Émile Roux, the worthy successor of Pasteur, -it became a Congress of Scientists. Leading members of the medical -profession in the Associated Nations were there, and the same tone of -unselfish interest on behalf of humanity that I had found among the -American representatives prevailed. Rivalries, envies, personal -ambitions were totally absent; there was none of the crossing and -double-crossing, scheming and misrepresentation of a political -convention. These fine intellects were making a genuine effort to create -an agency through which all discoveries in medicine and hygiene could be -utilized for the benefit of mankind without thoughts of royalties or -patents. It was a revelation to a practical business man, and I -sincerely wished that more business men could profit by such an -experience with practical idealists. - -In private talks some of the delegates from the different countries -responded wonderfully to my suggested plan, but they had been stunned by -the war and were bewildered by the resultant chaos and depended on the -United States to take the lead. Another thing discouraged me: no -representatives were present from the general educational, sociological, -or philanthropic worlds, and the best of men must necessarily see life -through the glasses of their own profession. Consequently, I was not -surprised, though I was disappointed, by the adoption of Colonel -Strong’s programme. - -It was what his remarks in Paris had indicated. Early activities were to -be limited to those of an international health and statistical bureau. -The Conference decided that the international societies should deal only -with general hygienic improvement and child-welfare, and that even in -these matters the central organization, instead of doing the actual -work, should leave that to the constituent league members and confine -itself to the development of policies and the collection of statistics. - -The question remained: who was to be the executive of this still -potentially important force? - -Throughout the Conference Davison was recognized as its organizing and -directing spirit. It was a delight to see him in action, to note his -quick response to suggestions, his prompt absorption of committee -reports, his analysis of technical addresses. Devoting the full measure -of his great ability to the work, he was performing it admirably and -enjoying the performance. Everything depended upon the choice of a -director-general; yet here was the very man to maintain vitality in this -organism: why should he not remain the leader? - -The result was a heart-to-heart talk, in which I still clung to my -“Vision of the Red Cross after the War.” - -For two solid hours, with all the eloquence and persuasiveness I could -muster, I tried to induce Henry P. Davison to abandon his business -career and devote the rest of his life to this cause. I argued that the -great satisfaction he plainly felt through contact with scientists of -one profession indicated the enjoyment he would experience in bringing -together the leaders in education, sociology, and general philanthropy; -and that the ability which made him successful with the physicians would -completely eclipse that success when he added to these the leaders in -other fields. I told of a discussion I had had in Paris with John R. -Mott, and how thoroughly he regretted that the Y.M.C.A. could not -undertake this great work. - -“No president of any republic,” I said, “has ever had such an -opportunity as this. Here is a chance to lead an army that will -eventually really improve the world. You have shown that you possess the -requisite administrative ability and vision. By sterling qualities and -hard work, you’ve reached the top of the business ladder. On it there is -nothing above you comparable to what this new career holds. Until a few -years ago you used your personal magnetism, and all the gifts so -generously bestowed upon you, in finance. Now, you have been using them -with phenomenal success in philanthropy. You must know that the former -is ephemeral, while in the latter, the good to be done is lasting. While -so many are exploiting the masses, you can lead in benefiting them. The -thing that’s needed to cure the ills of man isn’t another compromise -peace treaty. Practical, world-wide philanthropy is the thing that’s -needed, and the man who organizes that will be the acknowledged leader -of modern humanitarianism.” - -Davison was really deeply moved. He listened attentively, -sympathetically; he was under the spell of the ideal. But the chords -that held him to materialism were too strong; he was still enmeshed. - -“I’ll do everything I can to help make a success of the larger Red -Cross,” he said, “but I can’t devote my entire time to it.” - -“That’s not enough,” I answered. “It will be impossible for you to run -an International League of Red Cross Societies the way you’re running -railroads and other enterprises, from the corner of Broad and Wall -streets.” - -Then he put his arm around my shoulder and said, in effect: - -“I don’t want to make any more money, but I owe a definite obligation to -my firm and the corporations I’m connected with. I wish with my whole -heart that I could go on with the Red Cross, but it’s impossible, -Morgenthau--impossible!” - -There being no appeal from his decision, we canvassed other names. The -matter reduced itself to a choice between Franklin K. Lane and General -W. W. Atterbury, and, as the latter was in France, Davison had him come -to Cannes and talk the proposition over, but found that the General -considered it his duty to resume his position as vice-president of the -Pennsylvania Railroad as soon as he was released from the army. We then -turned toward Secretary Lane, and agreed that I should send the -following telegram: - -ADMIRAL GRAYSON, -c/o President Wilson, -Place des États-Unis, Paris. - - Kindly ascertain and notify by telephone Otis Cutler, Hotel Regina, - Paris, whether President Wilson has any objection to Secretary Lane - being approached to accept the General Directorship of the - Associated National Red Cross. Davison and his advisers, after a - thorough canvass of available material here, have unanimously - concluded that Lane is best equipped for this most important post. - As success of movement is so largely dependent on its management, - we hope President will assent. - - (Signed) - -HENRY MORGENTHAU. - - - -The reply was another evidence of Wilson’s fine loyalty to his friends: - -HON. HENRY MORGENTHAU, -Cannes, France. - - The President does not know what the position proposed is, but he - could not see his way to approving anything that would necessarily - involve Secretary Lane’s withdrawal from his position unless the - desire originated with him. - - (Signed) - -CARY T. GRAYSON. - - - -Davison then cabled one of his partners to see Lane personally and asked -me to cable Lane direct, which was done as follows: - -FRANKLIN LANE, -Washington, D. C. - - Welch, Biggs, Farrand, Holt, and myself, who have been consulted by - Davison as to choice of Director General, all believe that you are - the best man for the position and that the movement will give you - an unhampered opportunity to utilize your wonderful experience. We - all urge you to give it favourable consideration. Have read - Davison’s cable and it does not fully picture the unlimited scope - of service afforded. It is second to no prior chance to help - suffering humanity. - - (Signed) - -MORGENTHAU. - - - -If Davison would have taken the director-generalship, or if it could -have been given to Lane or Atterbury, or someone else of their vision -and ability, the organization might have become a very different affair -from what it is to-day. But this was not to be. Accident intervened -before Lane would act, and the International League of Red Cross -Societies added another to the list of the world’s lost chances. This is -what happened: - -We had come back to Paris. The Executive Committee was in session at the -Hotel Regina. In an unguarded moment, Davison said: - -“If Great Britain can produce a man fitted for the director-generalship, -I shall consent to his appointment.” - -Instantly, Sir Arthur Stanley jumped at the offer. He was president of -the British Red Cross and the younger brother of the Earl of Derby, at -that time British Ambassador to France. He has a lame foot, but his -intellect is as agile as any man’s. His bright eyes flashed like -diamonds. Trained fencer that he is, he saw the opening Davison had -given him and took full advantage of it. - -“I’ll investigate immediately!” said he. - -I went over to Davison and in Stanley’s hearing told him that this was a -mistake; the Americans should name the Director-General, because we -would have to assume the burden of organization and had the resources -to do so properly. - -“And the French and Italians will side with you,” I added, “if it is a -choice between England and us.” - -Luncheon recess intervened. During it, I spoke to the Latin delegates, -and they confirmed my opinion. They admitted that they had not realized -what the proposition meant, and that they certainly preferred to have an -American. At the afternoon session they proposed, in this hope, that the -selection of a Director-General be left entirely to Davison. - -He, however, said that he was committed to his proposition, though he -hoped that Sir Arthur would not be able to find a man equipped for the -post. Two days later, Davison informed me that Sir Arthur had proposed -General David Henderson, and that he (Davison) had had thorough -inquiries made about Henderson and found that his record and standing -were such that no objection could be raised. Henderson became -Director-General. - -One last hopeful note was sounded. I had told Mr. Davison to command me -if he thought I could do anything further, and I was pleasantly -surprised when he came and asked me whether my offer included a dinner -to the Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies. He explained -that he was making this request because a former diplomat could secure -the greatly desired attendance of the diplomatic representatives now -gathered at the Peace Conference. - -The result was one of those thoroughly cosmopolitan dinners which could -have occurred only in that city and at that time. In addition to the Red -Cross board, there were present representatives of the twenty-four -different countries that had been invited to join our League. Speeches -were made by Ian Malcolm, speaking for Sir Arthur Stanley and Great -Britain; Count Kergolay, for France; Count Frascara, for Italy; -Professor Arata Nina Gawa, for Japan; Sir Eric Drummond, -Secretary-General of the League of Nations; General Henderson, the newly -chosen head of the Red Cross League; Count Wedel Jarlsberg, of Denmark, -doyen of the Diplomatic Corps in Paris; Dr. Welch, Mrs. William K. -Draper, Mr. Davison, and Dr. William Rappard, acting as interpreter and -also speaking on behalf of the International Red Cross at Geneva. I -presided as toastmaster and, listening to the sentiments of the various -addresses, all pitched in the highest optimistic and philanthropic key, -felt that here was a readiness to coöperate that, if properly directed -into action, might yet launch the organization upon the seas of larger -usefulness. - -This hope, however, was never realized. When we failed to retain Davison -as the active leader, or to get somebody of equal ability for -Director-General, I feared that the League of Red Cross Societies would -become a soulless bureau; that it could not undertake any of the broader -activities we had hoped for, and that this wonderful nucleus of millions -of adult and junior humanitarians would never be transformed into that -great army of world welfare-workers which some of us had dreamed about -and that all mankind so sorely needs. Subsequent events have justified -my fears. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE PEACE CONFERENCE - - -In Paris we found an entirely different state of affairs from that at -Cannes. I was drawn almost immediately into the maelstrom of the Peace -Conference: it was a rude awakening. Instead of men who were freely -utilizing their individual attainments for the general good, this was a -battle of conflicting interests, petty rivalries and schemes for -national aggrandizement. Each group of all the world’s ablest and -craftiest statesmen and politicians was seeking advantages for its own -political entity and resorting to every old, and many new, methods to -gain its ends. - -The representatives of the various countries had come expecting to find -an international court of justice, where a set of supermen would -rearrange the earth, settle all disputes, terminate all grievances, and -make a new world-map along fair ethnological and national lines. Yet -nobody knew how this was to be done. The little nations looked to the -big, but the big were too much concerned with their own affairs, and -with the division of the spoils, to be able suddenly to convert -themselves into impartial judges. Loyalty to their own countries -overshadowed their interest in the general good. There was just so much -benefit to be divided, and in the struggle of everyone to secure a -larger share for himself, many failed to get anything, and almost -nothing was left for the common good. - -Nearly all were scheming to weaken the arch-enemy, Germany, by -despoiling her of territory and creating strong safeguards around her. -The best comparison that comes to my mind is that of a legal contest -over the terms of a will disposing of a large estate. All the possible -heirs were here in Paris: the legitimate, the illegitimate, and such -posthumous children as Czecho-Slovakia and Poland were crowding into -court. Five trustees had, indeed, been appointed to effect a just -division--the representatives of Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan, -and the United States--but these, with the exception of America, were -themselves claimants, and the pleas were so conflicting that no human -genius, or group of them, could have rendered a decision to the -satisfaction of all. President Wilson realized this, and partly because -of it proposed a League of Nations as a permanent court to settle what -could not be settled at the Peace Conference. - -My observations were made from an advantageous position. The hopes and -ambitions of the various powers were centred in President Wilson; their -representatives were courting him and his friends, and as I had, at the -request of the United States commissioners, joined William H. Buckler in -studying the Turkish problem, my rooms at the hotel were soon -transformed into a sort of office and general meeting-place for some of -the most interesting figures at the Conference. - -Kerenski was one of these. He was not apparently the consumptive figure -pictured by the daily press; on the contrary, he was a burly man with a -thick neck and a mighty voice. When he pleaded his case, he waxed so -eloquent, and his tones reached such a pitch, that I had to close the -windows for fear outsiders might think there was a fight in my rooms. - -Although representing no established government and personifying the -Russian régime that had overthrown Czarism, only to be itself supplanted -by the Bolsheviki, Kerenski felt that the services of the real Russian -people to the Allied cause entitled his party to a hearing at the Peace -Conference. Prophetically, he told me that the extremists did not -represent the Russian people, and that they were forcing things too far -ever to succeed. I remember almost his exact words: - -“Russia is finished with the past, but is by no means ready to go to its -antithesis. I myself represent the middle course, and the world will -some day realize that my government was evolutionary, not -revolutionary.” - -Kerenski was especially hurt by the fact that “even the Americans” would -not listen to him. With fiery phrases, he explained convincingly that -there could be no general peace until Russian affairs were adjusted, and -that 160,000,000 people who had so manfully contributed their full share -against Prussianism could not justly, or even safely, be ignored. - -“I am not the spokesman of them all,” he admitted; “but I do represent -the political sentiment that must eventually prevail.” - -Dr. Robert Lord was in charge of Russian affairs for the American -delegation. I had him meet Kerenski the next day in my rooms, and from -this meeting an invitation to the Crillon followed. - -A more pathetic picture was that presented by the Chinese delegation. -They gave a dinner to a number of Americans, including Thomas Lamont, -Edward A. Filene, Senator Hollis, Charles R. Crane, Professor Taussig, -and myself. The affair may have been hopefully conceived, but, on that -very day, Ray Stannard Baker came to them with President Wilson’s -message that he had to consent to the Japanese pretensions in Shantung. - -We had gone for a banquet; we remained for a wake. The Chinese delegates -frankly feared that their failure to secure a proper adjustment with -Japan might so exasperate their people at home as to lead to personal -harm to them. They felt that their treatment by the Conference would -arouse their nation from its ancient lethargy and transform it into a -military power that might eventually avenge its injured pride. One of -them said to me: - -“We have a much firmer moral foundation than Japan, and we have a -population of 400,000,000 as against its 56,000,000. We possess as much -latent power as the Japanese, and I dread to contemplate what may happen -if it is ever aroused.” - -To look into the eyes of those Chinamen as they talked to us and to -observe their bearing under the trying circumstances of that evening was -to learn a lesson in restraint. The gravity of their situation was -freely admitted, and yet they were perfect hosts to us Americans whose -leader had just disappointed them. - -Even more pathetic than the Chinese discouragement was the hopeless case -of the Persian delegates. Having come thousands of miles to present -their plea for a new opportunity to achieve national regeneration, they -were denied even a hearing by the peace commissioners. They pleaded for -a release from the British-Russian yoke. They told us wonderful stories -of their natural resources that could be developed promptly and with -great profit if they could only be assured of security, or if they could -feel secure from the interference by the larger nations, and assured of -the coöperation of, instead of exploitation by, foreign capital. They -alluded to iron and coal, copper, lead, and manganese. The stories they -told reminded one of the descriptions of Mexico and Peru before they -were conquered by Cortez and Pizarro. Those cases involved all the risks -of conquest in an unknown country, and the voyages thither were fraught -with grave danger, while here was a nation whose resources were not in -doubt, but could be examined at leisure, and by experts, and their -existence proven; and the Persians who had been educated abroad and knew -European conditions fairly implored us to bring within the reach of -Persia the benefits of the progress made by these other countries during -the last few hundred years, while Persia was allowed to remain untouched -and unbenefited by those wonderful recent inventions that have enriched -all the countries that utilized them. Ali Kuli Khan, with his charming -American wife, whom I had known previously, told me that, at a large -dinner which the Persians had given, one of our American Peace -Commissioners publicly promised them that the United States delegation -would help them to a hearing; relying on this promise, Ali Kuli Khan had -transmitted the news to his home government, only to have his hopes -speedily dashed to pieces. - -Bratiano, the Roumanian premier, was anxious to secure American -influence against a clause in the Roumanian treaty recognizing the -rights of minority peoples resident in his country. He invited my wife -and me to dine with him and two royal princesses of his native land, -Elizabeth and Marie, who have since respectively become the wives of the -Crown Prince of Greece and the King of Serbia. When I told him that the -United States was absolutely pledged to securing the equal rights for -minorities everywhere, and that I heartily favoured this, he showed his -disappointment and said that Roumania would never consent to it. He -declared: - -“I would rather resign as premier than sign such a treaty.” - -When the time came, he made good his word. - -In contrast to this unyielding ultra-conservative’s point of view was -the Duc de Vendôme’s, the Bourbon, and as such, of the royal blood of -France. He was married to the sister of the King of Belgium. It is -rather an amusing story to tell how I became acquainted with him. While -we were at Cannes in the midst of the conferences, one day, Colonel -Strong interrupted me at lunch to introduce me to a Miss Curtis from -Boston, who invited some of us to lunch with her in order to meet some -of the residents of Cannes. We accepted and met, among others, Lady -Waterlow, an American, whose husband had been Lord Mayor of London. This -acquaintance resulted in her inviting us to a tea at her home, and I -there met the Duchess of Vendôme, and at that meeting she invited me to -call on them in Paris, as her husband desired to make my acquaintance. - -I saw the Vendomes several times, and at a reception which they gave the -guests were all bewildered as to when they had the right to sit down. -They could not sit if any of the royalties were standing, and as five -were at the reception, it was quite a task to watch until all were -seated. The Duke saw my embarrassment and took me into a private room, -which no other royalty was apt to invade, and we sat there and he opened -his heart to me. He seemed convinced of the justice of the new order of -things, and thought that royalty would soon be a lost profession. He was -extremely anxious to be permitted to share in the work of the League of -Nations, and asked me to arrange for him an opportunity to meet Colonel -House, whom he, like many others in Paris at that time, thought would be -the chief of the representatives of the United States in the League of -Nations. The dinner was arranged, and it was somewhat amusing, and my -democratic spirit smiled at the spectacle of a duke and brother-in-law -of one of the few remaining kings in Europe acting like an American -politician and wire-pulling for an opportunity to render public service. - -Still more striking was the freer manner of Vesnitz, the gatherings at -whose house were thoroughly cosmopolitan. He had been Serbian Minister -in Paris, and now represented there the new Jugo-Slavia, which he had -helped to create. Whereas Bratiano had represented only the -aristocracy, Vesnitz represented _all_ the Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes. -He wanted this new nation to be self-supporting, with its own seaport -and sufficient hinterland. He, too, was married to an American, and -thought and talked like one. He spoke perfect English, was a man of much -learning, and his country suffered a great loss when he died. - -Another outstanding Old-World democrat at the Peace Conference was -Venizelos. The Greek Premier was anxious to impress us with the justice -of his country’s claims, and through Mr. Politis, his Foreign Minister, -and Dr. Metaxa, whom I had known in New York, we met soon after my -return to Paris. - -Born in the Isle of Crete, Venizelos had participated in the Revolution -that freed his island from Turkey and made it a part of Greece. He -started the Progressive movement in Greece, and became the leader of -that group which prevented King Constantine from joining with Germany in -the war. Later, despite the efforts of Queen Olga, the Kaiser’s sister, -this forceful lawyer brought Greece into the war on the side of the -Allies. - -Because of his charm of manner, his assertiveness, and his persuasive -powers, he accomplished wonders in Paris. The fact that he spoke English -was a great help to him. It was a common saying that when Venizelos left -Colonel House’s room, the map-makers were sent for to re-draw the map. -He asked for more than he expected, and got it nearly all. He possessed -the suavity and diplomatic skill of a Benjamin Franklin and the -constructive statesmanship of an Alexander Hamilton. He had a firm grip -of all the ramifications and complications of international affairs. -Nations, no matter what their government may be, are still ungrateful. -Greece eventually preferred Constantine to Venizelos! - -When discussing with Henry White the Greek invasion of Smyrna, I told -him that the Greeks were making a mistake and that they would be drawn -into a tedious struggle with the Turks. They would have to draw heavily -on their resources and on their people’s patience, which would be -severely strained if, as I feared, the war lasted for years. White was -deeply impressed. - -“I want you to tell that to Venizelos,” he said. - -He knew everybody, and his bringing people together was not the least of -his services to our Commission. He invited the Greek Premier to his -rooms in the Crillon, and there I repeated my opinion. - -I told him in great detail the changes that had taken place in Turkey -since the beginning of the war, and described to him the characters of -the men that were now in power. I also explained to him the great -importance they put on retaining possession of the Port of Smyrna, now -that they had lost most of their other ports on the Mediterranean. I -felt certain that they would draw the Grecian Army back into their -hinterland, and away from their base of supplies, and then would -continue to fight them by legitimate, or even guerrilla, methods, until -they exhausted them. I reminded him how the Turks not only forbade their -own people to employ Greeks, but even insisted that the American firms -could not use Grecian workmen to collect the licorice root, or the -Singer Manufacturing Company continue to have Greeks in charge of their -Turkish agencies. I also alluded to the difficulties of governing Smyrna -from Athens, as Constantinople would divide their country, and the cost -of administration would be beyond the present and prospective resources -of Greece, and, finally, I reminded him that they would antagonize Italy -and said: “You know better than I do what that means for Greece.” - -Venizelos listened patiently to my elaboration of this theme. - -“Perhaps we have acted too hastily,” he said, “and if all you say is -true, it may have been unwise for us to send an army into Smyrna, but -now that the army is there, it would be more unwise to withdraw it--to -do so would admit military, and court political, defeat. The Monarchists -are plotting constantly against me in Athens, and they are backed by the -merchants and shipping men who are over-ambitious and want new territory -for their operations.” - -Venizelos admitted that he favoured the annexation of Thrace and of -Smyrna proper. His explanation satisfied me that it was pressure from -Greek financiers that made him continue to enlarge his demands. - -My meeting with the subsequent premier of France came later. Stephen -Lausanne, editor of that powerful journal, _Le Matin_, asked me to lunch -with Bunau-Varilla, the _Matin’s_ owner, a power in French politics. I -was surprised to find present quite a number of people, among whom were -the Belgian financier, Count Aupin, and the heavily moustached, -stoop-shouldered man that headed the French delegation to the Washington -Disarmament Conference. We discussed the future attitude of the United -States toward France, and, when the party was breaking up, Lausanne -detained me. - -“Don’t go,” he said: “Briand wants to talk with you.” - -Aristide Briand, who had five times been Prime Minister of France, was -then, as always, at the head of a strong political faction. Once the -friend, he had now long been the rival of Clemenceau, could almost at -any moment have overthrown the Clemenceau Cabinet, and was puzzling many -people by his delay in executing such a manœuvre. What he wanted of me -was information concerning a matter that directly affected this -situation. - -France’s financial troubles were the stumbling block: The country’s -tax-payers were already overburdened, yet a larger revenue must be -raised. Briand and his friends felt that the man who, as Premier, -attempted to set those troubles right, and who failed in the difficult -endeavour, would not remain Premier for long. They considered leaving -the ungrateful job to Clemenceau, unless they could put through the -Chamber of Deputies their brilliant idea. - -They wanted to pay off the French war debt by means of a lottery loan. -There would be daily prizes. They contemplated one as high as a million -francs. And they expected to sell a large proportion of the tickets in -America! - -What, they asked, did I think of the plan? - -“Gentlemen,” I said, “you are evidently unaware that there is a law -against lotteries in the United States.” - -“But this lottery,” said Briand, “would be in France; we would merely -sell tickets in America through the mails.” - -“It was precisely by forbidding the use of the mails for such purposes,” -I explained, “that we stopped lotteries. It is a criminal offence to -sell lottery-tickets in the United States or to use our mails for that -purpose.” - -I shall never forget the expression of disappointment with which Briand -and Count Aupin greeted this announcement. It meant that their scheme -must be abandoned and that Briand must still longer postpone the -overthrow of Clemenceau. - -Much of what was passing behind the scenes at the Conference it would -not be proper for me to tell. Part of that is the story of “The Passing -of the Third-Floor Front,” when the meetings of the American -Commissioners were transferred from Colonel House’s room on the third -floor of the Crillon to Secretary Lansing’s rooms on the first floor. -But there is an anecdote that I do venture to repeat because it throws a -light on the character and careful methods of Lloyd George. - -Even the British Premier was keen to gain favour with those close to -President Wilson, and one night he invited to dine with him Admiral Cary -T. Grayson, whom he knew to be not only Mr. Wilson’s physician, but one -of his personal confidants as well. Now, Grayson was a Southerner of the -Southerners; he was born in Virginia’s Culpepper County, and studied at -William and Mary College. Consequently, he pricked up his ears when -Lloyd George’s entire table conversation confined itself to that America -which lies south of Mason-and-Dixon’s line. The Premier showed himself -specially familiar with the career of Stonewall Jackson, for whom he -professed a warm admiration. Finally, the dinner ended, Mr. Lloyd -George’s niece went to the piano, and sang--American Southern melodies! - -This was too much for Grayson. - -“How is it,” he said, “that you all have such an intimate knowledge of -my part of America?” - -Perhaps this direct query took the Premier by surprise. Anyhow, he -confessed: - -“Well, you see I have just finished reading Henderson’s ‘Life of -Stonewall Jackson.’” - -Grayson’s response was in the good old American fashion: - -“My dear sir, no matter what office you run for, you’ll have my vote!” - -There was one interlude to my activities in Paris that should be -mentioned if only for the sake of the stir it created back home. This -was my speech at Coblenz, when I told the American soldiers there that -another war impended. - -It was in May of 1919 that we took a trip to the occupied territory and -visited Coblenz, Cologne, and Wiesbaden. I remember that we were at -first much impressed by the unbending dignity of the young captain who -was our escort until, one day, we stopped at Treves for lunch. We had -just seated ourselves when a woman’s voice called out: - -“Why, hello Pinky!” - -We all turned round, but the Captain jumped. He had red hair, and the -woman who greeted him by the nickname that his hair had won him before -he achieved his military dignity was Peggy Shaw, of New York, who soon -showed us her soldiers’ theatre and rest-room in a barn where she served -lemonade out of buckets to the Army of Occupation. Thenceforward, the -Captain was “Pinky” to us all. - -At Coblenz we were billeted at the house of Von Grotte, the German -president of the Rhineland provinces, and when I woke that first morning -I could not help thinking of the changes that had taken place in my life -between my birth at Mannheim in 1856 and this day at Coblenz in 1919. -Soon I was seated in the Coblenzer-Hof partaking of a good American -breakfast of oatmeal, eggs, bacon, wheat-cakes and molasses, and no -doubt a better meal than any German had that day, and looking at “Old -Glory” afloat over Ehrenbreitstein. How full historically the interim -had been! How strange to see the American flag above this fortress on -the Rhine, while, below, a bronze statue of William I looked on in -woeful contemplation of the wreckage to his Empire that his grandson had -wrought. - -Anxious to learn the true state of mind of the German people, I asked an -American Military Intelligence officer to arrange for me to talk with -some of the leading citizens of Coblenz. He did so at the home of the -best known lawyer of the city, where, besides our host, were a prominent -doctor, the largest local paper manufacturer, an export merchant, and -several others. - -It took a couple of bottles of Rhine wine to loosen their tongues. -Finally, one said: - -“Here we are in the afternoon of life, each of us a leader in his -calling. We all had accumulated a competency when the war came but some -20 per cent. of this has been taken in taxes, and the remainder is -to-day worth scarcely one fifth of its original value. [A mark was then -worth about five cents.] We have scarcely one sixth of what we formerly -possessed in actual wealth. Instead of yielding us a sufficient annual -income on which to live, our principal now amounts to only three years’ -normal income.” - -They all said that their business prospects were at an end. - -“But surely _your_ profession goes right on,” I protested to the -physician. - -“I am as badly off as the others,” he answered, “three of these men are -my best and oldest patients: how can I charge them any more than I did -before the war? Moreover, many of my patients I can’t charge anything at -all.” - -As one of the company expressed it, they felt that France wanted to turn -them into galley-slaves: “She has put us into the hold of a ship; the -hatches are battened down, and on them are sitting a lot of politicians -from Paris to make sure that we never get out.” - -The manufacturers said that the young men of ability and energy would -not submit to “such slavery.” They would seek other fields of activity, -and eventually drift to a country like Russia, where skilled managers -and intelligence were at a premium. - -All the Coblenzers present maintained the belief that the war had been -forced upon their country by the French and the Russians combining to -crush them. I could not convince them that their own war-lords had -brought about the catastrophe, and that the German people, including -even their socialists, were responsible because their representatives in -Parliament voted for the war-credits. They had been told that this was -a war of self-defense, and they believed it. Now that the autocrats and -junkers had been overthrown, they thought that the people should not be -held responsible for the mistakes of the militarists. They felt that -Germany should be permitted to enter the family of nations and given a -chance to recover and pay her debts. - -A few days later, I gave a talk to the American soldiers in the Liberty -Hut at Coblenz, to which reference has been made. - -“At present,” I said, “we are enjoying only a suspension of hostilities. -Please don’t go home and tell the people that this war is over. We have -got to prepare for a greater conflict, a greater sacrifice, a greater -responsibility. The young men of America will again have to fight. The -manifold and conflicting demands of all nations at the Peace Conference -are impossible of fulfillment. Many delegates to the Conference will -leave Paris with their demands unsatisfied. The nations are going to -have further quarrels and disputes. I believe that within fifteen years -America will be called upon really to save the world.” - -“The battle between democracy and anarchy,” I argued, “will continue and -will result in the bankruptcy of the participating nations. It is -necessary for the United States to prepare, so that when a crisis comes, -we shall be able to create a coöperative spirit between our capital and -labour, and thus be so united and so strong that we can save -civilization from annihilation.” - -Cabled home, these words attracted some attention, yet the views that -they expressed were not based entirely upon my own observations. I had -talked with General Bliss, the military member of our Peace Commission, -and with other American officers of high rank: they held opinions -similar to mine. - -Bliss, on several occasions, told me that he thought we had just ended -the first seven years of another Thirty Years’ War which had begun with -the Balkan conflict of 1912. - -Was he right? The answer rests hidden in the years immediately ahead of -us. - -Whatever that answer may be, I saw the signing of the Peace Treaty -intended to end the latest war. General Pershing and I sat next to each -other, and I discussed these very matters with him at Versailles on that -momentous 28th of June. The affixing of the signatures was not an -impressive spectacle. There was no enthusiasm, and but little -excitement. People moved about and chatted in subdued voices. Mrs. -Wilson, Mrs. Lansing, and Colonel House sat in the row next to me, and I -talked to Clemenceau, Lloyd George, and Presidents Poincaré and Wilson. -The only solemn moment was that when the Germans walked to the table; -they betrayed mental suffering, and one of them showed the results of -physical hardship: his clothes hung on him so loosely that it was -apparent he must have lost quite forty pounds since they were made. -After the signatures had been affixed, we all walked up to the Treaty -and looked at it, like mourners taking farewell of a corpse--but we were -mourners without tears. - -That night the negotiations for the appointment of the memorable Harbord -Commission to Armenia were concluded. In these I had played a -considerable part; their termination marked the end of my semi-official -activities before embarking on my Polish expedition. - -Passing mention has been made of the arduous study of the Turkish -question, which our Commissioners had asked me to undertake jointly with -W. H. Buckler. This task brought me again into contact with Mr. Hoover, -because of the relief work of his Commission in Armenia, and, besides -renewing my pleasant relations with Sir Louis Mallet, who had been the -British Ambassador to Constantinople while I was there, it involved, -among a mass of other details, many interviews with the Armenian and -French representatives and the spokesmen of the other interested -parties. The French were determined to have Cilicia; the Armenians would -not consider my advice that they should surrender it, and, by this -concession, win French support for their other ambitions. Buckler, -Professor Philip M. Brown, and I made a report[1] to President Wilson, -recommending a triple mandate: one to cover Armenia, another Anatolia, -and a third the Constantinople district, where the chief administrator -would reside, with an administrator in each of the other territories; we -expressed the opinion that there should be an Armenian parliament in -Armenia and a Turkish parliament in Anatolia, with the probable Turkish -capital at Konia. Thus we would banish the Turk from Europe and limit -him to Anatolia, where, however, he would be permitted to govern -himself. The triple mandate, we recommended, should be assumed by the -United States. - -Our report was submitted in the latter part of June. Nevertheless, the -conflicting claims of the French and the Armenians and the woeful -conditions of the districts involved, left something more to be done. I -favoured the appointment of an American Army officer to go to Armenia as -Commissioner for the Allied and Associated Nations, and to protect the -Armenians. I had a high regard for the ability of Major-General Harbord, -General Pershing’s Chief-of-Staff, and thought him exactly the man for -such a post; but I was told that he was not in Paris, and nobody seemed -to know just where he was or when he would return. - -At the last moment, fate played into my hands. On Tuesday, June 24th, I -went to a dinner given by Homer H. Johnson to Assistant Secretary of War -Benjamin Crowell, and found General Harbord there. To my great -satisfaction I was seated next to him. This gave us several hours to -discuss the Armenian question, and I urged him to undertake the task. -Next morning he sent me a remarkable letter, which showed his masterly -grasp of the situation, but ended with the statement that he would not -care to accept the Commissionership unless he could have a proper -military staff to aid him. - -On Thursday, I had an appointment with the President to discuss the -Polish Mission. We disposed of this very quickly, as I shall tell later -on. I then seized upon the remaining minutes allotted me to present to -the President our proposal of a Commission to Armenia. The President was -profoundly interested and told me that he had but little time left to do -anything in the matter, as the Peace Treaty was to be signed on -Saturday. And he added: - -“As you probably know, I shall sail for home that evening, but if you -can come to an agreement with Hoover and let me have what you two -recommend by nine o’clock to-morrow morning, I will try to put it -through.” - -I went straight to Hoover’s office from my interview and we drafted a -letter to the President containing the following joint recommendations -to be brought by him to the attention of the Big Four before his -departure: - - 1. We suggest that a single temporary resident Commissioner should - be appointed to Armenia, who will have the full authority of the - United States, Great Britain, France, and Italy in all their - relations to the de facto Armenian Government, as the joint - representative of these Governments in Armenia. His duties shall be - so far as he may consider necessary to supervise and advise upon - various governmental matters in the whole of Russian and Turkish - Armenia, and to control relief and repatriation questions pending - the determination of the political destiny of this area. - - 2. In case the various Governments should agree to this plan, - immediate notification should be made to the de facto Governments - of Turkey and of Armenia of his appointment and authority. - Furthermore, he will be appointed to represent the American Relief - Administration and the American Committee for Relief in the Near - East, and take entire charge of all their activities in Russian and - Turkish Armenia. - - The ideal man for this position would be General Harbord, as we - assume under all the circumstances it would probably be desirable - to appoint an American. Should General Harbord be unable to - undertake the matter, we are wondering whether you would leave it - to us to select the man in conjunction with General Pershing. - -Two days later, the President sailed for America. As he was taking the -Brest train from Paris, he turned to Harbord, who had come to the -station: - -“We have passed that matter about you,” he said. - -What matter he referred to, Harbord could not guess. There was no time -to inquire of Mr. Wilson, and the General being wholly in the dark, did -not think of inquiring of me. For some days, I was to remain in -ignorance. - -On June 30th, though it was dated “June 28th,” there arrived at the -American Peace Commission’s headquarters a cable addressed to Mr. -Wilson--now at sea--which, in the light of future events, bore -signatures that appear rather startling in such a connection. How -differently people act when seeking power than they do when in -authority! The message called “immediate” relief for Armenia “a sacred -duty” and urged upon Woodrow Wilson: - - That as a first step in that direction, and without waiting for the - conclusion of peace, either the Allies, or America, or both, should - at once send to Caucasus-Armenia requisite food, munitions and - supplies for fifty thousand men and such other help as they may - require to enable the Armenians to occupy the now-occupied parts of - Armenia within the boundaries defined in the memorandum of the - delegation of integral Armenia. - -The first three signatures were those of Charles Evans Hughes, Elihu -Root, and Henry Cabot Lodge! The next was John Sharp Williams. How -strange it would be if Oscar Underwood had been asked and had signed in -his place. We would then have had all four American delegates to the -Disarmament Conference. - -Mr. Hoover called on me with a copy of this message in his hands. He -said that Lansing, House, and White wanted us to draft a reply to it. - -In the composition of that reply, Hoover’s opinions as to details again -diverged from mine. He continued in his antagonism to an American -Regular Army officer on the active list, as an administrator of Caucasus -relief-work and evinced firm opposition to America taking a mandate. He -argued good-temperedly, but strongly, to win me to his point of view; I -was not convinced, and we at last reached another compromise, settling -on such statements as we could both subscribe to. The reply was dated -July 2nd, and was in part: - - Active relief work on a large scale is now in progress in the most - distressed areas of Armenia, but will require much enlarged - support, in view of the expiration of Congressional - appropriations.... Competent observers report that immediate - training and equipment of adequate Armenian forces would be - impracticable and that the repatriation of refugees is feasible - only under protection of British or American troops. British - authorities inform us that they cannot spare troops for this - purpose.... All military advisers agree that the Armenian - population itself, even if furnished arms and supplies, will be - unable to overcome Turkish opposition and surrounding pressure.... - To secure ... establishment and protection and undertake the - economic development of the state, such mandatory must, until it - becomes self-supporting, provide not less than $300,000,000. It - would have to be looked upon as a sheer effort to ease humanity. - -At about this point, Hoover’s opposition to America assuming a mandate -manifests itself in the message. We agreed that he should add a few -lines, expressly and explicitly on his own responsibility. So the -message, after the joint signature of “Hoover-Morgenthau,” continued: - - Mr. Hoover wishes to add on his sole responsibility that he - considers that the only practicable method by which a government in - this region could be made economically self-supporting would be to - embrace in the same mandatory the area of Mesopotamia where there - are very large possibilities of economic development, where there - would be an outlet for the commercial abilities of the Armenians, - and with such an enlarged area it could be hoped in a few years to - build up a State self-supporting, although the intervention of some - dominant foreign race must be continued until the entire population - could be educated to a different basis of moral relations, and that - consequently whatever State is assigned the mandatory for - Mesopotamia should at the same time take up the burden of Armenia. - -When that portion of the message was suggested, I said to Mr. Hoover: - -“The inclusion of Mesopotamia in the proposition would absolutely -destroy all chances of America taking the mandate.” - -“Well,” said Hoover, “I wouldn’t object if that was the effect of it.” - -The “effect” has now long since passed into history. - -Mandate or no mandate, the matter of a commission to Armenia suffered no -retarding except in the detail of personnel. I was still in the dark -about what President Wilson had done regarding it, but an odd chance -soon enlightened me. - -It was after one o’clock when I rushed from Hoover’s office to 23 Rue -Minot to attend a luncheon given by the Hon. Arthur J. Balfour. At the -table were Lord d’Abernon who, as Sir Edgar Vincent, had been manager of -the Imperial Ottoman Bank at Constantinople, and now is British -Ambassador in Berlin; Sir Maurice Hankey and his wife; and Mr. -Balfour’s niece. We at once plunged into a discussion of Turkish -affairs. Mr. Balfour said he favoured the United States taking a mandate -over the Constantinople district and Armenia, but not over Anatolia. A -general discussion of the economic difficulties followed, and I outlined -the plan of a triple mandate that I had submitted to the President, and -went so far as to hope that it might lead to a Balkan federation. Then, -to our great surprise, Sir Maurice turned to Mr. Balfour: - -“Why, Mr. Balfour,” he said, “don’t you know that the Hoover-Morgenthau -plan for a resident commission in the Caucasus was acted upon by the Big -Four on Saturday at Versailles just after the signing of the Peace -Treaty? They passed it in principle and referred it to you to work out -the details. It is on your desk now on top of that pile of papers with a -red slip on it.” - -We now beheld Balfour in one of his well-known attitudes, when he -slightly raises his eyebrows, drops his right shoulder, and looks at you -with a smile that almost talks. He then said to me: “You see how Lloyd -George does things. This information that Hankey has given us is -absolutely as new to me as it is to you.” - -Sir Maurice offered to stay over and help Balfour arrange the details. -The latter said that it would not be necessary, but asked me to request -Mr. Lansing to do his part toward putting the affair into shape. - -Harbord was still unwilling to go without the assistance of a military -staff, for which he had originally stipulated. President Wilson had left -word that in such an event, Hoover and I were to name a substitute. -Hoover suggested Colonel William N. Haskell, who had represented the -American Relief Commission in Roumania; and as Haskell was to also -represent the Near East Relief, of which I was then vice-chairman, I -assented to his selection in both capacities, and Haskell set out for -Armenia shortly thereafter. - -That appointment, I felt, would help to take care of the relief phase of -the situation, but there was left the need of a report of a strictly -army man on the military side of the Armenian matter before the question -of America assuming the proposed mandate could be thoroughly answered. -Harbord was, therefore, doubly welcome when, within a few days, he came -to me with a suggestion: - -“Don’t you think,” he asked, “it would be advisable that either Pershing -or myself, or both, be sent to investigate and report on the conditions -in the Trans-Caucasus, because the question of an American mandatory in -Turkey promises almost immediately to become urgent, and we should know -military conditions there before the Government acts in the matter.” - -As this completely coincided with my views, I immediately consulted -Hoover, and we jointly sent a wireless to President Wilson, which -elicited a prompt approval of the idea, and the order that it be left to -Pershing to decide who should make the trip. - -The Harbord Mission and its very able report on Armenia resulted. -Complete impartiality, and a total lack of prejudice, were shown by the -manner in which he ended his report. He stated thirteen reasons for the -United States adopting a mandate and thirteen reasons against it, and -they were placed in parallel columns, so that everyone who read them -could come to his own conclusions, and with General Harbord’s permission -I am including them here. - - -Reasons For - -1. As one of the chief contributors to the formation of the League of -Nations, the United States is morally bound to accept the obligations -and responsibilities of a mandatory power. - -2. The insurance of world peace at the world’s cross-ways, the focus of -war infection since the beginning of history. - -3. The Near East presents the greatest humanitarian opportunity of the -age--a duty for which the United States is better fitted than any -other--as witness Cuba, Porto Rico, Philippines, Hawaii, Panama, and our -altruistic policy of developing peoples rather than material resources -alone. - -4. America is practically the unanimous choice and fervent hope of all -the peoples involved. - -5. America is already spending millions to save starving peoples in -Turkey and Transcaucasia and could do this with much more efficiency if -in control. Whoever becomes mandatory for these regions we shall be -still expected to finance their relief, and will probably eventually -furnish the capital for material development. - -6. America is the only hope of the Armenians. They consider but one -other nation, Great Britain, which they fear would sacrifice their -interests to Moslem public opinion as long as she controls hundreds of -millions of that faith. Others fear Britain’s imperialistic policy and -her habit of staying where she hoists her flag. - -For a mandatory America is not only the first choice of all the peoples -of the Near East, but of each of the great powers, after itself. - -American power is adequate; its record clean; its motives above -suspicion. - -7. The mandatory would be self-supporting after an initial period of not -to exceed five years. The building of railroads would offer -opportunities to our capital. There would be great trade advantages not -only in the mandatory region, but in the proximity to Russia, Roumania, -etc. - -America would clean this hot-bed of disease and filth as she has in Cuba -and Panama. - -8. Intervention would be a liberal education for our people in world -politics; give outlet to a vast amount of spirit and energy and would -furnish a shining example. - -9. It would definitely stop further massacres of Armenians and other -Christians, give justice to the Turks, Kurds, Greeks and other peoples. - -10. It would increase the strength and prestige of the United States -abroad and inspire interest at home in the regeneration of the Near -East. - -11. America has strong sentimental interests in the region; our missions -and colleges. - -12. If the United States does not take responsibility in this region, it -is likely that international jealousies will result in a continuance of -the unspeakable misrule of the Turk. - -13. “And the Lord said unto Cain, Where is Abel, thy brother? And he -said: ‘I know not; am I my brother’s keeper?’” - -Better millions for a mandate than billions for future wars. - - -Reasons Against - -1. The United States has prior and nearer foreign obligations, and ample -responsibilities with domestic problems growing out of the war. - -2. This region has been a battle ground of militarism and imperialism -for centuries. There is every likelihood that ambitious nations will -still maneuver for its control. It would weaken our position relative to -the Monroe Doctrine and probably eventually involve us with a -reconstituted Russia. The taking of a mandate in this region would bring -the United States into politics of the Old World, contrary to our -traditional policy of keeping free of affairs in the Eastern Hemisphere. - -3. Humanitarianism should begin at home. There is a sufficient number of -difficult situations which call for our action within the -well-recognized spheres of American influence. - -4. The United States has in no way contributed to and is not responsible -for the conditions, political, social, or economic, that prevail in this -region. It will be entirely consistent to decline the invitation. - -5. American philanthropy and charity are world wide. Such policy would -commit us to a policy of meddling or draw upon our philanthropy to the -point of exhaustion. - -6. Other powers, particularly Great Britain and Russia, have shown -continued interest in the welfare of Armenia. Great Britain is fitted by -experience and government, has great resources in money and trained -personnel, and though she might not be as sympathetic to Armenian -aspirations, her rule would guarantee security and justice. - -The United States is not capable of sustaining a continuity of foreign -policy. One Congress can not bind another. Even treaties can be -nullified by cutting off appropriations. Non-partisanship is difficult -to attain in our Government. - -7. Our country would be put to great expense, involving probably an -increase of the Army and Navy. Large numbers of Americans would serve in -a country of loathsome and dangerous diseases. It is questionable if -railroads could for many years pay interest on investments in their very -difficult construction. Capital for railways would not go there except -on Government guaranty. - -The effort and money spent would get us more trade in nearer lands than -we could hope for in Russia and Roumania. - -Proximity and competition would increase the possibility of our becoming -involved in conflict with the policies and ambitions of states which now -our friends would be made our rivals. - -8. Our spirit and energy can find scope in domestic enterprises, or in -lands south and west of ours. Intervention in the Near East would rob us -of the strategic advantage enjoyed through the Atlantic which rolls -between us and probable foes. Our reputation for fair dealing might be -impaired. Efficient supervision of a mandate at such distance would be -difficult or impossible. We do not need or wish further education in -world politics. - -9. Peace and justice would be equally assured under any other of the -great powers. - -10. It would weaken and dissipate our strength which should be reserved -for future responsibilities on the American continents and in the Far -East. Our line of communication to Constantinople would be at the mercy -of other naval powers, and especially of Great Britain, with Gibraltar -and Malta, etc., on the route. - -11. These institutions have been respected even by the Turks throughout -the war and the massacres; and sympathy and respect would be shown by -any other mandatory. - -12. The Peace Conference has definitely informed the Turkish Government -that it may expect to go under a mandate. It is not conceivable that the -League of Nations would permit further uncontrolled rule by that -thoroughly discredited government. - -13. The first duty of America is to its own people and its nearer -neighbours. - -Our country would be involved in this adventure for at least a -generation and in counting the cost Congress must be prepared to advance -some such sums, less such amount as the Turkish and Transcaucasian -revenues could afford, for the first five years. - - -The Harbord Commission constituted itself attorney for both sides to the -controversy, and expected the people of America to act as the jury to -determine this question. - -My own opinion as to the duties of the United States toward Turkey is -elaborately outlined in an article on “Mandates or War?” which I -contributed to the New York _Times_ on November 9, 1919, and which -appears in the appendix of this volume, and I hope that those of my -readers who are really interested in this problem will take the trouble -to read it. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -MY MISSION TO POLAND - - -Paris, in 1919, had emerged from her darkness. She had ceased her weary -vigils for air raids. She was no longer troubled by the nightmare of -Emperor William at the head of his army triumphantly entering her gates, -marching down the Champs-Elysées, and, like his grandfather in 1871, -mortally offending her pride by defiling the Arc de Triomphe. Instead, -she rejoiced daily in contemplating the thousands of captured German -guns which had been placed along this very route to celebrate her -victory. Crowds of people in their hysteric joy wept as they stood -before the decorated statues of Strassburg and Metz, which once again -were French cities. Versailles was not to be again used to crown a -German Emperor, who, this time, would have been Emperor of the World. On -the contrary, Paris was to have her revenge, for here were to gather all -the representatives of the various victorious nations, as well as the -neutrals, in an endeavour to formulate a permanent peace. - -When this great conference was in the making, the Jews in America had -decided to join the Jews of other nations in a representative commission -at Paris, to make an appeal to secure in the Treaty of Peace an -assurance of the religious and civil rights of the Jews, in the -countries in which they resided in large numbers, particularly in -Roumania, Poland, and Russia. The Jews of the United States held -elections of representatives to a congress in Philadelphia, which was in -turn to select their members of the Commission. - -I was elected a representative from my district. When, however, I -reached Philadelphia and conferred with some of the delegates, I found -that the elections had, in general, been so skilfully manipulated by the -Zionists that they were in complete control, although their views were -shared by only a small percentage of the Jews in America. - -As I immediately realized that the plans of some of the most aggressive -members of this controlling minority were Nationalistic, which was -absolutely contrary to the convictions of the vast majority of Jews in -America, including myself, I declined to qualify as a member of the -congress, and left Philadelphia without attending any of its sessions. - -Subsequently, two hundred and seventy-five prominent Jews, residing in -thirty-seven states of the Union, signed a statement which had been -prepared by Dr. Henry Berkowitz, Rev. Dr. David Philipson, the late -Professor Morris Jastrow, and Max Senior. This statement declared -amongst other things that: - - As a future form of government for Palestine will undoubtedly be - considered by the approaching Peace Conference, we, the undersigned - citizens of the United States, unite in this statement, setting - forth our objections to the organization of a Jewish state in - Palestine as proposed by the Zionist societies in this country and - Europe, and to the segregation of the Jews as a nationalistic unit - in any country. - - We feel that in so doing we are voicing the opinion of the majority - of American Jews born in this country and of those foreign born who - have lived here long enough to thoroughly assimilate American - political and social conditions. The American Zionists represent, - according to the most recent statistics available, only a small - proportion of the Jews living in this country, about 150,000 out of - 3,500,000. (American Jewish Year Book, 1918, Philadelphia).... - - We raise our voices in warning and protest against the demand of - the Zionists for the reorganization of the Jews as a national unit, - to whom, now or in the future, territorial sovereignty in Palestine - shall be committed. This demand not only misinterprets the trend of - the history of the Jews, who ceased to be a nation 2,000 years - ago, but involves the limitation and possible annulment of the - larger claims of Jews for full citizenship and human rights in all - lands in which those rights are not yet secure. For the very reason - that the new era upon which the world is entering aims to establish - government everywhere on principles of true democracy, we reject - the Zionistic project of a “national home for the Jewish people in - Palestine.” - - Zionism arose as the result of the intolerable conditions under - which the Jews have been forced to live in Russia and Roumania. But - it is evident that for the Jewish population of these countries, - variously estimated at from six to ten millions, Palestine can - become no home land. Even with the improvement of the neglected - condition of this country, its limited area can offer no solution. - The Jewish question in Russia and Roumania can be settled only - within those countries by the grant of full rights of citizenship - to Jews.... - - Against such a political segregation of the Jews in Palestine, or - elsewhere, we object, because the Jews are dedicated heart and soul - to the welfare of the countries in which they dwell under free - conditions. All Jews repudiate every suspicion of a double - allegiance, but to our minds it is necessarily implied in and - cannot by any logic be eliminated from establishment of a sovereign - State for the Jews in Palestine. - -Of this statement I was one of the signers. Congressman Julius Kahn and -I were asked to present these views to the Conference; Rabbi Isaac -Landman, editor of _The American Hebrew_, joined us, and the original -text was duly filed with the American Commission at Paris. - -There the representatives of the Jews were well organized. Their -delegation included men from all the countries likely to be affected by -the Treaty; it had a large general commission, a secretariat, committees -and sub-committees, and it had an Inner Council. The majority of the -French and British Jews--as represented by the _Alliance Israelite_ and -the _Joint Foreign Committee of the Anglo Jewish Association and the -Board of Delegates_, which Claude Montefiore and Lucien Wolff -headed--felt as did the two hundred and seventy-five American -protesters and their adherents, whereas the central European Jews -strongly advocated the Nationalistic idea--and when I talked with the -delegates from the Philadelphia congress, I discovered that even some of -those who were not Zionists supported the aims of the Nationalists. - -These men argued that Jewish nationalism in Poland and Roumania would -not be the same as it would be in America; that in the United States -there would be no state-within-a-state, but that recognition of the Jews -as separate nationals was essential to their well-being in central -Europe; that even the Germans remaining in Poland would have to be -protected as separate nationals. and that the general principle must be -formally recognized. - -Every man has his master-passion: mine is for _democracy_. I believe -that history’s best effort in democracy is the United States, which has -rooted in its Constitution all that any group of its citizens can -legitimately desire. Yet here were Americans willing to coöperate with -central Europeans who wanted to establish in their own countries a -“nation within a nation”--a proposition fundamentally opposed to our -American principles. - -I pointed this out. I said that, under this plan, a Jew in Poland or -Roumania, for example, would soon face conflicting duties, and that any -American who advocated such a conflict of allegiance for the Jews of -central Europe would perhaps expose the Jews in America to the suspicion -of harbouring a similar desire. Minorities everywhere, I maintained, -would fare better if they protected their religious rights in the -countries where they resided, and then joined their fellow countrymen in -bettering for all its inhabitants the land of their common citizenship. - -Meanwhile, excesses had occurred in Poland and Jews had suffered -cruelly. There was genuine resentment coupled with real fear that the -trouble might develop into Kiev or Kishineff disasters. There was the -feeling that Poland, who had just emerged from her yoke of tyranny, -should be reminded of the world’s expectation that she should grant to -her minorities the same privileges which her centuries of oppression had -taught her to value for herself. - -The Jews emphasized their expectations by holding mass meetings, -parades, and demonstrations in the United States and England. In New -York, 15,000 Jews packed Madison Square Garden, and many thousands more, -including 3,000 in uniform, stood in the surrounding streets. The -leading address was delivered by Charles E. Hughes. Resolutions were -passed calling upon President Wilson to stop these outbreaks, and to -secure permanent protection. - -That was in May, 1919. In early June, Hugh Gibson, who had been our -Minister at Warsaw for a few weeks only, was asked for a report. He made -a necessarily hasty investigation. The conclusions he arrived at in his -report were greatly resented by some Jews, who charged him with unduly -favouring the Poles. Gibson came to Paris, and was joined by Herbert -Hoover, then managing the American Relief Work in Poland, and by -Paderewski representing Poland at the Peace Conference, to urge -President Wilson to appoint an investigating commission to ascertain the -truth. The President designated a commission composed of Colonel Warwick -Greene, Homer H. Johnson, and myself. As Colonel Greene declined, -General Edgar Jadwin was appointed in his place. - -My reluctance to serve was great, my position difficult, and the -American members of the Jewish delegation did not attempt to diminish -the one or ease the other. My announced opposition to the Nationalist -theory and my attitude toward Zionism were against me; they unanimously -disapproved of my acceptance; and the arguments they presented to me -were forcible. In one breath, they said that they wanted a Zionist on -the Commission; in the next, they told me that it should include no Jew; -in the third, they would express the conviction that nobody could be -successful: a report in favour of one side was sure to displease the -other. - -On my part, I felt that I must give some consideration to these men who -had devoted so much of their lives to the Jewish question and to -administering so many of the relief activities in America. Until this -period, I had always heartily coöperated with them, yet I realized the -absolute need of a fearless, impartial investigation and that, -preferably, with the participation therein of a Jew. - -My hesitation is shown in the following message from the -Secretary-General of the American Peace Delegation to the -Under-Secretary of State at Washington: - - POLK, Washington. - - Morgenthau has been requested by President to serve with Warwick - Greene and Homer Johnson on commission to investigate pogroms - against Jews and Jewish persecutions stop Marshall, Cyrus Adler - advise him to decline urging that no Jew be appointed stop - Morgenthau is in doubt and requests that you promptly ascertain - opinion of Schiff, Wise, Elkus, Nathan Straus, Rosenwald and Samson - Lachman as to his acceptance. - -JOSEPH C. GREW. - - - -I even told Louis Marshall and Dr. Cyrus Adler that I would second their -efforts against my appointment, and I kept my word. When I found that my -messages to the President failed to move him, I insisted on a personal -interview with him, hoping then to dissuade him, and, on June 26th, two -days before the signing of the Treaty and the President’s return to -America, this was secured. When I stated to him that I wanted to be -relieved from the Commission, and suggested that no Jew should be put -on same, he replied, with great emphasis, that he had definitely -concluded to put a Jew on the Commission, so as to secure for the Jews -in Poland a sympathetic hearing, and that he had selected me to be -entrusted with this task and hoped that I would not refuse to serve. - -“Your putting it that way,” I answered, “makes it a command, and as a -good citizen, I will not disobey it.” - -Just returned from Lithuania and anxious to see his suggestions in -regard to that country pushed to realization, Colonel Greene begged to -be relieved from serving on the Polish Mission, and the President left -it to General Pershing and myself to secure some other army officer. I -went to the General’s residence on the momentous morning of the signing -of the Peace Treaty. - -“Let’s step into the garden,” he said, and, turning to General Harbord, -added: “You come along.” - -It was a bright spring morning. The acres of garden, hidden from the -streets of the Boulevard St. Germain district, and rich from centuries -of care, stretched green and quiet before us. We sat on an old stone -seat, and Pershing drew out a memorandum from his pocket. - -“Here,” he told me, “are the names of the general officers that I have -picked out for some recognition. Now, Morgenthau, tell me what sort of -officer it is that you want.” - -In a most comprehensive way he ran through the names and explained the -special attainments and attributes of each man mentioned. Here was the -honour list of the A. E. F., and the man who was explaining it to me was -he whose name was entitled to stand in capitals at its top. The -experience was like going through a picture gallery with an expert -pointing out the best in every portrait, and Harbord throwing in an -illuminating remark every now and then, was a connoisseur at the -expert’s elbow. I realized that the portraits were all real -masterpieces--no antiques--all moderns. They were the select of the -selected, but the two that apparently best suited our present purpose -were Mason M. Patrick and Edgar Jadwin. - -“Our commission,” I repeated, “is expected to conduct a real search for -the truth, without prejudice; to be well balanced, the third member -should be a man who will work judicially, but be unencumbered with a -legal education and the quibbles that usually accompany it.” And, I -added: “Both Johnson and I are lawyers.” - -Pershing replied: “If you mean a man who will balance facts -mathematically and then arrive at a conclusion, as an engineer does, -then Jadwin is the man for you.” - -“Very well,” I said, “we’ll take Jadwin. Where is he?” - -“I’ll have him meet you at the Crillon this afternoon,” said Pershing, -and he kept his word. - -Johnson, Jadwin, and I organized our commission at the Crillon before -sunset that day. I left it to Jadwin to choose our executive secretary; -he chose Lieutenant-Colonel M. C. Bryant; we borrowed Major Henry S. -Otto from Hoover, and selected as Counsel, Captain Arthur L. Goodhart -who had been Assistant Corporation Counsel of New York. - -That same night, Paderewski gave a dinner at the Ritz. In its -potentialities, in the sharp contrasts of character presented by the -guests, it was one of the most dramatic events connected with the -preparations for my trip to Poland. - -The Versailles Conference was over. President Wilson, to whom the world -still looked for leadership, was starting home within an hour, taking -with him the Covenant of the League of Nations. The Treaty had just been -signed; the ink was scarcely dry on the signatures to that document -containing Article 93: - - Poland accepts and agrees to embody in a Treaty with the Principal - Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as may be deemed - necessary by the said Powers to protect the interests of - inhabitants of Poland who differ from the majority of the - population in race, language, or religion. - -And now, around that dinner-table sat, among others, Paderewski, -Dmowski, and Lansing, signers of the Treaty, and Hugh Gibson and myself: -Lansing, who as ranking member of the Peace Commission, represented the -government that held the balance of the world-power; Paderewski, -Poland’s Premier, who realized that the very life of his native land -depended on peace at home and good opinion abroad, and that these could -be secured only by a satisfactory settlement of the Jewish problem -within the Polish boundaries; Hugh Gibson, American Minister to Warsaw, -whose report on that problem had increased the storm of Jewish protest; -Roman Dmowski, the leader of Anti-Semitism in Poland, admittedly its -fomenter, who had found Article 93 a bitter pill; and I, who had been -appointed to go to Poland to find out the absolute truth. - -Far from depressing me, this juxtaposition had a stimulating effect. -More than ever, I realized the delicacy of the task with which I had -been entrusted. In the respect paid to me at this dinner Dmowski’s -Anti-Semitism had obviously received quite a jolt, and I wanted to have -a talk with him. Paderewski, Lansing, and Gibson dramatically left the -table to hurry to the railway station and bid good-bye to President -Wilson. When they had returned and the dinner was over, I said to -Lansing: - -“Here is your chance to tell Dmowski how the American Peace Commission -feels about our proposed work in Poland.” - -Lansing assented, and after a brief talk with Dmowski, drew him, Gibson, -and myself aside, and I had my first man-to-man talk with the organizer -of the anti-Jewish economic and social boycott in Poland. - -Dmowski was a heavy, domineering figure, with a thick neck and a big, -close-cropped head bearing the bulldog jaw and the piercing eyes of the -ward-boss. I had learned his story: in the days of Russian domination he -had tried to force the Jews of his Warsaw district to support his -machine’s candidate for a seat in the Fourth (1912) Douma; they refused -to vote for his man, who was an Anti-Semite, threw their influence in -favour of the Socialist candidate Jagellan, and elected him. Dmowski -ever after, through his newspaper and in his position as a leader of the -National Democratic Party of Poland, pursued the cunning policy of -making Anti-Semitism a party issue. It was a wilful plot, based on -personal spite, to destroy the Polish Jews. - -“Mr. Dmowski,” I said, “I understand that you are an Anti-Semite, and I -want to know how you feel toward our Commission.” - -He replied in an almost propitiating manner: - -“My Anti-Semitism isn’t religious: it is political. And it is not -political outside of Poland. It is entirely a matter of Polish party -politics. It is only from that point of view that I regard it or your -mission. Against a non-Polish Jew I have no prejudice, political or -otherwise. I’ll be glad to give you any information that I possess.” - -He then sketched, with vigour, the arguments against Jewish nationalism -and touched on the Socialist activities of one section of the Polish -Jews. He also said: “There never was a pogrom in Poland. Lithuanian -Jews, fleeing Russian persecution in 1908, spoke Russian obtrusively and -banded together to employ only Jewish lawyers and doctors; they started -boycotting; the Poles’ boycott was a necessary retaliation. On the other -hand, the Posen Jews speak German and the others Yiddish, which is -based on German: we want the Polish language in Poland.” - -I arranged to have him meet General Jadwin and myself. He did so and -frankly explained his attitude toward the Jews and his participation in -the Economic Boycott. He had no moral qualms as to his using so -destructive a method in his political fight. He said that unless the -Jews would abandon their exclusiveness, they had better leave the -country. He wanted Poland for the Poles alone--and made no secret of -this desire. - -Dmowski admitted his unfamiliarity with financial conditions and -referred us to Grabski whom he brought to see us. We also conferred with -the Pro-Semite, Dr. Tsulski, and a number of other Poles and Polish Jews -in Paris. I immediately encountered the clash of views that was to -continue throughout my entire investigation. - -The more I talked with the different factional leaders, the more I felt -that they were speaking not so much from deep conviction as from -political expediency. Out of that feeling I evolved my ideal of what our -Commission ought to accomplish. - -Here was Poland, who was expected to prevent a German-Russian -combination--a new family in the Clan of Progressive Peoples; and no -sooner had it entered the Clan than it developed a family feud. Now, the -welfare of the separate families is the welfare of the Clan. For the -Clan’s sake, Poland must be saved; otherwise, it would be an easy prey -to the common enemy. The investigator’s duty was not merely to -ascertain, if that were possible, which of the two contending factions -had told the truth, or which exaggerated; we were the representatives of -the most powerful participant in the Conference that projected the -League of Nations; it was for us to see whether the quarrel could not be -amicably settled, and the new family saved to do its part for the Clan. - -[Illustration: © _Keystone_ - -IGNACE PADEREWSKI - -Premier of Poland, and her representative at Paris, who suggested that -the American Mission be sent, and later, in Poland, aided it.] - -Nor was that all. Our experiment was a new one in history. We were not a -delegation of conquerors dictating to the parties of a newly subdued -province. We believed that if internecine wars were to be prevented in -the future, one of the best methods might now be proved to be -investigations and recommendations, made as early in the quarrel as -possible by disinterested outsiders, who would represent an -international tribunal with power to act. - -Accordingly, Gibson and I decided that the Polish Commission must set -out armed with instructions that would carry it far. We consulted Mr. -Lansing, and the following letter resulted: - -Paris, June 30, 1919. - - MY DEAR MR. MORGENTHAU: - - As I understand that you and your colleagues on the Mission to - Poland are beginning your preliminary work here, I desire to make - some general observations as to the character of the task confided - to you by the President. - - The President was convinced of the desirability of sending a - Commission to Poland to investigate Jewish matters after he had - been made acquainted with the various reports of the situation - there. His view was supported by the request of the Polish - Government, through Mr. Paderewski, that an American Mission be - sent to establish the truth of the various reports concerning his - country. Mr. Gibson, the American Minister to Poland, some time ago - asked that such a Mission be sent to Poland and outlined his idea - of what it should endeavour to accomplish. - - It is desired that your Mission make careful inquiry into all - matters affecting the relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish - elements in Poland. This will, of course, involve the investigation - of the various massacres, pogroms, and other excesses alleged to - have taken place, the economic boycott, and other methods of - discrimination against the Jewish race. The establishment of the - truth in regard to these matters is not, however, an end in itself; - it is merely for the purpose of seeking to discover the reason - lying behind such excesses and discriminations with a view to - finding a possible remedy. The American Government, as you know, is - inspired by a friendly desire to render service to all elements in - the new Poland--Christians and Jews alike. I am convinced that any - measure that may be taken to ameliorate the conditions of the Jews - will also benefit the rest of the population and that, conversely, - anything done for the community benefit of Poland as a whole, will - be of advantage to the Jewish race. I am sure that the members of - your Mission are approaching the subject in the right spirit, free - from prejudice one way or the other, and filled with a desire to - discover the truth and evolve some constructive measures to improve - the situation which gives concern to all the friends of Poland. - - I am, my dear Mr. Morgenthau, with every hope that your Mission may - result in lasting good, - -Very sincerely yours, -ROBERT LANSING. - - - -Our Commission arrived in Warsaw on the 13th of July, and we were -immediately immersed in the vortex of Polish affairs. - -The Jewish masses looked upon us as hoped-for deliverers, and upon me as -a second Moses Montefiore, but no other faction was pleased at our -presence. Paderewski’s request that we be sent was far from representing -the wishes of the entire Polish people; the majority of the -Government--particularly Pilsudski, the Chief of State, and his -group--had difficulty in concealing their mistrust of the Mission, and a -large portion of the press unreservedly described our purpose as a piece -of uncalled-for interference. - -As no enduring benefit was likely to be accomplished unless we won the -good will of all concerned, we saw at once that to secure this was only -secondary to our discovering the truth. Accordingly, as soon as we were -settled in the Raczynski Palace, where the Poles signed their -Declaration of Independence in 1790, we began a long series of -conferences with men from all the political factions, persons of the -various religious faiths, members of the Cabinet and Parliament, the -Volks-Partei, the Arbeiter-Verein, and with Jews--Zionistic, -Assimilators, and Orthodox. Of the Jewish members of the Parliament -there were Dr. Grynenbaum, Dr. Thon, Mr. Farbstein, Hardclass, Dr. -Rosenblatt, who were Nationalistic Zionists; Dr. Weinza, who was a -Radical Zionist; and Dr. Schipper, who was a Socialistic Zionist. Then -there were Preludski, and Hirsthorn of the Volks-Partei; and Rabbis -Perlmutter and Halpern of the Orthodox Jewish party. - -Our quarters were flooded with visitors. To our first sitting came -representatives of the Zionists to state their case, and then the -picturesque Rabbi Perlmutter, with his white, patriarchal beard, who, -accompanied by two other rabbis, called to extend the welcome of the -Orthodox Jews. - -That was the beginning of a full fortnight of Warsaw hearings. Day after -day, we sat there, listening, questioning, taking voluminous notes, -making bulky records. There came representatives from the Jews of Lodz, -Lemberg, Cracow, Vilna, and other towns--each delegation with its own -story and each entreating us to visit its city and conduct personal -investigations there. The story of the men from Minsk is worth -repeating: they claimed possession of definite information of a -conspiracy against them whereby, when the Polish Army should enter -Minsk, Anti-Semitic Bolshevist soldiers, lagging in the rear of the -Bolsheviki’s retreat, would “snipe” at the conquerors from houses -occupied by Jews, so that the Jews would be blamed and pogroms result; -they even gave the location of the houses. - -Thus it went from morning until night. One day there were ten different -delegations, each important, each interesting, to be listened to. It was -not long before we found, to our surprise, that the chief sources of -trouble could be traced to a comparatively few factional leaders, not -more than would fill a small room, and that for these the opportunity to -express their clashing views was in itself a relief to the tenseness of -the situation. - -In a class by himself, however, was Rabbi Rubenstein, who came from -Vilna when we were in the middle of one of our endless conferences with -Warsaw Zionists. He was a Lithuanian and though he had been flogged for -refusing to sign a paper charging the Bolsheviki with the Vilna -outrages, he was still defiant toward the Poles. Learned in more than -Jewish scholarship, he had a grasp of the economic laws involved in the -present difficulties and a keen understanding of world politics that was -touched with statesmanship. But, above all, he was the shepherd pleading -for his sheep; he displayed a pathetic faith that here at last was a -tribunal anxious to dispense justice. Imagine a face like that of some -mediæval artist’s “Christ,” lined with the horror of his recent -experiences; eyes wide with the grief that they had suffered in -witnessing the massacre of the flower of his flock. His gesturing hands -shook, his voice was broken by emotion, but he recounted the history of -these now well-known Vilna excesses with an eloquence that was all the -more moving because it was wholly unstudied, and every now and then the -current of his speech was broken by spasmodic ebullitions of resentment -which he could no longer repress. - -He begged us not to make the mistake of previous hasty investigators. He -implored us to spend at least three days in Vilna. His community had -retained two lawyers, who had collected all the evidence; everything -would be thoroughly prepared, but there were so many witnesses to be -examined that a three days’ sojourn was the minimum necessity. Here, it -was clear, was no religious fanatic; his plea was so brilliant, his -sincerity so convincing, that we readily agreed with his request. - -I have said that the Zionists were our first callers; they were also our -most constant. We were soon in close contact with all their leaders, -attended their meetings, and studied their activities. Some were -pro-Russian, all were practically non-Polish, and the Zionism of most of -them was simply advocacy of Jewish Nationalism within the Polish state. -Thus, when the committee of the Djem, or Polish Constitutional Assembly, -called on us, led by Grynenbaum, Farbstein, and Thon--all men who had -discarded the dress and beard of the Orthodox Jew--and when I discovered -that they were really authorized to represent that section of the Jews -that had complained to the world of the alleged pogroms, I notified them -that we were willing to give them several hours a day until they had -completed the presentation of their case to their entire satisfaction. -That programme was adhered to. - -Besides their version of the excesses, they presented evidence of -considerable political bad faith and much economic oppression on the -part of a section of the Poles. Contrary to explicit understanding, an -election had been set for the Jewish Sabbath; and there had been -gerrymandering at Bialystok, so that in the municipal election the -Jewish votes had been swamped by voters admitted from surrounding -villages. We were told of the development of coöperative stores which -both excluded the Jews as members and were pledged against patronizing -Jewish wholesale merchants or manufacturers. - -“But,” we asked, “you don’t expect to end these things by propaganda for -an exodus to Palestine?” - -They admitted that taking anything short of 50,000 Jews a year out of -Poland would effect no noticeable decrease in the population there. They -were afraid that the Government intended to treat the Jews in the old -way and that they would not be given rights equal to those of other -Polish citizens; if they could not go to Palestine, if they were to be -regarded as a foreign mass in the Polish body politic, they wanted the -privileges that they felt ought to be granted them, to offset the -privations of such a situation. To that end they were employing the -Zionist agitation. - -“We want,” they said, “to be permitted to vote for Jewish -representatives no matter what part of the country we or they live in. -The Jews form fourteen per cent. of Poland’s population. We want a -fourteen per cent. representation in Poland’s Parliament. That will give -us fifty-six members instead of the eleven Jewish members there at -present.” - -They admitted that their fifty-six could sway legislation only in case -of close divisions among the other parties. - -Then there were the Assimilators, whose attitude was the extreme -opposite of the Zionists. They invited us to a reception, and we found -them very intelligent and deeply interested in the future of -Poland--distinct in no detail of dress or speech, and holding membership -in political parties on purely Polish principles, just as a Jew in -America may be a Democrat or a Republican without reference to his -religion. They regarded Judaism as a matter of faith. They were -prosperous, many of them were professional men, and all of them mingled -on a footing of social equality with the Christians. - -The meeting of the old order with the new presented many a contrast. I -recall particularly a reception of which the Countess Zermoysky, -representing the ancient aristocracy, was one of the attractions. That -was like an episode under Louis XIV transported untouched into the -modern world. Amid ornate decorations, lavish refreshments, excellent -music, and displays of fireworks, the pretty Countess presided with all -the grace and charm of a lady of the court of the Grand Monarch; beside -her towered General Pilsudski, the gruff and bluff Chief of State of -the new Polish régime. The old aristocracy was flirting with the modern -forces-in-power, and the modernists, more than a little flattered, were -by no means repelling these charming attentions. - -Nothing could have been more interesting. While Ambassador at -Constantinople, I had seen the disintegration of Turkey. In Paris I had -been present at the obsequies of the German and Austrian Empires; here I -was attending a christening, with parents and god-parents, nursery -governesses and prospective tutors and guardians, all discussing the -child’s career. - -Our escort, M. Skrzynski, the Acting Foreign Secretary, turned to me: - -“In judging the Poles,” he said in that soft, musical voice of his, “you -must remember that we are really a sweet and sentimental people. The new -government has not yet assumed the full authority dropped by the -Russians. We are still uncertain whether, if we tighten the reins, the -horse may balk. Once the horse was the people; now the people are the -drivers. We are wondering whether the bit will hurt the tender mouths of -the aristocrats.” - -He was a tall, handsome fellow, this Skrzynski, with the head of a -Beethoven and the manners of a Chesterfield. He looked an amateur -artist. He was one of those who came into the new government from the -old aristocracy; but he never forgot his part as a loyal Republican and -evinced an almost boyish pride in his work. - -One evening we were asked to supper by a certain man of title. His -manner was exceedingly cordial and broad-minded, and he had ransacked -the entire neighbourhood to make his banquet a great success. He had -invited some of the prominent Jews of his city. He showed us with great -pride a statue of Napoleon by Houdon, and other fine works of art. -Captain Goodhart, the counsel of the Commission, was sitting with the -titled personage’s niece, a vivacious girl of about eighteen. - -“Just look at uncle and aunt,” she whispered, “how charmingly they are -treating the Ambassador. They are just loading him down with attentions. -It seems strange to me, to see a Jew treated with such consideration in -our home. You know, I just detest the Jews, don’t you?” - -“Well, really,” he said, “I can’t possibly agree with you, because I am -a Jew myself.” - -The little Countess was all confusion. - -“Don’t--don’t tell my uncle what I have said,” she begged, “he would -never forgive me!” - -Askenazy is another personage of those days whom I shall long remember. -One of the great scholars of Lemberg University, he was known as the -foremost historian of Central Europe; since then he has become a -familiar international figure as Poland’s representative at the Geneva -meetings of the League of Nations. An occasional attendant at the -Synagogue, he was nevertheless a pronounced Assimilator and enormously -proud of the fact that his family have lived in Poland since 1650. - -Askenazy saw small benefit to anybody in the alleged privileges of -educational separation granted the Polish Jews by the Treaty. - -“If the Jews have their own schools,” he said, “that will only widen the -difference between them and the Poles.” - -I reminded him that the separation extended merely to the primary -schools. - -“It will be gradually applied to the high schools,” he insisted, “and -then to the universities. In their primary schools, the Jewish children -will of course be taught Hebrew or Yiddish; that will make it next to -impossible for them to mix with the pupils of the higher grades when -they get there.” - -Very impressive was our visit to the chief synagogue of Warsaw. There -must have been 25,000 people present. Outside the building, those -clamouring for entrance literally jammed the square, and the streets for -several blocks surrounding it, from house wall to house wall; inside, -the crowd was so dense that every man’s shoulder overlapped his -neighbour’s. The cries from the street made it imperative for us to show -ourselves there, after the services, when we were almost mobbed. Some of -the crowd wanted to pull our automobile to our home; others clamoured to -carry us there on their shoulders, and something close to good-natured -force had to be used to enable us to reach our car. Rubenstein came from -Vilna for the meeting; there was a delegation from Posen; and Dr. Thon -represented the Jews of the Parliament. An eminent nerve specialist from -Posen, in his speech, stated that the nervous condition of the Jews -should be attributed to “Halleritis”--a fear of what the Polish Army -under General Haller might next do to them; while Poznansky, the Rabbi, -in his address, laid stress on the Jews’ desire to be first class, and -not second class, Polish citizens. - -This is not the place to recapitulate all the details of our journey -through Poland. In Vilna, where our calendar was overcrowded, we got -through a really incredible amount of work, by running three tribunals, -each with an investigator, interpreter, and stenographer. The accounts -of the evidence--of the testimony concerning the outrages to which the -Jews had undoubtedly been subjected--all the world has long since read. -I shall touch only on three incidents: those at Stanislawa, Pinsk, and -Vilna. - -From Stanislawa, the Christian authorities had asked for a visit from -our Commission to prevent a provocation of a pogrom by the Jews. When I -arrived, the Burgomaster explained that the Jews’ sympathy with the -Ukrainians might provoke an attack of the Polish citizens. I asked: - -“How is your city governed?” - -“By a representative committee of Christians and Jews.” - -“How many Christians?” - -“Sixty.” - -“And how many Jews?” - -“One.” - -I said I should like to see that one. - -“Well,” said the Burgomaster, “you see he wasn’t on good terms with the -Zionists, and so he had to go.” - -I sent for a committee of Jewish residents. - -They told us of their fearful predicament. The governmental control of -their city had changed six times in four years. Each time it changed, -the new power, be it Austrian, Polish, or Ukrainian, would punish them -for having been loyal to their predecessor. If they remained neutral, -all would make them suffer. “What are we to do?” - -I guessed now what the local authorities had been up to. They were -anti-Jewish and, if the federal government had not sent somebody in -answer to their request, they would have interpreted that as the -sanctioning of further excesses. I therefore had the Burgomaster and his -friends in again, and declared that the republic’s authorities realized -that Poland’s standing with the outside world depended on her justice to -the Jews. - -“You are politicians, and I am a politician,” I concluded, “therefore we -can talk in that language. You have been preparing for a pogrom. Now I -want to tell you that your government is as anxious as I am to avoid -further maltreatment of the Jews, and if any occurs in Stanislawa, you -will be removed from office.” - -After we had a friendly discussion of the plight in which the local -Jews found themselves, the Burgomaster assured me that there would be no -difficulties in his city, and there were none. - -I wish that I could adequately describe the scene that I witnessed in -Pinsk. It has haunted me ever since, and has seemed a complete -expression of the misery and injustice which is prevalent over such a -large part of the world to-day. A few months before our arrival, a -particularly atrocious Jewish massacre occurred. A Polish officer, Major -Letoviski, and fifteen of his troops had entered an assembly-hall where -the leading Jewish residents had gathered, as a committee in behalf of -the American Joint Distribution Committee, to distribute supplies of -flour for the unleavened Passover bread. The Poles arrested these Jews -and marched them hurriedly to the public square and in the dim light of -an automobile lamp, placed thirty-five of them against the cathedral -wall and shot them in cold blood. - -A somewhat hazy charge had been made that these men were Bolshevists, -but no trial was given them, and, indeed, the charge was subsequently -shown to be untrue. Returning to the scene of execution on the next -morning, the troops found that three of their victims were still -breathing; these they despatched, and all the thirty-five corpses were -then thrown into a pit in an old Jewish cemetery, without an opportunity -for decent burial or religious exercises, and with nothing to mark the -graves. - -Up to the time that our Commission came, not a single Jew had been -permitted to visit that cemetery; but I was allowed to inspect the scene -of this martyrdom, and, when I entered, a great crowd of Jews, who had -followed me, also went in. As soon as they reached the burial place of -their relatives, they all threw themselves upon the ground, and set up a -wailing that still rings in my ears; it expressed the misery of -centuries. - -That same evening I attended divine service at the Pinsk synagogue. The -building was crowded to its capacity, the men wedged into almost a solid -mass. Those that could not enter were gathered outside. All the Jews of -Pinsk were there. This was their first opportunity since April to -express their grief in their house of worship. This huge mass cried and -screamed until it seemed that the heavens would burst. I had read of -such public expression of agony in the Old Testament, but this was the -first time that I ever completely realized what the collective grief of -a persecuted people was like. To me it expressed the misery of centuries -and remains a pitiful memory and symbol of the cry for help that is -still going forth from a great part of Europe. - -Who were these thirty-five Victims? They were the leaders of the local -Jewish community, the spiritual and moral leaders of the 5,000 Jews in a -city, eighty-five per cent. of the population of which was Jewish; the -organizers of the charities, the directors of the hospitals, the friends -of the poor. And yet, to that incredibly brutal, and even more -incredibly stupid, officer who ordered their execution, they were only -so many Jews. - -Something of the same sort happened at Vilna. There was fighting between -the advancing Poles and the retiring Bolsheviki; shots were fired from -private houses against the Polish troops, and the Poles, in the anger of -their new-found authority, assumed that the Jewish houseowners were -guilty. They did not stop to learn the fact that the Jews of Vilna were -glad to get rid of Bolshevist rule: they slaughtered or deported all who -were suspects--men like Jaffe, that Jewish poet who lived in a world of -his own beautiful and harmless dreams, were treated shamefully. - -These descriptions of the occurrences at Pinsk and Vilna are totally -inadequate to describe the fearful plight of the Jews. Even the fuller -accounts contained in my official report to the American Commission to -Negotiate Peace--which is printed in full in the Appendix--does not -adequately portray the sad conditions of these Jews in Poland at -present. Giving harrowing details will not remedy the situation, and -might be misconstrued and do harm to those suffering people. Hence, I -have abstained. - -It was in Vilna that we had a real show-down with the Chief of State of -Poland. All this time we had been in the unpleasant position of a -delegation of foreigners endeavouring to render a service to a country -whose president openly resented our presence there. - -“Pogroms?” Pilsudski had thundered when I first called on him. It was in -the Czar’s summer palace near Warsaw that he was living, and he received -me in the “library” where there was not a book to be seen. “There have -been no pogroms in Poland!--nothing but unavoidable accidents.” - -I asked the difference. - -“A pogrom,” he explained reluctantly, “is a massacre ordered by the -government, or not prevented by it when prevention is possible. Among us -no wholesale killings of Jews have been permitted. Our trouble isn’t -religious; it is economic. Our petty dealers are Jews. Many of them have -been war-profiteers, some have had dealings with the Germans or the -Bolsheviki, or both, and this has created a prejudice against Jews in -general.” - -At that meeting he stormed against the new school regulations; they -would not only ghettoize the Jews, but, and here his real objection -revealed itself, they were repugnant because forced upon the country -from the outside. - -“Russia,” he declared, “will return to autocracy: the Russians can -survive even the privations of Bolshevism. But our problem is vastly -different. We have become a free republic, and we propose to remain -one, in spite of interference. The Poles and the Jews can’t live -together on friendly terms for years to come, but they will manage it at -last. In the meantime, the Jew will have all his legal rights. It is our -own affair; our own honour is involved, and we are entirely able to -guard it.” - -Now our Commission was at Vilna, and Pilsudski came there; it was his -birthplace, and here were we invading it with an American Commission. -Etiquette required that Jadwin and I should call on him. - -The president was quartered in the Bishop’s Palace. We were received -with great formality and ushered through several vast rooms before we -reached the audience-chamber. A storm was brewing, the light was dim. We -found ourselves in a great big uninviting room, with long windows -opening on a large court. War had stripped it of all its ancient -hangings; the old furniture that belonged there must have vanished, in -its stead were a few pieces of cheap and stiff modern manufacture. There -was a desk at the far end, and at it was seated Pilsudski. - -He was a huge, forbidding man. His uniform, buttoned tight to the base -of his big neck, was unadorned by any orders--the uniform of a fighter. -His square jaw was thrust out below thick lips firmly set; his face was -abnormally broad, with cheekbones high and prominent; his cropped hair -bristled and his snapping eyes glinted from under a thicket caused by -his heavy eyebrows that met across his forehead. - -He had evidently been reading the Anti-Semitic newspapers to advantage -and was determined to give me a piece of his mind. The storm from heaven -broke just as the verbal torrent began, and the patter of the rain on -the stones of the old courtyard wove in and out like an orchestral -obligato to the Wagnerian recitative of the Polish Chief-of-State. He -spoke in German--a language excellently suited to his purpose--and soon -the ancient rafters were ringing with his invective. - -He declared that he was the chosen head of 20,000,000 people and would -defend their dignity. He represented the Polish Government, the ruling -power of a people that had been a nation when America was unknown, and -here was a committee of Americans stepping between the elected -Government of Poland and the Polish electors--positively belittling the -former to the latter. He dismissed as unfounded the stories about bad -treatment of prisoners. He asserted that, considering Vilna’s population -of 150,000, civilian casualties in the three days’ fighting for its -occupation had been comparatively few. Excesses? The exaggerations of -the foreign press concerning what had happened to a relatively small -number of Jews had been monstrous--one would think the country drenched -with blood, whereas the occurrences had been mere trifles inevitably -incident to any conquest. - -“These little mishaps,” he said, “were all over, and now you come here -to stir the whole thing up again and probably make a report that may -still further hurt our credit abroad. The Polish people resent even the -charge of ever having deserved distrust: how then can your activities -have any other effect than to increase the racial antipathy that you say -you want to end?” - -He was most bitter when he referred to Article 93. - -“Why not trust to Poland’s honour?” he shouted. “Don’t plead that the -article’s concessions are few in number or negative in character! Let -them be as small or as negative as you please, that article creates an -authority--a power to which to appeal--outside the laws of this country! -Every faction within Poland was agreed on doing justice to the Jew, and -yet the Peace Conference, at the insistence of America, insults us by -telling us that we _must_ do justice. That was a public insult to my -country just as she was assuming her rightful place among the sovereign -states of the world!” - -For fully ten minutes he continued his tirade. Nothing could have -stopped him and I didn’t try. When he was quite out of breath, I said -quietly: - -“Well, General, you’ve made good use of your opportunity; you’ve gotten -rid of all your gall. Now let’s talk from heart to heart.” I suited the -expression of my face to my words! - -The effect was surprising. He stared at me for a moment with unbelieving -eyes and then threw back his head and burst into a giant laugh. - -Then came my turn. I said that, in my official capacity, I was no Jew, -was not even an American, but a representative of all civilized nations -and their religions. I stood for tolerance in its broadest sense. I -explained exactly what our Commission was after, told what we had done -so far and made it clear that we were there not to injure Poland, but to -help her. Pilsudski’s entire attitude changed; before I left him, he -consented to release the Jewish prisoners still in custody since April, -1919, “as rapidly as each case can be investigated.” - -On our return to Warsaw, Billinski, the Minister of Finance, told us -that, in order to get the Orthodox Jews’ point of view, we should -interview a _Wunder Rabbiner_. Inquiry convinced me that the outstanding -of these, exercising a vast influence, was Rabbi Alter, of -Gory-Kalavaria, and, unannounced, Jadwin and I visited him at a summer -resort near Warsaw. A large number of students surrounded him, all -gowned in their long black kaftans, and bearded in the extreme manner of -their sect. He presented us to them and to his wife, and I found him -anti-Zionistic and anti-Nationalistic, but much depressed because of the -harsh treatment of the Jews. I asked him to visit me in Warsaw; he came, -accompanied - -[Illustration: JOSEPH PILSUDSKI - -Chief of State of Poland, who was not, at first, in sympathy with the -American Mission.] - -by his son-in-law and two other Orthodox Rabbis, Lewin and Sirkis, and I -had a stenographer take down our conversation. - -Space will not permit the reproduction here of all that these leaders -said, and I shall confine myself to repeating just a few of their -remarks, and in considering them, it should be kept in mind that the -Orthodox Jews number 80 per cent. of the Jewish population of Poland. - -“Our principal conflict,” said Rabbi Alter, “is with Jews: our chief -opponents at every step are the Zionists. The Orthodox are satisfied to -live side by side with people of different religions.... The Zionists -side-track religion.” - -“We are exiled,” said Rabbi Lewin; “we cannot be freed from our -banishment, nor do we wish to be. We cannot redeem ourselves.... We will -abide by our religion [in Poland] until God Almighty frees us.” - -And again: “We would rather be beaten and suffer for our religion [than -discard the distinguishing marks of Orthodox Judaism, such as not -cutting the beard, etc.].... The Orthodox love Palestine far more than -others, but they want it as a Holy Land for a holy race.” - -News of our proceedings had preceded us to Warsaw, and our purpose was -beginning to be understood and appreciated, even by those who had -formerly suspected and mistrusted us. - -I had another talk there with Pilsudski. He said that the Poles and Jews -must live together, that their relations could never be perfect, but -that the Government would really do its best to avoid friction. -Meantime, he hoped that there would be an end of official missions to -inquire into the problem; he had no objection to private investigations, -and, so far as our mission was concerned, he admitted it had already had -a good effect. He hoped our report would satisfy the world enough to end -such inquiries, for he did feel that interference from foreign nations -was bad for the prestige of the government at home. He concluded by -asking Jadwin and myself to meet his Cabinet at a luncheon which he had -instructed Skrzynski to arrange. - -Skrzynski opened the talk that followed the luncheon by praising our -work and our evident inclination to spare Poland’s pride. I followed by -saying that, though we would have to rap Poland’s knuckles and blame -some of the Poles severely for certain excesses and economic -persecutions, which I strongly condemned, we would present our -conclusions with fairness to both sides. It was important not to forget -that this was a matter in which all the world was interested and that -only strict honesty would satisfy. The Polish authorities had adopted a -contradictory defense, entering a general denial and yet pleading -justification. They ought to have confessed that excesses had occurred, -denied any official participation in them, frowned upon them, promised -to prevent them in the future, and punished the culprits. - -Billinski replied for the Cabinet. A man of more than seventy, he had -held the portfolio of Finance under the Emperor Franz-Josef of Austria -and was typical of the old Continental bureaucracy. He, too, felicitated -us on the pleasant ending of our work, concerning which, he said, he and -his colleagues had entertained such grave doubts. Poland, he said, -wanted no more “polemics”; the desire of the government was to quiet -things. Any admission of mistakes they thought had better be decided by -Paderewski. He hoped that our report would call attention to Poland’s -thousand years of culture, which had made her the advance post of -civilization in eastern Europe; would mention that she had ever been -tolerant toward the Jew and welcomed his arrival and that she did not -forget how, in the Revolution of 1863, the Jews had loyally fought -against Russia. They would not have done that, he argued, had the Poles -been persecuting them. He said it was unfortunate that, in the recent -war, some Jews had informed against the Poles in Galicia and thereby -created the prejudice against them. - -“The Pole,” he concluded, “must live side-by-side with the Jew and wants -to do it in peace.” - -What, in this question of Anti-Semitism, were the feelings of that -member of the government who is best known to all the world? Ignace -Paderewski is not only not an Anti-Semite: he is infinitely the greatest -of the modern Poles. - -After my experience at the synagogue in Warsaw, to which I have already -referred, I asked Paderewski if he would not accompany me to service -some Friday. I said that he was charged with being Anti-Semitic. - -“How ridiculous!” he answered. - -“M. Paderewski,” I explained. “I know you are not Anti-Semitic, and you -know that you are not--but how are the people to be convinced of it?” - -Paderewski at once saw the point. He was anxious to refute the charge -against him, yet his caution prompted him to consult his political -associates, who advised against his adoption of my suggestion. - -“Never mind,” he reassured me: “I’ll find another way.” - -That way he found when Hoover came to Warsaw. I was then about to visit -Pinsk, and he requested me to postpone it for a day or two. - -“I am giving a state dinner for Mr. Hoover at my official residence,” -said he, “I want you to come to that and let the doubters see how you -will be one of the Premier’s most honoured guests.” - -That dinner was a gorgeous affair. Everybody of political, financial, -and social importance was there; the representatives of the old -aristocracy, the makers of the new republic. The table was a sort of -squared horseshoe, its head the outside centre of the crosspiece, its -foot the inside centre. Paderewski had personally arranged the seating: -on his right sat Gibson, at his left Jadwin; Mme. Paderewska was at the -table’s head; Hoover sat at her left; General Pilsudski, as -Chief-of-State, sat at her right; and at his right was the place that -the Premier had given me. - -Few knew at that time of any change in General Pilsudski’s attitude -toward the Commission. All the guests supposed him still firm in his -opposition to us. From my seat beside him, I saw many inquisitive eyes -fixed on us, and showing their surprise at my sitting next to him. We -were conversing intimately and almost incessantly. It was evident that -everybody was wondering what passed between us. - -And what did? - -The terrible Chief-of-State was telling me, quite simply, the story of -his adventurous life: how he had fought always for Polish liberty, how -he had suffered imprisonment at Magdeburg. - -“But, even when there seemed no hope for either my country or me,” he -declared, “I never lost my faith. A marvellous gypsy palmist had assured -me that I was destined to be dictator of Poland.” - -I looked at him in amazement. It seemed incredible that this hardened -soldier should be speaking seriously. - -“The palmist,” he continued, with the simplicity of a child, “found that -the lines at the base of my right forefinger formed a star. That is a -sure sign that the lucky bearer is to rise to mastery.” - -He held out his hand to me. I could almost hear the rustle of excitement -among the watching guests to whom, of course, his words were inaudible. - -The star was there. Then, inquisitively, I looked at my own right hand, -and to my great surprise I also found a star! - -“I have the mark as well as you,” I laughingly proclaimed, “but the -nearest approach I ever made to a dictatorship was when the British were -expected in Constantinople in 1915, and I was to be in control of the -city between the departure of the Turks and the British occupation.” - -News of what Pilsudski and I were doing spread rapidly. Many guests -unsuccessfully looked for a star in their own hands, and then came up to -look at the General’s and mine. - -Shoulder to shoulder with me sat this man trained to fighting. Opposite -to him was Paderewski, with his wonderful head, with its fine, high -brow, from which flowed that magnificent shock of hair, and showing -those piercing eyes whose expression had puzzled so many, and whose -whole education had been directed toward the evoking of harmony. For -years, American music lovers had listened to this great virtuoso and -been entranced by his vigorous and yet delicate interpretation of many -of the most difficult and intricate classics. Now, he was no longer -living amid clouds of harmonies and études, but was second only to -Pilsudski in the council of this budding republic. There sat this sheer -genius--this unstarred master. He needed no mark on his palm, no -divining gypsy’s prophecy to prove that he would excel in any sphere to -which he might direct his talent. Twelve or fifteen years ago, there was -a picture painted of him and hung in the Lemberg Gallery: it showed him -as Orpheus quieting the wild beasts with his lyre. It was of this that -he irresistibly reminded me that night. He had undertaken the almost -impossible task of reconciling the contending factions of his native -land, and was eliminating race hatred itself. From a chance post of -vantage, I could not help watching the court he held during the -reception that followed the dinner. It equalled that of Pilsudski. -Princes and politicians vied with each other for an opportunity to -approach him, and to each he gave, with a perfect grace, an absorbed -attention. - -Another of his many sides I came to know. Poland’s financial plight -seemed to me, the more I studied it, not so desperate as feared. If -prompt and decisive help were offered, I believed, the Poles would rally -and work out their own salvation. As it was, the idle people were losing -their self-respect and were drifting toward militarism, simply through -their inactivity. I thought a plan could be devised by which they could -be aroused from their lethargy and given a start toward becoming a -vigorous, self-supporting people. I had great faith in Paderewski who, I -felt, did not subscribe to the militaristic views of Pilsudski, and I -thought there was a good chance for working out a plan for the economic -salvation of his country. - -In Vilna, I spoke to a number of prominent business men, irrespective of -religion, in regard to this matter. I asked them whether, if America -would help to organize a great corporation which would endeavour to -finance Poland, they would be ready to subscribe to some of the stock. I -was somewhat surprised at their prompt acquiescence. - -“But,” I pointed out, “you will probably be expected to subscribe in -gold. Have you got it?” - -“Oh, yes,” they answered. - -Gold in ravished Poland! “Where?” I asked. - -“In the Agrarian Bank.” - -I said that I didn’t know the institution. - -Then they smilingly explained. The Agrarian Bank was a hole in the -ground. At the outbreak of the World War these thrifty Poles had buried -their gold, hence, these men of Vilna were ready to subscribe -generously. - -When I returned to Warsaw, I discussed this plan with my associate -Johnson, who had had business experience, and he became enthusiastic -about it. I then presented it in detail to Paderewski, and his only -criticism was that the Poles would want a majority of the stock at once. -I told him that there was not the slightest objection to that, but that -I could devise a method by which they could eventually secure all of it, -and I doubted if it were wise to take too much at first. He then said -that there must be an American at the head of this corporation, and that -he must be one that was not connected with Wall Street, but who would -have the confidence of the entire American community. I proposed several -names, and we finally agreed that Franklin K. Lane was the best man. - -Paderewski asked me to put the full details of this plan in a letter to -him. I asked Colonel Bryant, who was an expert stenographer, whether he -would be willing to forget his military rank for a short time and revert -to his former activities by acting as my secretary. He readily assented, -and to escape the constant interruptions at our headquarters, we -automobiled five miles outside of Warsaw, gave the chauffeur a package -of cigarettes and told him to disappear; and there on the highway, I -dictated in an American automobile to an American colonel a letter which -will be found in the Appendix. - -I handed this letter to Paderewski, and stressed my views that the mere -announcement of such a corporation being contemplated would more than -double the value of the mark at once. Paderewski thought for a minute -and then said: - -“Mr. Morgenthau, that is absolutely true, and I am afraid that that is -going to prevent our adopting the scheme.” - -I was extremely puzzled, and was dumbfounded as he continued: - -“We cannot afford to have our marks rise too rapidly. We have sold too -many at this low price, and it would bankrupt us to redeem them at the -higher value which this scheme would give them. We must find some way of -disregarding the present value of the mark, and start a new currency -system.” - -He had evidently given this some thought, because he asked me how long -it would take in America to prepare new plates and print for them a new -currency, and he told me that they would have piastres and pounds. I -said I thought one of the banknote companies could do it in three -months, perhaps less. Finally, he said to me: - -“Don’t speak to any one about this plan, because I don’t want any one to -know that the suggestion comes from you until it is put into effect.” - -Two days later, when I met him again, he pulled out my letter and said: - -“Here I am carrying your letter, and am still giving attention to your -scheme.” - -I still think that a corporation of that kind would have put Poland on -her feet. - -The time now approached for our Commission’s departure. Our -investigations were ended, our work was done. We considered our final -decision. - -There was no question whatever but that the Jews had suffered; there had -been shocking outrages of at least a sporadic character resulting in -many deaths, and still more woundings and robberies, and there was a -general disposition, not to say plot, of long standing, the purpose of -which was to make the Jews uncomfortable in many ways: there was a -deliberate conspiracy to boycott them economically and socially. Yet -there was also no question but that some of the Jewish leaders had -exaggerated these evils. - -There, too, were malevolent, self-seeking mischiefmakers both in the -Jewish and Polish press and among the politicians of every stripe. Jews -and non-Jews alike started out with the presumption that there could be -no reconciliation. Our Commission had to deal with people, most of whom -could not conceive of the possibility of disinterested regard for their -welfare. Their experiences with the Russian courts had taught them -always to over-state the facts and when one realizes that there is a -conflict of testimony, and in most of them perjury is committed, it made -us quite patient when we found them just a little less truthful than our -American litigants. - -We found that, among the Jews, there was a thoughtful, ambitious -minority, who, sincere in their original motives, intensified the -trouble by believing that its solution lay only in official recognition -of the Jew as a separate nationality. They had seized on Zionism as a -means to establish the Jewish nation. To them, Zionism was national, not -religious; when questioned, they admitted that it was a name with which -to capture the imagination of their brothers whose tradition bade them -pray thrice daily for their return to the Holy Land. - -Pilsudski, in a moment of diplomatic aberration, had said that the Jews -made a serious error in forcing Article 93; quoting that utterance, -these Nationalists now asserted that neither the Polish Government, nor -the Roumanian for that matter, ever would carry out the spirit of the -Treaty concessions, and so they aimed at nothing short of an autonomous -government and a place in the family of nations. Meanwhile, they wanted -to join the Polish nation in a federation having a joint parliament -where both Yiddish and Polish should be spoken: their favourite way of -expressing it was to say that they wanted something like Switzerland -where French, German, and Italian cantons work together in harmony. - -Unfortunately, they disregarded the facts in the case. In Switzerland, -generally speaking, the citizens of French language live in one section, -those of German language in another, and so on, whereas these aspiring -Nationals, of course, wanted the Jews to continue scattered throughout -Poland. They wanted this, and yet wanted them to have a percentage of -representation in Parliament equal to their percentage in the entire -Polish nation! Finally, they took no account of the desires of the -Orthodox Jews, who form about 80 per cent. of their number, who were -content to remain in Poland and suffer for their religion if necessary, -and whom the Polish politicians were already coddling and beginning to -organize politically as a vote against the Nationalist-Zionists. - -The leaders of these Nationalist-Zionists were capable and adroit, but -they were like walking delegates in the labour unions, who had to -continue to agitate in order to maintain their leadership, and their -advocacy of a state-within-the-state was naturally resented by all. It -was quite evident that one of the deep and obscure causes of the Jewish -trouble in Poland was this Nationalist-Zionist leadership that exploited -the Old Testament prophecies to capture converts to the Nationalist -scheme. - -Here, then, was Zionism in action. We had seen it at first hand in -Poland. I returned home fearful that, owing to the extensive propaganda -of the Zionists, the American people might obtain the erroneous -impression that a vast majority of the Jews--and not, as it really was, -only a portion of the 150,000 Zionists in the United States--had ceased -considering Judaism as a religion and were in danger of conversion to -Nationalism. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -ZIONISM A SURRENDER, NOT A SOLUTION[2] - - -Zionism is the most stupendous fallacy in Jewish history. I assert that -it is wrong in principle and impossible of realization; that it is -unsound in its economics, fantastical in its politics, and sterile in -its spiritual ideals. Where it is not pathetically visionary, it is a -cruel playing with the hopes of a people blindly seeking their way out -of age-long miseries. These are bold and sweeping assertions, but in -this chapter I shall undertake to make them good. - -The very fervour of my feeling for the oppressed of every race and every -land, especially for the Jews, those of my own blood and faith, to whom -I am bound by every tender tie, impels me to fight with all the greater -force against this scheme, which my intelligence tells me can only lead -them deeper into the mire of the past, while it professes to be leading -them to the heights. - -Zionism is a surrender, not a solution. It is a retrogression into the -blackest error, and not progress toward the light. I will go further, -and say that it is a betrayal; it is an eastern European proposal, -fathered in this country by American Jews, which, if it were to succeed, -would cost the Jews of America most that they have gained of liberty, -equality, and fraternity. - -I claim to speak with knowledge on this subject. I have had occasion to -know the Jew intimately in all the lands where he dwells in numbers, and -to study his problems on his own ground, with the intensity and -sympathy which were required by my duty to help in each place to -formulate the plans for his immediate assistance. I was born among the -Jews of Germany, and by natural association with German Jews in New -York, and by repeated visits to Germany, am familiar with their life and -problems. As an American of fifty-five years’ residence, as a director -of the Educational Alliance and of Mt. Sinai Hospital, as president of -the Bronx House and the Free Synagogue for more than ten years, and as -one who has travelled on speaking tours from the Atlantic to the Pacific -and from Canada to New Orleans on behalf of the American Jewish Relief -Committee, I became thoroughly familiar with the American Jews. As -American Ambassador to Turkey, I came into daily official contact with -the Jews from all parts of the Near East, not only the Jews of Turkey -and of the Turkish Protectorate in Palestine itself, but also the Jews -of Egypt, Asia Minor, Greece, Roumania, and Bulgaria, to say nothing of -the accredited representatives of the Zionist Party in Constantinople. -As the head of President Wilson’s Commission, which was sent to -investigate the alleged pogroms of the Jews of Poland following the -Armistice in 1919, I spent several months on the ground in Poland and -Galicia, and talked with thousands of Jews in every walk of life in that -greatest centre of Jewish population in the world. They told me their -troubles; the indignities and the perils they endured; the hatred of -their neighbours because of their religion; the deliberate efforts that -were being made to stifle their economic life; the political -discriminations to which they were subjected; and the social barriers -which did not permit them to enjoy a full life as members of their -community. - -I speak as a Jew. I speak with fullest sympathy for the Jew everywhere. -I have seen him in his poverty--despised, hated, spat upon, beaten, -murdered. My blood boils with his at the thought of the indignities and -outrages to which he is subjected. I, too, would find for him, for me, -the way out of this morass of poverty, hatred, political inequality, and -social discrimination. - -But is Zionism that way? I assert emphatically that it is not. I deny -it, not merely from an intellectual recoil from the fallacy of its -reasoning, but from my very experience of life: as a seeker after -religious truth, as a practical business man, as an active participant -in politics, as one who has had experience in international affairs, and -as a Jew who has at heart the best interests of his co-religionists. - -First, let me trace briefly the origins of Zionism. I shall not attempt -to give a complete résumé of these origins, but shall sketch only a -broad picture of the facts. - -Zionism is based upon a literal acceptance of the promises made to the -Jews by their prophets in the Old Testament, that Zion should be -restored to them, and that they should resume their once glorious place -as a peculiar people, singled out by God for His especial favour, -exercising dominion over their neighbours in His name, and enjoying all -the freedom and blessings of a race under the unique protection of the -Almighty. Of course, the prophets meant these things symbolically, and -were dealing only with the spiritual life. They did not mean earthly -power or materialistic blessings. But most Jews accepted them in the -physical sense; and they fed upon this glowing dream of earthly grandeur -as a relief from the sordid realities of the daily life which they were -compelled to lead. - -Zionism arose out of the miseries of the Jews. It was offered as a -remedy, a release, a plan of action which would provide a road to -happiness. This is the secret of its hold upon its adherents. The -promises which it offers are so dazzling that Jews everywhere have -rushed to embrace its faith without stopping to examine them closely or -to calculate whether they can be made good. - -Zionism is not a new idea, but it gained a fresh impetus following the -outbreak of wholesale massacres in Russia beginning with Kiev and -Kishineff, and all through that ghastly trail of bloodshed following the -recrudescence of Anti-Semitism. The Jews, in their agony and peril, -sought afresh for a path toward safety. Zionism was then restated as the -remedy. Theodore Herzl gained new power as its fiery apostle, and Jews -the world over embraced the doctrine as a drowning man grasps at a -straw. This largely accounts for the present intense agitation of the -Zionists. - -Let me now define Zionism more fully. To the average Jew, unread in -other histories than his own, ignorant of the great currents of world -progress in science, industry, and the art of government, it is a blind -and simple faith in the imminence of realization of the dream I have -just described of the reërection of Zion as an earthly Kingdom. By those -intellectual leaders of Jewish thought who have embraced this fallacy of -a panacea, Zionism is defined in more subtle and in more plausibly -rational terms. There are, first, those intellectual Jews who conceive -of “Zion” (that is, Jerusalem restored to the Jews) as being a physical -symbol of spiritual leadership, lifted up before their eyes and -inspiring them all to a common purpose; as a demonstration of Hebraic -civilization; a centre from which should proceed instruction and -exhortation to the Jews of all the world. - -This analogy, however, is not complete. For these leaders conceive the -Jews to be, not merely a religious congregation, but, besides, a nation. -They think that not merely should spiritual power be centralized in -Zion, but temporal power as well. In their view, the discrimination -against Jews in other countries will greatly diminish, once there is -erected a Jewish state in Palestine. - -This nation is to be, in their theory, not only the seat of a religion -and the fostering home of distinctive racial culture. It is to be, as -well, an actual political entity, with territorial boundaries and a -capital city, maintaining a temporal government with a ruler accrediting -ambassadors to foreign courts and capitals, dealing with other -governments on an equality as a sovereign state, and seeking to use the -familiar instruments of diplomatic pressure to redress the wrongs of its -citizens who happen to reside under the jurisdiction of “foreign” -nations. - -I say that this _is_ the programme of the Zionists: perhaps I should say -_was_. It is true that they have, for the moment, altered the structure -of their dream, to accept the compromise held out to them by the Balfour -Declaration. They have stepped down from their plans for a sovereign -Jewish state in Palestine: they now accept the ideal of a “National Home -for the Jewish People”--to quote the words of that declaration. This is, -however, only a temporary compromise--a truce. Nothing short of the full -glory of their Zion will long content the ambitious apostles of Zionism. - -It is worth while at this point to digress for a moment from my main -argument, to point out that the Balfour Declaration is itself not even a -compromise. It is a shrewd and adroit delusion. - -The Balfour Declaration is: “His Majesty’s Government views with favour -the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, -it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may -prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish -communities in Palestine, nor the rights and political status enjoyed by -Jews in any other country.” - -The plain sense of these plain words has been woefully misunderstood by -some of the Zionist leaders, and wilfully distorted by others. They -contain no promise of a Jewish state: they offer no recognition of a -Jewish nation. They do, it is true, apply the obscure but pleasant name -of “Jewish Home Land” to the land which the Declaration then accurately -defines by its political name as “Palestine”; but it guarantees to the -Jews in their Home Land only those familiar assurances of security of -person and property which are the common possessions of British subjects -the world over. - -I have been astonished to find that such an intelligent body of American -Jews as the Central Conference of American Rabbis should have fallen -into a grievous misunderstanding of the purport of the Balfour -Declaration. In a resolution adopted by them, they assert that the -Declaration says: “Palestine is to be a national home land for the -Jewish people.” Not at all! The actual words of the Declaration (I quote -from the official text) are: “His Majesty’s Government views with favour -the establishment _in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish -people_.” These two phrases sound alike, but they are really very -different. I can make this obvious by an analogy. When I first read the -Balfour Declaration I was making my home in the Plaza Hotel. Therefore I -could say with truth: “My home is in the Plaza Hotel.” I could not say -with truth: “The Plaza Hotel is my home.” If it were “my home,” I would -have the freedom of the whole premises, and could occupy any room in the -house with impunity. Quite obviously, however, I could not occupy the -rooms of any other of the guests of the hotel whose leases long -antedated mine. - -These men would gladly entertain me as a visitor, but how they would -resent and legally fight so unjustifiable an attempt as my trying -forcibly to enter their premises and displace them and make their -quarters my home. - -[Illustration: RABBI RUBENSTEIN - -A leader of the Jewish community in Vilna, who took a very prominent -part in the incidents that arose when the Poles took possession of the -city.] - -This is exactly the differentiation in meaning between the Balfour -Declaration and the claims of those Zionists who profess to see in it -British authority for claiming Palestine as the seat of a Jewish nation. -The Balfour Declaration very carefully says: “The British Government -favours the establishment of a home land for the Jewish people _in -Palestine_.” But this does not say that the Jews shall have the right to -dispossess, or to trespass upon the property of those far more numerous -Arab tenants whose right to their share in it is as good as that of the -Jews and, in most cases, of much longer standing. - -Palestine is a country already populated, and the British Government has -no intention of evicting the Arab owners of the soil in favour of the -Jews. Nor, I may add in passing, have the Arab owners any intention of -selling their holdings to the Jews, for they are fully aware of the -Zionist programme, are very resentful of it, and intend to use every -means at their command to frustrate it. - -In February, 1921, this obvious meaning of the Balfour Declaration was -made officially explicit, when the complete text of the mandate for -Palestine was first made public. After reiterating in the preamble the -language which I have above quoted, this official transaction of the -Council of the League of Nations proceeds to enumerate the specific -terms under which Palestine shall be governed as a mandatary of Great -Britain. The very first article of this mandate explodes completely the -theory that the Allied Powers had any idea of setting up a Jewish -nation. It reads: “His Britannic Majesty shall have the power to -exercise as mandatory all the powers inherent in the government of a -sovereign state save as they may be limited by the terms of the present -mandate.” In other words, not a government of Jews over a Jewish nation, -but His Britannic Majesty is declared to be the repository of “the -powers inherent in a sovereign state.” - -To be sure, these powers are limited by certain specific terms -enumerated in the mandate. Space does not permit a quotation of them in -full, but I would advise those interested to secure a copy of the -mandate and to study it in the light of the claim of some Zionists that -the Balfour Declaration recognizes a Jewish State. These so-called -“limitations” do not really limit the sovereign power of His Britannic -Majesty. They are not limitations; they are statements of the direction -in which the British as mandataries pledge themselves to pay especial -attention to the interests of the Jews _as a part of the body of the -citizens of Palestine_. Except for these expressions of benevolent -intention specifically toward the Jews, every one of the twenty-seven -articles in the declaration is just as applicable to every other citizen -of Palestine, whether Jew or Gentile, Mohammedan, Arab, or Christian -Syriac. They are guaranties of civil liberty, freedom of conscience, -equality before the law, and the like. - -It was a politic move of the British Government to name a Jew as the -first governing head of Palestine when the British began to function -under this mandate. But this appointment of Sir Herbert Samuel was only -politic, it was not political. It has no general significance. - -As I have said, some of the Zionist leaders woefully misunderstood the -Balfour Declaration. The terms of the mandate now leave to them no room -for misunderstanding. Other Zionist leaders, however, wilfully -misrepresented it. They knew that it meant what it said, but they did -not dare to tell their followers what it meant. They chose rather to let -them think that it was only another phrasing of their original programme -of the erection of a Zionistic national sovereign state, or that it -would lead to it. These misleaders, being more vociferous than their -more honest colleagues, have had the ear of the great mass of Jews -throughout the world. This mass now believes that Zionism, as a -national ideal, is presently attainable, if, indeed, it is not actually -attained already. These Zionistic apostles are culpable, in that they -have failed to undeceive the masses of this error. Instead, they have -capitalized this credulous faith, and are collecting funds in America -and in Europe, ostensibly to finance what they call the establishment of -their dream, although really, as I believe, to finance further -propaganda for their unattainable ideal. - -Having disposed of the fallacious assumption that Zionism has been, or -is about to be attained, let me now return to my main argument, namely, -that it never can be attained, and that it ought not to be attained. - -Let us examine the pretensions of Zionism from three essential angles: -Is it an economic fallacy? Is it a political fantasy? Is it a spiritual -will-o’-the wisp? - -First, its economic aspect. I assert positively that it is impossible. -Zionists have been working for thirty years with fanatical zeal, and -backed by millions of money from philanthropic Jews of great wealth in -France, England, Germany, and America; and the total result of their -operations, at the outbreak of the World War, was the movement of ten -thousand Jews from other lands to the soil of Palestine. In the same -period, a million and a half Jews have migrated to America. - -The truth is that Palestine cannot support a large population in -prosperity. It has a lean and niggard soil. It is a land of rocky hills, -upon which, for many centuries, a hardy people have survived only with -difficulty by cultivating a few patches of soil here and there, with the -olive, the fig, citrus fruits and the grape, or have barely sustained -their flocks upon the sparse native vegetation. The streams are few and -small, entirely insufficient for the great irrigation systems that would -be necessary for the general cultivation of the land. The underground -sources of water can be developed only at a prodigious capital expense. -There are thirteen million Jews in the world: the Zionist organization -itself claims for Palestine only a maximum possible population of five -millions. Even this claim is on the face of it an extravagant -over-estimate. After careful study on the spot in Palestine, I prophesy -that it will not support more than one million additional inhabitants. - -Palestine is in area about equal to the state of Massachusetts; and that -New England state, blest (as Palestine is not) with plentiful water, -ample water-powers, abundant forestation, and a good soil, supports only -four million people. This bald comparison, however, does not begin to -tell the story. Massachusetts is an integral part of a tremendously -prosperous nation of one hundred million souls. Distributed among -forty-eight states, between which there are no political boundaries to -protect, no fences to be maintained, no tariff discrimination, or -unfavourable exchanges to be considered, she enjoys all the advantages -of a highly industrialized community, and of established commercial -intercourse with the rest of the most progressive nations in the world. -If Massachusetts were situated as Palestine is situated, remote from the -great currents of modern economic life; without even one of those -absolutely indispensable prerequisites to commercial success, namely -natural ports; without its network of railways, bringing to it cheaply -the raw materials for its manufactures, and carrying from it cheaply and -quickly to rich markets its manufactured articles, Massachusetts would -support a population far less than its present numbers. - -This is the condition of Palestine: not only must agriculture be pursued -under the greatest possible handicaps of soil and water, but it is -subject to the direct competition of far more favoured lands in the very -agricultural products for which it is distinctive. These are the citrus -fruits, almonds, figs and dates, grapes and wine. How can little -Palestine compete in these products with Italy, France, and Spain, and -their north African colonies, whose richer soil lies in the direct line -of the great march of commerce? - -A great industrial Palestine is equally unthinkable. It lacks the raw -materials of coal and iron; it lacks the skill in technical processes -and the experience in the arts; and, above all, it is not in the path of -modern trade currents. What hope is there for Palestine, as an -industrial nation, in competition with America, Great Britain, and -Germany, with their prodigious resources, their highly organized -factories, their great mass-production, and their superb means of -transportation? The notion is preposterous. - -I claim that the foregoing analysis demolishes the economic foundation -of Zionism. - -What of its political foundations? Is Zionism a political fantasy? I -assert most emphatically that it is. The present British mandate over -Palestine is a recognition, by the great powers of the world, of the -supreme political interest of Great Britain in that region. It was no -mere accident that it was a British army which captured Jerusalem from -the Turks in the late war. The life-and-death importance of the Suez -Canal to the integrity of the British Empire has for more than half a -century made the destiny of Palestine as well as of Egypt a vital -concern of British statesmanship. So long as the Turk was in control, -the British had no cause to fear what that impotent and backward -neighbour might do to interrupt the life current that flows through this -jugular vein connecting India with the British Isles. But now that the -Turk is in process of being dispossessed of sovereignty, and the future -disposition of his territories in doubt, British statesmen can hold but -one opinion concerning either Egypt or Palestine, and this opinion is, -that no matter what else may befall, British influence must be -omnipotent on both sides of the Suez Canal. It may be politic for them -for the moment to coddle the aspirations of a numerically negligible -race like the Jews. But the notion that Great Britain would for one -instant allow any form of government in Palestine, under any name -whatever, that was not, in fact, an appanage of the British Crown, and -subservient to the paramount interests of British world policy, is too -fantastical for serious refutation. - -I have just said that it may be politic for the British Government to -coddle the aspirations of the Jews. There are, however, profound reasons -why this coddling will not take the form of granting to them even the -name and surface appearance of a sovereign government ruling Palestine. -In the first place, Britain’s hold upon India is by no means so secure -that the Imperial Government at London can afford to trifle with the -fanatical sensibilities of the millions of Mohammedans in its Indian -possessions. Remember that Palestine is as much the Holy Land of the -Mohammedan as it is the Holy Land of the Jew, or the Holy Land of the -Christian. His shrines cluster there as thickly. They are to him as -sacredly endeared. In 1914 I visited the famous Caves of Machpelah, -twenty miles from Jerusalem; and I shall never forget the mutterings of -discontent that murmured in my ears, nor the threatening looks that -confronted my eyes, from the lips and faces of the devout Mohammedans -whom I there encountered. For these authentic tombs of Abraham, Isaac, -and Jacob are as sacred to them, because they are saints of Islam, as -they are to the most orthodox of my fellow Jews, whose direct ancestors -they are, not only in the spiritual, but in the actual physical sense. -To these Mohammedans, my presence at the tombs of my ancestors was as -much a profanation of a Mohammedan Holy Place as if I had laid -sacrilegious hands upon the sacred relics in the mosque at Mecca. To -imagine that the British Government will sanction a scheme for a -political control of Palestine which would place in the hands of the -Jews the physical guardianship of these shrines of Islam, is to imagine -something very foreign to the practical political sense of the most -politically practical race on earth. They know too well how deeply they -would offend their myriad Mohammedan subjects to the East. - -Exactly the same political issue of religious fanaticism applies to the -question of Christian sensibilities. Any one who has seen, as in 1914 I -saw at Easter-tide, the tens of thousands of devout Roman Catholics from -Poland, Italy, and Spain, and the other tens of thousands of devout -Greek Catholics from Russia and the East, who yearly frequent the -shrines of Christianity in Palestine, and who thus consummate a lifetime -of devotion by a pilgrimage undertaken at, to them, staggering expense -and physical privation; and who has observed, as I have observed, the -suppressed hatred of them all for both the Jew and the Mussulman; and -who has noted, further, the bitter jealousies between even Protestant -and Catholic, between Greek Catholic and Roman--such an observer, I say, -can entertain no illusions that the placing of these sacred shrines of -Christian tradition in the hands of the Jews would be tolerated. The -most enlightened Christians might endure it, but the great mass of -Christian worshippers of Europe would not. They regard the Jew not -merely as a member of a rival faith, but the man whose ancestors -rejected their fellow Jew, the Christ, and crucified Him. Their -fanaticism is a political fact of gigantic proportions. A Jewish State -in Palestine would inevitably arouse their passion. Instead of such a -State adding new dignity and consideration to the position of the Jew -the world over (as the Zionists claim it would do), I am convinced that -it would concentrate, multiply, and give new venom to the hatred which -he already endures in Poland and Russia, the very lands in which most of -the Jews now dwell, and where their oppressions are the worst. - -The political pretensions of Zionism are fantastic. I think the -foregoing paragraphs have demonstrated this. - -Is Zionism a spiritual will-o’-the-wisp? I assert with all the vigour of -my most profound convictions that it is. Its professed spiritual aim is -the reassertion of the dignity and worth of the Jew. It is a mechanism -designed to restore to him his self-respect, and to secure for him the -respect of others. The means by which it proposes to accomplish this -have been described above. How pitifully inadequate these means are has -been demonstrated. - -The effort of the Jews to attain their legitimate spiritual ambitions by -means of a political mechanism needs hardly further to be controverted -in the negative, or destructive, sense. I prefer to meet this issue on -positive and constructive grounds. My answer to the spiritual -pretensions of Zionism is the positive answer that the solution has -already been discovered--the way out has been found. The courageous Jew, -the intellectually honest Jew, the forward-looking Jew, the Jew who has -been willing to fight for his rights on the spot where they were -infringed, has won his battle, and has found all the glorious freedom -which Zionism so impractically describes. The brave Jews of England did -not surrender their cause. They did not seek a moral opiate in an -Oriental pipe-dream of retreat to a cloud-land Zion pictured by fancy on -the arid hills of Palestine. They stayed in England; they fought on -English soil for their rights as men. Their courage enlisted the -admiration of the nobler spirits among the English, and it allied to -them such Britons as Macaulay and George Bentinck, whose splendid -eloquence and political acumen assisted in the repeal of the Jewish -Disabilities in 1858. This epochal legislation gave the Jews every right -enjoyed in Britain by the Christians. It made possible the splendid -political career of Beaconsfield (for many years Prime Minister of Great -Britain), and the brilliant experience of Sir Rufus Isaacs (now Earl -Reading) who has progressed through the highest political honours of the -nation as Lord Chief Justice, Ambassador to America, and Viceroy of -India. - -Do not forget that in this victorious struggle the Jew made no -compromise whatever with his conscience. He did not abandon his racial, -religious, or cultural heritage. - -The courageous and wise Jews of France and Italy have fought this same -battle to this same victorious conclusion. - -But this book will be read chiefly by Americans: such influence as it -may wield will be particularly upon American minds. Need I elaborate the -argument in its American setting? The facts lie upon the surface for the -dullest eyes to see them. Nowhere in the world has so glorious an -opportunity been offered to the Jew. Generous America has thrown wide -the doors of opportunity to him. The Jew possesses no talents of the -mind or spirit that cannot find here a free field for their most -complete expression. - -Does he seek political office? Jews in this country have been or are -members of every legislature, including the Senate of the United States; -ambassadors representing the person of the President at foreign courts; -officers of the judiciary in every grade from justice of the peace to -justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. - -Does he seek freedom of conscience? He may freely choose his mode of -worship, from the strictest of orthodox tabernacles to the most liberal -of free synagogues. - -Does he seek a field for business talent? The evidence of opportunity in -this direction is so overwhelming that it need not here be wearyingly -recapitulated. The progress of Adolph S. Ochs from a printer’s devil in -Knoxville, Tenn., fifty years ago, to owner of the greatest newspaper in -the greatest city in the world, is characteristic of dozens of like -successful Jewish careers in this country; and it is emblematic of -hundreds of thousands of Jewish careers less spectacular but equally -momentous in their own degree. - -Does he seek social position? Here, indeed, his path is made more -difficult. But the social barriers are not insurmountable. Where they -seem so, calm judgment will reveal that the social environment where -this irrational prejudice exists is not worthy of the entrance of the -Jew. Leave the intolerant to associate with their own kind. The Jew who -has raised himself to the highest level will have put himself beyond the -reach of prejudice, and he will find himself welcomed in the highest -Christian circles. - -The enlightened Jews of America have found the true road to Zion. To -them Zion is no mere political mechanism existing by the political -sufferance of the greater Powers. It is not defined by geographical -boundaries, circumscribing an arid plot of ground which their ancestors -of two thousand years ago conquered from its aboriginal inhabitants and -occupied for a brief, though glorious, period before they, in turn, were -driven onward by a new conqueror. To them, Zion is a region of the soul. -To them, it is an inner light, set upon the hill of personal -consciousness, inspiring them as individuals to fight, each for himself, -the battle of life where he meets it; demanding in virtue of his own -worth the respect of those about him; winning through to the dignity and -position to which his native gifts and his self-developed character -entitle him. This is the only true Zion. All other definitions of it are -unreal. - -The proudest boast of all these men, and my proudest boast, is: “I am -an American.” None of us would deny our race or faith. We are Jews by -blood. We are Jews, though of various sects, by religion. But as for me -(and here I am sure I speak for a vast body of Jews in the United -States), if I were pressed to define myself by any single appellation, I -would unhesitatingly select the one word _American_. Neither I nor the -humblest worshipper in the most orthodox congregation can hope for -anything from Zionism that is not already ours in virtue of our -participation in the freedom of America. And neither of us need make the -smallest compromise with any conviction that we hold dear. I have found -it more convenient (as well as quite within the approval of what I -regard as my somewhat more enlightened conscience) to cast off the other -symbols of the Hebraic faith, such as the Kosher observances, the -untouched beard, and the distinctive dress; but there are thousands of -Russian Jews in the United States to-day who retain these excrescences -of antiquity, with only a small inconvenience that is certainly very far -short of persecution. From observation and experience I know full well -that these same orthodox devotees will themselves become enlightened--if -not they, then certainly their children--and will perceive, as I and -others have perceived, that the Mosaic admonitions were purely temporal -devices, expedient truly for the age in which they were promulgated, -useful until modern sanitation and modern education did their work, but -now become empty of those first values. - -Here lies the crux of my affirmative argument against Zionism. We -anti-Zionist Jews of America have found that the spiritual life, after -whatever formula of faith, in modern times can be most fully enjoyed by -those people who accept the beneficent progress which the world at large -has made in science, industry, and the art of government. We have -learned the folly of persisting in the sanitary regulations taught by -Moses, in this age when all civilized peoples have the benefit of the -more advanced sanitary knowledge of Lister, Pasteur, Metchnikoff, and -Flexner. We have learned the folly of persisting in a distinctive style -of clothing, beard, and locks (imposed upon the Jews extraneously as a -badge of slavery and oppression), and of ascribing a spiritual -significance to such a costume in this age when saints like Montefiore -and Baron Edmond de Rathschild, the great patrons of Palestine, have -found sanctity not incompatible with the ordinary dress of those about -them. We have come to see that the worship of the God of Israel, the -acceptable obedience to His will, is not contingent upon the Clothes one -wears, upon the meat one eats. His kingdom is the soul of man. In that -boundless temple He receives the priceless sacrifices of the true -believer. That time and place and mode are most acceptable to Him in -which the human spirit brings its richest offerings. - -It follows, then, that the Jew everywhere (in Poland and Russia, as well -as in France and America) can acceptably serve the God of his fathers -and still enter fully into the life about him. We in America refuse to -set ourselves apart in a voluntary ghetto for the sake of old -traditional Observances. - -I have often used a figure of speech--it was brought to my mind by -meeting the rug-makers in Turkey--as follows: The Jew has been content, -in most lands and down the ages, to be the fringe of the carpet, the -loose end over which every foot has stumbled, where every heel has left -its injuring impression on the disconnected individual strands. What the -Jew should do is, to become a part of the pattern of the carpet itself: -weave himself into the very warp and woof of the main fabric of -humanity; and gain the strength which comes from a coördinated and -orderly relation to the other strands of human society. His peculiar -beauties (his peculiar talents), which in the fringe are soiled and -hidden, take on new value when they become part of the main carpet; and -they find their glory in lending to the pattern a unique splendour and a -special lustre. - -I, for one, will not forego this vision of the destiny of the Jews. I do -not presume to say to my co-religionists of Europe that they shall -accept my programme. But neither do I intend to allow them to impose -their programme upon me. They may continue, if they will, a practice of -our common faith which invites martyrdom, and which makes the -continuance of oppression a certainty. I have found a better way (and -when I say _I_, it is to speak collectively as one of a great body of -American Jews of like mind). In the foregoing pages I have given my -reasons for opposing Zionism. They make plain why I asserted at the -beginning of this chapter that Zionism is not a solution; that it is a -surrender. It looks backward, and not forward. It would practically -place in the hands of a few men, steeped in a foreign tradition, the -power to turn back the hands of time upon all which I and my -predecessors of the same convictions have won for ourselves here in -America. We have fought our way through to liberty, equality, and -fraternity. We have found rest for our souls. No one shall rob us of -these gains. We enjoy in America exactly the spiritual liberty, the -financial success, and the social position which we have earned. Any Jew -in America who wishes to be a saint of Zion has only to practice the -cultivation of his spiritual gifts--there is none to hinder him. Any Jew -in America who seeks material reward has only to cultivate the powers of -his mind and character--there are no barriers between him and -achievement. Any Jew in America who yearns for social position has only -to cultivate his manners--there are no insurmountable discriminations -here against true gentlemen. The Jews of France have found France to be -their Zion. The Jews of England have found England to be their Zion. We -Jews of America have found America to be our Zion. Therefore, I refuse -to allow myself to be called a Zionist. I am an American. - - - - -APPENDIX - - - - - REPORT OF THE MISSION OF THE UNITED STATES TO POLAND - - - AMERICAN COMMISSION TO NEGOTIATE PEACE, - MISSION TO POLAND. - -_Paris, October 3, 1919._ - -_To the American commission to negotiate peace._ - -GENTLEMEN: 1. A mission, consisting of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, Brig. Gen. -Edgar Jadwin, and Mr. Homer H. Johnson, was appointed by the American -commission to negotiate peace to investigate Jewish matters in Poland. -The appointment of such a mission had previously been requested by Mr. -Paderewski, president of the council of ministers of the Republic of -Poland. On June 30, 1919, Secretary Lansing wrote to this mission: - - It is desired that the mission make careful inquiry into all - matters affecting the relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish - elements in Poland. This will, of course, involve the investigation - of the various massacres, pogroms, and other excesses alleged to - have taken place, the economic boycott, and other methods of - discrimination against the Jewish race. The establishment of the - truth in regard to these matters is not, however, an end in itself. - It is merely for the purpose of seeking to discover the reason - lying behind such excesses and discriminations with a view to - finding a possible remedy. The American Government, as you know, is - inspired by a friendly desire to render service to all elements in - the new Poland--Christians and Jews alike. I am convinced that any - measures that may be taken to ameliorate the conditions of the Jews - will also benefit the rest of the population and that, conversely, - anything done for the community benefit of Poland as a whole will - be of advantage to the Jewish race. I am sure that the members of - your mission are approaching the subject in the right spirit, free - from prejudice one way or the other, and filled with a desire to - discover the truth and evolve some constructive measures to improve - the situation which gives concern to all the friends of Poland. - -2. The mission reached Warsaw on July 13, 1919, and remained in Poland -until September 13, 1919. All the places where the principal excesses -had occurred were visited. In addition thereto the mission also studied -the economic and social conditions in such places as Lodz, Krakau, -Grodno, Kalisch, Posen, Cholm, Lublin, and Stanislawow. But automobiling -over 2,500 miles through Russian, Austrian, and German Poland, the -mission also came into immediate contact with the inhabitants of the -small towns and villages. In order properly to appreciate the present -cultural and social conditions, the mission also visited educational -institutions, libraries, hospitals, museums, art galleries, orphan -asylums, and prisons. - -3. Investigations of the excesses were made mostly in the presence of -representatives of the Polish Government and of the Jewish communities. -There were also present in many cases military and civil officials and, -wherever possible, officials in command at the time the excesses -occurred were conferred with and interrogated. In this work the Polish -authorities and the American Minister to Poland, Mr. Hughes Gibson, lent -the mission every facility. Deputations of all kinds of organizations -were received and interviewed. A large number of public meetings and -gatherings were attended, and the mission endeavoured to obtain a -correct impression of what had occurred, of the present mental state of -the public, and of the attitude of the various factions toward one -another. - -4. The Jews first entered Poland in large numbers during the twelfth and -thirteenth centuries, when they migrated from Germany and other -countries as the result of severe persecutions. Their language was -German, which subsequently developed into a Hebrew-German dialect, or -Yiddish. As prior to this immigration only two classes or estates had -existed in Poland (the owners and the tillers of the soil), the Jewish -immigrant became the pioneer of trade and finance, settling in the towns -and villages. As time went on it became generally known throughout -Europe that Poland was a place of refuge for the Jews, and their numbers -were augmented as a result of persecutions in western Europe. Still more -recently, as a result of the expulsion of the Jews from Russia, on -account of the enforcement of the pale of settlement, and of the May -laws of 1882, their number was further increased. - -5. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland has been a place of refuge for -the Jews, there have been anti-Jewish movements at various times. The -present anti-Semitic feeling took a definite political form after the -Russian revolution of 1905. This feeling reached an intense stage in -1912, when the Polish National Democratic Party nominated an anti-Semite -to represent Warsaw in the Russian Duma and the Jews cast their vote for -a Polish Socialist and carried the election. The National Democratic -Party then commenced a vigorous anti-Semitic campaign. During the -German occupation this campaign was temporarily reduced. At the end of -the Great War the chaotic and unnatural state of affairs in which Poland -found itself gave good ground for a condition of social unrest, which, -together with the world-stimulated tendency toward national -self-determination, accentuated the feeling between Jewish and -non-Jewish elements. The chauvinistic reaction created by the sudden -acquisition of a long-coveted freedom ripened the public mind for -anti-Semitic or anti-alien sentiment, which was strongly agitated by the -press and by politicians. This finally encouraged physical -manifestations of violent outcroppings of an unbalanced social -condition. - -6. When, in November, 1918, the Austrian and German armies of occupation -left Poland there was no firm government until the arrival of Gen. -Pilsudski, who had escaped from a German prison, and it was during this -period, before the Polish Republic came into being, that the first of -the excesses took place. (The mission has purposely avoided the use of -the word “pogrom,” as the word is applied to everything from petty -outrages to premeditated and carefully organized massacres. No fixed -definition is generally understood.) There were eight principal -excesses, which are here described in chronological order. - - (1) Kielce, November 11, 1918. - -Shortly after the evacuation of the Austrian troops from Kielce the Jews -of this city secured permission from the local authorities to hold a -meeting in the Polski Theatre. The purpose of this meeting was to -discuss Jewish national aspirations. It began shortly before 2 o’clock -and filled the theatre to overflowing. During the afternoon a small -crowd of Polish civilians, largely composed of students, gathered -outside of the theatre. At 6.30 p. m. the meeting began to break up, and -when only about 300 people remained in the theatre, some militiamen -entered and began to search for arms. A short while thereafter, and -while the militiamen were still in the building, a crowd of civilians -and some soldiers came into the auditorium and drove the Jews toward the -stairs. On the stairs there was a double line of men armed with clubs -and bayonets, who beat the Jews as they left the building. After the -Jews reached the street they were again beaten by a mob outside. As a -result of this attack four Jews were killed and a large number wounded. -A number of civilians have been indicted for participation in this -excess, but have not as yet been brought to trial. - - (2) Lemberg, November 21-23, 1918. - -On October 30, 1918, when the Austrian Empire collapsed, the Ukrainian -troops, formerly in the Austrian service, assumed control of the town. A -few hundred Polish boys, combined with numerous volunteers of doubtful -character, recaptured about half the city and held it until the arrival -of Polish reinforcements on November 21. The Jewish population declared -themselves neutral, but the fact that the Jewish quarter lay within the -section occupied by the Ukrainians, and that the Jews had organized -their own militia, and further, the rumour that some of the Jewish -population had fired upon the soldiery, stimulated amongst the Polish -volunteers an anti-Semitic bias that readily communicated itself to the -relieving troops. The situation was further complicated by the presence -of some 15,000 uniformed deserters and numerous criminals released by -the Ukrainians from local jails, who were ready to join in any disorder, -particularly if, as in the case of wholesale pillage, they might profit -thereby. - -Upon the final departure of the Ukrainians, these disreputable elements -plundered to the extent of many millions of crowns the dwellings and -stores in the Jewish quarter, and did not hesitate at murder when they -met with resistance. During the ensuing disorders, which prevailed on -November 21, 22, and 23, 64 Jews were killed and a large amount of -property destroyed. Thirty-eight houses were set on fire, and owing to -the paralysis of the fire department, were completely gutted. The -Synagogue was also burned, and large numbers of the sacred scrolls of -the law were destroyed. The repression of the disorders was rendered -more difficult by the prevailing lack of discipline among the newly -organized Polish troops, and by a certain hesitation among the junior -officers to apply stern punitive measures. When officers’ patrols under -experienced leaders were finally organized on November 23, robbery and -violence ceased. - -As early as December 24, 1918, the Polish Government, through the -ministry of justice, began a strict investigation of the events of -November 21 and 23. A special commission, headed by a justice of the -supreme court, sat in Lemberg for about two months, and rendered an -extensive formal report which has been furnished this mission. In spite -of the crowded dockets of the local courts, where over 7,000 cases are -now pending, 164 persons, 10 of them Jews, have been tried for -complicity in the November disorders, and numerous similar cases await -disposal. Forty-four persons are under sentences ranging from 10 days to -18 months. Aside from the civil courts, the local court-martial has -sentenced military persons to confinement for as long as three years -for lawlessness during the period in question. This mission is advised -that on the basis of official investigations the Government has begun -the payment of claims for damages resulting from these events. - - (3) Pinsk, April 5, 1919. - -Late in the afternoon of April 5, 1919, a month or more after the Polish -occupation of Pinsk, some 75 Jews of both sexes, with the official -permission of the town commander, gathered in the assembly hall at the -People’s House, in the Kupiecka Street, to discuss the distribution of -relief sent by the American joint distribution committee. As the meeting -was about to adjourn, it was interrupted by a band of soldiers, who -arrested and searched the whole assembly, and, after robbing the -prisoners, marched them at a rapid pace to gendarmerie headquarters. -Thence the prisoners were conducted to the market place and lined up -against the wall of the cathedral. With no light except the lamps of a -military automobile the six women in the crowd, and about 25 men, were -separated from the mass, and the remainder, 35 in number, were shot with -scant deliberation and no trial whatever. Early the next morning 3 -wounded victims were shot in cold blood when it was found that they were -still alive. - -The women and other reprieved prisoners were confined in the city jail -until the following Thursday. The women were stripped and beaten by the -prison guards so severely that several of them were bed-ridden for weeks -thereafter, and the men were subjected to similar maltreatment. - -It has been asserted officially by the Polish authorities, that there -was reason to suspect this assemblage of bolshevist allegiance. This -mission is convinced that no arguments of bolshevist nature were -mentioned in the meeting in question. While it is recognized that -certain information of bolshevist activities in Pinsk had been received -by two Jewish soldiers, the undersigned is convinced that Maj. -Luczynski, the town commander, showed reprehensible and frivolous -readiness to place credence upon such untested assertions, and on this -insufficient basis took inexcusably drastic action against reputable -citizens whose loyal character could have been immediately established -by a consultation with any well known non-Jewish inhabitant. - -The statements made officially by Gen. Listowski, the Polish group -commander, that the Jewish population on April 5 attacked the Polish -troops, are regarded by this mission as devoid of foundation. The -undersigned is further of the opinion that the consultation prior to -executing the 35 Jews, alleged by Maj. Luczynski to have had the -character of a court-martial, was by the very nature of the case a most -casual affair with no judicial nature whatever, since less than an hour -elapsed between the arrest and the execution. It is further found that -no conscientious effort was made at the time either to investigate the -charges against the prisoners or even sufficiently to identify them. -Though there have been official investigations of this case none of the -offenders answerable for this summary execution have been punished or -even tried, nor has the Diet commission published its findings. - - (4) Lida, April 17, 1919. - -On April 17, 1919, the Polish military forces captured Lida from the -Russian Bolsheviks. After the city fell into the hands of the Poles the -soldiers proceeded to enter and rob the houses of the Jews. During this -period of pillage 39 Jews were killed. A large number of Jews, including -the local rabbi, were arbitrarily arrested on the same day by the Polish -authorities and kept for 24 hours without food amid revolting conditions -of filth at No. 60 Kamienska Street. Jews were also impressed for forced -labour without respect for age or infirmity. It does not appear that -anyone has been punished for these excesses, or that any steps have been -taken to reimburse the victims of the robberies. - - (5) Wilna, April 19-21, 1919. - -On April 19 Polish detachments entered the city of Wilna. The city was -definitely taken by the Poles after three days of street fighting, -during which time they lost 33 men killed. During this same period some -65 Jews lost their lives. From the evidence submitted it appears that -none of these people, among whom were 4 women and 8 men over 50 years of -age, had served with the Bolsheviks. Eight Jews were marched 3 -kilometers to the outskirts of Wilna and deliberately shot without a -semblance of a trial or investigation. Others were shot by soldiers who -were robbing Jewish houses. No list has been furnished the mission of -any Polish civilians killed during the occupation. It is, however, -stated on behalf of the Government that the civilian inhabitants of -Wilna took part on both sides in this fighting, and that some civilians -fired upon the soldiers. Over 2,000 Jewish houses and stores in the city -were entered by Polish soldiers and civilians during these three days, -and the inhabitants robbed and beaten. It is claimed by the Jewish -community that the consequent losses amounted to over 10,000,000 -rubles. Many of the poorest families were robbed of their shoes and -blankets. Hundreds of Jews were arrested and deported from the city. -Some of them were herded into box cars and kept without food or water -for four days. Old men and children were carried away without trial or -investigation. Two of these prisoners have since died from the treatment -they received. Included in this list were some of the most prominent -Jews of Wilna, such as the eminent Jewish writers, Jaffe and Niger. For -days the families of these prisoners were without news from them and -feared that they had been killed. The soldiers also broke into the -synagogue and mutilated the sacred scrolls of the law. Up to August 3, -1919, when the mission was in Wilna, none of the soldiers or civilians -responsible for these excesses had been punished. - - (6) Kolbuszowa, May 7, 1919. - -For a few days before May 7, 1919, the Jews of Kolbuszowa feared that -excesses might take place, as there had been riots in the neighbouring -towns of Rzeszow and Glogow. These riots had been the result of -political agitation in this district and of excitement caused by a case -of alleged ritual murder, in which the Jewish defendant had been -acquitted. On May 6 a company of soldiers was ordered to Kolbuszowa to -prevent the threatened trouble. Early in the morning of May 7 a great -number of peasants, among whom were many former soldiers of the Austrian -Army, entered the town. The rioters disarmed the soldiers after two -soldiers and three peasants had been killed. They then proceeded to rob -the Jewish stores and to beat any Jews who fell into their hands. Eight -Jews were killed during this excess. Order was restored when a new -detachment of soldiers arrived late in the afternoon. One of the rioters -has since been tried and executed by the Polish Government. - - (7) Czestochowa, May 27, 1919. - -On May 27, 1919, at Czestochowa, a shot fired by an unknown person -slightly wounded a Polish soldier. A rumour spread that the shot had -been fired by the Jews, and riots broke out in the city in which Polish -soldiers and civilians took part. During these riots five Jews, -including a doctor who was hurrying to aid one of the injured, were -beaten to death and a large number were wounded. French officers, who -were stationed at Czestochowa, took an active part in preventing further -murders. - - (8) Minsk, August 8, 1919. - -On August 8, 1919, the Polish troops took the city of Minsk from the -Russian Bolsheviks. The Polish troops entered the city at about 10 -o’clock in the morning, and by 12 o’clock they had absolute control. -Notwithstanding the presence in Minsk of Gen. Jadwin and other members -of this mission, and the orders of the Polish commanding general -forbidding violence against civilians, 31 Jews were killed by the -soldiers. Only one of this number can in any way be connected with the -bolshevist movement. Eighteen of the deaths appear to have been -deliberate murder. Two of these murders were incident to robberies, but -the rest were committed, to all appearances, solely on the ground that -the victims were Jews. During the afternoon and in the evening of August -8 the Polish soldiers, aided by civilians, plundered 377 shops, all of -which belonged to Jews. It must be noted, however, that about 90 per -cent. of the stores in Minsk are owned by Jews. No effective attempt was -made to prevent these robberies until the next morning, when adequate -officers’ patrols were sent out through the streets and order was -established. The private houses of many of the Jews were also broken -into by soldiers and the inhabitants were beaten and robbed. The Polish -Government has stated that four Polish soldiers were killed while -attempting to prevent robberies. It has also been stated to the mission -that some of the rioters have been executed. - -7. There have also been here and there individual cases of murder not -enumerated in the preceding paragraphs, but their detailed description -has not been considered necessary inasmuch as they present no -characteristics not already observed in the principal excesses. In -considering these excesses as a whole, it should be borne in mind that -of the eight cities and towns at which striking disorders have occurred, -only Kielce and Czestochowa are within the boundaries of Congress -Poland. In Kielce and Kolbuszowa the excesses were committed by city -civilians and by peasants, respectively. At Czestochowa both civilians -and soldiers took part in the disorders. At Pinsk the excess was -essentially the fault of one officer. In Lemberg, Lida, Wilna, and Minsk -the excesses were committed by the soldiers who were capturing the -cities and not by the civilian population. In the three last-named -cities the anti-Semitic prejudice of the soldiers had been inflamed by -the charge that the Jews were Bolsheviks, while at Lemberg it was -associated with the idea that the Jews were making common cause with the -Ukrainians. These excesses were, therefore, political as well as -anti-Semitic in character. The responsibility for these excesses is -borne for the most part by the undisciplined and ill-equipped Polish -recruits, who, uncontrolled by their inexperienced and ofttimes timid -officers, sought to profit at the expense of that portion of the -population which they regarded as alien and hostile to Polish -nationality and aspirations. It is recognized that the enforcement of -discipline in a new and untrained army is a matter of extreme -difficulty. On the other hand, the prompt cessation of disorder in -Lemberg after the adoption of appropriate measures of control shows that -an unflinching determination to restore order and a firm application of -repressive measures can prevent, or at least limit, such excesses. It -is, therefore, believed that a more aggressive punitive policy, and a -more general publicity for reports of judicial and military -prosecutions, would have minimized subsequent excesses by discouraging -the belief among the soldiery that robbery and violence could be -committed with impunity. - -8. Just as the Jews would resent being condemned as a race for the -action of a few of their undesirable coreligionists, so it would be -correspondingly unfair to condemn the Polish nation as a whole for the -violence committed by uncontrolled troops or local mobs. These excesses -were apparently not premeditated, for if they had been part of a -preconceived plan, the number of victims would have run into the -thousands instead of amounting to about 280. It is believed that these -excesses were the result of a widespread anti-Semitic prejudice -aggravated by the belief that the Jewish inhabitants were politically -hostile to the Polish State. When the boundaries of Poland are once -fixed, and the internal organization of the country is perfected, the -Polish Government will be increasingly able to protect all classes of -Polish citizenry. Since the Polish Republic has subscribed to the treaty -which provides for the protection of racial, religious and linguistic -minorities, it is confidently anticipated that the Government will -whole-heartedly accept the responsibility, not only of guarding certain -classes of its citizens from aggression, but also of educating the -masses beyond the state of mind that makes such aggression possible. - -9. Besides these excesses there have been reported to the mission -numerous cases of other forms of persecutions. Thus, in almost every one -of the cities and towns of Poland, Jews have been stopped by the -soldiers and had their beards either torn out or cut off. As the -orthodox Jews feel that the shaving of their beards is contrary to -their religious belief, this form of persecution has a particular -significance to them. Jews also have been beaten and forced from trains -and railroad stations. As a result many of them are afraid to travel. -The result of all these minor persecutions is to keep the Jewish -population in a state of ferment, and to subject them to the fear that -graver excesses may again occur. - -10. Whereas it has been easy to determine the excesses which took place -and to fix the approximate number of deaths, it was more difficult to -establish the extent of anti-Jewish discrimination. This discrimination -finds its most conspicuous manifestation in the form of an economic -boycott. The national Democratic Party has continuously agitated the -economic strangling of the Jews. Through the press and political -announcements, as well as by public speeches, the non-Jewish element of -the Polish people is urged to abstain from dealing with the Jews. -Landowners are warned not to sell their property to Jews, and in some -cases where such sales have been made, the names of the offenders have -been posted within black-bordered notices, stating that such vendors -were “dead to Poland.” Even at the present time, this campaign is being -waged by most of the non-Jewish press, which constantly advocates that -the economic boycott be used as a means of ridding Poland of its Jewish -element. This agitation had created in the minds of some of the Jews the -feeling that there is an invisible rope around their necks, and they -claim that this is the worst persecution that they can be forced to -endure. Non-Jewish labourers have in many cases refused to work side by -side with Jews. The percentage of Jews in public office, especially -those holding minor positions, such as railway employees, firemen, -policemen, and the like, has been materially reduced since the present -Government has taken control. Documents have been furnished the mission -showing that Government-owned railways have discharged Jewish employees -and given them certificates that they have been released for no other -reason than that they belong to the Jewish race. - -11. Furthermore, the establishment of coöperative stores is claimed by -many Jewish traders to be a form of discrimination. It would seem, -however, that this movement is a legitimate effort to restrict the -activities and therefore the profits of the middleman. Unfortunately, -when these stores were introduced into Poland, they were advertised as a -means of eliminating the Jewish trader. The Jews have, therefore, been -caused to feel that the establishment of coöperatives is an attack upon -themselves. While the establishment and the maintenance of coöperatives -may have been influenced by anti-Semitic sentiment, this is a form of -economic activity which any community is perfectly entitled to pursue. -On the other hand, the Jews complain that even the Jewish coöperatives -and individual Jews are discriminated against by the Government in the -distribution of Government-controlled supplies. - -12. The Government has denied that discrimination against Jews has been -practiced as a Government policy, though it has not denied that there -may be individual cases where anti-Semitism has played a part. -Assurances have been made to the mission by official authorities that in -so far as it lies within the power of the Government this discrimination -will be corrected. - -13. In considering the causes for the anti-Semitic feeling which has -brought about the manifestations described above, it must be remembered -that ever since the partition of 1795 the Poles have striven to be -reunited as a nation and to regain their freedom. This continual effort -to keep alive their national aspirations has caused them to look with -hatred upon anything which might interfere with their aims. This has led -to a conflict with the nationalist declarations of some of the Jewish -organizations which desire to establish cultural autonomy financially -supported by the State. In addition, the position taken by the Jews in -favour of article 93 of the Treaty of Versailles, guaranteeing -protection to racial linguistic and religious minorities in Poland has -created a further resentment against them. Moreover, Polish national -feeling is irritated by what is regarded as the “alien” character of the -great mass of the Jewish population. This is constantly brought home to -the Poles by the fact that the majority of the Jews affect a distinctive -dress, observe the Sabbath on Saturday, conduct business on Sunday, have -separate dietary laws, wear long beards, and speak a language of their -own. The basis of this language is a German dialect, and the fact that -Germany was, and still is, looked upon by the Poles as an enemy country -renders this vernacular especially unpopular. The concentration of the -Jews in separate districts or quarters in Polish cities also emphasizes -the line of demarcation separating them from other citizens. - -14. The strained relations between the Jews and non-Jews have been -further increased not only by the Great War, during which Poland was the -battle ground for the Russian, German, and Austrian Armies, but also by -the present conflicts with the Bolsheviks and the Ukrainians. The -economic condition of Poland is at its lowest ebb. Manufacturing and -commerce have virtually ceased. The shortage, the high price, and the -imperfect distribution of food, are a dangerous menace to the health and -welfare of the urban population. As a result, hundreds of thousands are -suffering from hunger and are but half clad, while thousands are dying -of disease and starvation. The cessation of commerce is particularly -felt by the Jewish population, which are almost entirely dependent upon -it. Owing to the condition described, prices have doubled and tripled, -and the population has become irritated against the Jewish traders, whom -it blames for the abnormal increase thus occasioned. - -15. The great majority of Jews in Poland belong to separate Jewish -political parties. The largest of these are the Orthodox, the Zionist, -and the National. Since the Jews form separate political groups it is -probable that some of the Polish discrimination against them is -political rather than anti-Semitic in character. The dominant Polish -parties give to their supporters Government positions and Government -patronage. It is to be hoped, however, that the Polish majority will not -follow this system in the case of positions which are not essentially -political. There should be no discrimination in the choice of professors -and teachers, nor in the selection of railroad employees, policemen, and -firemen, or the incumbents of any other positions which are placed under -the civil service in England and the United States. Like other -democracies, Poland must realize that these positions must not be drawn -into politics. Efficiency can only be attained if the best men are -employed, irrespective of party or religion. - -16. The relations between the Jews and non-Jews will undoubtedly improve -in a strong democratic Poland. To hasten this there should be -reconciliation and coöperation between the 86 per cent. Christians and -the 14 per cent. Jews. The 86 per cent. must realize that they can not -present a solid front against their neighbours if one-seventh of the -population is discontented, fear-stricken, and inactive. The minority -must be encouraged to participate with their whole strength and -influence in making Poland the great unified country that is required in -central Europe to combat the tremendous dangers that confront it. Poland -must promptly develop its full strength, and by its conduct first merit -and then receive the unstinted moral, financial, and economic support -of all the world, which will insure the future success of the Republic. - -17. It was impossible for the mission, during the two months it was in -Poland, to do more than acquaint itself with the general condition of -the people. To formulate a solution of the Jewish problem will -necessitate a careful and broad study, not only of the economic -condition of the Jews, but also of the exact requirements of Poland. -These requirements will not be definitely known prior to the fixation of -Polish boundaries, and the final regulation of Polish relations with -Russia, with which the largest share of trade was previously conducted. -It is recommended that the League of Nations, or the larger nations -interested in this problem, send to Poland a commission consisting of -recognized industrial, educational, agricultural, economic, and -vocational experts, which should remain there as long as necessary to -examine the problem at its source. - -18. This commission should devise a plan by which the Jews in Poland can -secure the same economic and social opportunities as are enjoyed by -their coreligionists in other free countries. A new Polish constitution -is now in the making. The generous scope of this national instrument has -already been indicated by the special treaty with the allied and -associated powers, in which Poland has affirmed its fidelity to the -principles of liberty and justice and the rights of minorities, and we -may be certain that Poland will be faithful to its pledge, which is so -conspicuously in harmony with the nation’s best traditions. A new life -will thus be opened to the Jews and it will be the task of the proposed -commission to fit them to profit thereby and to win the same -appreciation gained by their coreligionists elsewhere as a valued asset -to the commonwealths in which they reside. The friends of the Jews in -America, England, and elsewhere who have already evinced such great -interest in their welfare, will enthusiastically grasp the opportunity -to coöperate in working out any good solution that such a commission may -propound. The fact that it may take one or two generations to reach the -goal must not be discouraging. - -19. All citizens of Poland should realize that they must live together. -They can not be divorced from each other by force or by any court of -law. When this idea is once thoroughly comprehended, every effort will -necessarily be directed toward a better understanding and the -amelioration of existing conditions, rather than toward augmenting -antipathy and discontent. The Polish nation must see that its worst -enemies are those who encourage this internal strife. A house divided -against itself can not stand. There must be but one class of citizens in -Poland, all members of which enjoy equal rights and render equal duties. - -Respectfully submitted. - -HENRY MORGENTHAU. - - -AMERICAN COMMISSION TO NEGOTIATE PEACE - -_Warsaw, 10 August, 1919._ - - MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: - -In compliance with your request to submit to you in writing the -suggestions I made to you last evening, I desire to state that the -interest of President Wilson and the citizenry of the United States was -not only to investigate the various occurrences during and after the -occupation of some of the cities in your country as well as the alleged -persecutions of the Jews, but also to ascertain the entire matter so -objectively, impartially, and disinterestedly, as to enable the -commission correctly to diagnose the difficulties and suggest a remedy. - -Although our investigations are by no means completed, I have discovered -that some of the main causes of your troubles are the inevitable results -of conditions that your country has gradually drifted into, and are due -to the fact that the release of the various sections of your country -from them, to the objectionable rule by foreign potentates, came so -suddenly that it found them unprepared to face and successfully grapple -with the complicated problems resulting therefrom. - -Poland, having at last had all her dreams realized, her ambitions more -than gratified, finds herself economically prostrate on her back, yet -too proud to ask for outside assistance. Her splendid pride has at all -times to be considered by anyone who wishes to be of any use to the -country. I feel that Poland possesses great resiliency, and has much -latent potentiality, and all she requires is to be given some confidence -in herself, and to be shown how to “help herself.” The new, proud Polish -republic not only requires personal liberty, but as much freedom as -possible from obligations to others for the exercise of the same. I -firmly believe that when she is enabled to do this, she will -ungrudgingly grant to her minorities the same privilege. - -I am anxious to show Poland how she can rise from her prostrate position -and discover that she has adequate strength, with very little propping, -to start a brisk walk toward the goal she is aiming for--self-reliant, -successful independence. It has occurred to me that if in her earliest -steps she will permit her good friends, the other members of the League -of Nations, to assist her with tender sympathy and unselfish, fraternal -feeling, that she will be astonished at the rapidity of her progress. -You need to have proclaimed for your government, your people, and the -world, that your associates believe in you and want you to become a -strong country, and are anxious to have you promptly develop that -strength, for reasons too obvious to mention. - -It has occurred to me that what you require is a proper currency system, -and sufficient funds to enable you to secure adequate raw material and -fuel that will justify your factories in starting off at full speed and -not having to fear an early suspension of their activities. And you will -have to establish some institution that will restore confidence in your -population who, as I am reliably informed, are at present hiding, and -therefore not using, a substantial part of your liquid financial -resources. - -A corporation should be organized with $150,000,000 capital, the right -to subscribe should be divided, one-third to Poland, one-third to the -United States, and one-third to England, France, Italy, etc. The stock -should be paid in in instalments, particularly as to those shares -subscribed for by Polish capital, as it is desirable that the Poles be -given sufficient time so as to secure personally the benefits of the -tremendous rise in the value of your marks which would result from the -creation of this company. For this purpose I suggest five or six -instalments, extending over a year or longer. The sum of $50,000 or -$60,000 should be spent for publicity for subscriptions in all of your -newspapers, and great stress should be laid on the fact that the mass of -your people is to receive the preference in the allotment of stock. A -systematic campaign something like our Liberty Loan campaigns, should be -organized so as to create the proper sentiment in the country, to -encourage rivalry between your various large cities, and rouse the -patriotism of all your citizens. Care should be taken in the -constitution of these committees so as to make them platforms for the -promotion of better feeling amongst your people. All subscriptions of -$100 or less should be allotted in full. This would satisfy your -population that it was to be a genuine Polish people’s institution. - -After a dividend of six per cent. is paid on the stock, the balance of -the profits should be divided equally between the stockholders and the -State. The profits paid to the State to be in lieu of all taxes. This -would work both ways: it would satisfy the people that the State is to -have its share, and it would satisfy the investors that they could not -be subjected, in any possible changed form of government of Poland, to -excessive taxation. - -The establishment of such a corporation would at once create a large -permanent credit for Poland. This corporation could assume the -responsibility of contracts for large quantities of cotton, wool and -produce, ships, and all necessary requirements for Poland’s resumption -of activities. - -Branches of the corporation should be established in all the large -cities. I believe from conversations I have had with representative men -in Wilno that they would subscribe largely to the stock, because I told -them that although America would very likely be willing to participate -in the creation of a large central institution for Poland with its -headquarters at Warsaw and branches in the larger cities, it would -certainly not be interested in a local institution in Wilno. It has -occurred to me that cities like Wilno, Lemberg, Cracow and Lodz, etc., -would vie with each other in subscribing to this institution if they -were told that the capital allotted to their district would depend upon -their subscriptions. It would be safe to say to them that there would be -two dollars of foreign capital for every dollar that they would -subscribe. - -It seems highly important that England be interested in this -corporation, because if the United States suggests its organization we -must promptly assure all other countries, including the neutrals during -the recent war, that America expects no commercial advantage over any -other country in Poland. - -I deem it very desirable that the stock owned by foreigners should -contain a provision that the Polish Government, or a syndicate of which -they would approve, would have the right at any time to buy the stock -from the owners at from $125 to $150 per share. This would serve a -double purpose: it would do away with any desire on the part of the -Poles to have control of the institution from the very start, because -they would know that at any time they could secure the same, and it -would enable them to feel that this important concern could be made -entirely Polish whenever their strength justified it; and the foreign -owners would, on the other hand, feel that they would receive a proper -compensation for their risk, and they would have rendered a fine -service, not only to Poland, but to the entire world in accelerating the -development of Poland’s economic strength. - -I have carefully canvassed the available material in the United States -for the president of this institution, and suggest to you that we secure -Secretary of the Interior, Franklin K. Lane. There are few men in the -United States that more deservedly possess the admiration and approval -of all Americans. He is a man who is entirely free from any financial -alliances, and therefore cannot be criticized on that score. -Incidentally, it would be of the greatest service to your government to -have one of the greatest experts in the science of government accessible -to your cabinet and functionaries. As you no doubt remember, he has not -only successfully administered that great Department of the Interior, -but also was member and chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission -of the United States. He was selected by President Wilson as one of the -commissioners that was sent to Mexico, and for other commissions. I have -every reason to feel that President Wilson, although reluctantly, would -consent to Secretary Lane’s responding to this call. - -I think that the mere announcement of the contemplation of such an -institution will electrify your people, and will replace the present -pessimism with an optimism that will astound all of us. - -If you and your associates in the government of Poland approve of the -suggestion, our commission is ready and anxious to help you and such -representatives of England, France, Italy, and other countries as you -may invite to join us, promptly to work out the details and make this -thought a living thing. - -With kindest personal regards, -Yours very truly, -HENRY MORGENTHAU. - -HON. IGNACE PADEREWSKI, -_President of the Council of Ministers, Warsaw_. - - -MANDATES OR WAR?[3] - -WORLD PEACE HELD TO BE MENACED UNLESS THE UNITED STATES ASSUMES CONTROL -OF THE SULTAN’S FORMER DOMINIONS - -I am one of those who believe that the United States should accept a -mandate for Constantinople and the several provinces in Asia Minor which -constitute what is left of the Ottoman Empire. - -I am aware that this proposition is not popular with the American -people. But it seems to me to be a matter in which we do not have much -choice. Nations, like individuals, are constantly subject to forces -which are stronger than their wills. The responsibilities which nations -inherit, like the responsibilities to which individuals fall heir, are -frequently not of their own choosing. The great European conflict in -August, 1914, seemed to be a matter that did not immediately concern us. -In two years we learned that it was very much our affair. The impelling -forces of history drew us in, and led us to play a decisive part. If we -could not keep out of this struggle, it is illogical to suppose that we -can avoid its consequences. - -One of the most serious of these consequences and the one that perhaps -most threatens the peace of the world is a chaotic Turkey. Unless the -United States accepts a Turkish mandate the world will again lose the -opportunity of solving the problem that has endangered civilization for -500 years. - -The United States has invested almost $40,000,000,000 in a war against -militarism and for the establishment of right. We must invest three or -four billions more in an attempt to place on a permanent foundation the -nations to whose rescue we came. An essential part of this programme is -the expulsion of the Turk from Europe and the establishment as going -concerns of the nations which have been so long subject to his tyranny. -Unless we succeed in doing this we can look for another Balkan war in a -brief period, perhaps five years. - -Another Balkan war will mean another European war, another world war. It -is for the United States to decide whether such a calamity shall visit -the world at an early date. If we assume the mandate for Constantinople -and the Ottoman Empire probably we can prevent it; if, as so many -Americans insist, we reject this duty, we shall become responsible for -another world conflagration. - -Perhaps the most ominous phase of world politics to-day is that new -voices are interceding in behalf of the Sultan and his distracted -domain. The Government at Constantinople is making one last despairing -attempt to save the bedraggled remnants of its empire. It has -reorganized its Cabinet, putting to the fore men who are expected to -impress Europe favourably; but it is not punishing the leaders who sold -out to Germany and murdered not far from a million of its Christian -subjects. The new Sultan has given interviews to the press, expressing -his horror at the Armenian massacres, and promising that nothing like -them shall ever occur again. More ominous than these outgivings is the -fact that certain spokesmen in behalf of the Turk are making themselves -heard in the allied countries. Again it is being said that what Turkey -needs is not obliteration as a State, but reform. - -Probably the financial interests which look upon Turkey as a field for -concessions are largely responsible for this talk; the imperialistic -tendencies of certain European countries are blamable to a certain -extent, for, strange as it may seem, there are still many people in -England, France, and Italy who urge that the Turk, bad as his instincts -may be, is better than the Oriental peoples whom he holds in subjection. - -If we listen to these arguments, and to the fair promises of the Turkish -Government, we shall put ourselves into the position of a society which -fails to protect itself against the habitual criminal. Every civilized -society nowadays sees to it that constant offenders against decency and -law are put where they can do no harm. Yet the Turk is the habitual -criminal of history, the constant offender against the peace and dignity -of the world, and if we permit him to remain in Europe, and to retain an -uncontrolled sovereignty, it is easy to foresee the time when a -regenerated Russia will again be dependent on him for a commercial -outlet, so that the dangerous situation of the old world-order will be -duplicated and perpetuated. We cannot hope sanely for peace unless -America establishes at Constantinople a centre from which democratic -principles shall radiate and illuminate that dark region of the world. - -If we look at the Near Eastern situation we perceive that Italy and -Greece are reaching out to such distances for territory and power that -both, if their ambitions are gratified, will find themselves not only -unable to govern the new lands they have acquired, but will be greatly -weakened at home through expenditures in the maintenance of troops and -governments in their colonies. The danger is not only that the Balkans -will be more Balkanized than ever, but that Russia, too, will be -Balkanized. The only safety lies in setting up a beneficent influence -through a strong government in Constantinople, which would counteract -the intrigues and contentions of embittered rivals. - -A brief survey of the history of Turkey in Europe will suffice to make -clear the danger of accepting in this late day any promises of reform -from that quarter. I have always thought that the final word on Turkey -was spoken by an American friend of mine who had spent a large part of -his life in the East, and who, on a visit to Berlin, was asked by Herr -von Gwinner, the President of the Deutsche Bank, to spend an evening -with him to discuss the future of the Sultan’s empire. When my friend -came to keep this appointment he began this way: - -“You have set aside this whole evening to discuss the Ottoman Empire. We -do not need all that time. I can tell you the whole story in just four -words: _Turkey is not reformable!_” - -“You have summed up the whole situation perfectly,” replied Von Gwinner. - -The reason why this conclusion was so accurate was that it was based, -not upon theory, but upon experiment. The history of Turkey for nearly a -hundred years has simply amounted to an attempt to reform her. Every -attempt has ignominiously failed. Up to fifteen years ago Great -Britain’s policy in the Near East had as its controlling principle the -necessity of maintaining the independence and integrity of the Ottoman -Empire. The folly of this policy and the miseries which it has brought -to Europe are so apparent that I propose to discuss the matter in some -detail, particularly as it is only by studying this attitude of the past -that we can approach the solution of the Turkish problem of the present. - -From 1853 to 1856 Great Britain and France fought a terrible, -devastating war, the one purpose of which was to maintain the -independence of Turkey. At this time the British public had before them -the Turkish problem in almost the same form as that which it manifests -to-day. As now, the issue turned upon whether they should regard this -question from the standpoint of civilization and decency, or from the -standpoint of national advantage and political expediency. - -The character of the Turk was the same in 1853 that it is now; he was -just as incapable politically then as he is to-day; his attitude toward -the Christian populations whom the accident of history had placed in his -power was identically the same as it is now. These populations were -merely “filthy infidels,” hated by Allah, having no rights to their own -lives or property, who would be permitted to live only as slaves of the -mighty Mussulman, and who could be tortured and murdered at will. All -European statesmen knew in 1852 that the ultimate disappearance of the -Ottoman Empire was inevitable; all understood that it was only the -support of certain European powers that permitted it to exist, even -temporarily. - -It was about this time that Czar Nicholas I applied to Turkey the name -“sick man of the East,” which has ever since been accepted as an -accurate description of its political and social status. The point which -I wish to make here is that that phrase is just as appropriate to-day as -it was then. The Turk had long since learned the great resources of -Ottoman statesmanship--the adroit balancing of one European power -against another as the one security of his own existence. - -Yet, there was then a school of statesmanship, headed by Palmerston, -which declared that the preservation of this decrepit power was the -indispensable point in British foreign policy. These men were as -realistic in their policies as Bismarck himself. Outwardly they -expressed their faith in the Turk; they publicly pictured him as a -charming and chivalrous gentleman; they declared that the stories of his -brutality were fabrications; and they asserted that, once given an -opportunity, the Turkish Empire would regain its splendour and become a -headquarters of intelligence and toleration. Lord Palmerston simply -outdid himself in his adulation of the Turk. He publicly denounced the -Christian populations of Turkey; the stories of their sufferings he -declared to be the most absurd nonsense; he warned the British public -against being led astray by cheap sentimentality in dealing with the -Turkish problem. - -To what extent Palmerston and his associates believed their own -statements is not clear; they were trained in a school of statesmanship -which taught that it was well to believe what it was convenient to -believe. The fact was, of course, that the British public was under no -particular hallucinations about the Turk. But its mind was filled with a -great obsession and a great fear. The thing that paralyzed its moral -sense was the steady progress of Russia. - -This power, starting as a landlocked nation, had gradually pushed her -way to the Black Sea. There was something in her steady progress -southward that seemed almost as inevitable as fate. That Russia was -determined to obtain Constantinople and become heir to the Sultan’s -empire was the conviction that obsessed the British mind. Once this -happened, the Palmerston school declared, the British Empire would come -speedily to an end. It is almost impossible for us of this generation to -conceive the extent to which this fear of Russia laid hold of the -British mind. It dogged all the thoughts of British statesmen and -British publicists. There appeared to be only one way of checking Russia -and protecting the British fireside--that was to preserve the Turkish -Empire. England believed that, as long as the Sultan ruled at -Constantinople, the Russian could never occupy that capital and from it -menace the British Empire. - -Thus British enthusiasm for Turkey was merely an expression of hatred -and fear of Russia. It was this that led British statesmen to disregard -the humane principles involved and adopt the course that apparently -promoted the national advantage. The English situation of 1853 presented -in particularly acute form that question which has always troubled -statesmen: Is there any such thing as principle in the conduct of a -nation, or is a country justified always in adopting the course that -best promotes its interests or which seems to do so? As applied to -Turkey it was this: Was it Great Britain’s duty to protect the -Christians against the murderous attacks of the Mohammedans, or should -she shut her eyes to their sufferings so long as this course proved -profitable politically? - -I should be doing an injustice to England did I not point out that the -British public has always been divided on this issue. One side has -always insisted on regarding the Turkish problem as a matter simply of -expediency, while another has insisted on solving it on the ground of -justice and right. The party of humanity existed in the days of the -Crimean war. Their leaders were Richard Cobden and John Bright--men who -formed the vanguard in that group of British statesmen who insisted on -regarding public questions from other than materialistic standpoints. - -Cobden and Bright saw in the Ottoman question, as it presented itself in -1853, not chiefly a problem in the balance of power, but one that -affected the lives of millions of human beings. It was not the -threatened aggression of Russia that disturbed them; their eyes were -fixed rather on the Christian populations that were being daily tortured -under Turkish rule. They demanded a solution of the Eastern question in -the way that would best promote the welfare of the Armenians, Greeks, -Syrians, and Jews, whom the Sultan had maltreated for centuries. They -cared little for the future of Constantinople; they cared much for the -future of these persecuted peoples. They therefore took what was, I am -sorry to say, the unpopular side in that day. They opposed the mad -determination of the British public to go to war for the sake of -maintaining the Turkish Empire. - -The greatest speech John Bright ever made was against the Crimean War. -“That terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the -Ottoman Empire,” was his description of the country which Palmerston so -greatly admired. Richard Cobden had studied conditions at first hand and -had reached a conclusion identically the same as that of my friend whom -I have already quoted--that is, that Turkey was not reformable. He -ridiculed the fear that everywhere prevailed against Russia, denied that -Russia’s prosperity as a nation necessarily endangered Great Britain, -declared that the Turkish Empire could not be maintained, and that, even -though it could be, it was not worth preserving. - -“You must address yourselves,” said Cobden, “as men of sense and men of -energy to the question--What are you to do with the Christian -population? For Mohammedanism cannot be maintained, and I should be -sorry to see this country fighting for the maintenance of -Mohammedanism.... You may keep Turkey on the map of Europe, you may call -the country by the name of Turkey if you like, but do not think that you -can keep up the Mohammedan rule in the country.” - -These were about the mightiest voices in England at that time, but even -Cobden and Bright were wildly abused for maintaining that the Eastern -question was primarily a problem in ethics. In order to preserve this -hideous anachronism England fought a bloody and disastrous war. I -presume most Englishmen to-day regard the Crimean War as about the most -wicked and futile in their national existence. When the whole thing was -over, a witty Frenchman summed up the performance by saying: “If we read -the treaty of peace, there are no visible signs to show who were the -conquerors and who the vanquished.” There was only one power which could -view the results with much satisfaction; that was Turkey. The Treaty of -Paris specifically guaranteed her independence and integrity. It shut -the Black Sea to naval vessels, thus protecting Turkey from attack by -Russia. Worst of all, it left the Sultan’s Christian subjects absolutely -in his power. - -The Sultan did, indeed, promise reforms--but he merely promised them. -Despite experience to the contrary, the British and French diplomats -blandly accepted this promise as equivalent to performance. It is -painful to look back to this year 1856; to realize that France and -England, having defeated Russia, had a free hand to solve the Ottoman -problem, and that they refrained from doing so. That absurd -prepossession that this oriental empire must be preserved in Europe -simply as a buffer state against the progress of Russia entirely -controlled the minds of British statesmen--and millions of Christian -people were left to their fate. - -What that fate was we all know. The Sultan’s promises of reform, never -made in good faith, were immediately disregarded. Pillage, massacre, and -lust continued to be the chief instruments used by the Sublime Porte in -governing its subject peoples. Again the Sultan maintained his throne by -playing off one European power against another. The “settlement” of the -Eastern problem which had been provided by the Crimean War lasted until -1876. - -These twenty years were not quiet ones in the Ottoman dominions; they -were a time of constant misery and torture for the abandoned Christian -populations. Great Britain and France learned precisely what the -“integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire” meant in 1876, when -stories of the Bulgarian massacres again reached Europe. Once more -Europe faced this everlasting question of the Turk in precisely the same -form as in 1856. Again the British people had to decide between -expediency and principle in deciding the future of Turkey. Again the -British public divided into two groups. Palmerston was dead, but his -animosity to Russia and his fondness for the Turk had become the -inheritance of Disraeli. With this statesman, as with his predecessor, -Turkey was a nation that must be preserved, whatever might be the lot of -her suffering Christians. The other part, that played by Cobden and -Bright in 1856, was now played by Gladstone. - -“The greatest triumph of our time,” said Gladstone in 1870, “will be the -enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea of -European politics.” And Gladstone now proposed to apply his lofty -principles to this new Turkish crisis. Many of us remember the attitude -of the Disraeli Government in those days. We are still proud of the part -played by two Americans, McGahan, a newspaper correspondent, and -Schuyler, the American Consul at Constantinople, in bringing the real -facts to the attention of the civilized world. - -Until these men published the results of their investigations the -Disraeli Government branded all the reports of Bulgarian atrocities as -lies. “Coffee-house babble” was the term applied by Disraeli to these -reports, while Lord Salisbury, in a public address, lauded the personal -character of the Sultan. But these two Americans showed that the -Bulgarian reports were not idle gossip. They furnished Gladstone his -material for his famous Bulgarian pamphlet, in which he propounded the -only solution of the Turkish problem that should satisfy the conscience -of the British people. His words, uttered in 1876, are just as timely -now as they were then. - -“Let the Turks now carry away their abuses in the only possible manner, -namely, by carrying away themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, -their Bimbashis and their Yugbashis, their Kaimakans and their Pashas, -one and all, bag and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province -they have desolated and profaned.” - -Gladstone’s denunciation stirred the British conscience to its depths. -The finer side of the British character manifested itself; the public -conscience had made great advances since 1856, and the masses of the -British people began to see the Ottoman problem in its true light. -Consequently, when Russia intervened in behalf of the Bulgarians and -other persecuted peoples, England did not commit the fearful mistake of -1853--she did not go to war to prevent the intervention. British public -opinion at first applauded the Russian armies; when, however, the Czar’s -forces approached Constantinople, the old dread of Crimean days seized -the British public once more. Again Englishmen forgot the miseries of -the Christians and began to see the spectre of Russia seated at -Constantinople. Again Great Britain began to prepare for war; the -British fleet passed the Dardanelles and anchored off Constantinople. -England again declared that the safety of her empire demanded the -preservation of Turkey, and gave Russia the option of war or a congress -at which the treaty she had made with Turkey should be revised. - -Russia accepted the latter alternative, and the Congress of Berlin was -the result. This Congress could have freed all the subject peoples and -solved the Eastern question, but again civilized Europe threw away the -opportunity. At this Congress England, in the person of Disraeli, became -the Sultan’s advocate, and again the Sultan came out victorious. Certain -territories he lost, it is true, but Constantinople was left in his -hands and a great area of the Balkans and the larger part of Asia Minor. -As for the Armenians, the Syrians, the Greeks, and the Macedonians, the -world once more accepted from Turkey promises of reform. Thus Gladstone -and the most enlightened opinion in England lost their battle, and -British authority again became the instrument for preserving that -“terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman -Empire.” - -Had it not been for the Congress of Berlin it is possible that we should -never have had the world war. The treaty let Austria into Bosnia and -Herzegovina and so laid the basis for the ultimatum of July 22, 1914. It -failed to settle the fate of Macedonia, and so made inevitable the -Balkan wars. By leaving Turkey an independent sovereignty, with its -capital on the Bosphorus, it made possible the intrigues of Germany for -a great Oriental empire. No wonder Gladstone denounced it as an “insane -covenant” and “the most deplorable chapter in our foreign policy since -the peace of 1815.” - -“The plenipotentiaries,” he said, “have spoken in the terms of -Metternich rather than those of Canning.... It was their part to take -the side of liberty--as a matter of fact, they took the side of -servitude.” - -The greatest sufferers, as always, were the Christian populations. The -Sultan treated his promises of 1878 precisely as he had treated those of -1856. It was after this treaty, indeed, that Abdul Hamid adopted his -systematic plan of solving the Armenian problem by massacring all the -Armenians. The condition of the subject peoples became worse as years -went on, until finally, in 1915, we had the most terrible persecutions -in history. - -The Russian terror, if it ever was a terror, has disappeared. England no -longer fears a Russia stationed at Constantinople and threatening her -Indian Empire. The once mighty giant now lies a hopelessly crippled -invalid, utterly incapable of aggressive action against any nation. What -her fate will be no one knows. What is certain, however, is that the old -Czaristic empire, constantly bent on military aggression, has -disappeared for ever. When we look upon Russia to-day and then think of -the terror which she inspired in the hearts of British statesmen forty -and sixty-two years ago the contrast is almost pitiful and grotesque. -The nation that succeeded Russia as an ambitious heir to the Sultan’s -dominions, Germany, is now almost as powerless. - -Moreover, the British conscience has changed since the days of the -Crimean and Russo-Turkish wars. The old-time attitude, which insisted on -regarding these problems from the standpoint of fancied national -interest, is every day giving place to a more humanitarian policy. -Gladstone’s idea of “public right as the governing idea of European -politics” is more and more gaining the upper hand. The ideals in foreign -policy represented by Cobden and Bright are the ideals that now control -British public opinion. There are still plenty of reactionaries in -England and Europe that might like to settle the Ottoman problem in the -old discredited way, but they do not govern British public life at the -present crisis. The England that will deal with the Ottoman Empire in -1919 is the England of Lloyd George, not the England of Palmerston and -Disraeli. - -For the first time, therefore, the world approaches the problem of the -Ottoman Empire, the greatest blight in modern civilization, with an -absolutely free hand. The decision will inform us, more eloquently than -any other detail in the settlement, precisely what forces have won in -this war. We shall learn from it whether we have really entered upon a -new epoch; whether, as we hope, mediæval history has ended and modern -history has begun. - -If Constantinople is left to the Turk; if the Greeks, the Syrians, the -Armenians, the Arabs and the Jews are not freed from the most revolting -tyranny that history has ever known, we shall understand that the -sacrifices of the last four years have been in vain, and that the -much-discussed new ideals in the government of the world are the merest -cant. Thus the United States has an immediate interest in the solution -of this problem. The hints reaching this country that another effort may -be made to prop up the Turk are not pleasing to us. We did not enter -this war to set up new balances of power, to promote the interests of -concessionaries, to make new partitions of territory, to satisfy the -imperialistic ambitions of contending European powers, but to lend our -support to that new international conscience that seeks to reorganize -the world on the basis of justice and popular rights. The settlement of -the Eastern question will teach us to what extent our efforts have -succeeded. - -If this mistake of propping up the Sultan’s empire is not to be made -again, either that empire must be divided among the great powers--a -solution which is not to be considered for reasons which it is hardly -necessary to explain--or one of these great powers must undertake its -administration as a mandatory. The great powers in question are the -United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan. Of these only -the first two are capable of assuming this duty. Lord Curzon has told me -personally that for political and economic reasons Great Britain cannot -assume the Ottoman mandate. Lloyd George has said essentially the same -thing. And Stéphane Lauzanne, who speaks in a semi-official capacity for -France, said, in an interview, Nov. 1, with a correspondent of the -_Times_: - -“In the offer of a mandate to her, America should see more than the -selfish desire of Europe to involve her in European affairs. It is true -she fears to be the centre of intrigues and difficulties. She fears -distant complications. However, the question is nobler and higher than -that. America is an admirable reservoir of energy. She holds the secret -of that which is best in our modern life--to build largely and to build -quickly. She has youth; she has power; she has wealth; she has that -which she calls efficiency. We in Europe are old, poor, enfeebled, -divided. It would be prodigiously interesting if America, after she has -given us of her power, of her money and her material, should give us -also an example. - -“And what an example it would be if America were to accept the mandate -for Constantinople! Here is a city which is one of the marvels of Europe -and of the world, which is the jewel of the Orient, and which after -twenty centuries of European civilization remains the home of wickedness -and corruption. Every one disputes possession of its hills and harbours, -and no one tries to make of it a great modern city which, rid of -international intrigues and rid of politics, would be the shining pole -of Europe. Only America can transform Constantinople; only America can -establish herself there without suspicion of bad faith and without -jealousy; only America can civilize the capital of Islam. - -“To do that America has no need of regiments of soldiers or of cannon. -She has need only of her workers and her constructors. A Hoover or a -Davison would be enough. And America is full of Hoovers and Davisons.” - - * * * * * - -I recognize the tremendous problems which confront us in our own -country. Those problems must and will be solved. But the day is past -when the individual citizen can permit absorption in his personal -affairs to exclude the consideration of the community’s or the nation’s -well-being. A new social conscience has manifested itself. And it is -equally true that the United States, as a member of the League of -Nations, must take an active and altruistic interest in world affairs, -however pressing our own problems may seem. The European situation, -indeed, is really a part of them. Our associates in the war cannot drift -into bankruptcy and despair without involving the United States in the -disaster. The losses we would suffer in money would be the least -distressing, should the world fall into the chaos which is threatening. -If we cannot solve our own problems and at the same time help Europe -solve hers we must be impotent indeed. - -So much, then, for the general principles involved; what are the -practical details of such a mandate? Last May, William Buckler, -Professor Philip M. Brown, and myself joined in a memorandum to -President Wilson outlining briefly a proposed system of government for -the Ottoman dominions. This so completely embodies my ideas that I -reprint it here, with two slight omissions: - - * * * * * - -“The government of Asia Minor should be dealt with under three different -mandates, (1) for Constantinople and its zone, (2) for Turkish Anatolia, -(3) for Armenia. The reason for not uniting these three areas under a -single mandate is that the methods of government required in each area -are different. In order, however, to facilitate the political and -economic development of the whole country, these three areas should be -placed under one and the same mandatory power, with a single governor -in charge of the whole, to unify the separate administrations of the -three states. - -“Honest and efficient government in the Constantinople zone and in -Armenia will not solve the problems of Asia Minor unless the same kind -of government is also provided for the much larger area lying between -Constantinople and Armenia, i. e., Turkish Anatolia. Constantinople and -Armenia are mere fringes; the heart of the problem lies in Anatolia, of -which the population is 75 per cent. Moslem. - -“The main rules to be followed in dealing with this central district -are: - - “1. That it should not be divided up among Greeks, French, - Italians, &c. - - “2. That the Sultan should, under proper mandatory control, retain - religious and political sovereignty over the Turkish people in - Anatolia, having his residence at Brusa or Konia, both of which are - ancient historic seats of the Sultanate. - - “3. That no part of Anatolia should be placed under Greeks, even in - the form of a mandate. The Greeks are entitled by their numbers to - a small area surrounding Smyrna. Under no circumstances should - Greece have a mandate over territory mainly inhabited by Turks. - -“The above solution of the problem of Asia Minor means refusal to -recognize secret deals such as the Pact of London and the Sykes-Picot -Agreement and especially the Italian claims to a large territory near -Adalia. If Greeks and Italians, with their standing antagonism, are -introduced into Asia Minor, the peace will constantly be disturbed by -their rivalry and intrigues. Italy has no claim to any part of Anatolia, -whether on the basis of population, of commercial interests, or of -historic tradition. - -“No solution of the Asia-Minor problem which ignores the fact that its -population is 75 per cent. Turkish can be considered satisfactory or -durable. The only two countries having any prospect of successfully -holding a mandate over Anatolia are Great Britain and the United States. - -“The large missionary and educational interests of the United States in -Anatolia must be adequately protected, and it is illusory to imagine -that this can be done if Anatolia is subjected to Greek, French, or -Italian sovereignty. - -“Only a comprehensive, self-contained scheme such as that above outlined -can overcome the strong prejudices of the American people against -accepting any mandate. To cure the ills of Turkey and to deliver her -peasantry from their present ignorance and impoverishment requires a -thorough reconstruction of Turkish institutions, judicial, educational, -economic, financial, and military. - -“This may appeal to the United States as an opportunity to set a high -standard, by showing that it is the duty of a great power, in ruling -such oppressed peoples, to lead them toward self-respecting independence -as their ultimate goal.” - - * * * * * - -The Armenians are wholly unprepared to govern themselves or to protect -themselves against their neighbours. Mere supervision will not be -adequate. What the Armenian State requires is a kind of receivership, -and we should take it over in trust, to manage it until it is time to -turn it over when it is governmentally solvent and on a going basis. -Anatolia should be under a separate management and have its own -parliament; its executive should be a deputy governor under a governor -general at Constantinople. The three governments should have a common -coinage, similar tariff requirements, and unified railroad systems; and -in other respects should be federated somewhat as states in this country -are. - -The commercial importance of such an arrangement is enormous, for -Constantinople must continue as Russia’s chief outlet to the world, and -it is the gateway to the East. The commercial policy would, of course, -be an open-door policy. All nations would have equality of opportunity -in trade and would be free in regard to colonization. As a matter of -fact, the commercial situation is of little importance to us. Prior to -the war our foreign trade amounted to only about 6 per cent. of our -total trade; and although it increased during the war to about 11 per -cent., it is likely to recede soon to the neighbourhood of 8 per cent. -It will consist largely of raw materials, such as wheat, cotton, copper, -and coal, which other nations must get from us, whether or no. Foreign -trade is a mere incident; our prosperity is not what we are fighting -for. - -It need not require the extension of large credits from us to put these -nations on a sound footing. They could be financed by bond issues issued -in each case against the resources of the territories involved. If the -United States held the mandates, there would be no difficulty, I -apprehend, in floating such issues. And as for the policing necessary, -that need be very small, provided a man of strong will and quick -decision, fertile in resources and of unshakable determination, were -assigned to the Governorship General at Constantinople. The opportunity -would be a great one for an American completely imbued with our -institutions. The succession of able pro-consuls whom we have sent to -the Philippines shows that we shall not lack such men. - -We shall surrender our mandates over these three territories when we -have finished our work. We shall not necessarily leave them all at the -same time; we shall turn each one over to its people when the public -opinion of the world, expressed in the League of Nations, has decided -that it is capable of directing its own affairs. It might be necessary -for us to remain in Constantinople longer than elsewhere, and there is -reason to suppose that Constantinople will become the Washington of the -Balkans and perhaps of Asia Minor, the central governing power of the -Balkan confederation. But if left without the guidance and help of -outside intelligence and capital, those peoples will necessarily -continue to retrograde. They must have security of property if they are -to have an incentive to labour. Unless they have that, the blight of -southeastern Europe will remain, and the Turks, originally a marauding -band of conquerors, who have held a precarious and undeserved footing -for more than five hundred years on European soil, will continue to -menace its peace and safety. If ever there was a chance to put them out, -we have that chance now. The United States is the only government which -can undertake the purification of the Balkans without incurring ill-will -and jealousy. We need not indulge in overpolite phrases. This is the -only nation which can accept these mandates and maintain international -good feeling. It is absolutely our fault if the Turk remains in Europe. - -The difficulties inherent in this situation can be cured only at the -source. The League of Nations, when it comes into being, must not -operate exclusively through a central agency at Geneva, because it -cannot learn in that way the real difficulties and the wants of -dependent peoples. That can be done only in the most direct way, through -representatives on the spot. The people, moreover, want to be heard. -They are wonderfully relieved after they have had their say. That fact -has its touch of pathos, perhaps to some a touch of the ridiculous; but -it is a factor of the human equation which we cannot afford to ignore. -And if we supply American tribunals, disinterested and just, before -which these peoples can state their grievances and their aspirations, we -will have taken a long step toward their pacification and -stabilization. - - - - -INDEX - -Abdul Hamid, kept prisoner, 184 - -Abraham & Straus, incident of formation of firm, 34 - -Adler, Dr. Cyrus, objects to Jew serving on commission - to investigate Polish pogroms, 353 - -Adler, Dr. Felix, leader of a new movement, 95, 129 - -Admission to the Bar, 29 - -Adrianople, Governor of, hospitable reception given by, 192 - -Agincourt, visit to ancient battleground, 266 - -Albright, Charles P., 26 - -Alexander, Andrew, building erected for, 55 - -Alexander, James W., fights to retain control of Equitable Insurance Co., 80 - -Alexandria, visit to, 219 - -Algef, Dr., 15 - -Ali Kuli Khan, at Peace Conference, 326 - -Ali Mehemmid, visit to, 223 - -Allen, Edward W., at Roosevelt’s fusion meeting, 280 - -Alter, Rabbi, visit to, near Warsaw, 374 - -America’s true mission in Turkey, 203 - -American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant, speech at, 198 - -American troops, arrival in France, restores flagging energy of the people, - 256; - visit to, on British front, 266; - Sir Douglas Haig’s impressions of, 273 - -Anderson, Charles P., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310; - in conference with Henry P. Davison, 313 - -Anderson, U. S. District Attorney, sends deputies to New Hampshire to enforce - election laws, 246 - -Arabian night, arranged by Governor of Nabulus, 231 - -Arif Pasha, 224 - -Armenia, report on, 337 - -Armistice, earlier than expected, 299 - -Armstrong Committee, the Insurance investigation, 64, 66, 71 - -Arnold, Olney, Consular Agent at Cairo, 219, 220 - -Aronstam, Charles S. account of Roosevelt’s forming fusion - ticket for New York municipal election, 280; - tenders nomination for President of Board of Aldermen, 281; - declined, 282 - -Arthur of Connaught, Prince, met on British front, 269 - -Atterbury, Gen. W. W., asked to accept - Director-Generalship of Associated National Red Cross, 318 - -Askenazy, pronounced Assimilator, 366 - -Astor, John Jacob, dealings with, 46 - -Astor, William Waldorf, 46; - real estate transactions with, 54, 55 - -Aupin, Count, meeting with, 330 - - -Baker, Elbert H., prophesies Wilson would carry Ohio by large majority, 245 - -Baker, J. E., takes party of labour leaders to British front, 267 - -Baker, Newton D., assures committee of high Democratic majority in Ohio, 245; - letter declining to speak for League to Enforce Peace, 300 - -Baker, Ray Stannard, at Peace Conference, 324 - -Baldwin, Edward R., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310 - -Balfour, Arthur J., New York City’s reception to, 253; - at luncheon given by, in Paris, 341 - -Balfour Declaration, misunderstood by Zionists, 389 - -Ball, Alwyn, Jr., realty dealings through, 55; - aids in forming real estate trust company, 57 - -Baltimore Convention, Wilson’s nomination at, 146 - -Baltimore _Sun_, favours Wilson at Baltimore Convention, 146 - -Bamberger-Delaware Gold Mine, investment in, 51 - -Bannard, Otto, defeated by Judge Gaynor, 279 - -Bar, admission to the, 29 - -Baring Brothers, influence of their failure on real estate transactions, 48 - -Barth, Herr, remark that Roosevelt could never remain out of politics, 281 - -Barton, Dr. James L., 175 - -Baruch, Bernard M., valuable aid in securing campaign contributions, 242 - -Bauman, Mr., 51 - -Beattie, C. J., met on British front, 267 - -Beecher, Henry Ward, 15 - -Behning, Henry, law case of, 31 - -Bell, George W., with Mitchel on campaign, 285 - -Bellows, Henry W., 15 - -Bennett, James Gordon, aids in sale of lots, 48; - encounter with pugilist indirect cause of siding against Tammany, 113 - -Berkowitz, Dr. Henry, not in favour of Zionist plans, 349 - -Biddle, General, commanding American troops on British front, 266 - -Big Business, era of, 133 - -Biggs, Dr. Hermann M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310 - -Billinski, M., talks on Jewish question, 374, 376 - -Black, Mr., 72 - -Blass, Robert, sings at Conried’s funeral, 104 - -Bliss, Cornelius N., Jr., on committee for financing the Red Cross, 249 - -Bliss, Dr. Howard, invited on Palestine trip, 214; - at Samaritan ceremonies, 229; - at Arabian night, 231, 232 - -Bliss, General, on possibilities of another war, 335 - -Bliss, George, real estate transactions with, 48, 49 - -Bloomingdale & Co., position with, 18 - -Blumstein, Louis M., real estate sold to, 42 - -B’nai Brith Lodge, at Constantinople, 205 - -Bompard, M., French Ambassador at Constantinople, 183 - -Bonné, Mrs. Josephine, 99 - -Borah, antagonistic to Wilson, 130 - -Brackett, Edgar T., presents argument for impeachment at Sulzer trial, 172 - -Brady, Anthony N., interested in formation of real estate trust company, 59 - -Brady, Peter, member “Committee of Safety,” 107 - -Bratiano, Roumanian premier, at Peace Conference, 326, 327 - -Briand, Aristide, meeting with, 330; - proposes to pay war debt by sale of lottery tickets in America, 331 - -Bridgeport, Alabama, unfortunate investments at, 50 - -British front, trip to, 266 - -Broad Exchange Bldg., purchase of plots for site, 87 - -Bronx House, Settlement work at, 105, 106 - -Brooklyn, emigration to, 5, 7 - -Brown, Dr. Arthur Judson, 175 - -Brown, Dr. Elmer R., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301 - -Brown, Prof. Philip M., in study of Armenian question, 337 - -Bryan, William Jennings, candidacy against Wilson, 138; - the “cocked-hat” letter, 140; - at Jackson Day Dinner, 142; - hazy ideas of diplomacy, 174 - -Bryant, Lieut.-Col. M. C., executive secretary Mission to Poland, 335; - acts as secretary, 381 - -Bryant, William Cullen, 15 - -Bryce, Viscount, invited on Palestine trip, 216; - his thirst for facts, 227; - at the Samaritan ceremonies, 230; - at Arabian night, 231 - -Buchman, Albert, architect, 51 - -Buckler, William H., study of Turkish problem with, at Peace Conference, 323; - in study of the Turkish question, 336, 337 - -Bureau of Public Information, beginnings of, 252 - -Burleson, Albert S., assistance during campaign, 154; - appointed Postmaster-General, 159; - in difficulties over New York Postmastership, 237, 239 - -Butler, Benjamin F., 26 - -Butler, Prescott Hall, Boreel Bldg. purchased through, 87 - -Butzel, Mr., acquaintance with, 25 - - -Cairo, arrival at, 220 - -Campaign of 1916, financing, 236, 241 - -Cannes, International Red Cross Conference at, 313 - -Carpenter, Prof. William H., speaks at Conried’s funeral, 105 - -Carroll, John F., 9 - -Caruso, Enrico, engaged by Conried from phonograph records, 101 - -Celluloid Piano Key Co., connection with, 32; - investments in, 41 - -Central Realty Bond & Trust Company, organization, 57 _et seq._; - transactions of, 86; - merged into Lawyers’ Title Insurance Company, 89 - -Chadbourne, Thomas L., Jr., valuable aid in - securing campaign contributions, 242; - at War Publicity meeting, 252 - -Channing, Dr., extract from “Self-Denial” sermon, 16 - -Charters, General, on British front, 268 - -Childs, William Hamlin, at War Publicity meeting, 253 - -Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, dinner given by, 324; - their hopeless position, 325 - -Choate, Joseph H., attorney for the Astors, 45; - presiding at New York City’s welcome to Joffre, Viviani, and Balfour, 254 - -City College, preparation for, 9; - entrance, 11; - withdrawal from, 13 - -Clark, Champ, candidacy against Wilson, 138; - at Jackson Day Dinner, 142; - at Baltimore Convention, 146; - over-confidence costs nomination, 147; - at the Sea Girt notification, 148 - -Clemenceau, at signing of Peace Treaty, 336 - -Cobb, Frank I., aids Wilson cause at Baltimore by New York _World_ editorial, - 146; - at the Sulzer dinner, 168; - collaboration with on article showing Germany planned the war, 296 - -Coblenz, speech at, on the next war, 332, 335; - state of mind of the residents, 333 - -Cochran, Bourke, acquaintance with, 25 - -Coggeshall, Edward W., entertains proposition - for increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, 67, 69 - -Colby, Bainbridge, retained by Alexander in Equitable contest, 80, 81; - on Board of Directors, Metropolitan Opera Company, 101; - campaign for Wilson, 245 - -College for Girls, Constantinople, 204, 207 - -Columbia Law School, attendance at, 27 - -“Committee of Safety,” creation of, 107 - -Conkling, Roscoe, 113 - -Conried, Heinrich, backing secured for Metropolitan Opera venture, 99; - engages Caruso from phonograph records, 101; - death, and impressive funeral, 104 - -Constantinople arrival at, 177; - tactics toward the “diplomatic set,” 179; - first impressions of, 186 - -Cooke, Jay, in Panic of 1873, 20 - -Cooper Union, address at, showing necessity of - complete defeat of Germany, 298 - -Cox, Governor, nominated for Presidency by state “bosses,” 121 - -Crane, Charles R., helps finance Wilson campaign, 145; - approves selection of headquarters for 1916 campaign, 236; - at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, 324 - -Crawford, L. Cope, met on British front, 267 - -Crimmins, John D., 22; - real estate ventures of, 41, 42; - interested in formation of real estate trust company, 58; - at the Sulzer dinner, 168 - -Croker, Richard, acquaintance with, 113 - -Crowell, Ass’t Sec’y of War, at dinner to, in Paris, 337 - -Cullen, Judge Edgar M., presiding at Sulzer impeachment, 172 - -Cummings, Homer S., friendship with, 154; - as the Demosthenes of the Democratic Party, 306 - -Currie, Sir Arthur, lunch with on British front, 268; - description of battle of Lens, 269 - -Curtis, Dr. Holbrook, 103 - -Curtis, Miss, met at Cannes, 327 - - -D’Abernon, Lord, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, 341 - -D’Ankerswaerd, 188 - -Dana, Charles A., 15 - -Daniels, Josephus, friendship with, 154; - appointed Secretary of the Navy, 159; - hopeless of success of 1916 campaign, 235; - at McCormick luncheon, 242; - sails on the _Leviathan_, 310 - -Dardanelles, Major Tibbetts tells experiences, 268 - -Davies, J. Clarence, in the “Subway Boom,” 87 - -Davies, Joseph E., friendship with, 154 - -Davison, Henry P., selected as Chairman of - Committee for financing the Red Cross, 250; - dinner given Red Cross delegates in Paris, 312; - cable from, requesting attendance at International - Red Cross Conference, 308; - organizing and directing spirit of International Red Cross Conference, 316; - entreated to make Red Cross his life work, 316; - mistake of permitting other than American as Director-General, 319; - proposes dinner to Governors of the League of Red Cross Societies, 320; - speaks at the dinner, 321 - -Democracy--a master-passion, 351 - -Deutsch, Bernard, 106 - -Djemal, Colonel, 187 - -Dmowski, Roman, at Paderewski dinner, 356; - explains his Anti-Semitism, 357 - -Dodge, Bayard, on Palestine trip, 214 - -Dodge, Cleveland H., helps finance Wilson campaign, 145; - aid to Robert College, 208; - invited on Palestine trip, 214; - on committee for financing the Red Cross, 249 - -Doheny, Edward L., contributes large sum to campaign fund, and gets it back - by election bets, 242 - -Domremy, visit to, 260 - -_Dora_, trip to Hamburg on, 22 - -Doremus, Professor, 12 - -Draper, Mrs. William K., speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the - Red Cross Societies, 321 - -Dreier, Miss Mary, member “Committee of Safety,” 107 - -Drummond, Sir Eric, speech at dinner to - Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321 - -Duel, Dr. Arthur B., with Mitchel on campaign, 285 - -Dwight, Prof. Theodore W., 29 - - -Easter sacrifice of the Samaritans on Mount Gerizim, 228 - -Eclectic Life Insurance Co., failure in Panic of 1873, 21 - -Edison, Thomas A., at McCormick luncheon, 242 - -Educational Alliance, Director of, 105 - -Egan, Dr. Maurice Francis, at Copenhagen Legation, 19 - -Egypt, Kitchener’s explanation of Great Britain’s policy in, 226 - -Ehrich, William J., association with in realty ventures, 42 - -Einhorn, Rabbi, 15, 128 - -Elizabeth, Princess, at dinner with, 326 - -Elkus, Abram I., work with factory investigation committee, 108; - helps finance Wilson campaign, 145 - -Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 15 - -Emerson Society, organized, 98 - -Enver Pasha, Turkish Minister of War, 185; - direct dealings with, 197; - asks advice, 202; - of much interest to Kitchener, 225 - -Equitable Insurance Co., the investigation, 79 _et seq._ - -Esher, Lord, arranges trip to British front, 266 - -Evarts, William M., attorney for the Astors, 45 - - -Farley, Terrence, 41 - -Federal Reserve Act, prevents concentration and control of capital, 83 - -Filene, Edward A., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301; - at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, 324 - -Finley, Dr. John H., 11 - -Fisk and Hatch, in Panic of 1873, 20 - -Flower, Roswell P., 118 - -Ford, Henry, drives a hard bargain, 242 - -Fosdick, Raymond B., aids in preparing National Committee budget, 153 - -Foss, Mr., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142 - -Fox, Mortimer J., on trip to Constantinople, 177 - -Franco-Prussian War, influences sentiment in favour of Germans in New York, - 8 - -Frascara, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross - Societies, 321 - -Fraser, Lovat, met on British front, 267 - -Free Synagogue, resignation from, 293 - -Freedman, Andrew, connection with Richard Croker, 115 - -French front, visit to, 259 - -Fuller Construction Co., financing of, 71 - - -Garfield, President, influence of assassination on real estate market, 41 - -Garrels, Consul, 219 - -Gates, Dr., president of Robert College, 204, 208 - -Gawa, Prof. Arata Nina, speech at dinner to - Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321 - -Gaynor, William J., an opponent, 34 - -George, Lloyd, seeks Wilson’s favour through Admiral Grayson, 331; - at signing of Peace Treaty, 336 - -Germans, early prejudice against, in New York, 8 - -Germany: entering on career of Imperialism, 23 - -Gibson, Hugh, asked to report on Poland’s treatment of Jews, 352; - at Paderewski dinner, 356 - -Giers, Michel de, Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, 183 - -Gildersleeve, Henry A., acquaintance with, 25 - -Glass, Franklin P., at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, 140 - -Glass, Senator Carter, reason for his appointment - as secretary of Democratic National Committee, 244 - -Godkin, Lawrence, 15 - -Goelet, Robert, on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -Gold mine, investment in, 51 - -Goldsmith, Abraham, partnership with, 33, 42 - -Goodhart, Capt. Arthur L., Counsel with Mission to Poland, 355; - at reception in Warsaw, 365 - -Gould, George J., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -Gouraud, General, Pershing renews acquaintance of, at Verdun, 266 - -Grabski, conference with, on conditions in Poland, 358 - -Grand Central Station, construction of, 8 - -Grasty, Charles H., aids Wilson at Baltimore Convention, 146 - -Grayson, Admiral, telegram to, regarding Wilson’s - attitude toward Lane as Director-General of International Red Cross, 318; - dinner with Lloyd George, 332 - -Greeley, Horace, 15 - -Green, Andrew H., appointed Comptroller of City of New York, 113 - -Greene, Colonel Warwick, declines membership of - commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, 352, 354 - -Gregory, Attorney General, sends deputies to New - Hampshire to enforce election laws, 247 - -Gregory, Eliot, on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 101 - -Grew, Joseph C., cables to obtain American opinion of Jew serving -on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, 353 - -Groshents, M., patriot of Thann, 261 - -Grosscup, Mr., 139 - -Grant, Hugh J., interested in formation of real estate trust company, 58; - aids in financing of Fuller Construction Co., 71; - advises purchase of Bareel Bldg., 86; - had no fear of panic, 88; - interested in Underwood Typewriter Company, 91 - -Guggenheim, Daniel, 100 - -Guggenheimer, Randolph, 100 - -Guizat, Count de Witt, entertained by, on trip to French front, 262 - -Gutherz, Dr., 3 - - -Haig, Sir Douglas, arranges meeting with Sir Arthur Currie, 269; - why he did not capture Lens, 271; - record of meeting with, 271 - -Hall, A. Oakey, Mayor of New York City under Tweed, 109 - -Hall, Dr., quotation from, 16 - -Hamburg, trip on sailing vessel to, 22 - -Hamlin, Dr., work at Robert College, 208 - -Hammerstein, Oscar, realty dealings with, 43 - -Hammill, Dr. Samuel M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310 - -Hankey, Sir Maurice, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, 341 - -Hanna, Mark, in control of Republican Party, 122 - -Harbord, Major-General, meeting with in France, 273; - induced to accept Armenian Mission, 337; - helps select military member of mission to Poland, 354 - -Harbord Commission to Armenia, negotiations for appointment, 336, 337, 338; - report giving reasons for and against America accepting Armenian mandate, - 343 - -Harriman, E. H., financing of Union Pacific, 77; - attitude toward Equitable controversy, 82 - -Hartman, Judge Anthony, 39 - -Hartman, Miss Rosina, studies under, 10 - -Harvey, Col. George, disagreement with Wilson, 149 - -Haskell, Col. William N., appointed to head resident commission to Armenia, - 342 - -Havemeyer, Henry O., realty ventures, 42; - interested in formation of real estate trust company, 58 - -Hays, Will H., success as Republican National Chairman, 126 - -Hearst, William Randolph, at Jackson Day Dinner, 142 - -Heins, Louis F., 116 - -“Hell’s Kitchen,” experiences with tenants in, 40 - -Henderson, General David, becomes Director-General - of International Red Cross, 320; - speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321 - -Henry Street Settlement, 105 - -Herrick, Myron T., urges acceptance of Ambassadorship to Turkey, 161 - -Hilton, Frederick M., transaction with, 86 - -Hilton, Hughes & Co., difficulties of, 36 - -Hirsch, Solomon, 162 - -Hirsdansky, Simon, 106 - -Hoffman, John T., made Governor by Tweed, 109, 110 - -Holley, Abner B., instructor in mathematics, 10 - -Hollis, Senator, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, - 324 - -Holt, Dr. L. Emmett, sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310 - -Holy Land, visit to the, 212 - -Homer, Mme., sings at Conried’s funeral, 104 - -Hoover, Herbert, meeting with in Paris, 312; - recommends appointment of Harbord Armenian Mission, 338; - not in favour of America accepting mandate over Armenia, 340; - urges Wilson to appoint commission to investigate - treatment of Jews in Poland, 352; - State dinner given to, by Paderewski, 377 - -Hoskins, Dr. Franklin, invited on Palestine trip, 214; - at Caves of Machpelah, 218; - profound Biblical scholar, 227; - at Samaritan ceremonies, 229; - at Arabian night, 231 - -House, Colonel, Wilson’s confidence in, 154; - approves selection of headquarters for 1916 Campaign, 236; - his relationship with President Wilson, 239; - at Peace Conference, 327; - at signing of Peace Treaty, 336 - -Houston, Secretary, applauds campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 300 - -Hudspeth, Judge, 121, 139 - -Hughes, Chas. Evans, conducts insurance investigation, 79, 83; - at War Publicity meeting, 252; - urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, 284; - signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, 340; - speaks at Madison Square Garden meeting of protest - against treatment of Jews in Poland, 352 - -Hughes, Congressman, 139 - -Huntington, Collis P., real estate dealings with, 52 - -Hyde, Henry B., organizes Equitable Life Insurance Co., 79 - -Hyde, James Hazen, head of Equitable Life Insurance Co., 66; - insurance irregularities, 78; - personal weakness, 79; - efforts in Paris to assist in World War, and work with the Red Cross, 84 - - -Ibrahim Bey, 189 - -Ickelheimer, Henry R., 100 - -International Red Cross Conference, 310 - -Izzett, General, 187 - - -Jackson, Charles A., 120 - -Jackson Day Dinner, of 1912, Wilson’s success at, 138 - -Jacob-ben-Aaron, High Priest of Samaritans, 228 - -Jadwin, General Edgar, on commission to investigate - treatment of Jews in Poland, 352; - selected by Pershing, 354; - at Paderewski dinner to Hoover, 378 - -Jarlsberg, Count Wedel, speech at dinner to Governors - of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321 - -Jarvie, James N., on board of directors of real estate trust company, 61; - opponent of Havemeyer, 65, 69; - interested in Underwood Typewriter Co., 91 - -Jastrow, Prof. Morris, not in favour of Zionist plans, 349 - -Jaubert, Captain, in charge of trip to French front, 259 - -Jews, influence of, discrimination against, in failure of Hilton, - Hughes & Co., 38; - send commission to Peace Conference, 348; - opportunities boundless in America, 399 - -Jews, atrocities against, in Poland, 351; - Hugh Gibson asked to report on, 352; - Wilson appoints commission to investigate, 352; - objections against Jew serving on commission, 353 - -Jewish members of Polish Parliament, 361 - -Jewish question, the, article in New York _Times_, 289 - -Joffre, Marshal, New York City’s reception to, 253; - pleads for sight of American uniforms in Paris, 256; - meeting at his Paris headquarters, 262 - -Johnson, Frederick, 116 - -Johnson, George F., 116 - -Johnson, Homer H., at dinner given by, in Paris, 337; - on commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, 352 - -Johnson, Joseph, appointment as Postmaster prevented, 238 - -Joline, Adrian H., “cocked-hat” letter from Wilson, 140 - -Jones Estate, Joshua, purchase of lots in, 47 - -Jordan, Thomas N., 68 - -Judson, Dr. Henry Pratt, dinner to, 299 - -Juilliard, A. D., on board of directors of real estate trust company, 61, 66, - 69 - - -Kahn, Congressman Julius, on committee to present views of American Jews on - Zionism to Peace Conference, 350 - -Kahn, Otto H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -Kahri Jeh Janisi, oldest mosque in Constantinople, 187 - -Kelly, John, succeeds Tweed as Tammany leader, 112 - -Kennedy, John S., aid to Robert College, 208 - -Kenyon, Cox & Co., in Panic of 1873, 20 - -Kerenski, at Peace Conference,323 - -Kergolay, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross - Societies, 320 - -Khedive of Egypt, provides for welcome at Alexandria, 219; - official call on, 221; - as a modern business man, 222 - -Kiernan, Lawrence D., 9 - -Kilpatrick, Frank, realty dealings with, 45 - -Kilpatrick, Walter, realty dealings with, 45 - -Kingsbury, John A., member “Committee of Safety,” 107 - -Kitchener, Lord, meeting with, in Egypt, 210; - anomalous position in Egypt, 220; - meeting with, 221; - luncheon with, 224 - -Knickerbocker Real Estate Co., dealings with, 42 - -Knox Bldg, purchase of, 87 - -Koenig, Samuel S., at Sulzer dinner, 168 - -Kuhn, Loeb & Co., rise in banking circle, 77 - -Kurzman, Ferdinand, in law office of, 12; - reëmployment by, 18; - method of dispossessing undesirable tenant, 39 - - -Lachman, Samson, 33; - realty ventures with, 42; - elected Judge of Sixth District Court, 120 - -Lachman, Morgenthau & Goldsmith, formation of partnership, 34; - withdrawal from the firm, 56 - -Lamont, Dan, his friendship with Grover Cleveland, 118 - -Lamont, Thomas, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference,324 - -Landman, Rabbi Isaac, on committee to present views of American - Jews on Zionism to Peace Conference, 350 - -Lane, Franklin K., donation to campaign fund, 242; - writes Red Cross proclamation, 251; - approves campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 300; - proposed as Director-General of International Red Cross, 318; - considered for head of corporation to finance Poland, 381 - -Lansing, Secretary of State, at Paderewski dinner, 356; - letter of instructions to Mission to Poland, 359 - -Lansing, Mrs., at signing of Peace Treaty, 336 - -Lauzanne, Stéphane, arranges luncheon with Bunau Varilla, 330 - -Lawyers’ Mortgage Company, increase of capital stock, 70, 71 - -Lawyers’ Title Company, increase of capital stock, 67-71 - -League to Enforce Peace, work against future wars, 300; - travelling in campaign of, 301; - pronouncement on the League of Nations Covenant, 303 - -Leisenring, John, 26 - -Leishmann, John G. A., meeting with at Aix-les-Bains, 85 - -Lens, General Currie’s description of battle, 269; - why Sir Douglas Haig refrained from capturing, 271 - -Lenox, James, 22 - -Letoviski, Major, leader of Jewish massacre at Pinsk, 369 - -Lewin, Rabbi, on Jewish question in Poland, 375 - -Liberty Loan, and United War Work Drives, travelling in behalf of, 295 - -Lloyd, Bishop Arthur Selden, 175 - -Lodge, Henry Cabot, signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, 340 - -Loeb, Solomon, realty ventures, 42 - -Loewi, Valentine, 30 - -Lord, Dr. Robert, at Peace Conference, 324 - -Low, Sydney, met on British front, 267 - -Lowell, President in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301; - in a foot race with, 302 - - -Macauley, Captain, of the _Scorpion_, 219 - -Machpelah, Caves of, visit to, 213, 217 - -Mackay, Clarence H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -Mackaye, Dr., 175 - -Macy, R. H., & Co., business secured by Isidor Straus and his sons, 36 - -Mahmoud Tahgri Bey, acting Governor of Alexandria, 219 - -Mahmoud Tewfik Hamid, 232 - -Mahmoud Pasha, 189 - -Malcolm, Ian, speech at dinner to Governors of the - League of the Red Cross Societies, 320 - -Mallet, Sir Louis, British Ambassador at Constantinople, 183; - renewal of acquaintance with, 336 - -Malone, Dudley Field, at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, 140; - brings message from Wilson on McCombs-Newton rupture, 145 - -Mannes, David, 106 - -Mannheim, early life in, 1, 333 - -Manning, Dan, 118 - -Mardighian, Osman, 187 - -Marie, Princess, at dinner with, 326 - -Marling, Alfred E., 175 - -Marsh, Benjamin C., Secretary Committee on Congestion - of Population in New York City, 107 - -Marshall, T. R., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142 - -Marshall, Louis, at Sulzer dinner, 168; - objects to Jew serving on Commission to investigate Polish pogroms, 353 - -Martin, Riccardo, sings at Conried’s funeral, 104 - -Meyer, Peter F., 48; - connection with Richard Croker, 113 - -Metaxa, Dr., arranges meeting with Venizelos, 328 - -Metropolitan Opera Company, formed for Conried, 100 - -Metropolitan Opera House, gathering on President - Wilson’s return from Paris, 304 - -Miller, Cyrus C., elected Borough President of the Bronx, 118 - -Mitchel, John Purroy, in the Postmastership controversy, 237; - campaign for preparedness irritating to President Wilson, 238; - at War Publicity meeting, 252; - has good business offer but decides to remain in politics, 279; - asks advice on Mayoralty campaign, 278; - elected Mayor of City of New York, 283; - asks advice as to running again, 283; - his death in his country’s service, 286 - -MacDowell, Miss, in Settlement work, 105 - -MacNulty, Mr., 35 - -McAdoo, William G., in Wilson’s campaign, 137; - drops his business to aid Wilson’s candidacy, 154; - appointed Secretary of the Treasury, 159; - apprehensive of outcome of 1916 campaign, 235; - dejection at unfavourable election returns, 246 - -McAneny, George A., considered for Mayor on fusion ticket, 280; - not a vote-getter, 281 - -McCall, Mr., power in finance, 78 - -McCombs, William F., in charge of Wilson campaign, 137, 139; - controversy with Byron Newton, 145 - -McCormick, Chancellor, on Palestine trip, 215 - -McCormick, Vance, bosses object to, 121; - named Chairman of Democratic Campaign Committee, 241; - dinner to Henry Ford, Thos. A. Edison, and Josephus Daniels, 242; - on committee for financing the Red Cross, 249 - -McCurdy, Richard A., incensed at not being asked to - participate in capital increase of Lawyers’ Title Company, 69; - power in finance, 78; - misuse of insurance funds, 83 - -McCurdy, R. H., on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -McIntire, Alfred, 19, 30 - -McIntyre, William H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 101 - -McManus, Thomas F., 116 - -Mohammed V, a weakling, 184 - -Moncheur, Baroness, 188 - -Montefiore, Claude, representing Jews of France at Peace Conference, 350 - -Moore, Judge, 121, 122 - -Moore, Mrs. Philip North, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301 - -Morgan, J. Pierpont, his power in finance, 76 - -Morgan, Miss Anne, member “Committee of Safety”, 107 - -Morgenthau, Henry, Jr., at Sea Girt, 148 - -Morgenthau, Mrs., arrival in Turkey, 194 - -Morgenthau Company, Henry, formation, 89 - -Morton, Levi P., real estate transactions with, 48; - assists at auction sale, 49 - -Mott, John R., conversation with, on after-the-war work, 316 - -Mt. Sinai Hospital, on Board of Directors, 105 - -Munsey, Frank, at War Publicity meeting, 253 - -Murphy, Arthur D., defeated for Borough President of Bronx, 116 - -Murphy, Charles F., selected by Croker to head Tammany, 116 - -Murphy, Major, with Red Cross in France, 86 - - -Nabulus, Governor of, arranges an Arabian night, 231 - -Nahoun, Chief Rabbi, 205 - -New York, arrival in, 6, 7 - -New York _Sun_, comment on heading of _Red Cross Magazine_ article, 289 - -New York _Times_, article on the Jewish question, 289; - Washington despatch to, 293; - publishes speech made at dinner of Executive - Committee of Wise Centenary Fund, 294; - article, “Emperor William Must Go,” 297; - article, “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War,” 308; - article on departure as delegate to International Red Cross Conference, 308 - -New York _World_, article showing Germany planned the war, 296 - -Newton, Byron, controversy with McCombs, 145 - -Nilsson, Christine, 12 - -Norton, Chas. D., on Committee for financing the Red Cross, 249 - -Norton, Patrick, excavation contractor, 51, 52 - -Nugent, difficulty with, over tickets for Jackson Day Dinner, 139 - - -O’Connor, Charles, 29 - -O’Gorman, Senator James A., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142; - friendship with, 154; - transmits Wilson’s offer of Ambassadorship to Turkey, 159; - fearful of Wilson’s reëlection in 1916, 235 - -O’Toole, Morgan, 27 - -Ochs, Adolph S., as example of opportunity, 400 - -Ogden, D. B., entertains proposition to increase - capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, 67 - -Olcott, Frederick P., interested in formation of real estate trust company, - 58; - a power in finance, 65; - aids in increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, 68; - in railroad reorganizations, 78; - questioned as to attitude if panic should ensue, 88 - -Ottendorfer, Oswald, realty transactions with, 45 - -Otto, Major Henry S., with Mission to Poland, 355 - -Outerbridge, E. H., urges acceptance of nomination - for President of the Borough of Manhattan, 278; - urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, 284 - - -Paderewski, asks Wilson to appoint commission to - investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, 352; - gives dinner at the Ritz, 355; - efforts to assure people he was not Anti-Semitic, 377; - gives state dinner to Hoover, 377; - impressions of, at dinner to Hoover, 379; - holds up financing of Poland, 381 - -Paderewska, Mme., at dinner given to Hoover, 378 - -Page, Thomas Nelson, meeting with in Paris, 255 - -Page, Walter Hines, introduced by Woodrow Wilson, 136 - -Painlevé, meeting with, 85; - at review of first American troops in France, 256; - dining with, 257 - -Palestine, visit to, 212; - prominent Jews not in favour of Zionist project of National home, 349; - true meaning of Balfour Declaration, 389; - significance of Sir Herbert Samuel’s appointment, 392; - not suitable for colonization, 393 - -Pallavicini, Marquis, Austrian Ambassador at Constantinople, 182 - -Panic of 1873, 20 - -Parish, Henry, realty dealings with, 55 - -Park, Trenor W., 53 - -Parker, Judge Alton B., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142; - of counsel at Sulzer impeachment, 172 - -“Parsifal,” difficulties encountered in production, 102 - -Parsons, John E., realty ventures, 42 - -Patri, Angelo, 106 - -Patrick, Dr. Mary Mills, president Constantinople College for Girls, 204, 207 - -Patrick, Mason M., considered for Mission to Poland, 355 - -Peabody, Charles A., realty dealings through, 55 - -Peace Conference, impressions of, 322 - -Peace Treaty, signing of, 336 - -Pears, Sir Edwin, 188 - -Peet, Dr. W. W., work in Constantinople, 205; - missionary activities, 211; - gives information on Palestine, 213; - invited to accompany party, 214; - at Arabian night, 231 - -Penrose, Senator, assumes leadership of Republican machine, 125; - willing to wreck party’s chances to injure Roosevelt, 150 - -Perlmutter, Rabbi, calls on Mission at Warsaw, 361 - -Perkins, George W., member “Committee of Safety,” 107; - at War Publicity meeting, 253 - -Perkins, Major, with Red Cross in France, 86 - -Perkins, Miss Frances, member “Committee of Safety,” 107 - -Persian delegation to Peace Conference, their hopeless position, 325 - -Pershing, General, meeting with in Paris, 255; - lauded by Joffre, 264; - letter from, explaining postponement of dinner, 264; - his description of battle of Verdun, 265; - meeting with at headquarters in France, 273; - at signing of Peace Treaty, 336; - selects military member of Mission to Poland, 354 - -Phillip, Hoffman, Conseiller and First Secretary, - American Embassy, Constantinople, 177, 187 - -Philipson, Rev. Dr. David, not in favour of Zionist plans, 349 - -Phillips, L. J., 48 - -Phœnix Insurance Co., position with, 18 - -Pilsudski, Dictator of Poland, 115; - not in favour of Mission to Poland, 360; - at reception in Warsaw, 364; -“no pogroms, nothing but unavoidable accidents,” 371; - talks with on Jewish question, 372, 375; - change of attitude toward Commission, 378; - his story of his rise to power, 378 - -Pinchot, Amos, member “Committee of Safety,” 107 - -Pinsk, investigations in, 369 - -Platt, Frank, retained by Alexander in Equitable Insurance contest, 80, 81 - -Plaza Hotel, purchase of, 87 - -Plumb, Preston, 26 - -Poincaré, President, at review of first American troops in France, 256; - at signing of Peace Treaty, 336 - -Poland, atrocities against the Jews, 351; - question of Jewish nationalism in, 351; - plan to finance, 380 - -Poland, Mission to, formation of, 352; - ideal to be accomplished, 358; - Lansing’s letter of instructions, 359; - arrival in Warsaw, 360 - -Politics, first entry into, 111 - -Politis, M., arranges meeting with Venizelos, 328 - -Polk, Frank L., doubt of success of 1916 campaign, 235 - -Pomerene, Atlee, at Jackson Day Dinner, 142 - -Ponydreguin, General, dinner with at Gondrecourt, 259 - -Post, James H., aids in formation of real estate trust company, 58 - -Postmastership at New York, contention regarding, 237 - -Power, Judge Maurice J., “discoverer” of Grover Cleveland, 118 - -Prendergast, William A., at War Publicity meeting, 253; - slated for Comptroller on fusion ticket, 280 - -Pryor, Gen. Roger A., 29, 30 - -Pyne, Percy R., retires from presidency of National City Bank, 76 - - -Quekemeyer, Captain, American representative on trip to French front, 266 - - -Radcliffe, General, met on British front, 269 - -Rappard, Dr., William, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red - Cross Societies, 321 - -Raymond, Henry T., 15 - -Reading, Lord, address before Merchants’ Association in New York, 298 - -Real Estate, ventures in, 39 - -Red Cross, financing the, insisting on aiming for large sum, 249; - article “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War,” 308; - the International Conference, 308 - -_Red Cross Magazine_ article on Turkish massacres, 288 - -Redfield, Congressman, appointed Secretary of Commerce, 154, 159 - -Reilly, John, buys lots on route of Subway, 50 - -Rice, Edwin T., 93 - -Richardson, Captain, ’Forty-niner, 4 - -Robert College, Constantinople, 186, 204, 208 - -Rockefeller, William, how he obtained stock of Northern Pacific, 71 - -Rockefeller, Mrs. John D., Jr., activities in war work, 299 - -Rosalsky, Judge Otto, at Sulzer dinner, 168 - -Rosenwald, Julius, on committee for financing the Red Cross, 250 - -Roosevelt, Franklin D., doubt of success of 1916 campaign, 235 - -Roosevelt, Theodore, deference to Mark Hanna, 123; - coaches Taft for campaign, 124; - split in Republican party forfeits election, 150; - Joffre anecdote of, 264; - calls meeting of New York Progressives to agree on fusion slate, 280; - his first demonstration of power, 282; - urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, 284, 285 - -Root, Elihu, associated with in difficulties of Hilton, Hughes & Co., 37; - policy of business and politics, 37; - consulted on Equitable controversy, 82; - signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, 340 - -Rose, William R., 54 - -Roumania, question of Jewish nationalism in, 351 - -Roux, Dr. Émile, at International Red Cross Conference, 315 - -Rubenstein, Rabbi, recounts history of Vilna excesses against Jews, 362 - -Russell, Colonel, sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310 - -Russell, Judge Horace, retained by, 36 - -Ryan, Thomas, 39 - - -Said Halim, Prince, Grand Vizier, 221, 225 - -Samaritans, visit to the tribe on Mount Gerizim, 228 - -Samuel, Sir Herbert, significance of appointment as first governing head of - Palestine, 392 - -Sassoon, Sir Philip, private secretary of Sir Douglas Haig, 272 - -Sayre, Dr., on Palestine trip, 216 - -Schiff, Jacob H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100; - gives evidence against Sulzer at impeachment trial, 173; - misfortune at a dinner, 299; - advises attendance at International Red Cross Conference, 308 - -Schmavonian, A. K., attaché at American Embassy, Constantinople, 178, 187; - on Palestine trip, 215, 231; - on trip to French front, 259; - to British front, 266 - -Schurz, Carl, on Independent politics, 135 - -Schwab, Chas. M., buys stock in Fuller Construction Co., 72 - -Sebastiyeh, visit to, 231 - -Seligman, Joseph, refused accommodations in Saratoga hotel, 38; - president Society for Ethical Culture, 95 - -Senior, Max, not in favour of Zionist plans, 349 - -Settlement work, in Manhattan and the Bronx, 105 - -Seymour, Harriet, 106 - -Shaffer, Chauncey, in law office of, 24 - -Sharp, Ambassador, at review of first American troops in France, 256 - -Shaw, Peggy, maintaining soldiers’ theatre and rest room at Treves, 333 - -Shufro, Jacob, 106 - -Sibert, General, in command at Gondrecourt, 259 - -Siegel-Cooper & Company, opening New York Store, 54 - -Sigerson, Michael, 111 - -Simon, Robert E., in the “Subway Boom,” 87; - partnership with, 89 - -Sinclair, General, met on British front, 269 - -Singer Sewing Machine Co., in Constantinople, 203 - -Skrzynski, M., at reception in Warsaw, 365; - at luncheon, 376 - -Slocum, Gen. Henry W., 118 - -Smith, Alfred E., chairman of factory investigating committee, 108; - recommended for New York Postmastership, 240 - -Smith, J. Henry, on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 101 - -Society of Ethical Culture, formation, 95 - -Southack, Frederick, aids in forming real estate trust company, 57 - -Southmayd, Henry M., attorney for the Astors, 45 - -Spanish-American War, influence of, on real estate transactions, 54, 56 - -Speer, Mrs. Emma Bailey, in war work, 299 - -St. Patrick’s Cathedral, construction of, 8 - -Stanchfield, John B., of Counsel at Sulzer impeachment, 172 - -Standard Oil Co., in Constantinople, 203 - -Stanislawa, investigations at, 367 - -Stanley, Sir Arthur, instrumental in selection of - Englishman as Director-General of International Red Cross, 319 - -Stewart, A. T., & Co., 36 - -Stillman, James, on Executive Committee of real estate trust company, 61; - a power in finance, 65; - interested in increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, 68, 70; - aids in financing of Fuller Construction Co., 71; - becomes president of National City Bank, 76; - attitude toward Equitable controversy, 81; - offers backing in case of panic, 88; - wise advice of, 180 - -Stimson, Henry L., Chairman “Committee of Safety,” 108 - -Stone, Senator, call on Wilson’s campaign managers, 143; - at the Sulzer dinner, 168 - -Storrs, Richard S., 15 - -Stowell, Edgar, 106 - -Straight, Willard D., at War Publicity meeting, 253 - -Straus, Isidor, incident of formation of firm Abraham & Straus, 34; - secures business of R. H. Macy & Co., 36 - -Straus, Nathan, early friendship with, 3; - dry goods business of, 35, 36 - -Strauss, Charles, transactions with, 89 - -Strong, Colonel, plans for International Red - Cross preferred by Davison, 312, 315; - at Cannes, 327 - -Subway, routes being laid out for, 47 - -Sulzer, William, experiences with, 155; - inaugurated Governor of New York, 162; - dinner given to, 163; - beneficial legislation and wise appointments, 164; - defies Tammany Hall, 167; - the Café Boulevard Dinner, and “the wish-bone speech,” 168; - impeached and removed from office, 170 - -Sykes, Josephine, 99 - -Syrian Protestant College, visit to, 233 - - -Taft, William H., coached for campaign by Roosevelt, 124; - work for League to Enforce Peace, 301, _et seq._; - speech on the Covenant at Metropolitan Opera House gathering, 305; - advises attendance at International Red Cross Conference, 308 - -Talaat Bey, real ruler of Turkey, 185, 187, 191; - arranges reception at Adrianople, 192; - direct dealings with, 197; - asks advice, 198; - looks to comfort of party on Palestine trip, 231 - -Talbot, Dr., Fritz B., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310 - -Talmage, T. De Witt, 15 - -Tariff, Protective, a blow to family fortunes, 4 - -Taussig, Professor, at dinner given by Chinese - delegation to Peace Conference, 324 - -Thalman, Ernest, 100 - -Thann, visit to, on trip to the front, 261 - -Tibbetts, Major, met on British front, 268 - -Tilden, Samuel J., effects downfall of Tweed Ring, 111 - -Tilton, Henry, 30 - -Tourtel, H. B. met on British front, 267 - -Townroe, Captain, conducts trip to British front, 266 - -Townsend, Col. C. M., met, after many years on British front, 267 - -Tsulski, Dr., conference with, on conditions in Poland, 358 - -Tumulty, Joseph, at conference over Jefferson Day Dinner tickets, 139; - at Sea Girt notification, 148 - -Turkish question, study of, 336 - -Tweed Ring, contact with, 109 - - -Underhill, Senator, at Jackson Day Dinner, 142 - -Underwood, John T., transactions with, 90; - tenders John Purroy Mitchel vice-presidency of his company, 279 - -Underwood, Oscar, candidacy against Wilson, 138 - -Underwood Typewriter Co., capitalization of, 90 - -“Union for Higher Life,” member of, 97 - - -Van Dyke, Dr. Henry, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301 - -Vanderbilt, Alfred G., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -Varilla, Bunau, at luncheon with, 330 - -Vendôme, Duc de, acquaintance with at Peace Conference, 326, 327 - -Vendôme, Duchess of, met at Cannes, 327 - -Venizelos, at Peace Conference, 328; - discussion with on Smyrna question, 329 - -Vesnitz, representing Jugo-Slavia at Peace Conference, 327 - -Vilna, investigations in, 370 - -Vimy Ridge, visited during battle of Lens, 271 - -Viviani, René, New York City’s reception to, 253 - -Von Moltke, General, at launching of Germany’s first battleship, 24 - - -Webb, Gen. Alexander S., 12 - -Whitall, Dr. Samuel S., influence of, 15 - -Wadsworth, Eliot, on committee for financing the Red Cross, 249 - -Wagner, Robert E., vice-chairman of factory investigation committee, 108; - recommended for New York Postmastership, 240 - -Wald, Lillian D., and Henry Street Settlement, 105; - introduces Sidney Webb, 120 - -Wallace, Dr. Louise B., dean of Constantinople College for Girls, 204 - -Wallace, Hugh C., friendship with, 154 - -Wanamaker, John, succeeds to original business of A. T. Stewart & Co., 38 - -Wangenheim, Baron, complains against American ammunition, 24; - German Ambassador at Constantinople, 182 - -Washburn, Dr., work at Robert College, 208 - -Waterlow, Lady, met at Cannes, 327 - -Watson, Dr. Charles Roger, 175 - -Webb, Sidney, interview with an American political “boss,” 120 - -Weber, M., patriot of Thann, 261 - -Wechsler & Abraham, incident of dissolution of partnership, 34 - -Weitz, Dr. Paul, emissary of German and Austrian Ambassadors, 181 - -Welch, Dr. William H., sails to attend - International Red Cross Conference, 310; - on Council of National Defense, 311; - speech at dinner -to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321 - -Wells, Rollo, friendship with, 154 - -Wertheim, Jacob, aids in financing Underwood Typewriter Co., 92 - -Wertheim, Maurice, 92 - -White, George, member of Democratic National Committee, 122 - -White, Henry, arranges meeting with Venizelos, 329 - -White, Richard Grant, study under, 98 - -Whiting, Richard, makes flashlight photographs of Samaritan ceremonies, 228 - -Whitman, District Attorney, at Sulzer dinner, 168; - slated for Mayor of New York on fusion ticket, 280, 281 - -Whitney, H. P., on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -Whitney, William C., fight against Kelly, Tammany leader, 112 - -Willcox, William R., at War Publicity meeting, 252 - -Williams, Dr. Talcott, anecdote of Woodrow Wilson, 307 - -Williams, John Sharp, signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, - 340 - -Wilson, George Grafton, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301 - -Wilson, Joseph, devotion to his brother Woodrow, 154 - -Wilson, President Woodrow, presented with typewriter, 93; - defies state bosses, 122; - why attracted to, 128, 129; - at the Free Synagogue Dinner, 130; - taking Borah’s measure, 130; - Presidential candidacy, 132; - the hope of political regeneration, 135; - introduces Walter Hines Page, 136; - explanation of the “cocked-hat” letter, 140; - speech at Jackson Day Dinner, 143; - comment on Champ Clark-Col. Harvey episode, 149; - Campaign of 1912, 150; - asks reconsideration of refusal to accept - chairmanship of Finance Committee, 152; - elected President, 159; - asks acceptance of Ambassadorship of Turkey, 160; - instructions on leaving to assume post of Ambassador to Turkey, 175; - reëlection in 1916, not thought possible by party leaders, 234; - attitude toward New York Postmastership appointment, 238; - renominated at St. Louis Convention, 241; - election night returns -seem to show defeat, 246; - election assured, 248; - report to on trips to battle fronts, 274; - letter advising exposure of German intrigue, 297; - at Metropolitan Opera House gathering, 304; - attitude toward Lane as Director-General of International Red Cross, 318; - the hope of the Peace Conference, 323; - at signing of Peace Treaty, 336; - discuss Polish Mission with, and propose Armenian Mission to, 338; - cable to from America proposing this Mission, 339; - appoints commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, 352; - insists on having a Jew on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, 354 - -Wilson, Mrs. Woodrow, claims the President’s typewriter, 93; - at signing of Peace Treaty, 336 - -Winthrop, Henry Rogers, on Board of Directors - of Metropolitan Opera Company, 100 - -Wise, Dr. Stephen S., speaks at Conried’s funeral, 105; - urges acceptance of Ambassadorship to Turkey, 162; - acquaints President Wilson with his plans for Zionism, 293 - -Wise Centenary Fund, Isaac M., -speech at dinner of Executive Committee, 294 - -“Wish-bone speech” at Sulzer dinner, 169 - -Woerishoefer, Carola, 107 - -Wolff, Lucien, representing Jews of England at Peace Conference, 350 - -Woman’s activities in the war, 299 - -Women in Turkey, their position, 195 - -Woodruff, Lieutenant-Governor, at Roosevelt’s fusion meeting, 280 - -Wood, Sir Henry, 188 - -_World_, New York, danger of defection, owing to - Postmastership appointment, 238, 240 - - -Yeaman, George H., 19, 30 - -Young Turks, government a failure, 196 - - -Zermoysky, Countess, at reception in Warsaw, 364 - -Zionism, article in New York _Times_, 289; - a fallacy in Poland, 383; - a surrender not a solution, 385; - its economic aspect, 393; - its political foundations, 395; - a spiritual will-o’-the-wisp, 398 - -Zionists, their Nationalistic plans not favoured, 349; - present their case to Mission at Warsaw, 363 - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] See Appendix No. 3, which contains this report. - -[2] This chapter was written in June, 1921, and most of it was -published in the _World’s Work_ for July, 1921. - -[3] Reprinted from the New York _Times_ of November 9, 1919. Copyright, -1919, by the New York Times Company. - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of All in a Life-time, by -Henry Morgenthau and French Strother - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ALL IN A LIFE-TIME *** - -***** This file should be named 63538-0.txt or 63538-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/5/3/63538/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif, ellinora and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook. - - -Title: All in a Life-time - -Author: Henry Morgenthau - French Strother - -Release Date: October 24, 2020 [EBook #63538] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ALL IN A LIFE-TIME *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif, ellinora and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<hr class="full" /> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="margin:1em auto;max-width:50%;padding:.5em;border:4px double gray;"> -<tr class="c"><td class="smcap"> -<a href="#CONTENTS">Contents</a><br /> -<a href="#LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS">List of Illustrations</a><br /> -<a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a><br /> -<a href="#INDEX">Index</a>: -<a href="#A">A</a>, -<a href="#B">B</a>, -<a href="#C">C</a>, -<a href="#D">D</a>, -<a href="#E">E</a>, -<a href="#F">F</a>, -<a href="#G">G</a>, -<a href="#H">H</a>, -<a href="#I">I</a>, -<a href="#J">J</a>, -<a href="#K">K</a>, -<a href="#L">L</a>, -<a href="#M">M</a>, -<a href="#N">N</a>, -<a href="#O">O</a>, -<a href="#P">P</a>, -<a href="#Q">Q</a>, -<a href="#R">R</a>, -<a href="#S">S</a>, -<a href="#T">T</a>, -<a href="#U">U</a>, -<a href="#V">V</a>, -<a href="#W">W</a>, -<a href="#Y">Y</a>, -<a href="#Z">Z</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<p class="cb"><span class="lspc">ALL IN A LIFE-TIME</span></p> - -<div class="c"><p><a name="ill_001" id="ill_001"></a></p> -<a href="images/i_frontis.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_frontis.jpg" height="600" alt="[image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p>HENRY MORGENTHAU</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="bbox"> -<div class="bbox1"> -<h1>ALL IN A LIFE-TIME</h1> - -<hr /> - -<p class="cb">BY<br /> -HENRY MORGENTHAU<br /> -<br /> -IN COLLABORATION WITH<br /> -FRENCH STROTHER<br /> -<br /> -<img src="images/colophon.jpg" -width="80" -alt="" /><br /> -<br /><span class="lspc"> -ILLUSTRATIONS<br /> -FROM<br /> -PHOTOGRAPHS</span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -GARDEN CITY <span style="margin-left: 2em;">NEW YORK</span><br /> -DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY<br /> -1922</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="c"><small>COPYRIGHT, 1921, 1922, BY<br /> -<br /> -DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY<br /> -<br /> -ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF TRANSLATION<br /> -INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN<br /> -<br /> -PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES<br /> -AT<br /> -THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS, GARDEN CITY, N. Y.<br /> -<br /> -<i>First Edition</i><br /></small> -<br /> -<br /> -TO<br /> -<br /> -MY DEVOTED COMPANION<br /> -<br /><big><span class="lspc"> -MY WIFE</span></big><br /> -<br /> -WHO ORIGINATED SOME,<br /> -<span class="lspc">AND STIMULATED ALL,</span><br /> -OF MY BEST ENDEAVOURS<br /> -</p> - -<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td><small>CHAPTER</small></td> <td> </td> -<td class="rt"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">I.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_I"><span class="smcap">New Worlds for Old</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_1">1</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">II.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_II"><span class="smcap">School Days</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_7">7</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">III.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_III"><span class="smcap">Apprenticed to the Law</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_18">18</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">IV.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><span class="smcap">Real Estate</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_39">39</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">V.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_V"><span class="smcap">Finance</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_63">63</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">VI.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><span class="smcap">Social Service</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_94">94</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">VII.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><span class="smcap">Early Political Experiences</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_109">109</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">VIII.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="smcap">My Entrance into National Politics</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_128">128</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">IX.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><span class="smcap">The Campaign of 1912</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_150">150</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">X.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_X"><span class="smcap">The Social Side of Constantinople</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_174">174</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">XI.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI"><span class="smcap">My Trip to the Holy Land</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_211">211</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">XII.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII"><span class="smcap">The Campaign of 1916</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_234">234</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">XIII.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII"><span class="smcap">My Meetings with Joffre, Haig, Currie, and Pershing</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_249">249</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">XIV.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV"><span class="smcap">John Purroy Mitchel</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_278">278</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">XV.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV"><span class="smcap">A Hectic Fortnight—and Others</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_287">287</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">XVI.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI"><span class="smcap">The International Red Cross</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_310">310</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">XVII.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII"><span class="smcap">The Peace Conference</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_322">322</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">XVIII.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII"><span class="smcap">My Mission to Poland</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_348">348</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">XIX.</a></td><td valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX"><span class="smcap">Zionism a Surrender, Not a Solution</span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_385">385</a></td></tr> -<tr><td> </td><td valign="top"><span class="smcap"><a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a></span> </td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_407">407</a></td></tr> -<tr><td> </td><td valign="top"><span class="smcap"><a href="#INDEX">Index</a></span></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_441">441</a></td></tr> -</table> -<h2><a name="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS" id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS"></a>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td valign="top" class="pdd"><a href="#ill_001">Henry Morgenthau</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#ill_001"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td> </td><td class="rt"><small>FACING PAGE</small></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="pdd"><a href="#ill_002">Mr. Morgenthau playfully refers to this picture as the Morgenthau dynasty</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_54">54</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="pdd"><a href="#ill_003">Mr. Morgenthau with Theodore Roosevelt, Charles E. Hughes, Oscar Straus, and other distinguished citizens</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_118">118</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="pdd"><a href="#ill_004">Mr. Morgenthau as one of the group of financiers, doctors, and sociologists who organized the international association of Red Cross societies</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_267">267</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="pdd"><a href="#ill_005">Ignace Paderewski, Premier of Poland, and her representative at Paris</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_358">358</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="pdd"><a href="#ill_006">Joseph Pilsudski, Chief of State of Poland, who was not, at first, in sympathy with the American Mission</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_374">374</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="pdd"><a href="#ill_007">Rabbi Rubenstein, a leader of the Jewish community at Vilna</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_390">390</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_1" id="page_1">{1}</a></span></p> - -<h1><span class="lspc">ALL IN A LIFE-TIME</span></h1> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br /><br /> -<small>NEW WORLDS FOR OLD</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span> WAS born in 1856, at Mannheim, in the Grand Duchy of Baden. That was -the old Germany, very different from the Prussianized empire with which -America was to go to war sixty years later, and very different again -from the bustling life of the western world to which I was to be -introduced so soon and in which I was to play a part unlike anything -which my most fanciful dreams ever pictured.</p> - -<p>Indeed, those were days of idyllic simplicity in South Germany and -especially in that little city on the Rhine. The life of the people was -best expressed by a word that was forever on their lips, <i>gemütlich</i>, -that almost untranslatable word that implies contentment, ease, and -satisfaction, all in one. It was a time of peace and fruitful industry -and quiet enjoyment. The highest pleasure of the children was netting -butterflies in the sunny fields; the great events of youth were the song -festivals and public exhibitions of the “Turners” and walking excursions -into the country; the recreation of the elders was at little tables in -the public gardens, where, while the band played good music and the -youngsters romped from chair to chair, the women plied their knitting -needles over endless cups of coffee, and the men smoked their pipes and -sipped their beer and talked of art and philosophy—of everything in the -world, except world politics and world war.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_2" id="page_2">{2}</a></span></p> - -<p>To us children who had seen no larger city, but had visited many small -villages in the neighbourhood, Mannheim seemed quite an important town. -It was at the point where the Neckar flows into the Rhine, and as this -river flowed through the Odenwald, it constantly brought big loads of -lumber and also many bushels of grain to Mannheim, which had become a -distributing centre for various cereals and lumber, and was also a great -tobacco centre. My father had cigar factories at Mannheim and also in -Lorsch and Heppenheim and sometimes employed as many as a thousand -hands. Nevertheless, the entire population of Mannheim was scarcely -21,000, and the thoughts of most of its inhabitants were bent on the -sober concerns of their every-day struggles and on raising their large -families, without ambition for great riches or hope of higher place. -None but the nobles dreamed of such grandeur as a carriage and pair; the -successful tradesman only occasionally gratified a modest love of -display or travel by hiring a barouche for a drive through the hop -fields and tobacco patches surrounding the city to one of the near-by -villages. Those whose mental powers were of a superior order exercised -them in a keen appreciation of poetry, music, and the drama; Schiller -and Goethe were their demi-gods, Mozart and Beethoven their companions -of the spirit. The Grand Duke’s fatherly devotion to his subjects’ -welfare had won him their filial affection; with political matters they -concerned themselves almost not at all.</p> - -<p>My childhood recollections reflect the quiet colours of this atmosphere. -My father was prosperous, and our home was blessed by the comforts and -little elegancies that his means made possible; it shared in the -artistic interests of the community by virtue both of his interest in -the theatre and my mother’s passion for the best in literature and -music. I was the ninth of eleven living<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_3" id="page_3">{3}</a></span> children, and I recall the -visits of the music teachers who gave my sisters lessons on the piano -and taught my eldest brother to play the violin. We children learned by -heart the poems of Goethe and Schiller and shared the pride of all -Mannheimers that the latter poet had once lived in our city and that his -play, “The Robbers,” was first produced at our Stadt Theatre.</p> - -<p>Those who like to reflect upon the smallness of the world will find it -amusing to read that among the various friends of my family were quite a -few with whom we are now on the most cordial relations in New York. Our -physician was Dr. Gutherz, one of whose daughters married my neighbour, -Nathan Straus. Their son and mine are intimate friends, and, in turn, -their sons, Nathan 3d and Henry 3d, are now playmates in Central Park.</p> - -<p>Among such associations the first ten years of my life were passed. We -studied hard, but we played hard, too. Nor were our muscles forgotten: -we were given regular exercises, and great was my pride when I passed -the “swimming test” one summer’s day, by holding my own for the -prescribed half hour against the Rhine current and so winning the right -to wear the magic letters R. S.—“Rhine-Swimmer”—on my bathing suit. -Life was indeed gemütlich in the Mannheim of that period.</p> - -<p>It was not long, however, before the faraway world of America began to -knock at our quiet door. A brother of my father had joined the gold rush -to the Pacific and settled in San Francisco; he wrote us tales of the -wild, free life of California, its adventures and its wealth. Strange -gifts came back from him—a cane for the Grand Duke, its head a piece of -gold-bearing quartz; for us children queer mementoes of an existence -that seemed all romance. From time to time, this “Gold-Uncle,” as we -called him, gave American friends touring Europe letters of introduction -to my father, and these visitors enhanced<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_4" id="page_4">{4}</a></span> the charm of the United -States. One such especially filled our minds with narratives of easily -won riches; Captain Richardson, a bearded Forty-niner, whose accounts of -the land of opportunity were so much more moving than our fairy tales as -to affect even my father’s mature fancy.</p> - -<p>For my father heard them at a moment when, by an odd coincidence, an act -of the American Congress had caused him great damage. In 1862 a tariff -had been enacted by the United States which greatly increased the duty -on cigars. For many years the largest part of his production had been -exported to the United States. Father had a representative in New York, -and his brother in San Francisco attended to the distribution on the -Pacific Coast—they both had urged him to rush over all the cigars he -could and land them before the law should go into effect. Unfortunately, -the slow freighter that carried the last and biggest shipment arrived -one day too late. Had she docked in time, my life might have been spent -differently. That day’s delay meant the difference between profit and -disaster to my father; the cigars, which, when duty free, would have -yielded him a good return, were a dead loss when to their cost was added -the burden of the new tariff charges. These changes in any event would -have compelled him to seek a new market, as they closed America forever -to goods of the cheap grade of German tobacco. That might have been -arranged, but when the necessity to seek new fields was coupled with the -crushing loss sustained upon this shipment, his finances were so -weakened that he realized he would have to start afresh and on a smaller -scale.</p> - -<p>This was a heavy blow to the pride of a man who had achieved a great -business success and was a leading citizen in his community. The -instinct to seek another field for the fresh start was fortified by the -stories of oppor<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_5" id="page_5">{5}</a></span>tunity in the land whose laws had just dealt the blow. -He resolved to emigrate to America.</p> - -<p>I remember vividly the excitement in our household that was provoked by -this momentous decision. Whatever may have been the doubts and -heartburnings of our parents, to us children all was a joyous vista. We -were happy at the thought of travelling to that far land of golden -promise and strange people; we had visions only of adventure, and we -were the envy of our playmates who were not to share with us the voyage -across the Atlantic Ocean or the excitement of life in America.</p> - -<p>The two eldest brothers and one of my sisters went ahead of us and -established a home in Brooklyn. They wrote back their first impressions -of New York; its great buildings and its crowded wharves; its masses of -busy people hastening through the maze of streets and the novelty (to -us) of horse cars pulled through the streets on railroad tracks. These -letters gave us fresh thrills of emotion and new material for our active -fancies. Then my father abandoned his now unprofitable business, sold -his factories and home, packed our household goods and furniture, and -possessed of about thirty thousand dollars in cash—all that remained of -his fortune—led his wife and remaining eight children upon the -expedition.</p> - -<p>I well remember the journey down the Rhine to Cologne, where we visited -the beautiful cathedral before we took the train to Bremen; the solemn -interview in the latter city at the offices of the North German Lloyd, -where the last formalities were disposed of; and finally settling in our -cabins of the slow old steamer <i>Hermann</i> as she put forth on her way -across the wide Atlantic.</p> - -<p>My memories of the eleven-day voyage itself are rather vague. I recall -playing around the deck with the other family of children on the ship. -The daughter of one of those little playmates is now conducting a -private school<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_6" id="page_6">{6}</a></span> in New York City which three of my granddaughters -attend. I remember, too, that on the stormiest day of our passage, I was -proud of being the only child well enough to eat his meals, and that the -Captain honoured me with a seat beside him at his table.</p> - -<p>Now, the newcomer to America, arriving at New York, stands on the deck -of a swift liner and is welcomed by the Statue of Liberty and -overwhelmed by the vaulting office-buildings springing high into the -blue. I shall tell later how I have contributed to the creation of some -of them. But on that June day of my arrival, in 1866, I simply felt that -one of the momentous hours in my life had come, when I found myself -stepping ashore into a vast garden of unlimited opportunities.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_7" id="page_7">{7}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II<br /><br /> -<small>SCHOOL DAYS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">M</span>Y family took up their residence at 92 Congress Street, Brooklyn, which -my elder brothers and two sisters, our pioneers, had prepared for us, -and though handicapped as we were by our small knowledge of English, we -younger children began our studies at the De Graw Street Public School -in the September following our arrival. Eight months later, on the first -day of May, 1867, we moved to Manhattan.</p> - -<p>It was a very simple New York to which we came. In domestic economy, -portières were unknown, rugs a rarity; ingrain carpets, costing about -sixty cents a yard, were the usual floor coverings; when the walls were -papered, it was with the cheapest material; the only bathtubs were of -zinc, and one to a house was the almost universal rule. Our home was No. -1121 Second Avenue, corner of Fifty-ninth Street—a three-storey, -high-stoop brownstone house, rows of which were then being erected. It -still stands there, the high stoop removed from it; stores are in the -basements; the district has deteriorated to one of cheap tenements and -small retail businesses. But in those days there was an effort to make -Upper Second Avenue one of the chief residential streets of the city. -The householders were mostly well-to-do Germans—people who had -prospered on the Lower East Side and had outgrown their quarters there. -The monotony of the thoroughfare was relieved only by the old-fashioned -horse car that rumbled by every four or five minutes. Like the letter -carriers of that period, neither the drivers nor the con<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_8" id="page_8">{8}</a></span>ductors wore -uniforms. The line ended at Sixty-fourth Street where the truck-gardens -began. On our way to Sunday School, at Thirty-ninth Street near Seventh -Avenue, we would make a short-cut across the site where the first Grand -Central Station was being erected.</p> - -<p>I had my little difficulties in school: I well remember how one of the -boys told me that he deeply sympathized with me, because I would have to -overcome the double handicap of being both a Jew and a German. So I -greatly rejoiced when I saw the steady disappearance of the prejudice -against the Germans after they had succeeded in winning the -Franco-Prussian War in 1871.</p> - -<p>About the most picturesque and artistic parade that had ever taken place -in New York was arranged by all the German societies and their -sympathizers, the singing clubs and the <i>turn vereins</i> participating. -Non-Germans lent their carriages. Among the generous people was the -famous Dr. Hemholdt, of patent medicine fame. He owned a rather -fantastic vehicle, which was drawn by five horses decorated with white -cockades and which he lent for the occasion to an uptown club of which -my brother was the secretary. I was permitted to fill in, so that I saw -with my own eyes and was deeply impressed by the crowds that lined the -streets and vociferously and heartily, for the first time, gave their -unstinted approval of the Germans.</p> - -<p>We children did not lose a day in our pursuit of education; for on the -very day of our removal to Manhattan, I attended Grammar School No. 18, -in Fifty-first Street near Lexington Avenue. At recess-time we boys used -to play “tag” on the foundations of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, the -construction of which had been stopped during the Civil War. I have very -pleasant recollections of my early grammar school teachers, and -especially of one who later was for years Clerk of the Board of -Education, the effi<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_9" id="page_9">{9}</a></span>cient Lawrence D. Kiernan, who, while at School 18, -was elected to the Assembly as a candidate of the “Young Democrats” and -whose talks to us pupils on civic duty seemed like great orations and -gave me my first impression of independence in politics.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, I laboured under two disadvantages—one was my English; -the difference in structure between my native and my adopted language -gave me considerable trouble; so did the pronunciation of the letters -<i>w</i> and <i>d</i>, but my greatest difficulty was the diphthong <i>th</i>, and to -overcome it, I compiled and learned lists of words in which it occurred -and for weeks devoted some time, night and morning, to repeating: -“Theophilus Thistle, the great thistle-sifter, sifted one sieve-full of -unsifted thistles through the thick of his thumb.” However, as the -greatest stress was laid on proficiency in arithmetic, and as I had a -natural aptitude for that study, my proficiency there balanced these -deficiencies and took me into the highest class at the age of eleven.</p> - -<p>It was a general belief that all “Dutchmen” were cowards, and on the -playground this idea was acted upon with considerable spirit. I was made -the target of many a joke that I took in good part, until I realized -that something positive was required of me. Then when a husky lad -taunted me with being a “square-headed Dutchman,” and refused my demand -that he “take it back,” my fighting blood was roused, and I administered -a sound thrashing, the result of sheer, unscientific force. Nothing -evokes the admiration of the gallant Irish so much as a good fight, and -the result of that battle was the liking of my comrades, and especially -one of the leaders among them, John F. Carroll, later familiar to New -Yorkers as a leader in Tammany.</p> - -<p>About this time I made up my mind to enter City College and, to prepare -for that, I began looking about for a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_10" id="page_10">{10}</a></span> school which ranked higher than -No. 18. There were a number of these, foremost among which were the -Thirteenth and Twenty-third Street schools. I applied at both, but they -were full. The next in rank was No. 14, in Twenty-seventh Street near -Third Avenue, where they admitted me to the fourth class. I gladly -accepted this comparative demotion, so as to utilize advantageously the -two years remaining before I reached the college-entrance age, began my -studies there in March of ’68, under Miss Rosina Hartman, a fine old -spinster and a good teacher, and finished both her class and the third -class before I was twelve.</p> - -<p>I was hardly settled in my seat in the second class when the following -incident took place:</p> - -<p>Mr. Abner B. Holley, who taught the first class, came into the room and -complained about the mathematical shortcomings of the boys just promoted -into his care; he explained that in his method of teaching arithmetic, -it was essential to have someone for leader, as a sort of spur for the -pupils. He gave us fifteen examples: speed and accuracy were to be the -tests; and the boy who solved them most quickly and correctly was to be -promoted. I finished first and handed up my slate. Holley carefully -compared my answers with those on his slip and, before any other pupil -was ready to submit his work, rapped for attention, and said:</p> - -<p>“As these answers are all correct, there is no need of any other boy -finishing. Morgenthau wins the promotion.”</p> - -<p>Being too young to graduate in ’69, I remained under Holley until June, -1870. He was an excellent instructor, and it required no effort on my -part to keep the lead in mathematics. In fact, he took pride in -displaying my efficiency, and whenever any trustee, or other visitor, -came to school, they would have a general assembly of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_11" id="page_11">{11}</a></span> the pupils -and then he would have me solve promptly some such problem in mental -arithmetic as computing the interest on $350 for three years, six -months, and twelve days at 6 per cent. Thus, as I required little of my -time for what was, to most of the boys, our most exacting study, I -devoted all my spare time to improving my pronunciation and mastering -the spelling of English which is so hard for a boy not born to the -language. I won 100 per cent. perfect marks throughout my second year -and when, with about nine hundred other boys, I took my City College -entrance-examination, I was well up among the three hundred selected for -admission.</p> - -<p>I always look back with pleasure on those years in Public School No. 14. -Iron stairways, modern desks, and electric lights have been installed -since my day; the Irish and German pupils have passed, the Italian tide -is ebbing; on the student list Russian, Ukrainian, Greek, and Armenian -names now predominate—there is sometimes even a Chinese name to be -found. At exercises there, attended by three of my classmates and by Dr. -John H. Finley, New York’s Commissioner of Education, I celebrated, in -1920, the fiftieth anniversary of my graduation; I took the 1,900 pupils -to a moving-picture show, and commenced my now regular custom of giving -four watches twice a year to members of the graduating class; but as I -then reviewed the past and looked at the present, I felt that the old -spirit had been well preserved and that, whatever the nationality of the -children who enter the old school, they all leave it American citizens.</p> - -<p>When I left there, I had my eyes longingly fixed upon the City College, -but the law was then already my ultimate aim and wages were essential, -so I spent my “vacation” as errand boy and general-utility lad in the -law offices of Ferdinand Kurzman, at $4.00 a week. In those days little -was known of “big business”; there were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_12" id="page_12">{12}</a></span> no vast corporations requiring -continuous legal advice, and so the lawyers clustered within three or -four blocks of the court-house; Kurzman’s quarters were at 306 Broadway, -at the corner of Duane Street.</p> - -<p>My early duties were the copying and serving of papers, but the time -soon came when, young though I was, I was sent to the District Court to -answer the calendar and, occasionally, fight for an adjournment. -Stenographers and typewriters being practically unknown, the lawyer -would dictate and his clerks transcribe in longhand, make the required -number of copies with pen and ink and then compare the results and -correct any errors. It was only when more than twenty copies were -required that printing would be resorted to.</p> - -<p>Such was my existence from June 21st until September 16, 1870. All the -while, I tried to further my education. I had joined the Mercantile -Library in the previous February. Within a short time, I was attending -the Cooper Institute classes in elocution and debating, and later -secured instruction in grammar and composition at the Evening High -School in Thirteenth Street. I tried to do as much good reading as I -could, and I find that my list for 1871 ranges from Cooper’s “Spy,” -“David Copperfield,” and “The Vicar of Wakefield” to Hume’s “History of -England,” Mill’s “Logic,” and “The Iliad.”</p> - -<p>Of my life at City College I wish that I could write more, because I -wish I had been privileged to graduate with the Class of 1875. There -were 286 of us, and I remember very vividly some of the incidents of my -brief stay. The halo of military distinction that encircled the brow of -the president, General Alexander S. Webb, is still bright for me, and -bright that day when the great Christine Nilsson came to our classroom -and sang for us. Of the faculty, Professor Doremus remains especially -vivid in my memory; electricity for illuminating purposes<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_13" id="page_13">{13}</a></span> was at that -time confined to powerful arc-lights; he tried to explain to us the -possibility of some inventor some day subdividing the power in one of -those lamps so that it could be used to illuminate private houses. -Though “stumped” in anatomy and chemistry through my unfamiliarity with -the long words employed, I stood well on the general roll and was No. -11. My college career was rudely ended on March 20, 1871, when my father -withdrew me and put me to work. His difficulty in mastering the English -language and American commercial methods were handicaps too severe for -him. He lost most of his original money, and his unreinforced efforts -could not support us all.</p> - -<p>Early in our occupancy of the Second Avenue house, the back parlour had -to be rented as a doctor’s office, and shortly after my mother decided -that it was her duty to take in boarders. I cannot speak of my mother as -she was during these trials without the deepest emotion. There is nobody -to whom I owe so much; there was no debt which so profoundly affected my -entire career. In Mannheim her position had always been one of comfort. -I had seen her there with good friends, good books, good dramas, and -good music; she was the mistress of a commodious house, with a corps of -competent servants, in a city with every custom and tradition of which -she was intimately familiar; respected by the community, the mother of -thirteen children, she was calm, philosophic, considerate of every -domestic call upon her, not only supervising our education, physical and -mental, but also finding time to add continuously to her own broad -culture. Now a complete change had come. She was a stranger in a strange -land; most of her friends were new; the city of her husband’s adoption -was a puzzle, its manners foreign, its language long almost unknown; -there was small time for amusement; there was, on the contrary, the -ever-constant and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_14" id="page_14">{14}</a></span> ever-pressing strain of helping, by her own -endeavours, to make both ends meet.</p> - -<p>All of this deeply affected my young and impressionable mind. I feared -lest my mother, who was my idol, and who was so superior in -accomplishments and knowledge to the people that boarded with us, might, -in the course of her duties, be compelled to render quasi-menial -services. Luckily, two things prevented this. On the one hand, her -wonderful poise and tact and her extraordinarily sweet nature won so -prompt a recognition that the least gentle of our lodgers instinctively -became worshippers at her shrine. On the other hand, my sisters, -themselves bred to comfort, rivalled one another in a friendly struggle -to shield her from every possible annoyance. High-spirited girls as they -were, they did not hesitate to assume everything that might in any way -hurt her sensibilities, and their devotion and self-sacrifice are among -my tenderest memories.</p> - -<p>Appreciating how things were at home, I became quickly reconciled to -abandoning textbook education, and instead, to plunging into the rough -school of life.</p> - -<p>The influence of the beautiful spirit of my mother had early given me -good ideals and a love of purity, and the ebb of the family fortunes -developed an irrepressible ambition to accomplish four things: to -restore my mother to the comforts to which she had been accustomed; to -save myself from an old age of financial stress such as my father’s; to -give my own children the chances in life that were all but denied to me, -and to try to attain a standard of thought and conduct consonant with -the fine concepts that characterized my mother’s mind and lips.</p> - -<p>My experiences were not unique, nor were my high resolves exceptionally -heroic; they are found in the life history of most men. Nevertheless, -such histories are not often told at first hand, so that what may have -been com<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_15" id="page_15">{15}</a></span>monplace in the happening becomes interesting in the narration. -Forsaking the chronological order of my story, let me look backward and -forward in an attempt to present this phase of my mental development.</p> - -<p>I was full of energy, and had tremendous hopes as to my future success, -which gave me a certain assurance that was often misconstrued into -conceit, but which was really a conviction of the necessity to collect -religiously a mental, moral, physical, and financial reserve -guaranteeing the realization of my best desires.</p> - -<p>Accordingly, I pursued a rather carefully ordered course. At the age of -fourteen I had taken very seriously my confirmation in the Thirty-ninth -Street Temple, and now I formed the habit of visiting churches of many -denominations and making abstracts of the sermons that I heard delivered -by Henry Ward Beecher, Henry W. Bellows, Rabbi Einhorn, Richard S. -Storrs, T. De Witt Talmage, and Dr. Alger, and many others of the famous -pulpit-orators who enriched the intellectual life of New York. It was -the era when Emerson led American thought, and I profited by passing my -impressionable years in that period whose daily press was edited by such -men as Horace Greeley, William Cullen Bryant, Charles A. Dana, Henry T. -Raymond, and Lawrence Godkin.</p> - -<p>There lived with us a hunchbacked Quaker doctor, Samuel S. Whitall, a -beautiful character, softened instead of embittered by his affliction, -the physician at the coloured hospital, who gave half his time to -charitable work among the poor. I frequently opened the door for his -patients and ran his errands, and we became friends. I remember his -long, religious talks, and how deeply I was impressed by Penn’s “No -Cross, No Crown,” a copy of which he gave me. Largely because of it I -composed twenty-four rules of action, tabulating virtues that I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_16" id="page_16">{16}</a></span> wished -to acquire and vices that I must avoid. I even made a chart of these -maxims, and every night marked against myself whatever breaches of them -I had been guilty of. Looking over this record for February and March of -1872, I find that I charged myself with dereliction in not heeding my -self-imposed admonitions against indulgence in sweets, departures from -strict veracity, too much talking, extravagance, idleness, and vanity—a -heavy indictment!</p> - -<p>The fact is that I had acquired an almost monastic habit of mind and -loved the conquest of my impulses much as the athlete loves the -subjection of his muscles to the demands of his will. In my commonplace -book for 1871 I find transcribed two quotations that governed me. The -one is from Dr. Hall’s “Happy Old Age” and runs:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Stimulants ... are the greatest enemies of mankind; there is no -middle ground which anyone can safely tread, only that of total and -most uncompromising abstinence.</p></div> - -<p>The other is from a sermon of Dr. Channing on “Self-Denial.”</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Young man, remember that the only test of goodness is moral -strength, self-decrying energy.... Do you subject to your moral and -religious convictions the love of pleasure, the appetites, the -passions, which form the great trials of youthful virtue? No man -who has made any observation of life but will tell you how often he -has seen the promise of youth blasted ... honorable feeling, kind -affection overpowered and almost extinguished ... through a tame -yielding to pleasure and the passions.</p></div> - -<p>I took these warnings very seriously.</p> - -<p>How the state of mind engendered by these forces affected me in a purely -material way, we shall soon see. From the outset of my business career, -when an errand boy in Kurzman’s office, I found myself surrounded by<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_17" id="page_17">{17}</a></span> -employees, not perhaps more vicious than most, but certainly sharing the -vices of the majority. They gave, at best, only what they were paid for, -and not an ounce of energy or a minute of time beyond.</p> - -<p>I shrank from the possibility of becoming a mere clock clerk and gave -all of my best self and held back nothing. I made mistakes, I had my -failures from the standard that I had set; but my purpose held fast and -I cheerfully pursued the rugged uphill road to success.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_18" id="page_18">{18}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br /><br /> -<small>APPRENTICED TO THE LAW</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">W</span>HEN I left City College, my father wanted me to become a civil -engineer, but a brief experience in an engineer’s office convinced me -that I lacked the requisite mathematical foundation, so I gave it up and -accepted a position as assistant bookkeeper and errand boy at $6 a week -in the uptown branch of the Phœnix Fire Insurance Company.</p> - -<p>In September, 1871, I improved myself by securing a $10 position with -Bloomingdale & Company, who were then in the wholesale “corset and -fancy-goods” business on Grand Street near Broadway. I kept the books -and also helped to pack hoop-skirts, bustles, and corsets until the -firm’s financial difficulties gave me an excuse for turning my ambition -again to the law. I returned to Kurzman’s office, January 16, 1872.</p> - -<p>Though Kurzman’s perspicacity could pierce directly through the -intricacies of any tangled case, his accounts were shamefully neglected. -His check book was his only book of entry—he trusted his memory to keep -track of what his clients owed him—so I voluntarily and without -informing him arranged a regular system of accounts, and shall never -forget his surprise and appreciation when, at the end of the year, I -showed him what he had earned and the sources and also the amounts still -due him.</p> - -<p>The most important branch of his practice was the searching of titles, -and this gave me my early taste for real estate. This department was -under the able manage<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_19" id="page_19">{19}</a></span>ment of Alfred McIntire, who graciously initiated -me into the intricacies of his work.</p> - -<p>We were then in the midst of a real-estate boom mostly participated in -by the recently created middle class. Houses were dealt in almost as -freely as merchandise, the only hindrance being the delay occasioned by -the searching of titles, which was still confined to the lawyers, as -there were no title insurance companies. Contracts would frequently be -assigned twice and sometimes thrice, before the great event, “the -closing of the title.” Then the various couples involved—the seller, -the assignors of the contract, and the final purchaser—would all troop -into our offices. The women invariably were the bankers and pulled out -their roll of bills and sometimes Savings Bank Books, rarely checks, to -consummate the transaction. The moneys invested were seldom taken out of -the business, but were mostly the savings of the thrifty housewives. -When everything was completed, all adjourned to a neighbouring wine -cellar, to be treated to a bottle or two of Rhine wine by the vendor, -and frequently I had to go along to represent Kurzman, and as the -youngest listen attentively to the real estate stories told with all -kinds of embellishments.</p> - -<p>Kurzman at that time took as his partner George H. Yeaman, who had been -a member of Congress from Kentucky and, more recently, American Minister -to Denmark, and subsequently became a lecturer at the Columbia Law -School. His native Southern chivalry had been polished by his experience -at the Danish court; he was a man of splendid education and wide -culture. I was fortunate in being chosen to take his dictation. I was -amused in 1916 when, as Ambassador, I visited Dr. Maurice Francis Egan -at our Legation in Copenhagen, and looked through the records made by -Yeaman in 1865 while he was the head of that Legation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_20" id="page_20">{20}</a></span></p> - -<p>My private life I continued to order along the lines that I had laid -down for myself. I would get up at 6 A. M. and go to Central Park. Then -if I had not exercised at home, I would take a long walk; otherwise I -would sit under the trees and read. The hour that the horse car consumed -in wending its way from the Park to Duane Street I would devote to my -books, and I was so thrifty that I did not even buy a newspaper. I kept -myself so busy that I did not even see one, until, going home for the -night, I unfolded and read such as had been left in Kurzman’s office -during the day.</p> - -<p>Thrift was, indeed, a necessary virtue. I had left commerce for the law -at something of a sacrifice: in 1872, my accounts, which I kept -scrupulously all this while, bear evidence of how careful I had to be of -my scanty income. “Carfare, 10 cts.; Dinner, 15 cts.; Sundries, 2 cts.” -That is a typical day’s expenditure.</p> - -<p>No man that lived through the Panic of ’73 can ever forget it and on me -it made an indelible impression. At the root of the trouble was railway -over-expansion. The successful completion of the Union Pacific in 1869 -caused the projection of many other roads. Jay Cooke launched the -Northern Pacific; Fisk and Hatch, the Chesapeake & Ohio; Kenyon, Cox & -Co., the Canadian Southern. The eminent New York banking concerns -floated the bonds; the large rate of interest promised—N. P. paid 8½ -per cent.—attracted buyers, largely clergymen, school-teachers and -small professional men—and prices advanced until optimism bordered on -hysteria. Issue followed issue. Then, in the May of ’73, a panic on the -Vienna Bourse stopped European consumption and threw back on the New -York financiers obligations that strained their credit. Early in -September, after one unfortunate bank-statement followed on the heels of -another, call-money was at 7⅙ and commercial paper at from nine to -twelve per cent.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_21" id="page_21">{21}</a></span></p> - -<p>Minor failures were numerous in the week of September 8th. Kenyon, Cox -&. Co. failed on the 13th; the Eclectic Life Insurance Co. on the 17th. -On the 18th, the big bolt fell; word ran round that Jay Cooke & Co., in -many respects the greatest house of its time, was tottering. This news -greatly startled Kurzman, who had been a persistent purchaser of -Northern Pacific bonds. “On the floor of the Exchange,” said the -<i>Times</i>, “the brokers surged out, tumbling pell-mell over each other in -the general confusion, and reached their offices in race-horse time.” -Those were not the days of telephones; when the panic-stricken men had -got their orders, they ran back to the floor, on which absolute -confusion reigned. Men shouted themselves hoarse, contradicted -themselves and collapsed. A moment was enough to ruin many a dealer. Any -one with money to lend was beset by a mob of lunatics. Almost -immediately the effect was felt all the way down the financial line; -smaller companies went the way of the big ones and many of the smallest -were tottering after the smaller.</p> - -<p>That week I took as usual all that I could spare from my scant salary -and went, according to my custom, to the German Uptown Savings Bank to -deposit it along with the little fund that I was laboriously setting -aside. There was a big line of confident depositors bent on similar -errands; many were ahead of me, and waiting my turn, as I looked into -the teller’s cage, I saw the president of the bank in a very earnest -conversation with three other men. Of course, I could not hear what they -were saying, but I thought the president seemed worried, and that those -with him also showed uneasiness.</p> - -<p>I turned my head to find that the shuffling line had brought me before -the window that was my goal. The clerk behind it was both a receiving -and a paying teller. On a sudden impulse I thrust my dollar bill that I -in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_22" id="page_22">{22}</a></span>tended to deposit back into my pocket, presented my pass-book, and -told the clerk that I wanted to withdraw the entire $80 that was to my -credit.</p> - -<p>Three days later that bank closed. The other depositors ultimately got -about fifty cents on the dollar.</p> - -<p>The real estate market had been as badly inflated as the stock market, -and foreclosures were the order of the day. Properties like the block -bounded by Park and Madison Avenue and Seventy-first and Seventy-second -streets went under the hammer. John D. Crimmins and his father had paid -$475,000 to James Lenox, who repurchased it for $374,150 at the -foreclosure sale under the mortgage. Equities disappeared like the snow -in spring-time. Where we had once been almost rushed to death with the -drawing of mortgages to consummate the many sales, we were now hard -pressed to keep pace with foreclosure proceedings.</p> - -<p>I took charge of this work for Kurzman, who gave me 10 per cent. of the -net fees; the commission was most acceptable, the experience invaluable, -but a more depressing task it has never been my lot to perform. The -proud and prosperous men that had been our best clients from 1871 to -1873 now returned to shed their wealth and, with it, their -self-reliance. One who had owned eight or ten houses was reduced to -borrowing $100 from Kurzman for temporary relief. I made up my mind -never to “plunge”; if I had not lived through the Panic of ’73, I should -to-day be either many times richer than I am or, what is far more -likely, penniless.</p> - -<p>The bad light in the Kurzman offices had injured my eyes, and, just -after the panic had subsided, my doctor ordered a sea trip. I sailed on -the barque <i>Dora</i> for Hamburg—thirty days for $35, and no extra charge -for the excitement that was thrown in.</p> - -<p>We were undermanned and underprovisioned. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_23" id="page_23">{23}</a></span> first mate was ill when -we set out from Jersey Flats; because of that, two of the crew had -deserted, leaving only eight men aboard. There was no doctor among -these, and the Captain and I read a thumbed work on medicine that -adorned his cabin, studied the remedies that it suggested, and nearly -emptied the medicine chest in trying to cure the poor fellow, who lost -sixty pounds under our ministrations and, at the voyage’s end, went home -with his disease still undiagnosed.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the crew were dissatisfied on account of the extra work -forced on them by the inactivity of the mate and the absence of the -deserters, and also with their rations. They won the second mate to -their side, and, on a day of storm when they declared themselves too few -to handle the sails, he led something like an old-fashioned mutiny. They -crowded toward the Captain.</p> - -<p>“Run and get a pistol!” he whispered to me.</p> - -<p>I obeyed. As I returned and slipped him the weapon, the mutineers were -just coming to a pause before him.</p> - -<p>The Captain levelled his pistol. He made short work of the difficulty. -He offered them cold lead or hot grog. The crew, like sensible men, -chose the latter, but they continued to grumble at the food—which was -mostly hard-tack and cornmeal—until, on a day when we were becalmed in -the North Sea, we caught several dolphins weighing over 150 pounds. I -have rarely eaten anything better than that dolphin steak.</p> - -<p>This is not to be a record of travel, but one phase of that early -journey of mine is well worthy of notice: I saw Germany just as she was -entering on the imperialistic career that ended so abruptly when her -crestfallen representatives signed the Treaty of Versailles. The -Franco-Prussian War had just ended in triumph; the German Empire had -been reborn. Its people were not the easygoing people that I remembered -from my earlier<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_24" id="page_24">{24}</a></span> boyhood in Mannheim. Everywhere there were the -beginnings of commercial and military activity; everywhere there was -preached the doctrine of world power.</p> - -<p>I passed several weeks at Kiel; I lived well on less than a dollar a -day. I had some difficulty in becoming friendly with a pensioned wounded -army captain because he held me personally responsible that American -ammunition had been sold to the French. The same complaint was made to -me by the German Ambassador, Baron Wangenheim, in Constantinople, in -1915. I saw the launching of the new Empire’s first battleship, the very -beginning of that colossal preparation for war which, at the cost of so -many millions in lives and money, was finally to bear its bloody fruit -in 1914. A wrinkled old man wearing a small military cap made the speech -on that occasion. It was the famous General von Moltke. I listened -intently to what he said. His words reached everyone in that crowd, -which was attentively listening to the great hero of the Franco-Prussian -War; and when I looked into his piercing eyes, I found that they seemed -to penetrate right through me, and I could understand the frequently -made statement that officers used to quiver in his presence, and that -his questions, accompanied by one of his fixed looks, always elicited -the exact truth.</p> - -<p>On my return to America, I entered the law office of Chauncey Shaffer, -who was a leader of the New York Bar and had a nation-wide reputation. -He had been retained in many important cases, and some romantic. His -offices were first on the third floor in an old-fashioned private house -at No. 7 Murray Street, and later, he moved into the Bennett Building, -one of the city’s first modern office buildings.</p> - -<p>In our new, well-lighted quarters, we had some interesting neighbours, -and these, along with many another, were constantly dropping in on -Shaffer. I still recall with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_25" id="page_25">{25}</a></span> pleasure my acquaintance in those -surroundings with Gildersleeve and Purroy, with Butzel and Bourke -Cochran.</p> - -<p>Henry A. Gildersleeve had been born on a farm in Dutchess County, and in -early life was the handiest man with his fists in all that district. In -the Civil War he organized a company and was elected a captain. He -returned from that to complete his education and become a lawyer, but he -became a crack shot, too, at the international rifle matches; and when -he first visited Shaffer’s office, it was as an Apollo of a man with -romance in every feature of his face and every particle of attire.</p> - -<p>He was offered by both parties the nomination as Judge of General -Sessions and came to consult Shaffer about it. I was in the room at the -time.</p> - -<p>The scene is still vivid. Shaffer never forgot his Napoleonic pose when -there was anybody present to observe it, and now he moved about with one -hand under his coat tails and the other thrust into his breast. The -harder he thought, the harder he chewed his tobacco and the more -frequent were his expectorations. Finally he stopped short in front of -Gildersleeve, who had been waiting patiently for this queer oracle to -speak.</p> - -<p>“If you have to go down in this fight,” Shaffer said, “go down in good -company: take the Fusion nomination.”</p> - -<p>Gildersleeve accepted that advice. He remained on the bench until he was -seventy years of age. He is in his eighties now and as keen of intellect -as in those far-off days when he used to visit Shaffer. He is still one -of my favourite golf companions.</p> - -<p>On many Saturdays we did little work; the coterie met in Shaffer’s -office, and we talked; it would be nearer to the mark to say that one of -us talked and entertained the others by his endless flow of good stories -and sparkling reminiscences. He was a student under Shaffer, and his -name was Bourke Cochran. I never saw him poring<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_26" id="page_26">{26}</a></span> over Blackstone or -Kent, but on Saturday when freed from his duties as principal of the -Public School at Tuckahoe, this exuberant young instructor would either -practise his future orations on us or pour out his flood of Cochranisms -and anecdotes. Not getting my name at the first meeting, he dubbed me -“Mortgagee” and still calls me so. He thrilled us with the account of -his early struggles at Dublin University, roused our enthusiasm by his -plans to restore oratory to the New York Bar, and evoked our applause by -his determination to Patrick Henryize the Assembly at Albany. The -Democrats promised him a nomination to the Assembly, but withdrew the -promise when they discovered that he was not yet twenty-one.</p> - -<p>It was while at Shaffer’s that I began to find out how human great men -really are. The names of Benjamin F. Butler—the redoubtable Butler of -Massachusetts—and Preston Plumb of Kansas used to move me to awe. One -of my employer’s important cases involved some grants of land to the -Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad and was brought by John -Leisenring, of Pennsylvania, whose attorney-of-record, -Congressman-at-large Charles P. Albright, of the same state, had, in -addition to Shaffer, associated with him in the affair, Butler and -Plumb. The latter used to dash into our office without a necktie and -then chafe at the former’s unpunctuality and indifference in the matter -of keeping appointments.</p> - -<p>“It’s all very well for Butler to behave like this just now,” he would -say. “Wait a few more years. Then he will still be a mere Congressman, -while I’ll be a United States Senator! We’ll see who’ll kowtow to the -other then!”</p> - -<p>Although Plumb was elected to the Senate not long after and served there -many years, I did not hear of Ben Butler doing any kowtowing.</p> - -<p>In the summer of 1875 I felt that obtaining a knowl<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_27" id="page_27">{27}</a></span>edge of the law in -this scrappy, unsystematic fashion was unsatisfactory, and that, -therefore, I would leave Shaffer’s employ, attend Columbia Law School to -get a thorough grounding of the law, and arrange for future easy access -the odd bits of legal knowledge that I had absorbed in the offices. As I -needed an income to enable me to do this, I secured a position as -night-school teacher at $15 a week in the school on Forty-second Street -near Third Avenue.</p> - -<p>At that time Forty-third Street had not yet been cut through, and on top -of the rocks was a shanty-town occupied by squatters. As I had the adult -class, my pupils were from eighteen to forty-five years old, some of -them denizens of the rocks, while others were hardworking carpenters, -brakemen, butchers, factory workers, a plumber’s assistant, a coachman, -and a blacksmith.</p> - -<p>I particularly remember the latter three, because the plumber’s -assistant came to the school to inveigle some of the other boys to play -cards with him in one of the rear seats, and to amuse himself by -throwing tobacco quids and beans while I, with my back turned to the -class, would be engaged in explaining things on the blackboard. I was -nineteen years of age, husky, weighing 180 pounds, and unafraid even of -a plumber’s boy. As my weekly stipend of $15 was my sole support and its -retention depended upon my being able to maintain discipline and keep up -the attendance, I was not going to permit this loafer’s antics to defeat -me—and one evening when I caught him playing cards, I forcibly ejected -him from the classroom. Thenceforth my tenure of office was assured and -continued to the closing day exercises, at which I had the pleasure of -rewarding the coachman, Morgan O’Toole, with a prize for the greatest -advancement made by any pupil. This man was very anxious to learn -fractions. During the first three weeks of the session, every Friday<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_28" id="page_28">{28}</a></span> -evening I had succeeded in teaching them to him. Every following Monday -evening his mind was an absolute blank as to fractions, and the fourth -week I asked him to come to my house both Saturday and Sunday, and gave -him private lessons. His joy on the next Monday when he found he had -retained his knowledge is still a vivid memory in my mind.</p> - -<p>The blacksmith, a man named Whitney, had been a fellow pupil of mine in -Fifty-first Street School, and had been one of the best penmen. I was -surprised to see him come to reacquire that ability, which he had lost -through wielding the hammer and pulling the bellows.</p> - -<p>One of the carpenters wanted to learn duodecimals. As I knew nothing -about them, I told him that I wanted him to brush up on ordinary -fractions for two days. In the meantime, I learned duodecimals and then -taught him.</p> - -<p>It was really a great experience to divide impartially two hours every -evening so as to satisfy the twenty-five earnest seekers after -knowledge.</p> - -<p>I deeply sympathized with these men who, wearied from their day’s -labour, preferred to forego needed rest or amusement and devote their -evenings to extricate themselves from the ignorance in which they had -been compelled, probably through poverty and the early need of -self-support, to live the better part of their existence.</p> - -<p>It spurred me to still greater efforts to increase my own knowledge and -I was no longer content merely to perform my allotted tasks at the Law -School, but spent several hours a day at the Astor Library and drew deep -drafts from that fine well.</p> - -<p>During that period I devoted all the daylight hours to study, -principally at the Law School, sitting in the midst of these hundreds of -men who had come from all parts of this country and Japan, to imbibe -from the lips of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_29" id="page_29">{29}</a></span> great teacher, Professor Theodore W. Dwight, the -basis of the law of the land.</p> - -<p>I joined the Columbia Club and was elected one of the team to debate -with the Barnard Club, all of whose members were college graduates, -while we had not had that advantage. I studied the subject of the -debate, “Whether Participation in Profits or Agency Is the Correct Test -of Partnership,” more thoroughly than I ever did any case on which I was -retained during my practice of law. Professor Dwight, who presided, -praised our thorough preparation and fine team work and declared us the -winners. When our class graduated, we had the great honour of having -that famous leader of the Bar, Charles O’Connor, come out of his -retirement to bid us “Godspeed” on our way.</p> - -<p>I was formally admitted to the bar on June 1, 1877.</p> - -<p>During my second year in Law School I did not teach night school, but -supported myself by accepting a position from that fine Southern -gentleman, General Roger A. Pryor, who had been Congressman, Minister to -Spain, and finally became a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State of -New York.</p> - -<p>An interesting episode that occurred at that time was my representing -General Pryor at several meetings of the owners of the Greenwich Street -property, who had retained him to seek an injunction to prevent the -continued use and extension of the first Elevated road, which was on -their street and was propelled by a chain. They claimed that their -property would be ruined for private residences, and it was. They did -not visualize, however, that this was the first step forward in the -solution of the transit problem of New York, which was then totally -dependent upon its horse-car system; and that someone had to suffer for -the general good.</p> - -<p>A very important and valuable after-effect of my con<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_30" id="page_30">{30}</a></span>nection with -Pryor’s office was my becoming acquainted with Mr. Valentine Loewi, for -whom I searched the title in a mortgage transaction. Loewi doubted my -experience and when Pryor confronted me with this, instead of resenting -the criticism, as Loewi expected me to do, I recognized its justice, and -satisfied Loewi by having my work checked up by Mr. McIntire. He became -my permanent friend and one of my firm’s first clients, and through his -recommendations we secured some of the most valuable clients we ever -had.</p> - -<p>A little later came the uproar consequent upon Tilton’s entering the -wrong berth in a sleeping-car. He came to Pryor, and I acted as -secretary while these two prepared the Tilton statement for the -newspapers. Curiously, both these six-footers had the habit, when -thinking intensely, of striding across the room with swinging arms, and -were that day doing it in opposite directions. I was constantly on the -alert for a collision. Tilton would dictate a phrase. Pryor would stop -and suggest another word. Tilton would weigh and test it, and would make -still further corrections. Not even my weightiest diplomatic notes from -Constantinople received the care and attention that these few lines were -given by these two masters of English.</p> - -<p>In the summer of ’77, as Mr. Kurzman was going to Europe, he requested -me to come back to Kurzman & Yeaman, and as they offered me a -well-lighted office, I did so. Still associated with Kurzman was Alfred -McIntire to whom I have already referred, and with whom I had kept up -the pleasantest of relations during my clerkships with Shaffer and -Pryor, both of which positions he had secured for me. McIntire was a New -Englander of the very best type, considerably older than Mr. Kurzman, -and recognized as one of the best conveyancers of the City of New York.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_31" id="page_31">{31}</a></span></p> - -<p>One Sunday while I was visiting McIntire, we went rowing on the Harlem -River, and discussed plans for a prospective partnership. He was about -six foot two in height, and weighed fully 250 pounds, and I was to do -the rowing. Our skiff had not proceeded fifty yards before I discovered -that I could not pull such a load and get anywhere. I took this as an -omen, and then and there resolved that when I did select a law partner, -he should be of my own age and weight, so that he could do some of the -pulling.</p> - -<p>During this summer, one of the old clients of the office, Henry Behning, -got into very serious differences with his partner Diehl. The matter -became greatly complicated, and the more complicated it became, the more -excited Behning grew, and the more excited he was, the more incoherent -and less comprehensible was his English, so that Mr. Yeaman, who was -acting as his counsel in Mr. Kurzman’s absence, despaired of -understanding him. A climax was reached one day when Diehl’s attorneys -had secured the appointment of a receiver. Behning was accusing the -lawyers, and the judge, and everybody else of all kinds of conspiracies, -and Yeaman was so bewildered that he called me in to tell Behning that -he did not think he could do justice to him because he could not -understand his speech, and that he had better secure a German-speaking -attorney. Upon my explaining this to Behning, he said: “All right, I’ll -take you.” I explained the proposition to Mr. Yeaman, and he said that -if Behning would be contented to do all his consulting with me he would -be very glad to steer the legal proceedings. I discovered that some of -Behning’s fears of conspiracy were justified, and concluded that the -only way to counteract them was to throw the firm into bankruptcy. I -prepared the necessary papers, and had them signed by the judge of the -United States District Court. I then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_32" id="page_32">{32}</a></span> communicated with the pompous -ex-judge who represented Diehl, and had the tremendous satisfaction of -having completely checkmated him. A prompt settlement resulted. The -creditors realized that if they kept on fighting, the lawyers would be -dividing the assets, and therefore consented to have Behning and Diehl -divide them, and each continue in business for himself, and each assume -half the liabilities.</p> - -<p>Behning greatly appreciated what I had accomplished. He wanted to give -me something to prove it. As he had no spare cash, he offered, and with -Yeaman’s consent I accepted, one share of the Celluloid Piano Key -Company stock. At that time, Arnold, Cheney & Company had cornered the -word’s ivory market, driving up the price of ivory for piano keys to -$30.00 a set. The piano manufacturers tried alabaster and other -substitutes with small success, when Behning thought of using celluloid -and formed the Celluloid Piano Key Company, securing for it the -exclusive right for the use of that substance in piano and organ keys.</p> - -<p>The company was so successful that its president began to intrigue for -its control. The president was an Englishman, the treasurer a Dane, the -secretary an American, and most of the rest Germans. Themselves densely -ignorant of the manipulations of corporations, they finally feared that -the president was in a fair way to get the company away from them, -whereupon those representing over 70 per cent. of the stock held a -hurried meeting, but they could not agree on a common policy because -each mistrusted the others. I proposed that they all give their proxies -to one man who should obligate himself faithfully to represent the -interests of all against the president; they replied that this was -excellent, but they could not agree on the one man.</p> - -<p>Then Behning spoke:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_33" id="page_33">{33}</a></span></p> - -<p>“What’s the use of fencing any longer? The only one we <i>all</i> trust is -Henry. Let’s give him all our proxies.”</p> - -<p>They did so, slated me for secretary, and as I wanted to prevent any -mischief until the next annual meeting, I called on the president, told -him I had the proxies of 70 per cent. and, with the audacity of my -years, warned him that, if he did anything improper for the remainder of -his term, I would bring him into court.</p> - -<p>He asked me:</p> - -<p>“Are you going to be an officer?”</p> - -<p>“I am to be secretary,” I said.</p> - -<p>“Will you protect my interest, and see that I get my proportionate share -of the profits?”</p> - -<p>I went back to the others and obtained the authority to give him this -assurance, which I did.</p> - -<p>“All right,” he declared, “make out my proxy to you and I’ll sign it.”</p> - -<p>I had bearded a lion in his den and brought a lamb out with me. My -connection with this concern, in one capacity or another, continued -through two decades, and I was its president when I left it.</p> - -<p>This adventure in celluloid put me in a position where it was possible -to realize my ambition to stop clerking and start for myself.</p> - -<p>It was settled most unexpectedly. During my attendance at Law School, -Abraham Goldsmith, Wilbur Larremore, son of Judge Larremore, and I used -to hold weekly quizzes at my house. In that way I had renewed my -friendship with Goldsmith, who had been my classmate in the City -College. One evening, early in December, 1878, Goldsmith called and -informed me that Samson Lachman and he contemplated starting a law firm. -I had always been very fond of Goldsmith, and Samson Lachman had won my -unlimited admiration when I listened to his Commencement Day oration and -saw him receive eleven prizes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_34" id="page_34">{34}</a></span> which were about all that one man could -take. Hence, Goldsmith found me very receptive, and before we separated -that evening, our partnership was an accomplished fact. We both agreed -that Lachman was entitled to head the firm. As Goldsmith expressed -indifference as to his position, and as Lachman, Morgenthau & Goldsmith -sounded more euphonious, that order was adopted. We agreed to start on -January 1, 1879. Our average ages were twenty-three. We hired offices at -No. 243 Broadway at an annual rental of $400. Our net receipts for the -year 1879 were $1,500.</p> - -<p>Our practice, as well as our income, grew steadily, but I shall abstain -from relating many details, as most of the matters involved were not of -public interest.</p> - -<p>A rather interesting affair, because some of the participants are well -known to the public, was the dissolution in February, 1893, of the firm -of Wechsler & Abraham, of Brooklyn. We represented Wechsler, and William -J. Gaynor, afterward Mayor of the City of New York, represented Abraham. -Their partnership agreement contained a very peculiar dissolution -clause. They were to meet on February 1, 1893, and bid for the business, -and a bid was to be final only if the non-bidding partner had failed to -increase it during a term of twenty-four hours. When we met, I drew -attention to the fact that if we acted under the contract, either side -could prolong the matter indefinitely, and recommended that we amend the -agreement by reducing the limit to one hour. This was agreed to on -condition that both parties would deposit $500,000 as an earnest of -their intentions to complete their bid, the unsuccessful bidder to have -his check returned to him. Isidor Straus pulled out a certified check of -$500,000 and I instructed Wechsler to make out his check. When Wechsler -admitted that he did not have that much in the bank, I showed them an<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_35" id="page_35">{35}</a></span> -underwriting that I had secured from the Guaranty Trust Company and the -Title Guarantee & Trust Company, to finance our purchase to the extent -of $1,000,000. The auction then proceeded, and both factions were -cautiously watching each other. Gaynor, Abraham, and the Strauses -several times retired to the other end of the room for conference, -Nathan Straus constantly pulling at one of his big cigars and pretending -that they had about reached the limit of their bidding. I had arranged -definitely with Wechsler that we would bid an amount that would produce -$500,000 for the good will of the business. So, finally, when they came -within reach of about $100,000 of it, I bid the exact amount that would -produce the desired result. They saw what I meant, and, as it turned -out, had their last conference, which lasted about ten minutes, and -raised us $100. I then informed them that we would take our hour. We -(Wechsler, Mr. MacNulty, who was the manager of the store, and myself) -went to an adjoining restaurant to discuss the matter. Wechsler devoted -fully forty minutes of the hour in trying to persuade me to reduce the -fee that he had agreed to pay me. He and I had agreed that if he -purchased the property, and we had to complete the financing of it, my -firm’s fee was to be $25,000, while if Abraham bought him out, we were -to receive $10,000. Wechsler thought we had earned it too quickly, and -begged for a reduction. I was absolutely firm and finally told him the -story of the dentist who, with his modern methods, had painlessly -extracted two teeth for a farmer in two minutes, and when he demanded -his fee of $2.50, the exorbitancy of the charge was objected to by the -farmer, who stated that when he had his last tooth extracted, the -dentist had pulled him around the room for half an hour, and then only -charged him 50 cents for all that work. I said to Wechsler that I could -have protracted this matter for thirty days, and this delay<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_36" id="page_36">{36}</a></span> would have -been most injurious to him on account of his diabetic condition. He -wanted me to bid another $10,000 so that Abraham would have had to pay -the fee, and he would have a net $250,000 for his good will. I was firm -in my advice that he was unwise to run the business alone and should not -risk securing it. We returned before the hour had expired, got -Wechsler’s check back, and his half interest in the business became the -property of Isidor and Nathan Straus, for whom Abraham had in reality -been bidding. Immediately thereafter they dropped Wechsler’s name and -created the well-known firm of Abraham & Straus.</p> - -<p>Incidentally it may be of interest to the public to know that, when -Isidor and Nathan Straus divided their interests, Isidor and his sons -secured the business of R. H. Macy & Co., which they owned in common, -while Nathan and his sons secured the half interest in Abraham & Straus. -No doubt a good share of Nathan Straus’ munificent charities are -financed to-day by his share of the profits from that business.</p> - -<p>One of the greatest surprises in our practice was when Judge Horace -Russell retained me as a business lawyer to advise him what to do about -the affairs of Hilton, Hughes & Company, who had succeeded to the -business of A. T. Stewart & Company, and who, in turn, were later -succeeded by John Wanamaker. Judge Russell’s brother-in-law, Mr. Hilton, -had been increasing the volume of the business rapidly, but his expense -ratio was increasing much faster in proportion, so that, at the end of -the year, he showed a tremendous loss. Some of the biggest banks in New -York were refusing to renew the notes, even though Judge Hilton was -willing to endorse them. They said they felt safe on all the paper they -had then with Judge Hilton’s endorsement and collateral, but they feared -that if they permitted the losses to continue much<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_37" id="page_37">{37}</a></span> longer, it might -even engulf Judge Hilton in the unavoidable catastrophe. I finally -advised him that he should sell out the business and take his loss. He -retained Mr. Elihu Root as counsel. The three of us went over the whole -situation. I explained that, owing to the very large general expenses -due primarily to the excessive salaries which Hilton had agreed to pay -under five-year contracts to his buyers, heads of departments, and even -the superintendent of the engine room, and the bad credit in which the -firm then stood, the only wise course was to sell out the business. We -concluded to do so, but in the meantime decided that it would be -necessary to make a general assignment to preserve the assets and secure -a reasonable settlement with the men who held long contracts. When the -assignment was finally prepared, it had to be executed the following -day, and Root, Russell, and I first dined together, and then remained in -Russell’s office until five minutes past midnight, when young Hilton, in -our presence and that of Mr. Wright, the assignee, and a notary, -executed the document.</p> - -<p>While waiting, Mr. Root told us of several cases in which he had -recently been retained, where the younger generation dissipated big -fortunes in a very short time. He laid particular stress on the case of -Cyrus W. Field, who, in his lifetime, prided himself that he had an -income of $1,000 a day, which at that time was enormous. I also recall -Root telling me that night that it was unwise for any lawyer to devote -himself entirely to politics, that he should, when called upon, render a -public service, complete it, and then return to his profession, but be -ready for any further calls that might be made upon him. Root has -pursued that course most successfully.</p> - -<p>I felt a strange sensation to be present at this midnight dénouement of -the great business of A. T. Stewart & Company. I could not help but -think of the causes.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_38" id="page_38">{38}</a></span> Judge Hilton had offended the Jews in America -because his hotel, the “Grand Union” in Saratoga, had refused to -accommodate Joseph Seligman, whom both the New York Chamber of Commerce -and Union League Club honoured by electing as one of their -vice-presidents. Hilton did not then realize that this act not alone -involved the loss of his Jewish customers, but it would also influence a -great many of his Christian patrons who would resent such -discrimination, and withdraw their custom from his firm. Most of this -trade went to the rising firms of B. Altman & Co. and Stern Bros. and so -strengthened them that they became great competitors of Hilton, Hughes & -Company, and precipitated their downfall. John Wanamaker bought the -lease and stock of goods. I remember distinctly with what satisfaction, -when the transaction was closed, he told me that this was the first time -that he had ever heard of so valuable a franchise being given away for -nothing. Wanamaker shrewdly disregarded the short existence of Hilton, -Hughes & Company, and advertised John Wanamaker as the successor of A. -T. Stewart & Company.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_39" id="page_39">{39}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br /><br /> -<small>REAL ESTATE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">M</span>Y first purchase of real estate was No. 32 West Thirty-fifth Street, a -twenty-two-foot, white marble, high-stoop building. I bought it for the -modest sum of $15,000 and resold it at an advance of $500, and thought I -was doing well. To-day it is worth at least $110,000. This, however, was -not my first experience with real estate, for that was in 1872 when, at -the request of my preceptor, Mr. Ferdinand Kurzman, I undertook for an -extra compensation of $5 a month to collect for him the rents of No. 218 -Chrystie Street.</p> - -<p>The tenants of this building in 1872 were Irish and Germans, and one of -the stores was occupied as a saloon by an Irishman named Ryan who -catered to the worst element of the neighbourhood. Kurzman, failing to -get rid of him in a peaceful way, and knowing that there was a political -feud between him and Anthony Hartman, the odd though popular Justice of -the District Court, waited for the first of May, when only a -three-hours’ dispossess notice was required. Circumstances favoured the -plan because on that day the Thomas Ryan Association were giving a -picnic. So the notice was served by nailing it on the door at twelve -o’clock. Judge Hartman opened court at three o’clock, called the cases -of <i>Kurzman</i> vs. <i>Ryan</i>, took Ryan’s default, signed the dispossess -warrant, and adjourned the court, compelling all other litigants to wait -for their justice until the next day. Instead of the usual one marshal, -all those attached to the court, with their assistants, were hurried<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_40" id="page_40">{40}</a></span> to -No. 218 Chrystie Street, and within two hours had removed everything to -the sidewalk.</p> - -<p>By that time word had reached Ryan, and he and some of his henchmen -returned. They were thoroughly aroused but quite helpless. As there was -no court in session, and the marshals were in possession of the -premises, Kurzman was rid of Ryan for good and all. This was the first -exhibition I ever saw of how justice might be travestied.</p> - -<p>The next day Ryan’s attorneys appeared before Hartman and attempted to -have the proceedings reopened, and upon Hartman’s refusal to do so, -attacked him bitterly. The Judge said that if the learned counsel would -not at once stop his impudent remarks, the court would forget its -dignity long enough to leave the bench and “punch him in the jaw.”</p> - -<p>My next experience brought me in contact with even a worse element. -Kurzman had foreclosed a second mortgage on some houses on West -Thirty-ninth Street between Tenth and Eleventh avenues. They were part -of the block that was called “Hell’s Kitchen.” Many of the tenants owned -only a mattress and a few chairs, and no kitchen utensils of any kind, -and frequently paid their rents in instalments of less than one dollar. -Twice I saw women carried out of the buildings the worse for the -“exciting arguments” they had indulged in with some of their visitors. -It would not have paid us to dispossess these people, as the new ones -would have been no better. We collected the rents for a few months -longer until the first mortgages were foreclosed.</p> - -<p>This condition was very general throughout the City of New York. The -boom days of real estate had disappeared, and with them, the optimistic -speculators. Real estate was unsalable, and those who had received -mortgages in payment of some of their capital and all their profits were -confronted with the choice of either abandon<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_41" id="page_41">{41}</a></span>ing their mortgages or -foreclosing them and again assuming control of their property. The -conferences between the delinquent owners and the mortgagees to adjust -these matters reminded one as much of funerals as the joyous meetings in -the wine cellars had of weddings. These middle-class investors whom I -met in ’72 and ’73 were completely wiped out and never came back. Quite -the contrary was the case with most of those intrepid builders and -operators like John D. Crimmins and Terrence Farley, who forgot their -losses and went at it again with fresh vigour and new courage as soon as -the liquidation had ended. In 1879, when specie payment had been -resumed, the superintendents of both the insurance and bank departments -urged institutions under their supervision to market their real estate -as soon as possible. Their efforts and those of other recent plaintiffs -to dispose of their holdings started a new active period. Real estate -again became fashionable, and the plucky operators and builders who had -survived the drastic punishment they had received were soon reinforced -by a new set of men, of whom I was one.</p> - -<p>In 1880, I turned my attention to Harlem where nearly all the brownstone -and brick houses that had been built in the seventies were in the hands -of mortgagees, and where the owners of the old frame houses were -thoroughly discouraged and could see little hope in the future. Nearly -all of Harlem was for sale. I bought plots of three to five adjoining -houses at a time, and quickly resold them at small profits. This -activity stopped when President Garfield was shot. The suspense during -his illness caused a complete cessation, so I, too, rested until -October, 1885. I was then worth only $27,000, and as a large part of -that was represented by my interest in the Celluloid Piano Key Company, -I had but little working capital.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_42" id="page_42">{42}</a></span></p> - -<p>My brother-in-law, William J. Ehrich, agreed to operate with me in real -estate, he to contribute $40,000 capital and I to do the work. All -profits, after paying him interest, were to be divided equally.</p> - -<p>At that time my mother lived on One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Street in a -house I had purchased, a 17-foot brown-stone house with a pleasant yard -which she personally transformed into a delightful little garden. In my -frequent visits there I became impressed with the prospective importance -of One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street. It was the first broad street -north of Forty-second that ran from river to river, and I foresaw its -future value, particularly of the block between Seventh and Eighth -avenues. It seemed to me like the neck of a funnel into which the entire -neighbouring population was daily poured to reach the Elevated station -at One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street and Eighth Avenue.</p> - -<p>Ehrich and I concluded to secure some property on this block. The first -that we obtained was the lease of seven lots for which, at the -beginning, we paid the annual rental of $4,000. We still own this -leasehold, and the gross rental now is $44,500. We subsequently -purchased the adjoining plot of five lots, improved the same, and were -delighted when we were enabled to sell it to the Knickerbocker Real -Estate Company among whose stockholders were Solomon Loeb, of Kuhn, Loeb -& Company; Henry O. Havemeyer, John D. Crimmins, and John E. Parsons, at -a price which netted us a profit of $100,000. This was in 1899. -Subsequently, I repurchased this plot jointly with my partners, Lachman -& Goldsmith, for $250,000, and within two years thereafter sold it to -Mr. Louis M. Blumstein for $425,000. This was the most profitable, but -not the only transaction we had on this street. With various associates -I owned, at one time or another, one half of the property on the south<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_43" id="page_43">{43}</a></span> -side of that block, so that I made good use of my early judgment as to -its future value.</p> - -<p>Our operations on One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street were not confined -to that block alone. We had also purchased various plots between Fifth -and Sixth avenues and, with a friend, I had collected a plot of eight -lots between Lexington and Fourth avenues. This made Oscar Hammerstein -one of my customers.</p> - -<p>One day the optimistic Oscar came into my office with his serious, -flat-footed walk, his French silk hat on his head, and his eternal cigar -between his fingers. He had just completed the Harlem Opera House on -West One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street, and he told me that, for his -success there, it was essential to have also a theatre on the East Side, -and he negotiated for the eight lots that we had collected on One -Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street near Park Avenue. We spent several hours -arranging the details of the lease of our property, with privilege to -buy, which was what he wanted. He argued me into giving it to him on a 4 -per cent. basis while the building was being constructed. When he was -all through, I said:</p> - -<p>“Do not think that you have deceived me as to your real aim. You want to -secure this property and pay down as little as possible until your -building is completed! All of us who own property on One Hundred and -Twenty-fifth Street between Seventh and Eighth avenues greatly -appreciate the fine theatre you put there, and the consequent increase -in the value of our property, and I am therefore willing to help you -make this enterprise a success. I will at once give you a deed, and as -there is no broker in the transaction, you need only pay the equivalent -of six months’ rent on account of the purchase price.”</p> - -<p>Hammerstein gratefully accepted the offer and, subsequently, told me how -he financed that entire operation without any capital. He struck a -sand-pit and saved all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_44" id="page_44">{44}</a></span> costs of excavation, besides realizing over -$30,000 for the sand. That furnished him nearly all the cash for the -building.</p> - -<p>A little later Hammerstein got into difficulties about an office -building next to the Harlem Opera House. He wanted to borrow $25,000 on -a second mortgage. He practically put a pistol to my head, and said:</p> - -<p>“You folks must lend me this money, or I can’t finish the building—and -that will force me into bankruptcy.”</p> - -<p>I looked at him and saw not the optimistic Oscar, but the harried -Hammerstein. He went on:</p> - -<p>“You don’t know what that will mean. If I go into bankruptcy, the Bank -of Harlem will also have to go. I owe them over $50,000 and they have -agreed that, if I can finish the building, they will buy it from me, -giving me back my notes in part payment.”</p> - -<p>“But that bank,” I protested, “has only $100,000 capital! How could it -lend you $50,000?”</p> - -<p>“One day,” he said, “as I was seated in my little office underneath the -steps of the Harlem Opera House, the president of the Bank broke in, and -leaning over my shoulder, handed me a blank note, and asked me, for -God’s sake, to make it out to the order of the Bank for $10,000. ‘Don’t -ask any questions,’ he whispered, ‘but just do what I want, and do it -quick.’ I complied with his request, I didn’t stop to put on my hat and -coat, but followed him to the Bank; and just as I expected, there were -the bank-examiners!”</p> - -<p>He paused in his narrative to give me one of those knowing, piercing -looks of his. This was still another Hammerstein: he was the -accomplished actor awaiting applause for securing such an extensive and -undeserved line of credit from so unexpected a source.</p> - -<p>“Does that,” he asked, “explain to you how I could pull his leg?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_45" id="page_45">{45}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>The impresario did not then go into bankruptcy. A few of us combined and -lent him the money. My activities in Harlem also included the purchase -of two solid blocks of lots.</p> - -<p>In 1887 Ehrich and I bought from Oswald Ottendorfer the entire block -bounded by Lenox and Mount Morris avenues and One Hundred and Twentieth -and One Hundred and Twenty-first streets. I induced the Ottendorfers to -split the transaction and content themselves with our buying the Lenox -Avenue front outright and their giving us an option on the Mount Morris -front. This option was sold for $10,000 profit, to Walter and Frank -Kilpatrick, and our total profits, which we divided in May, 1887, were -$43,424.10. I always remembered the numbers because of the sequence, 43, -42, 41.</p> - -<p>Immediately after we had sold the Ottendorfer block we purchased the -block to the north, also for $325,000. In this purchase the Kilpatricks -joined us. I had a peculiar experience when it came to drawing the -contracts. As the Ottendorfers had agreed to take back separate -mortgages on every four lots, I wanted the Astors, owners of this block, -to do the same. Mr. Southmayd, the partner of William M. Evarts and -Joseph H. Choate, attorneys for the Astors, refused to do so, and -insisted that we give him one mortgage for the entire $240,000 which -they had agreed they would allow to remain on the property. All my -pleadings were in vain. He even refused to take back four mortgages on -eight lots each, saying that he could not tell which was the most -valuable, and we might retain one or two of the plots and forfeit our -equities on the rest.</p> - -<p>Mr. Southmayd told me that just prior to the Panic of 1857, when farms -of 160 acres in Brooklyn were being sold at very inflated prices, an old -German truck-farmer was asked what he wanted for his 160 acres. He -de<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_46" id="page_46">{46}</a></span>manded $50,000, the prevailing price at that time; $35,000 cash and a -$15,000 mortgage. When they argued with him that he had reversed the -order of things, Hans still adhered to his terms, as he claimed that the -property was not worth over $15,000, and when asked why he then insisted -on $50,000, he answered, “because you paid that amount to my neighbour -Peter for the same size farm.” Southmayd sneeringly added that after the -Panic of 1857 Hans got his property back for his mortgage.</p> - -<p>I would not submit to being balked by Southmayd. I made up my mind to -talk to the famous John Jacob Astor himself.</p> - -<p>I had never met him, but he had often been pointed out to me, as, -shortly before 9 o’clock, he walked with his son, Waldorf, down Fifth -Avenue, from their home to their office in Twenty-fifth Street. Astor -was a portly figure with impressive side-whiskers. I watched for them -and followed them to their office and asked for an interview. My plain -statement of facts made no apparent impression on them. I tried again: I -told Southmayd’s story of Hans: a smile broke the severity of the -elder’s face.</p> - -<p>“Mr. Astor,” I concluded, “you must admit that it’s unfair to your -property to compare the Harlem of to-day with the Brooklyn of 1856.”</p> - -<p>“You’re right,” said Astor. “You make me a proposition of what relative -values you put on the various plots, and what will be the amounts of the -separate mortgages, and I will have it checked up.” I submitted my -figures and they were accepted without any change. The mortgages were -paid long before they were due, as all the property was promptly -improved. I believe this was the first time that the Astors broke away -from their policy of not selling any of their holdings.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_47" id="page_47">{47}</a></span></p> - -<p>While these activities were going on in Harlem, a great many builders -had erected rows and rows of private houses on the West Side, -principally between Central Park West and Amsterdam Avenue, so as to be -adjacent to the Elevated roads. In 1887 and 1888 there was a -considerable slump, and over three hundred new private houses were -unsold and unoccupied. Everything looked very gloomy. All of us who were -interested in the West Side were terrified when an announcement came -that there would be an unrestricted auction of the Joshua Jones Estate -on Seventy-fourth and Seventy-fifth streets from Central Park West to -within a few hundred feet of Amsterdam Avenue.</p> - -<p>Ehrich and I attended the auction, and when the first lot on -Seventy-fourth Street was put up with the privilege of the balance of -the block, we astonished the auctioneer and all present by taking all -twenty-four lots.</p> - -<p>That afternoon Ehrich and I went up to look at our purchase. As we -walked over the lots a couple of men shouted at us to get off the -property. We asked them why, and they said: “Don’t you see our traps? We -are catching birds here.”</p> - -<p>There is not much bird-trapping in that neighbourhood to-day!</p> - -<p>Success breeds enterprise. When we had disposed of these various plots -at a good profit, I was ambitious to undertake still larger -transactions. The original Rapid Transit Commission was then laying out -the routes of the first subway, and I, in search of another One Hundred -and Twenty-fifth Street, began to prospect for the district in which the -Commission would be likely to locate a northerly spur, concluding that -if Washington Heights were made accessible, One Hundred and Eighty-first -Street would become the important thoroughfare of that neighbourhood.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_48" id="page_48">{48}</a></span></p> - -<p>There were four hundred lots owned by Levi P. Morton, then -Vice-President of the United States, and George Bliss, of Morton, Bliss -& Company, for which I had practically concluded my negotiations in -September, 1890, when the Old World was shocked by the failure of Baring -Brothers, the largest banking house of England. All negotiations were -stopped. But, in February, 1891, about eighty lots located in this -vicinity were successfully disposed of at auction. Peter F. Meyer, who -conducted that sale, assured me that less than one half of the bidders -had secured lots.</p> - -<p>On the strength of this success, I asked L. J. Phillips to ascertain -whether, owing to the financial stress of the times, the owners, Morton -and Bliss, would take $900,000 for their property, for which they had -formerly asked $1,000,000.</p> - -<p>Phillips’s report was brief: “Nothing less than a million.”</p> - -<p>This was what I really expected, and my directions were briefer: “Go -close it!”</p> - -<p>On March 26th I signed the contract. I paid $50,000 down and agreed to -pay $300,000 more on May 27th. I then interested about fifteen people in -the syndicate, many of whom were very prominent in real estate. We were -granted special facilities to open One Hundred and Eighty-second Street, -and had all the work done before the auction.</p> - -<p>This arrangement gave us sixteen complete blocks with sixty-four -corners, a most unusual percentage.</p> - -<p>There were a number of fortuitous circumstances which helped to make for -success. James Gordon Bennett having large possessions in that -neighbourhood, directed that our sale receive generous attention in the -<i>Herald</i>. There had been a secession of some of the auctioneers from the -Real Estate Exchange, which then occupied its<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_49" id="page_49">{49}</a></span> own building at No. 65 -Liberty Street. Their manager called and said that their Board of -Directors were ready to do almost anything that I would ask to secure -the sale. They allowed me to display in the salesroom during all of May -a sign 60 feet wide and 20 feet in height, and they also agreed that -they would permit no other sale on May 26th.</p> - -<p>We had numerous conferences, and none of my associates agreed with me -that it was possible to sell so many lots at one session, but I was -absolutely firm and insisted that it be tried. I conceded that I would -stop the auction if I found that the purchasers had been exhausted, or -that the lots were being sold at a loss. Thousands of people visited the -property on the preceding Saturdays and Sundays. We could have sold the -property on the 26th of May without having made our final payment, and -could have used the proceeds of the sale for that purpose, but to avoid -any possible question as to whether we had taken title or not, we closed -the title on the day before the sale. As we were about leaving Morton, -Bliss & Company’s offices, both Bliss and Morton expressed the wish that -we might have a great success the next day, and the genial -Vice-President of the United States added: “If there is anything I can -do, please call upon me.” In response, I asked him whether he would come -over to the auction-room and if necessary, to convince the public of our -authority to sell the property, whether he would make a statement from -the auctioneer’s stand. He consented to do so and waited at his office -until I notified him that there was no need of his remaining any longer.</p> - -<p>When the auction started, the entire floor as well as the auction stands -and gallery were crowded to capacity. The bidding was very lively, and -when some of the One Hundred and Eighty-first Street corner lots sold -for over $10,000, there was considerable applause.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_50" id="page_50">{50}</a></span></p> - -<p>The auction lasted until seven o’clock, and every one of the 411 lots -was sold. Ex-Register John Reilly had paid the highest prices: he bought -the entire front on the west side of St. Nicholas Avenue from One -Hundred and Eightieth to One Hundred and Eighty-first streets, and he -afterward confided to me that he had succeeded where we failed in -finding out that the Subway was to go through St. Nicholas Avenue, and -that there was to be a station at One Hundred and Eighty-first Street. -The corners of One Hundred and Eighty-first Street and St. Nicholas -Avenue are to-day the most valuable on Washington Heights.</p> - -<p>Our syndicate was well satisfied with the result, as we divided a profit -of $480,000 amongst the men who had invested $300,000. They showed their -appreciation of my work by presenting me with a magnificent silver -service, which was greatly admired by my Turkish visitors in -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>I was quite carried away with my success, and my enthusiasm made me an -easy prey to the temptation of participating in a still larger -scheme—the development of the Town of Bridgeport, Alabama. A few years -prior to 1891 there had been a great boom in Birmingham and Anniston, so -that I was easily persuaded by the firm that had been associated with me -in the purchase of the Astor Block to go in with them to develop -Bridgeport.</p> - -<p>All of us in the North felt that the South was “coming back” and -Bridgeport was near coal and iron fields and had good water power. We -started development, stove- and iron-pipe companies, a hotel, and a bank. -We believed, with energetic New Yorkers back of it, this little town on -the Tennessee River could be made a great manufacturing centre; we all -forgot that it was very far from Broadway. Before I knew it, I had sunk -more than<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_51" id="page_51">{51}</a></span> my Washington Heights profit, and I am still paying taxes on -some of the land that I bought at that time.</p> - -<p>The loss of that money was a wholesome lesson, and I resolved to stick -to New York. I broke this resolve on only one other occasion, and that -was my venture into the Bamberger-Delaware gold mine: we took out plenty -of gold—something like $600,000 a year, but it cost us more than that -to do so. That investment also proved a total loss.</p> - -<p>In the winter of 1891 we began an operation which was to result in -winning the record for rapid construction up to that date. Our tenants -in the Hoagland property at Fifteenth Street and Sixth Avenue failed. We -concluded to tear down the old buildings and erect a new one. We had -been negotiating unsuccessfully with Baumann, the furniture dealer, so -we planned with our architect to put up a four-story building. I was in -the architect’s office the latter part of January, when in walked Mr. -Baumann and told me that if I would guarantee to finish the building by -April 30th, he would pay the price I asked.</p> - -<p>I consulted my architect, Albert Buchman.</p> - -<p>“It’s impossible,” he declared, “four and a half months—June 15th is -the earliest date conceivable.”</p> - -<p>“Even if we use double shifts?”</p> - -<p>“Even if we use double shifts.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” I said, “I’m going to chance it.”</p> - -<p>Buchman’s allotment for the excavation was fifteen days. I sent for -Patrick Norton, who had done some excavating work for me in Harlem.</p> - -<p>“Pat,” I asked, after I had sketched the case, “is there any objection -to working twenty-four hours a day?”</p> - -<p>“That depends,” said he.</p> - -<p>“Well, if you went at it on that basis, couldn’t you finish this job in -seven instead of fifteen days? I’ll pay for the light, and I’ll give you -25 per cent. extra.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_52" id="page_52">{52}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>Norton belonged to the type of bluff, enterprising contractors. The -novelty appealed to him, and he accepted it on the spot and completed -the job on time.</p> - -<p>Everything else went with similar speed. We were told that it would take -some time to get the iron posts required for the cellar; I showed our -plans to a man from Jackson & Company, and asked him whether, for an -extra consideration, he could have the posts required for the job -finished within a week. Within three days he made his deliveries. We -changed our specifications and substituted wooden ceilings for plaster. -We had the building finished and the elevators running on April 27th. -The building was a four-story structure with an iron front covering five -full lots, and we erected it for a trifle under $110,000.</p> - -<p>I had another but less satisfactory experience with Pat Norton:</p> - -<p>In the Winter of ’97 I bought from Collis P. Huntington a tract of land -running from One Hundred and Thirty-eighth to One Hundred and -Forty-first streets and from St. Ann Avenue eastward. The Title Company -discovered that Huntington did not own as large an area as was described -in the contract, so I called on him to ask for a reduction. It was a -memorable sight to behold this great old gentlemen, 6 feet 3 inches in -height, over eighty years of age, with as keen an intellect as a man of -thirty, trying to fathom my motives and playing with me as a cat plays -with a mouse. He leaned forward to get close to me, adjusting his little -skull cap a bit, and said:</p> - -<p>“Suppose I make you no concession at all! Are you going to throw up that -contract, or take the property?”</p> - -<p>“I will take the property because I expect to make a profit,” I said, -“but I am going to rely on you to do the fair thing by me.”</p> - -<p>He sat back in his chair and told me his experiences<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_53" id="page_53">{53}</a></span> with Trenor W. -Park, who wanted to buy a railroad from him. A dispute arose about it, -which resulted in a law-suit. Afterwards, Park wanted to settle and buy -him out. Huntington fixed the price, and as Park hesitated, he told him -that for every day he delayed in accepting the offer he would add -$100,000 to his price, and as seven days had expired since his first -offer, the price was $700,000 more that day. Park agreed to that figure -before he left the room.</p> - -<p>“My experience,” said Huntington, “is that no man benefits by law-suits, -but that no man can succeed if he is afraid of them. Now, what do you -really think would be the fair thing for me to do in your case?”</p> - -<p>I mentioned a sum, and he said:</p> - -<p>“Strange to say, that is the figure I had in my mind.” He dictated a -letter then and there, agreeing to the reduction.</p> - -<p>We were anxious to dispose of the Huntington property at auction, and -hurriedly prepared it. There was a stone fence running diagonally over -the southerly part of the property, and I thought it would improve the -appearance of this place to have the stones removed, and as Norton was -putting through the streets and laying the sidewalks, I made a contract -to have him do so for $800. The next morning I was impelled to visit the -Huntington property. I was amazed to find 150 Italians working shoulder -to shoulder, digging a trench alongside the stone wall, and dumping the -stones into it. I stopped them and sent for Norton. When he came, -instead of being ready to apologize, he wore a broad grin and said that -he never expected me to come there, as I always came alternate days: by -the second day no trace of that trench would have been left—what -difference would it make to me, as long as it had disappeared, where it -had gone?</p> - -<p>We advertised an auction of this property for April 5,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_54" id="page_54">{54}</a></span> 1898. Because of -the expectation of a war with Spain, a number of people asked me to -abandon the sale. I agreed with their arguments that the sale would not -succeed, but I wanted to see if my analysis of the psychology of -prospective buyers was correct, which was, that some persons expecting -big bargains would come to the sale and would buy. So I concluded to put -up a few of the least valuable lots—those that had considerably more -rock above the surface—and then try some of the St. Ann Avenue fronts. -Just as I expected, the rock lots brought a very low price, but really -all they were worth, and were purchased by one of the shrewdest dealers -in New York. We stopped the sale after thirty were sold.</p> - -<p>In the winter of 1894 great excitement was caused among the real estate -men by mysterious efforts to secure the block on the east side of Sixth -Avenue between Eighteenth and Nineteenth streets. I was keenly -interested because if the east side of Sixth Avenue was to be developed -it would injure our Hoagland property, especially if it were a retail -concern, which would throw the travel from Macy’s on the east side. I, -therefore, called on my old friend William R. Rose, who was acting as -attorney in the matter. On my assuring him that I wished to benefit by -my information without interfering with his scheme, he told me that the -site was being collected for a retail drygoods store with a main -entrance on Sixth Avenue, and it finally turned out to be Siegel-Cooper -& Company. I immediately negotiated for the properties on the east side -of Sixth Avenue adjoining this block and secured for Lachman, Morgenthau -& Goldsmith from William Waldorf Astor the Nineteenth Street corner now -occupied by the Alexander Building, and for myself alone the entire -block from Seventeenth to Eighteenth street to a depth of 180 feet, from -some of the descendants of John Jacob Astor. Simultaneously with the -completion</p> - -<div class="c"><p><a name="ill_002" id="ill_002"></a></p> -<a href="images/i_054_fp.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_054_fp.jpg" height="600" alt="[image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p>Mr. Morgenthau playfully refers to this picture as the -Morgenthau dynasty</p></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_55" id="page_55">{55}</a></span></p> - -<p class="nind">of the Siegel-Cooper Company, I modernized the block front from -Seventeenth to Eighteenth Street, and we erected a new building on the -corner of Nineteenth Street, and sold it to Andrew Alexander.</p> - -<p>One evening Alwyn Ball, Jr., told me that Henry Parish wanted to sell -his house at the corner of Fifth Avenue and Nineteenth Street. I -suggested that I would buy the property if Mr. Parish would take in part -payment the second mortgage of $100,000 that Alexander had given us on -his corner. The Astor Estate held the first mortgage of $100,000. Ball -looked aghast.</p> - -<p>“Why,” he said, “that’s a preposterous proposition! The idea of offering -a second mortgage on a leasehold for the fee of a first-class Fifth -Avenue corner, and to make it to so conservative a man as Mr. Parish! He -has never even had a telephone in the offices of the New York Life -Insurance & Trust Company, of which he is president! You must want me to -be kicked downstairs.”</p> - -<p>“You’re absolutely mistaken,” I answered. “Mr. Parish is constantly -buying mercantile notes for his Trust Company, and will know that this -personal bond of Andrew Alexander’s, guaranteed by me, is as good as any -note that he has in his wallet. His office is on the ground floor—you -needn’t be afraid of being kicked downstairs.”</p> - -<p>Ball presented the offer and Parish accepted it. The mortgage was paid -on its due date: I made a small profit on the Parish house and disposed -of an almost unmarketable mortgage without any loss; Ball made a good -commission, and so all were happy.</p> - -<p>Shortly after I had another deal with William Waldorf Astor. It involved -a part of the Semler farm on the east side from Fourth to Tenth streets. -My negotiations with Charles A. Peabody, now president of the Mutual -Life Insurance Company of New York, were drawn out for over six months, -as his letters had to follow Astor all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_56" id="page_56">{56}</a></span> over Europe. After we had come -to a definite arrangement, war was declared with Spain. Peabody -surprised me one day when he came unannounced to my office to ask me -whether I was still willing to make the purchase. I told him that I was -convinced that the war would not affect the thirty Germans who were -occupying these houses, and to whom I expected to sell the fees; and -that I would be more pleased if he would sell me one hundred houses -instead of forty. We entered into a contract to purchase forty lots on -which the leases expired within a year. There was tremendous excitement -among the tenants; protest meetings were called and cables sent to -Astor. This brought me another visit from Mr. Peabody.</p> - -<p>“Now, Morgenthau,” he said after sketching his predicament, “will you -try to help us out?”</p> - -<p>“I am perfectly willing,” I said, “to take other property of Mr. -Astor’s, and let him deal direct with the objecting tenants, but I want -a corner plot for a corner plot, and an inside avenue plot for an inside -avenue plot and as many inside street lots as I was to have had. -Although you have no properties on which the leases terminate the same -time as these for which I am under contract, I am willing to buy them on -the same basis,”—which was multiplying the annual ground rent by -twenty.</p> - -<p>Peabody said that this was eminently fair; he would try and show his -appreciation, which he did, by selling us forty-four plots instead of -forty. We consummated the transaction on July 18, 1898. The deed that -was given was the first in which William Waldorf Astor failed to -describe himself as “of the City of New York.” It was a very -satisfactory transaction, as all but three of the tenants availed -themselves of the privilege we gave them to buy the property from us at -a reasonable profit.</p> - -<p>The year 1898 marked the twentieth anniversary of Lachman, Morgenthau & -Goldsmith. As I was leaving<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_57" id="page_57">{57}</a></span> for my summer vacation, my partners urged -me to plan out how we could celebrate that event. While I was fishing in -the Thousand Islands, the infrequency of the bites of the black bass -left me ample time for reflection, and I concluded that instead of a -celebration, it would be a separation. I had felt so inclined for many -years, but the delightful association with my partners, the extreme -consideration they constantly showed me, the deep affection we felt for -one another, had caused me to delay, and their persuasion not to do so -had prevented my taking the final step. Here during these uninterrupted -hours on the St. Lawrence, I was able to look at myself objectively and -from both a retrospective and prospective point of view.</p> - -<p>The success of my real estate operations had won me away from the -exclusive devotion to the law which is so essential to rise in that -profession. In figuring the profits that had been made by the various -real estate syndicates that I had managed since 1891, I was surprised at -the total, and realizing that at no one time had I had the use of more -than $500,000 of my friends’ and my own money, I concluded that if I had -had a company with that amount of capital, and could show the profits -that had been made as surplus, the good will of such a company would be -very valuable and would be reflected in the selling price of the stock. -So why not induce some leading financiers to join me in the formation of -a real estate trust company, which would do for real estate what the -banking institutions have done for the railroads and industrials?</p> - -<p>I wrote my partners of my decision, and told them that I would withdraw -from the firm on January 1, 1899.</p> - -<p>Among others with whom I discussed my scheme were Frederick Southack and -Alwyn Ball, Jr., who had surprised me by informing me that they had had -a similar thought and had already secured from the New York<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_58" id="page_58">{58}</a></span> Legislature -a special charter granting the privileges that would fit my scheme.</p> - -<p>They asked me to join them and accept the presidency of this company. I -accepted conditionally, telling them, however, that I would aim very -high as to my associates and would insist that as chairman of the -executive committee there be secured either the leading banker, J. P. -Morgan, or the leading bank president, James Stillman, or the leading -trust company president, F. P. Olcott.</p> - -<p>Southack and James H. Post, who was a director in the National City -Bank, presented the scheme to Mr. Stillman, who kept it under advisement -for several weeks, but finally declined because he had been advised that -some of our operations might be too speculative. In the meantime, -Southack and Ball had, in addition to Mr. Post, interested Henry O. -Havemeyer, John D. Crimmins, and several others. They then presented the -matter to Mr. F. P. Olcott, president of the Central Trust Company, who -was a trustee of the estate of Southack’s father. Olcott listened to the -outlining of the plans of such a company, and when they proposed me as -president and told him of the great profits I had made in real estate, -he said that when it came to any proposition involving real estate, he -was entirely guided by Hugh J. Grant, whose office adjoined his.</p> - -<p>Grant had, while Mayor of New York, appointed Olcott to the first Rapid -Transit Commission, and when he was appointed receiver of the St. -Nicholas Bank, Grant called on Olcott and availed himself of an offer -theretofore made him by Olcott to be of service to him. He told Olcott -that he was very anxious to make a record as receiver, and asked an -immediate loan of as much as the assets of the bank justified to enable -him to declare promptly a substantial dividend to the depositors. Olcott -not only did this, but was so pleased with the manner in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_59" id="page_59">{59}</a></span> which Grant -handled the receivership, that he urged him to abandon his railway -advertising business. He did so, and took offices next to Olcott and -above those of Brady, and became the third member of that famous -combination—Brady, the creator of the schemes; Olcott, the financier; -and Grant, the expert in political and municipal affairs.</p> - -<p>He called Grant into the office. Grant listened most attentively to the -proposition, and then said:</p> - -<p>“Morgenthau has been too successful to be willing to work for a salary -and accept the presidency of a company.”</p> - -<p>As Southack and Ball insisted that he was mistaken, Grant, with his -usual directness, came right over to see me. That visit was a very -memorable one for me. We carefully canvassed the entire proposition and -concluded then and there that not only was I to take the presidency, but -that Grant should take the vice-presidency, and become a visible figure -in finance and cease being known as an unattached associate of Olcott -and Brady.</p> - -<p>Grant’s greatest faculty was in being able to “sniff” success, and -through his tremendous amiability—which had made him so popular a man -in New York—he was able to appeal to successful men, who heartily -welcomed his coöperation on equal terms with themselves in their various -enterprises. He also had watched me during my career, and realized the -wisdom of a combination with me from his point of view; while I realized -that a close coöperation—a supplementing of one another—would benefit -us both, so we fell into each other’s arms. Grant and I then and there -agreed to join forces. He agreed to take 1,000 shares for himself, 1,000 -shares for Mr. Olcott, and within an hour telephoned me to note also -Anthony N. Brady’s subscription for 1,000 shares. That afternoon<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_60" id="page_60">{60}</a></span> when -Southack and Ball came in and heard of the subscriptions, they each -insisted upon the right to subscribe for 1,000 shares.</p> - -<p>This disposed of one half of the stock. I wanted one half of the -remaining 5,000 shares, but unfortunately for me, the others insisted -that I should content myself with 1,000, and that the other 4,000 should -be distributed amongst the rest of the directors, and amongst lawyers -and real estate operators and brokers, whose interests would produce -business for the company. There was a tremendous scramble for the stock, -and it was impossible for us to satisfy the demand.</p> - -<p>A few days later Grant introduced me to Olcott, who gave me quite a -dissertation on how to run a trust company. He said that the most -important thing was to have no men around who had any “yellow” in them -and that the president must get the business and leave it to the other -officers to execute it and carry out the details. He laid the greatest -stress on the fact that the head of a company must disregard details -entirely.</p> - -<p>“He ought constantly to have his mind,” said Olcott, “on the larger -matters, and should abstain from doing any work that can be done by any -expert help that can be hired.”</p> - -<p>On my part, I gave to Olcott a sketch of how I thought the company -should be developed, explaining to him that the prejudice of the big -trust companies and banks against real estate was not justified, and -that the financial interests of New York had so far failed to recognize -the increased stability of real estate, due to the enlarged population -of the city and to the definite fixation of certain trades in certain -neighbourhoods. I instanced the financial centre in Wall Street; the -jewellery centre in Maiden Lane; the retail centres, and the definite -northward development of Broadway. I also explained how many very<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_61" id="page_61">{61}</a></span> -substantial men had entered the real estate field, and how the general -prosperity of the country had improved values in New York City.</p> - -<p>“Now,” I said, “this group of successful men can only handle the large -units that the exigencies of the time are demanding if they have -additional financial facilities given them. Those facilities our company -should provide.”</p> - -<p>I explained how many groups of men had formed real estate corporations, -only to discover that even then their resources were inadequate to -handle all the profitable business that was coming to them. I told of -some of my own larger transactions; how I always had to get others to -help me finance them, and how, therefore, such a company as the one we -proposed forming would undoubtedly become the syndicate manager of some -of the larger operations. I told him if he had no objections, we could -secure large deposits. Olcott replied that my plans would in no way -conflict with his corporation, and that I should do any business that I -deemed profitable. He asked me whom I wanted on the board, and I told -him that I should like to have some representatives of the Mutual Life -Insurance Company, who were then the largest investors in mortgages on -New York City real estate, and suggested Messrs. Juilliard and Jarvie, -the two best known and most influential members of its board.</p> - -<p>We settled on a number of other directors, and a few days later Stillman -sent word that he wanted some of the stock. Olcott agreed that he should -only be given some of the stock if he consented to serve on the -Executive Committee. Post and Southack, who had brought the message, -hesitated to deliver this answer, as they thought we ought heartily to -welcome Stillman’s interest in our corporation, and when they put the -proposition to Mr. Stillman, he asked them, in his mystifying manner, -whether this was an ultimatum. They hesitated to admit it. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_62" id="page_62">{62}</a></span> were -really afraid of him, and he was simply tantalizing them about his -acceptance, which he finally gave them. He was allotted only 200 shares, -and within a year he sent for me and in his peculiar teasing way told me -that he was dissatisfied with his connection with the company. When I -asked him why, he said that he had not a sufficiently large interest. I -had to coax Olcott to sell 300 of his 1,000 shares for as much as he had -paid for his entire 1,000. I doubt if I could have persuaded him to sell -to any one else. It was simply, as he put it, that he wanted the -satisfaction of making “that smart neighbour of his”—as he often called -Stillman, their offices in adjoining buildings—“put him on velvet in -this transaction.”</p> - -<p>I shall tell later on how, several times, I had to go on bended knees to -have some of these men accept what seemed to me tremendous profits.</p> - -<p>I was now ready to proceed to business, as president of the Central -Realty, Bond & Trust Company.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_63" id="page_63">{63}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br /><br /> -<small>FINANCE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span> HAD suddenly been catapulted from my comparatively unknown law office -into the very midst of high finance. I was president of a board of -directors in which but a few weeks ago I should have rejoiced to have -been the junior member. My associates were all leaders in their various -pursuits, and gloried in the power and wealth that they had accumulated -while struggling to reach these eminent positions.</p> - -<p>At first I was but a silent observer amongst a lot of gladiators. Here -was a set of dominators watching a newcomer who also had dared to try to -reach the top, and had the good sense to court their coöperation. To -most of them real estate was a closed book. They had looked upon it as -what might be called a frozen commodity, while they had dealt in liquid -assets. They were anxious to see whether this novice could capitalize -real estate equities. Stories of the successes that I had had in real -estate had been told and exaggerated until, even to these big -money-makers, they seemed attractive. Each one prided himself that his -joining the other eminent leaders in this enterprise increased its -chances of success. The fact that the stock was selling at double its -issue price within three months showed that the public was ready to -discount the possibilities. They bought me on my past performances. To -them I was just a new machine which must demonstrate its capacity. I -simply had to make good, or be displaced.</p> - -<p>My position as president of this company involved<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_64" id="page_64">{64}</a></span> me in a series of -financial encounters with the biggest men in Wall Street, encounters -that are worth describing because they illustrate the methods by which -the great fortunes of the greatest period of expansion in American -finance were made. I have not heard of any man who had intimate business -relations with the financial giants of that period, who has described, -from his own experience, the intrigues and passions, the personalities -and methods, of those men who dominated the financial structure of -America. My experiences with them were not connected with their biggest -deals, but they were thoroughly representative of all their -operations—and, as such, I feel they are of historical interest and -especially so as they are exceptional revelations of a type of -exceptional men whose business activities have influenced the great -development of American Commerce. I might almost entitle this chapter: -“How Big Financial Deals Are Made.” It is a very human story—full, I -mean, of human nature, with its foibles of ambition, jealousy, hatred, -pride, and cunning.</p> - -<p>When, as president of my Board of Directors, I sat at the head of the -table at our meetings, and looked down either side of the table, my eyes -fell upon at least half a dozen of the greatest financial giants of the -day—men who, as heads of enormous and often clashing interests, -represented nearly every element in the epic struggle for the financial -supremacy of America—that savage struggle which the public at large -sensed but vaguely, and which it saw clearly only at the great moments -of climax, as when the veil was lifted by the famous life insurance -investigation, and later by the Pujo investigation. About this board -were six representative financiers. These men were as diverse in their -appearance and character and their methods as the interests they -personified. The battle between the banks on the one hand and the trust -com<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_65" id="page_65">{65}</a></span>panies on the other, was represented by James Stillman and Frederic -P. Olcott. Stillman, as became the champion of the older type of -institutions, the banks, was a perfect example of the well-built man of -the world, sartorially correct, soft spoken, with a tendency toward -cynical humour, and with a tongue capable of devastating sarcasms, while -Olcott, as became the representative of the more recent competitors in -the general banking business, the trust companies, was a type of the -rough-and-ready, physically powerful, hard-spoken, tumultuous fighter. -There was nothing conciliatory in his make-up. He rather enjoyed -wrangling with his competitors, and prided himself on never having -become money-mad, and looked commiseratingly on those who had. He was -more interested in this financial struggle as a test of intellectual -prowess, but wanted to remain an amateur gladiator rather than to become -a professional wealth accumulator. Olcott’s burly figure, carelessly -clad, surmounted by a huge, bucket-like head, adorned with unbelievably -big and protruding ears, and illuminated with eyes that could glare -terrifyingly, was in striking contrast with Stillman’s smooth-buttoned -figure, his keen, distinguished face, and eyes that menaced by their -subtlety and gleam of concentrated will, but whose whole manner -betokened a measured, studied self-restraint.</p> - -<p>The war between the sugar trust and the independent sugar refiners was -represented by Henry O. Havemeyer and James N. Jarvie. They never sat on -the same side of the table, but always facing each other—Havemeyer big, -florid, and blustering—displaying in every move the consciousness of -long-exercised power, and resenting that the combination of all the -sugar interests should be compelled to defend its monopoly which was -threatened by the intrusion of a mere coffee concern, Arbuckle Bros., in -which Jarvie had infused such a vigorous, aggressive<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_66" id="page_66">{66}</a></span> spirit—Jarvie who -had no prior generations of successful men to point to, but had risen -from the bottom and was then the leading spirit of his firm—a much -courted man for director in leading corporations—a man who not only -directed the investments and loaning out of the Arbuckle fortune, but -was also a leader in all the companies with which he was connected. -Possessed of all the strong and best points of a real Scotchman, -caution, cumulativeness, and stick-to-it-iveness, he was like an eager -bull terrier worrying at the haunches of a mastiff, and watching every -instant for a chance to spring.</p> - -<p>The rivalry between the insurance companies was represented by A. D. -Juilliard and James Hazen Hyde. Juilliard, the distinguished merchant, -philanthropist, and patron of music, personified the Mutual Life -Insurance Company, of which he was one of the directing spirits; and -young Hyde, the perfumed dandy and spoiled child of quickly gotten -riches, personified the Equitable Life Insurance Company and its -astonishing rise to financial greatness.</p> - -<p>By a strange irony of fate, my association with these men was destined -to make me one of the key figures in the life insurance investigation of -1905, which hurled young Hyde from a dazzling financial eminence and -limitless possibilities and transferred him to Paris among the -expatriates there, and which, by the legislation that followed the -exposure of corrupt financial practices, altered the whole financial -structure of America.</p> - -<p>I shall tell that story at its proper place in this chapter, but, first, -I propose to give the reader a picture of the way in which some -financial deals were made in “Wall Street,” and the control of -corporations bandied about by a nod of the head, frequently given as a -reward for a personal favour, or withheld as punishment for a personal -slight.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_67" id="page_67">{67}</a></span></p> - -<p>The following incidents in my own financial transactions will illustrate -this system which I by no means indiscriminately condemn, as it is an -essential requirement of the broader development of the commerce of the -United States, but which, unfortunately, has again and again been -shamefully abused, so that the reputation of the deserving had suffered -almost as much as that of the evil doers.</p> - -<p>In 1901 we bought some property from a client of D. B. Ogden, the -vice-president of the Lawyers’ Title Company, who mildly remonstrated -with me by saying:</p> - -<p>“You are one of the original subscribers to the Lawyers’ Title Company, -yet you do all your business with the Title Guarantee & Trust Company. -Why not with us?”</p> - -<p>I said:</p> - -<p>“In all our large transactions, we have to borrow money on mortgages; we -do not want to wait until you offer them around and try and place them. -The other company with their enormous resources and backing gave us a -prompt answer. If you want to enter this very profitable field of large -loans, let me double your capital of $1,000,000 and also secure for you -similar backing to that possessed by your competitor. Though your stock -is selling below book value, I am willing to take the extra issue at -book value, and place it with interests that will give you a credit of -$5,000,000 and thus enable you promptly to handle the biggest -transactions, which are now monopolized by the Title Guarantee & Trust -Company.”</p> - -<p>Within an hour Edward W. Coggeshall, the president of the Lawyers’ Title -Company, called and asked me to repeat my proposition directly to him. I -did so, and he said to me: “When can you make a definite binding offer?” -I inquired whether he wanted my personal, or the Company’s offer, and -when he agreed to deal with me personally, I asked him to wait until I -dictated the proposition in his presence, and he did. Two days later he -in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_68" id="page_68">{68}</a></span>formed me that his Board of Directors desired to offer 3,000 shares -of the new stock of their stockholders, and could therefore only sell me -7,000 shares, and hence they would be satisfied with a credit of four -million dollars. I consented to this change and immediately called on -the officials of the Equitable Life Insurance Company and arranged with -Mr. Squires, the chairman of the Finance Committee, that they would buy -2,000 shares of the stock, and agree to loan the company two million -dollars on mortgages. I suggested that Mr. Thomas N. Jordan, their -comptroller, should act as one of the experts to fix the value of the -stock.</p> - -<p>I next called upon Mr. Olcott, who would not obligate the Central Trust -Company to make any definite loan, but authorized me to agree on behalf -of the Central Realty Bond & Trust Company to loan one million dollars -on mortgages and to subscribe 2,000 shares of the stock.</p> - -<p>I then called up Mr. James Stillman and was informed that he was at home -nursing a cold. Within half an hour Mr. Stillman telephoned me to -inquire if it was something old or new that I wished to see him about. -When I answered “New,” he requested me to come to his house at three -o’clock that afternoon. I was dilating upon the matter for fully twenty -minutes when I suddenly became aware that Stillman had not asked a -single question, and I so told him, and asked whether this was because -he was not interested in the matter. He answered: “I have but one -question: how large an interest am I to have?” I offered him 1,500 -shares if he would agree to loan the company one million dollars. He -said that he would take the stock, as he thoroughly believed in the -Title Insurance business and that the City Bank would be glad to make -the loan to the Title Company if the latter would keep a balance with -them which would justify them in doing so. So I had secured the required -credit and placed 5,500 shares<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_69" id="page_69">{69}</a></span> of the stock. That same day Coggeshall -and I closed the matter. The 1,500 remaining shares were distributed -among some of our friends who we thought could help the Lawyers’ Title -Company. A few days later Mr. Olcott sent for me, and told me that my -handling of the increase of the Lawyers’ Title Company’s capital stock -had raised quite a tempest amongst the Mutual Life crowd: that its -president, Richard A. McCurdy, had asked Olcott at a directors’ meeting -of the Bank of Commerce why the Mutual Life had not been invited to -participate in this increase.</p> - -<p>When Olcott explained to him that we had felt that the Mutual Life was -so largely interested in the Title Guarantee & Trust Company that they -would hardly be of much help to its greatest competitor, while the -Equitable Life was unattached in that respect and would prove a good -ally. Then McCurdy said: “Well, why was not I personally offered a few -hundred shares, as I understand that you and Jarvie and Juilliard have -received some?” This aggravated Olcott, and with a very emphatic -designation of McCurdy’s character, he said to him: “So, that’s your -size?” and that, of course, was pouring oil upon the flames.</p> - -<p>Olcott told me that McCurdy intimated that he would expect Jarvie, -Juilliard and Coleman to resign from our company unless the Mutual Life -were taken care of in this matter. Olcott strongly advised me to defy -and fight them, while on the other hand Juilliard and Jarvie told me -that it was as much Mr. Olcott’s manner and forcible language as my -neglect in taking care of the Mutual Life interests that had aggravated -Mr. McCurdy. Juilliard told me that it would be a pity to break up our -happy little family, and that if I would use my tact, I could -satisfactorily adjust the matter. Although our company had progressed -very nicely, in my opinion it was hardly strong<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_70" id="page_70">{70}</a></span> enough to antagonize so -important an interest as the Mutual Life. I, therefore, consented to let -Juilliard arrange an interview between McCurdy and myself. I was ushered -into the well-known throne-room and McCurdy told me at great length of -his connections with the Title Guarantee & Trust Company and that as the -Mutual Life was the largest lender on mortgages and some of its best -directors were on my board, I should have given the company an -opportunity to participate in this matter. He said that the company -could have divided their allegiance and have done business with both the -title companies. I informed him that I regretted that I had not known -his desire and that now it was too late, but that I was arranging to -increase the capital stock of the Lawyers’ Mortgage Company and would -gladly put the Mutual Life on the same basis as the Equitable Life. That -did not seem to satisfy him. He wanted to be interested in the Lawyers’ -Title Company. He was insistent that he wanted some of the stock of the -Title Company and rather spurned the Lawyers’ Mortgage stock.</p> - -<p>Coggeshall and I finally concluded that we would try to have Mr. -Stillman sell some or all of his stock to the Mutual Life. Stillman -absolutely refused to do so when first requested, and he made me accept -it as a personal favour when he finally consented to sell 1,000 shares -for which he had paid $174,000 for $350,000 to the Mutual Life. Stillman -thought that if the Mutual and Equitable were going to fight for the -control of the Lawyers’ Title Company, as he put it, the stock would go -to $500 a share. While I was arguing with him as to the splendid profit -this was, he said to me: “Morgenthau, you don’t understand what profits -we are in the habit of making,” and told me that when the Northern -Pacific was levying a $15 assessment, William Rockefeller and he had -agreed to pay the assessment on all the stock on which the stock<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_71" id="page_71">{71}</a></span>holders -would default, and by so doing, had secured about 270,000 shares, had -agreed not to sell it until it showed them a profit of $100 a share, -which it did, and he said that even then they regretted that they had -sold it before the corner in Northern Pacific had occurred, because -thereby they lost a very big additional profit that they might otherwise -have made.</p> - -<p>McCurdy urged me to try and consolidate the Title Guarantee & Trust -Company and the Lawyers’ Title Company, as this would have given him a -larger interest in the new company than the Equitable Life possessed. As -the leading spirits in neither company were very keen about it, it -failed of accomplishment; thereafter we consummated the increase of the -stock of the Lawyers’ Mortgage Company from $300,000 to $1,000,000. I -personally agreed to buy from the company 5,500 shares of an increase of -7,000 shares of the stock at $125. The Equitable Life interests received -1,500, and 1,000 shares went to the Mutual Life interests. It was the -distribution of these shares and the method in which they were finally -purchased by the respective companies that were material factors in the -condemnation of Messrs. McCurdy and Hyde by the Armstrong Committee, but -our company made excellent connections with both the Lawyers’ Title and -the Lawyers’ Mortgage companies, and made very substantial profits in -later on disposing of the stock.</p> - -<p>After these two connections had been made, Grant and I felt that to -complete our circle we would also require a construction company.</p> - -<p>The Fuller Company had made a great success in the West and was invading -the East. Mayor Grant was very much impressed with the scheme, but not -so Olcott, Brady, and Crimmins, who had serious objections to a -contracting company. Before abandoning the scheme, however, we submitted -it to Mr. James Stillman. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_72" id="page_72">{72}</a></span> listened attentively, and then told us -that if we adhered to it, notwithstanding the opposition of Olcott, -Brady, and Crimmins, he would join us, with the distinct condition, -however, that he was not to dispose of any of the stock, or be asked to -interest any one in the enterprise. But he agreed that, as his -contribution to the matter, he would finance Grant and myself by loaning -us the full amount that was required at a very reasonable rate of -interest, and carry us for the life of the transaction.</p> - -<p>A few days afterward Stillman sent for me and asked me how much of the -preferred stock we had actually sold. When I told him the amount, he -said: “Do not sell any more. As I was bicycling up Park Avenue -yesterday, I was constantly thinking of Mr. Black’s statement, that New -York had to be rebuilt, and the more I looked around me, the more -convinced I became that he was right. We ought to secure a substantial -share of the work at a profitable commission,” he said, “and therefore -we ought not to sell any more of the preferred stock.”</p> - -<p>We did not do so until about ten months later when Black made us a -proposition on behalf of Charles M. Schwab, who was willing to exchange -U. S. Steel Preferred for Fuller Preferred, on even terms. Black -strongly recommended it, as he thought we might secure prompter -deliveries of our steel, which at that time were very slow and -unsatisfactory, if Mr. Schwab were interested in our company. Grant and -I immediately disposed of the 2,500 shares that each of us had taken and -it was rather amusing to have Stillman ask us in that knowing way of his -whether he was justified in concluding from the observations he had made -of the sales of U. S. Steel Preferred as recorded on the tape that we -had disposed of all our stock. We told him we had. A few days later, at -a meeting, he told us with great satisfaction that by letting us rush -ours off first, he, through careful selling,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_73" id="page_73">{73}</a></span> secured on an average of -three quarters of a point more than we had.</p> - -<p>Mr. Schwab became a member of our board, and I had never before met any -one who equalled him in that extraordinary capacity of intelligently -reading and conclusively analyzing a financial statement at a single -glance that seemed hasty and superficial.</p> - -<p>The foregoing incidents are samples of the minor tactics on the field of -battle in the vast struggle which was waging for the financial control -of America. I shall now outline the major strategy of that struggle as -it impressed me from my slight contact with it.</p> - -<p>The decade from 1896 to 1906 was the period of the most gigantic -expansion of business in all American history, and, indeed, in all the -history of the world. In that decade the slowly fertilized economic -resources of the United States suddenly yielded a bewildering crop of -industries. Vast railroad systems were projected and built into being -with magic speed. The steel industry sprang with mushroom-like rapidity -into a business employing half a million men, and yielding the profits -of a Golconda. The Standard Oil Company spread its production and sales -to the ends of the earth. In every field of manufacture, expanding -companies were brought together into great trusts to unify their -finances and to stimulate their production.</p> - -<p>All these swift growths demanded money: money for new plants—money for -expansion—money for working capital. The cry everywhere was for -money—more money—and yet more money. Wall Street was besieged with a -continual supplication for capital—that priceless fluid to water the -bursting fields of pulsing prosperities. It is an old law that he who -has what all men seek may make his own terms, and in that decade Wall -Street controlled the money of America. No wonder, then, that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_74" id="page_74">{74}</a></span> -financiers of Wall Street leaped to a power greater for a time than the -power of presidents and kings. No wonder that heads were turned, that -power was abused, that tyranny developed, and that finally the nation, -sensing a life-and-death struggle between capitalism and organized -government itself, arose in fear and anger, and put shackles on the -money power that made it again the servant, and no longer the master, of -the people.</p> - -<p>Let me trace briefly how this magic power was concentrated. Under the -old banking system, before the passage of the Federal Reserve Act, the -need for a common banking centre through which to “clear” -inter-community and inter-state debits and credits, following upon the -exchange of goods and the sale of crops, led the “country” banks all -over the United States to maintain in some New York bank a considerable -deposit of their funds, so that interbank transactions could be settled -expeditiously and without cost by the simple device of drawing a draft -against the New York account. The sum total of these country bank -deposits in the metropolitan banks placed in the control of the New York -bankers a vast reservoir of liquid capital. What should have been done -with this money was to use it as the basis for financing the movement of -crops in the fall and the exchange of commodities during the rest of the -year. What frequently was done with it was to lend it to New York -financiers for speculation in the price of crops and commodities, -preventing the farmers and country merchants and small industrials from -securing money at the times they needed it. Another use to which this -reservoir of capital was put, was to lend it to the great industrial -groups battling for supremacy in the fields of sugar, steel, textiles, -railroads, and the like.</p> - -<p>But there were other reservoirs of capital, and these, too, centred in -New York. The great insurance companies were like pools at the bottom of -a great valley:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_75" id="page_75">{75}</a></span> down the hillsides from all directions trickled the -tiny streams of policy holders’ premiums—each in itself but a few drops -of the precious fluid but all together, when gathered in the pool, a -vast golden shining mass tempting the eyes of the speculative builders -of industry. The insurance company presidents, therefore, became, like -the bank presidents of New York, arbiters of financial destiny, because -by their nod of favour, or disapproval, they could grant or withhold the -golden stream of credit for which all men were begging.</p> - -<p>Thus arose a natural struggle between the banks and the insurance -companies for the control of the finances of the country. If the bankers -could control the insurance companies, they would be masters of the -situation. If the insurance companies could control the banks, then the -insurance company presidents would be the great men. It may seem odd to -suggest that the insurance companies might have controlled the banks, -but I can easily demonstrate that this was quite within the realms of -possibility. One man with enough shrewdness and enough force, and -possessed of not more than $100,000,000, could at that time actually -have controlled the banking system of America. On August 5, 1899, when I -entered “Finance” with the organization of our company, the -capitalization of all the banks in the Clearing House was only -$58,000,000, and their total undivided profits were 77 millions—making -their entire resources 135 millions; the selling price of their stocks -was about 200 millions. One man with a private fortune of $100,000,000, -or McCurdy or Hyde controlling an insurance company with assets greatly -in excess of that amount, or the Standard Oil group might have been -shrewd enough to have bought a majority interest in all the important -banks in New York, and this majority interest would have placed in his -control, by virtue of the system I have described above, prac<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_76" id="page_76">{76}</a></span>tically -the entire banking power of America. We should then have had a financial -octopus in the person of one man, with even weirder potentialities of -sinister control of American life than the only less dangerous small -group which actually did dominate the country financially in the early -years of the present century.</p> - -<p>What actually happened was that the banking power, instead of being all -in the hands of one man, was held jointly by a group of a few men who, -although they fought incessantly and bitterly among themselves, -nevertheless often united for common profit. It may interest the reader -to be reminded of these groups and their leaders.</p> - -<p>Towering above them all in the public mind, although in fact but little -more powerful than several of the others, was the massive figure and -threatening eye of J. Pierpont Morgan. Morgan ruled less by virtue of -his wealth than by the overpowering force of his character. Men feared -him, but they trusted him. Nearly every enterprise he financed turned to -gold, and his leadership became the most impressive fact in American -financial life. A close second to Morgan was James Stillman. Elected -president of the National City Bank in July of 1901, Stillman, then -forty-two years of age, heir to a profitable cotton brokerage business -that made him financially independent, had partially retired from active -business life, and was enjoying his cultivated tastes in semi-leisure. -When Percy R. Pyne, president of the National City Bank, retired from -office, and found that his two sons had no ambition to succeed him, he -offered Stillman the presidency, and Stillman accepted. The policies -which Stillman inaugurated at the National City Bank soon gave evidence -of that genius which was shortly to place him at the very top of the -financial world. Stillman previsioned the vast expansion of American -business, and took steps<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_77" id="page_77">{77}</a></span> at once to share in the control of it. He -bought all the stock of his bank that came on the market, and then he -made it a leader in the financing of industry by attracting to his Board -of Directors the heads of the greatest enterprises in the country. These -men brought to his bank not only money for deposit, but they brought -what the subtle Stillman prized even more, and that was their knowledge -and their brains. At his board meetings Stillman learned, at first hand, -the inside facts about every business in the country, and this priceless -information gave him the key to all the mysteries of financing that lay -at the bottom of his success, and at these meetings Stillman had for the -asking the advice and counsel of the shrewdest business men in the land. -He once confided to me that by this simple device of putting these men -on his directorate he had secured their services at the absurd price of -about $400 a year apiece. As he expressed it: “These men attend a board -meeting once a week, and receive $10 for their attendance, and for that -price I am free to pick their brains.”</p> - -<p>Stillman was allied with the Rockefeller family by the marriage of his -two daughters to the two sons of William Rockefeller, and through this -alliance gained all the direct and indirect advantages of a favoured -position with the Standard Oil Company and its measures.</p> - -<p>Another group in the financial oligarchy was Kuhn, Loeb & Company, -originally clothing manufacturers in Cincinnati, then note-brokers and -finally bankers. Their great feat was taking over from the U. S. -Government Receivers the Union Pacific Railroad and reorganizing it. -They then made their famous alliance with E. H. Harriman and established -themselves in the first rank of American financiers, through the success -of this joint financing of the Union Pacific Railroad, one of the most -profitable of all the feats of financial legerdemain ever accomplished.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_78" id="page_78">{78}</a></span></p> - -<p>The trust companies entered the ranks of the financial oligarchs by -virtue of a peculiar provision of the banking laws which permitted them -to accept deposits and grant the checking privilege against them which -was enjoyed by the banks without being required to maintain the cash -reserve against deposits which was exacted of the banks. By paying -interest on daily balances they attracted the best—the non-borrowing -accounts.</p> - -<p>Under this anomaly of the law, the trust companies rose rapidly to -financial eminence. Their progress was bitterly contested by the banks, -but under the leadership of Frederic P. Olcott, the trust companies -became so powerful that they were taken into the oligarchy before the -laws were finally revised, placing them on a parity with the banks. -Olcott, as president of the Central Trust Company, had a hand in nearly -every one of the reorganizations of the railroads, a process through -which almost every railroad in the country was carried during the period -from 1878 to 1890. This experience had made Olcott an expert in every -detail of railroad finance, and his rugged honesty, his utter -fearlessness, his profane disregard of any man’s importance, no matter -how much it might have awed others, had placed him at the front as a -power to be reckoned with under all conditions.</p> - -<p>So much for the bankers. The insurance companies were the other great -powers in the financial oligarchy. Hyde of the Equitable, McCurdy of the -Mutual, McCall of the New York Life—each of these men controlled the -lending of hundreds of millions of dollars of money taken in as -premiums. Before the eyes of each was laid the dazzling opportunity of -using this power to further speculative financing of industry with the -prospect of enormous profits. Some succumbed to these temptations, and -used some of this money, which was entrusted to them for the most sacred -of all financial purposes—the payments<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_79" id="page_79">{79}</a></span> of death benefits to the -families of policy holders—as if they had been their own funds to be -risked in private speculation.</p> - -<p>The case of Hyde is doubly appropriate for mention here, because he was -a representative sinner in these corrupt practices, and because it was -my fate to cross destinies at three critical moments in the life of his -son and heir, and to be, at one of these crises, the Nemesis for his -undoing.</p> - -<p>Henry B. Hyde had organized the Equitable Life Insurance Company years -before as a private stock company, capitalized at $100,000, of which he -retained ownership of slightly more than $50,000 worth of the stock. The -Equitable had prospered until it was one of the five great insurance -companies. Its assets had risen to over $500,000,000, its surplus to an -enormous sum. It was a moot question as to whether the stockholders or -the policy holders owned the surplus. Though the stock was restricted to -a 7 per cent. dividend, nevertheless its price had risen to $3,000 a -share, which showed the value that experts placed upon opportunities for -profit—whether legitimate or otherwise—that accrued to the possessor -of the majority of the stock—and the control of the company. The -insurance investigation conducted by Mr. Hughes showed the various -methods by which the men in control of this and other insurance -companies had abused this power and had personally enriched themselves.</p> - -<p>When Henry B. Hyde died, he left to his son, James Hazen Hyde, his -controlling interest in the Equitable. It would be hard to over-state -the dazzling opportunity that now lay within reach of this boy of 24. If -fate had given him the vision of Stillman, or the wisdom and -over-mastering will of Morgan, or the rugged force of Olcott, young Hyde -might easily have become dictator of financial America. The method of -quick profits from the use of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_80" id="page_80">{80}</a></span> other people’s money had been -demonstrated for him by his father, and young Hyde himself was clever -enough to perceive the opening that lay in acquiring control of the -majority stock in banks and trust companies. He had the vision which I -have described above, of the possibility of controlling the banking -system of America by the use of one single fortune.</p> - -<p>Destiny, however, had another fate in store. Fortune had indeed given -Hyde the means and the vision to attain preëminence. But her hand -withheld one essential gift—the gift of character. Reared to the -unrestrained enjoyment of pleasure, Hyde had never been disciplined, and -so had never had occasion to learn those amenities which, even in the -most powerful characters, temper the masterful assertion of authority. -With the pettish temper of a child, Hyde could not brook opposition; his -theory of action was the crude one of “rule or ruin.” Where tact would -have propitiated an antagonist, he tried giving orders. In rapid -succession, he antagonized the most powerful men in America—men who had -earned their spurs on the field of financial battle before he was born, -and who were not of a temper to brook the insolence of a youngster -merely because he had inherited a fortune. Their deep resentment long -boiled below the surface, and it was only when Hyde tried to wrest from -the presidency and transfer to the vice-presidency, which he was then -occupying, the main executive powers of the company that the opposition -to him became organized. President Alexander retained Bainbridge Colby, -who was then in partnership with his son, and also Frank Platt. The -latter by using the agents of the United States Express Company, of -which his father was president, secured the proxies of over 90,000 -policy holders. They then tried to secure prominent and trusted men who -would act as a committee for the policy holders to force an -investigation<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_81" id="page_81">{81}</a></span> of the management of the company. This task they found -more difficult. Several times they thought they had their committee -completed when Hyde and his associates exerted such pressure that these -men withdrew their consent to serve. Finally, a group of them put this -situation up to me. They pointed out that I owed a duty to the public to -clear up this lamentable misuse of the public’s funds.</p> - -<p>I debated long whether I had a right to do this service. For myself, -personally, I had no fear of Hyde, but as president of a trust company, -I had the interests of my stockholders and depositors to consider. To -resolve my perplexities, I brought the matter up at a board meeting. I -wanted to accept, but I felt it my duty to explain the situation to my -directors, and I told them that if they felt I was jeopardizing their -interests, I would resign from the Trust Company, and serve on the -committee. Olcott resolved the question. With characteristic honesty and -force, he said: “If you feel that way, stay and serve, and let whoever -deserves, be hurt.”</p> - -<p>I informed the attorneys of the committee of my inclination, but told -them I would not serve until they had submitted to me the evidence they -possessed. It was an interesting evening that Frank Platt and Bainbridge -Colby spent in my library. They brought a satchel full of documents, and -in a short time convinced me that their case against Hyde was complete. -They were very anxious to have me pledge myself to stay to the end, -which was to be the displacement of Hyde, and I exacted from them a -similar promise, so that we came to an understanding that this was to be -a fight to the finish.</p> - -<p>With the Dreyfus trial fresh in my mind, I urged Colby that he should be -the man who would Americanize the “<i>J’accuse</i>” and charge Hyde with -these various malfeasances against the policy holders.</p> - -<p>A few days later, Mr. Stillman called and told me that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_82" id="page_82">{82}</a></span> he wanted to -warn me to be very cautious in my activities of this policy holders’ -committee; that public opinion was so excited and might easily be fanned -to fever heat if the conditions in the Equitable were published; and -that the people might demand investigations of all financial -institutions, and thereby create a panic. He also asked me to discuss -the matter with Mr. E. H. Harriman. I had no objection to doing so, and -a conference was arranged. Harriman asked me what the committee wanted, -and I told him that although Hyde owned a majority of the stock, the -assets belonged to the policy holders; and that they had enough -accusations which would condemn him before any court; and that the -committee demanded the removal of Hyde and control of the executive -committee which controlled the company. I told him that it would be much -better for them to make terms with us, who were reasonable men, than to -try to persuade any of our committee to compromise, because the proxies -we had would be taken from us and given to people who would see that -justice would be done. He saw the force of my argument and suggested my -meeting Mr. Elihu Root. We met the next day and went over the whole -situation. Mr. Root laid great stress on the fact that it was unheard of -to displace a man owning the majority of the stock of a company. On -behalf of the policy holders, I told Mr. Root that we were going to -arouse public opinion against the impropriety of having the funds of -widows and orphans subjected to the whims and fancies of a -quasi-irresponsible young man, and I also referred to the grave danger -that the whole financial fabric was being exposed to by permitting the -vast power that went with the control of the Equitable and its -subsidiary companies, to pass by inheritance, and not by election.</p> - -<p>It finally was arranged that no one was to be placed on the executive -committee who was personally objectionable<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_83" id="page_83">{83}</a></span> to Hyde. The new directors -were not to represent any faction, but all the policy holders. Thus we -got control of the board and the policy holders were allowed to elect a -majority of the executive committee and Mr. Hyde’s control was wrested -from him.</p> - -<p>Thus, my action in standing fast with the committee of Equitable policy -holders, demanding their rights, was an essential prelude to the famous -life insurance investigation of 1905. The success of that investigation, -once it got under way, is, of course, to the eternal credit of Charles -Evans Hughes. His masterly grasp of the intricacies of the whole -situation; his extraordinarily logical mind which enabled him to bring -out the testimony in such a way as to build up an overwhelming and -complete sense of the right and wrong of the matter, made his conduct of -this investigation one of the most brilliant performances in the history -of American law, and placed Mr. Hughes in the front rank of public -servants. My own testimony at the investigation was useful in -establishing confirmatory evidence of the corrupt manner in which life -insurance moneys were used, as evidenced in the purchase, by Mr. -McCurdy, of stock in other companies with policy holders’ money, but to -the personal profit of the officers of the Mutual instead of to the -Mutual itself. The outcome of the whole investigation is, of course, -familiar to the public. It resulted in the enactment of laws which made -these corrupt practices impossible, and thereby took the insurance -company funds out of the speculative and promoting fields of American -finance.</p> - -<p>The other needed reform—to clip the power of the New York bankers to -control the credit resources of the country—was delayed until, under -the compulsion of Woodrow Wilson’s leadership, the Federal Reserve Act -was passed, and the power of Wall Street over credit for ever crushed. -That Act democratized credit, and made<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_84" id="page_84">{84}</a></span> it impossible for any man, or -group of men, to concentrate and control it.</p> - -<p>Young Hyde was shorn of his glory. He was compelled to sell his majority -of ownership in the Equitable for two and one half million -dollars—whereas but a few years before I had been authorized by James -Stillman to offer him ten million dollars for the control of the -Equitable and its connections—and to remove himself from all authority -in its affairs, and from all influence upon finance in general. He -retired to that luxurious obscurity which was his natural level. -Disgusted with America, which did not “appreciate” him, he returned to -France where he had already spent several years, and there devoted -himself to a life of pleasure and of mild intellectual avocations.</p> - -<p>I did not see him again until 1917 when the United States had entered -the World War, and I was visiting Paris. This third encounter with young -Hyde had in it the dramatic elements of a Greek comedy. Later in this -book, I describe how I made Hyde vice-president of the Metropolitan -Opera Company, and facilitated his ambition to become a social leader in -New York. Unappreciative of this service I had rendered him, and eager -for yet greater social opportunities, Hyde had not been content to await -the natural termination of my directorship, and had had the impudence to -ask me to resign in favour of one of his friends. I had indignantly -refused this preposterous request, and served out my term of office. In -the insurance investigation there had been, therefore, a certain element -of poetic justice in my being the instrument in the hand of destiny to -give the little essential fillip to the events that caused his headlong -fall from financial eminence. Our meeting in Paris in 1917 supplied the -final touch of classic irony. There, Hyde, out of touch with his native -land, somewhat chastened by contemplation of his abrupt fall<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_85" id="page_85">{85}</a></span> from -financial heights, found himself almost a man without a country in the -midst of the World War, unable to gratify his ambition to be always in -style—and now the style was to be in the military uniform of one’s -country.</p> - -<p>I visited France soon after the entrance of America into that conflict, -and during a brief interval of rest at Aix-les-Bains, I chanced upon -John G. A. Leishmann and his vivacious daughter, who was Hyde’s wife. -She had heard of my political association with President Wilson, but -evidently she had forgotten, or was unaware of, my part in the financial -downfall of her husband. She confided to me young Hyde’s and her own -unhappiness that he had no active part in the service of his country, -and begged me to use my influence to obtain for him some position in the -American service where he could do his bit. I promised to do what I -could.</p> - -<p>Upon my return to Paris, young Hyde himself called upon me with words of -warm appreciation, both that I had been willing to overlook our late -unpleasantness, and that I had not mentioned its existence to his wife. -He was anxious to serve, and almost pathetically eager to convince me -that he could serve. He had been refused a position on General -Pershing’s staff, and wanted me to secure for him a commission from the -American Red Cross. He declared that he could obtain for me or others an -immediate audience from any person in the French Government, no matter -how exalted, and pointed out that by virtue of this capacity he could be -of indispensable service. He wished me to name any French official whom -I cared to meet. I said I should like very much to meet M. Painlevé -informally, and Hyde thereupon, hardly waiting to bid me good-bye, -hastened away to make the appointment. He easily made good his boast, so -that two days later I had dinner at Hyde’s house, and had a most -interesting conversation with Painlevé. I was so im<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_86" id="page_86">{86}</a></span>pressed with Hyde’s -earnestness and with the possibilities of usefulness that lay in his -remarkable affiliations with the best French society, that I did -intercede for him with Major Murphy and Major Perkins, the heads of the -Red Cross, and prevailed upon them to make him a uniformed officer. He -was attached to the Paris headquarters of our Red Cross work in France, -and, I was afterward told, rendered very useful service.</p> - -<p>As I stated at the beginning of this chapter, the object of the -formation of the Central Realty Bond & Trust Company was to provide an -accumulation of capital for the purpose of dealing in real estate on a -large scale. I shall describe a few of the company’s transactions to -illustrate how the corporate form of operation gave wider scope than was -possible to an individual operator. One of our first transactions -illustrates this very point.</p> - -<p>While looking for temporary quarters to house the company, Mr. Frederick -M. Hilton, the present head of William A. White & Sons, offered me the -space in Boreel Building that had just been vacated by the German -American Fire Insurance Company. Mr. Hilton told me that the Boreel -heirs were receiving a return of less than 3 per cent. on the tax value -of their property, and were facing a substantial diminution of even this -small income now that these insurance offices had been thrown upon their -hands. I said to him: “Why not inquire whether these heirs will sell the -property for $2,000,000?” He was amazed when he found that out of an -expected rental of $15,000 a year there might evolve a sale of the -entire property. I immediately communicated this fact to Grant who -authorized me to purchase the property without consulting the Executive -Committee, and said that both Olcott and he would each take one third -and I could take one third, if the Executive Committee failed to ratify -it. We secured the property for $2,050,000. Mr.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_87" id="page_87">{87}</a></span> Prescott Hall Butler -represented the heirs in this transaction and when I handed him the -check for $50,000, which was paid on account of the contract, he told me -that he intended to deposit it with a trust company until the deal was -completed. I said why not with us, which he agreed to do, so that we -thus owned the property without having parted with the possession of a -single dollar. The fact that we were both a real estate operating -company and a trust company enabled us to repeat this kind of operation -frequently.</p> - -<p>When Mr. Black of the Fuller Construction Company heard of our purchase, -he immediately bought our contract, and gave us a profit of 10 per -cent., so that we secured temporary quarters and made $205,000 without -losing the use of any of our funds.</p> - -<p>Other large transactions followed in rapid succession. Among the most -interesting of these was the collecting of the plots that constitute the -present site of the Broad Exchange Building, directly opposite the Stock -Exchange; the purchase of the Knox Building at the corner of Fortieth -Street and Fifth Avenue; and my joining in the purchase of the Plaza -Hotel, by means of a brief telephone conversation, for $3,000,000.</p> - -<p>In 1904, as the Subway neared completion, I was astonished to find that -there had been no activity in real estate in anticipation of the -benefits that would accrue from the increased transportation facilities -in the upper part of New York and the Bronx. I therefore enlisted the -assistance of my nephew, Robert E. Simon, and of J. Clarence Davies, and -organized what was dubbed by some of the real estate operators the -“Subway Boom.” On behalf of the company and some associates, we -purchased all the big plots that abutted the various transit lines, and -could be secured at reasonable prices. In a period of ninety days we -purchased in the Bronx, in the Dyckman<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_88" id="page_88">{88}</a></span> district, in Washington Heights, -and Fort George, about 2,500 lots which were eventually sold for -$9,000,000.</p> - -<p>In 1905, when I realized that a cessation of prosperity and the -necessary declining market that would follow was imminent, I called on -Mr. Olcott and asked him whether our young company could rely upon the -assistance of the Central Trust Company, with whom we kept our largest -account; he told me that if a panic such as I feared should come -everybody would have to look out for himself; that if my accounts and -securities would justify his making a loan at 6 per cent. he would do -so, but as far as his depositing with our company a few million dollars, -as I had suggested, he would not consider it. I went right next door to -Mr. Stillman, and asked him a similar question, first telling him the -attitude Mr. Olcott had taken. Mr. Stillman said I was but one of the -many customers of his bank; his holdings in my company were relatively -small; that the new, unseasoned financial institutions would be the -first to suffer in case the public commenced to doubt the stability of -the financial institutions. “Although it is known that you have a -splendid board of directors, and have the good will of some of the big -interests like the Mutual Life and the Central Trust Company, and my -institution also, still it is well known that none of us control your -institution and are, therefore, not responsible for it. You do not -belong to any one, but I am willing to see you through, no matter what -happens.”</p> - -<p>During the interview, I almost felt that the Stillman collar was -slipping around my neck and shook myself to see if I was free, and I -made up my mind that rather than wear any one’s collar, I would go out -of business. I deliberated at some length for some days, and then had a -long conference with Mr. Grant who, for the first time since our close -connection, was really annoyed at the stand I took. He felt that our -company was destined to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_89" id="page_89">{89}</a></span> become one of the important independent -financial institutions downtown and that my fears of a catastrophe were -exaggerated and that we should risk it, playing the game to the finish. -When I explained to him that I had no desire to quit personally, but to -dispose of the company as a whole, either by consolidation or -liquidation, he coöperated with me faithfully, as heretofore.</p> - -<p>We merged the company into the Lawyers’ Title Insurance Company at a -price which enabled us to pay our stockholders $550 in cash and one half -share of Lawyers’ Title Stock for every share they owned in our company.</p> - -<p>I personally purchased from the company all the real estate that it then -owned.</p> - -<p>Having thus returned to the real estate business, only on a much larger -scale than I had ever operated before, I took my nephew, Robert E. -Simon, into partnership, and formed the Henry Morgenthau Company. This -company then developed all the properties I had left in the Bronx, and -built and financed housings for thousands of people in that section, and -also on Washington Heights, and in Fort George at One Hundred and -Ninetieth Street and St. Nicholas Avenue.</p> - -<p>My venture into the trust company field led me ultimately into an -interest in a kind of business I had never before studied. One day my -friend, Mr. Charles Strauss, who had influenced many of his clients and -friends to open accounts with the Trust Company, came to my office and -asked me whether we would make a loan to one of his clients who, he -declared, was ready to put up as collateral some of the original -Standard Oil Company stock. I told him unhesitatingly that we would do -so.</p> - -<p>He said: “Now, Henry, don’t speak so fast. Before you definitely commit -yourself, I understand trust companies are not making loans on an -exclusively industrial collateral.” I told him that I knew how my board -felt<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_90" id="page_90">{90}</a></span> about Standard Oil which was then selling at about $180 a share, -and to convince him that I was authorized I told him that if his friend -had any doubts, I would make him a time loan of six months. Mr. Strauss -brought in Mr. John T. Underwood, the president of the Underwood -Typewriter Company.</p> - -<p>Strauss told me at the time that this transaction might lead to other -business. A few years afterward, Strauss came to see me and told me that -Underwood required additional money to proceed with his enterprise. He -then told me how Underwood had come to this country from England to -represent his father’s business—the John Underwood Company, -manufacturers of inks; how he had started business at No. 30 Vesey -Street; and how, shortly after typewriters had been introduced, had -manufactured supplies for them, carbon paper, ribbons, etc., and built -up a large and profitable business. His transactions were very largely -with the then existing typewriter companies, the Remington and Smith -Premier. Shortly after the Union Typewriter Company had been started, -these people notified Underwood that they would themselves go into the -typewriter supply business. This induced Underwood to go into the -typewriter business and to manufacture the first visible typewriter.</p> - -<p>In 1901, when they came to me, he had invested in the enterprise about -$950,000, and as he wanted to buy a new factory in Hartford, and -increase his facilities, he wanted to secure an additional capital of -$500,000 and that was the proposition that Strauss had suggested to me. -We discussed the matter, and I proposed that he rearrange his -capitalization; sell $500,000 of 6 per cent. First Preferred stock; have -issued to himself, Strauss, and others who had advanced the $950,000, -Second Preferred of $1,000,000; and that he issue $2,000,000 Common -stock, of which he could give the First Preferred stockholders<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_91" id="page_91">{91}</a></span> -$500,000. Messrs. Hugh J. Grant and James M. Jarvie of the Executive -Committee of the Trust Company subsequently joined me in the -deliberations, and in the course thereof Mr. Underwood told us that the -Trust had offered him $2,000,000 for his proposition. Jarvie said to -him: “You are a bachelor, you have no under-study. You have no one -dependent upon you. Your enterprise is a one-man enterprise, and much as -I would like to go into this matter with you, I strongly recommend that -you sell to the Trust.”</p> - -<p>Jarvie talked so convincingly that Underwood again opened negotiations -with the Trust. They renewed their offer, but insisted upon making their -payments in installments, which, when analyzed, practically meant that -they would pay Underwood largely, if not entirely, out of his own -profits. Underwood and Strauss rebelled at that and determined to -continue their enterprise.</p> - -<p>It was then February, 1903, and the panic of that year was imminent, and -Grant and Jarvie declined to go into anything new. It rather discouraged -me, but I took a small subscription of the First Preferred stock, more -out of compliment to Strauss and Underwood than for the sake of -investment. Strauss made a proposition to me, saying that they desired -to have me on the Board of Directors, and if I would agree to serve for -five years, they would give me $30,000 of Common stock for nothing. I -consented to do so upon one condition, that all meetings would have to -be held at the Trust Company office, as I did not wish to take the time -it would require for me to go up to their office. They promptly accepted -my condition, as they said they had no meeting room and, in fact, they -considered this, instead of being a condition, an accommodation. I -attended the directors’ meetings pretty regularly until 1909, when at -one of the meetings I was very much gratified to see that during the -current<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_92" id="page_92">{92}</a></span> month, the Company had earned more than the $90,000, their -fixed charges on the First and Second Preferred stock for the entire -year. I invited Underwood and Strauss to lunch with me, and I then told -them that I had been a director now for six years, and the time had -arrived when I could be useful in creating a market for the stock, which -was not being dealt in at all. I asked them whether they would be -willing to sell me one half of their holdings, and I would undertake to -popularize the stock. Mr. Underwood gave me an option in November, 1909, -to purchase from him 40 per cent. of the Common stock. He gave this -option without any payment down. I invited Mr. Jacob Wertheim to join me -and when I gave him all the facts that I had learned while acting as -director for years—he found them so convincing that he waived making an -investigation and proposed that we confine the matter entirely to -ourselves—he offered to finance the operation to any extent that I was -unable to do. I accepted this on condition that he would give his son -Maurice, who had married my daughter Alma, an interest in his half. He -consented and I gave my son an interest in my share. After we had made -this arrangement, we decided that it would be better for Underwood and -the other stockholders of the enterprise that, instead of creating a -market for the then existing shares, we should create a new issue of -$5,000,000 of Preferred stock, dispose of it to the public, and with the -proceeds redeem the First and Second Preferred, and also the outstanding -Common stock, pay off the notes then outstanding, and have enough cash -left to more than double the facilities of the Company at Hartford. When -I made the suggestion to Underwood, he said he would not entertain it -until I had consummated my option. We did this promptly, and then -refinanced the Company. It was one of the first companies, if not the -very first, that sold its Preferred stock to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_93" id="page_93">{93}</a></span> the bankers without giving -them, or their purchasers, any of the Common stock as a bonus. My -experience as president of the Central Realty Trust Company had taught -me that this could be done, and I insisted upon trying it, so that when -we finished with the entire operation, Wertheim and I and our sons were -owners of very substantial amounts of the Common stock at a very -moderate price. Underwood and Strauss and the other Preferred and Common -stockholders of the Company were all, and still are, pleased with the -refinancing, as everybody concerned was benefitted by the operation.</p> - -<p>In the meantime, the Underwood Company has completely outstripped all -the other companies, and Underwood has had the satisfaction of -metamorphosing from the discharged purveyor of supplies to the Remington -and other typewriter companies, into the unquestioned, outstanding -leader of the typewriter business, and he is still the same modest, -energetic, tireless executive that he was in 1903. It has been no small -satisfaction for all of us to see the steady, healthy growth of this -infant into the magnificent giant that it is to-day, and some of the -credit is due to our most efficient superintendent, Mr. Charles A. Rice.</p> - -<p>In 1919, when the Underwood commenced to manufacture the portable -machines, I asked Mr. Underwood to give me No. 1, so that I could -present it to President Wilson, as I was about to go to Europe, and -expected to see him in Paris. I sent it to the President, and a few days -thereafter I met Miss Benham, Mrs. Wilson’s secretary, and she told me -that unintentionally I had almost caused a little quarrel between the -Presidential couple, and when I inquired how, she told me that Mrs. -Wilson had annexed the Underwood machine over the President’s protest.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_94" id="page_94">{94}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br /><br /> -<small>SOCIAL SERVICE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">D</span>URING all these years of which I have been writing my spirit was in a -never-ceasing conflict with itself, a conflict between idealism and -materialism. My boyish imagination had been fired with a vision of a -life of unselfish devotion to the welfare of others, and in an earlier -chapter I have described the influence of religious and ethical -teachings upon my character and activities. But the necessity of earning -a livelihood had early thrust me into the arena of business. Once there, -I became absorbed in money-making. It was a fascinating game. It -challenged all my powers of brain and will to hold my own and forge -ahead in the fierce competition of my fellows. I lived business, ate -business, dreamed business. There came a time when the most interesting -lectures, the finest theatrical performances, or even the best staged -operas could not hold my entire attention. My schemes constantly -intruded themselves upon my consciousness and would absorb the mentality -that was required for me to understand and rejoice with what was going -on. As usual, as with all other business men, the day’s work had -practically absorbed my day’s supply of vitality. I had not the power to -shake off this exacting task-master.</p> - -<p>But, though business could conquer pleasure, it could not conquer -idealism; and idealism resorted to similar tactics as business. It -asserted itself during business hours, and again and again demanded -opportunities to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_95" id="page_95">{95}</a></span> exercise itself. I shall now try to tell how it -successfully resisted complete annihilation.</p> - -<p>When, in 1876, Felix Adler returned from his studies as a rabbi in -Europe, and Temple Emanu-El—the most important Jewish congregation in -the United States—was ready to welcome him to its pulpit, he found that -it would not coincide with his views to follow in the footsteps of his -father, who had been connected with that synagogue for forty years. The -son’s researches had led him to the conclusion that forms, ceremonies, -and customs did not make a religion when pursued in new and entirely -different surroundings. Dr. Adler hoped that the time had come when the -real spiritual essentials of the Jewish religion—its system of -ethics—could be developed, appreciated, and enforced, and that the -American Jews could adjust themselves to the land in which they were -living and drop all that they had had to adhere to in Ghettoized Europe. -He came back filled with an enthusiastic desire to remedy the glaring -evils, not only of the Jews, but of the entire community: he could -diagnose our ills and prescribe a remedy.</p> - -<p>This appeal found a wonderful response amongst the flower of the -reformed Jews and some Christians of New York, who formed the Society -for Ethical Culture, of which the then leading Jew of America, Joseph -Seligman, was elected president. All these felt the need of readjustment -to fit their new surroundings. Some of those religious habits were -imposed upon them while their ancestors were suppressed people. Few, if -any, would adopt Christianity, but all were ready to subscribe to the -aims of a society which are most clearly stated in their present -invitation to members:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Our Society is distinctly a religious body, interpreting the word -“religion” to mean fervent devotion to the highest moral ends. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_96" id="page_96">{96}</a></span> -toward religion as a confession of faith in things superhuman, the -attitude of our Society is neutral. Neither acceptance nor denial -of any theological doctrine disqualifies for membership.</p></div> - -<p>In short, the Jews in America very seriously wanted to complete their -Americanization. They were honestly striving for education, for -refinement, for community and public service, for devotion to art, -music, and culture. Welcome, then, this prophet Adler—this great -reformer! His sterling qualities as a thinker; his wonderful -resourcefulness; his pure and lofty private life, and his totally -uncompromising attitude toward evil, secured him the admiration of all -those who had in their own modest way been hopelessly striving to reach -this plane. Adler by inheritance and by studying the older prophets had -mingled that knowledge with the wisdom of the present day. Here was pure -ethics unencumbered by religious form, the way Emerson taught it, the -way Garrison and Lincoln practised it—and this man was trying to direct -this current, which led away from the old-fashioned religion into a new -field tending toward agnosticism and atheism, and bring it, instead, -into this new field of ethics. His sincerity could not be doubted. He -had voluntarily abandoned an honourable and care-free career that had -been offered him by Temple Emanu-El, and like a modern Moses had -undertaken the harassing and difficult task of satisfying the -unexpressed yearnings of these people, who were discontented with the -existing requirements of their religion and had hopelessly sought for -moral guidance.</p> - -<p>I was among Adler’s earliest adherents. When he organized his United -Relief Work, I was one of its directors; I participated in his Cherry -Street experiment in model tenements—the first in America, which -eventually brought about legislation to do away with the dark rooms of -which there were over fifty thousand in New York City<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_97" id="page_97">{97}</a></span> alone, and I -assisted in the establishment of the first Ethical Culture School, which -was started in Fifty-fourth Street, near Sixth Avenue, and was chairman -of the Site Committee that secured the present location on Central Park -West from Sixty-third to Sixty-fourth streets.</p> - -<p>Above all, however, I treasure the fond remembrance of having been a -member of the “Union for Higher Life”—an organization of a few of -Adler’s devotees. He always maintained that, as every man expected -purity from his wife, it was his duty to enter the marriage state in the -same condition, and the members of this “Union” pledged themselves to -celibacy during bachelorhood. We met every week at the Sherwood Studio, -where he then lived. We read Lange’s “Arbeiter-Frage,” and studied the -Labour question. We discussed the problems of business and professional -men. I notice in my diary of April 24, ’82, that we debated the -simplicity of dress and the follies of extravagance. Then, as Dr. Adler -wanted us to feel that we were doing something definitely altruistic, -the members of the Union jointly adopted eight children; some of them -were half-orphans, and some had parents who could not support them -properly; we employed a matron and hired a flat for her on the corner of -Forty-fifth Street and Eighth Avenue.</p> - -<p>We had considered starting a coöperative community for ourselves, and -Adler and I devoted some time looking at various properties. Our -intention was to have separate living quarters with a joint kindergarten -and a joint kitchen, thereby avoiding duplication of menial labour. This -would have enabled our wives to devote more of their time to community -work. It was to be an urban Brook Farm. Already having big ideas about -real estate, I suggested and investigated the Leake and Watts Orphan -Asylum property, now occupied by the Cathedral of St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_98" id="page_98">{98}</a></span> John the Divine! -It could then have been bought for about $3,000 a lot. Adler, however, -considered it too inaccessible, as it could only be reached by the -Eighth Avenue street car, and so the idea was abandoned.</p> - -<p>As many of my close friends were not adherents of Professor Adler, and -we wanted to share our intellectual developments and efforts, we -organized the Emerson Society; and under the guidance of my brother -Julius who had just received his degree of Doctor of Philosophy at -Leipzig, we not only read, but thoroughly studied, a number of Emerson’s -essays. I was chagrined to find that not only the college-bred men of -our group, but also many of the girls were much better English scholars -than I, so I determined to secure lessons from the best authority on -English at that time. Richard Grant White, the annotator of Shakespeare -and the author of “Words and their Uses,” was universally recognized as -such, but I was told by people whom I consulted that it was useless to -communicate with him as he undoubtedly would feel himself above giving -private lessons. Nevertheless I wrote him for an interview, stating my -age, vocation, and desire, and he answered:</p> - -<p>“It is possible that I may be able to give you the assistance you seek -in your praiseworthy plan. I will see you with pleasure.”</p> - -<p>The interview was successful. Mr. White undertook to give us lessons in -the origin and growth of language, nor shall I ever forget the delight -of that instruction. We used to meet in his apartment on Stuyvesant -Square, the home of an artist and scholar, and his talks on the -development of tongues from the Aryan to our modern English—his -readings from the classics in that beautiful, cultivated voice of his -with its perfect enunciation—are still fresh in my memory.</p> - -<p>Two of my friends had joined me and when I was no<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_99" id="page_99">{99}</a></span> longer contented to -meet Josephine Sykes merely as a member of the Emerson Club, and -therefore persuaded her to start a little club of our own, she joined -the class.</p> - -<p>Shortly after the death of Maurice Grau in 1902, my wife and I, calling -on Mrs. Josephine Bonné, found the Conrieds there, and Conried told us -that he was looking for fourteen men whom he could get to join him in -subscribing the $150,000 required to secure the lease and management of -the Metropolitan Opera House, and as I was one that Mrs. Bonné had -suggested, he, with great earnestness, backed up by his fine dramatic -talent, pleaded his cause. He told us of his histrionic training in the -Burg Theatre at Vienna, and how his youthful ardour for the stage was -permanently influenced by the high artistic ideals prevailing there.</p> - -<p>“When I came to America,” he said, “I hoped the prosperous Germans and -Jews would endow a similar institution here, and so I started the Irving -Place Theatre. What has happened? Instead of receiving the support I -expected, I have had to resort to all kinds of devices. I have become a -play broker, secured the American rights to current European -productions, demonstrating their possibilities to the American managers, -and selling them when I could, so that the Irving Place Theatre has -really become only a laboratory or testing room. It has never paid for -itself, and I have had to supplement my brokerage profits by securing -Herr Ballin’s help in founding the Ocean Comfort Company which rents -steamer chairs to transatlantic travellers! Have I put my small profits -in my own pocket? No, I have poured them back into the Irving Place -Theatre, still hoping to attract the support which would give me a -chance to demonstrate my ideals. Here is a short-cut, here is a chance -for me to realize all these ideals without having to risk my own or<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_100" id="page_100">{100}</a></span> my -friends’ money. At last my opportunity has come, and I ask you to help -me secure this lease.”</p> - -<p>I doubt if he ever played any rôle more earnestly or with greater -sincerity. Nobody could have resisted him, and I gracefully surrendered -and asked him:</p> - -<p>“What progress have you made? What men have you secured?”</p> - -<p>He answered: “Jacob H. Schiff, Ernest Thalman, Daniel Guggenheim, -Randolph Guggenheimer, and Henry R. Ickelheimer.” All of these men were -of the highest class, thoroughly cultured, and lovers of music, but -knowing as I did the management of the Metropolitan Opera House, I -jokingly said to Conried:</p> - -<p>“If you could only secure a Mr. Hochheimer and a Mr. Niersteiner you -would have a complete wine list, but you could never secure the opera -house through it.”</p> - -<p>He saw the point at once, and asked what I would suggest. I answered -him:</p> - -<p>“I have conceived a plan while sitting here, but to carry it out I must -have an absolutely free hand as to who are to be your associates. I -shall see Messrs. A. D. Juilliard and George G. Haven, who have the -final say in the matter, on Tuesday, and can tell you that evening -whether I can accomplish anything or not.”</p> - -<p>Conried assented. I at once proceeded to carry out my plan to interest -the younger social leaders and communicated with Mr. James Hazen Hyde. -He was most favourably impressed, and suggested that he and I obligate -ourselves for $75,000 each, secure the lease, and then select our -associates. We did so, obtained the lease, and then invited the -following to make up the Board of Directors of the Conried Metropolitan -Opera Company: Alfred G. Vanderbilt, Henry Rogers Winthrop, H. P. -Whitney, Robert Goelet, R. H. McCurdy, Jacob H. Schiff, Clarence H. -Mackay, George J. Gould, Otto H.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_101" id="page_101">{101}</a></span> Kahn, J. Henry Smith, Eliot Gregory, -Bainbridge Colby, and William H. McIntyre. Heinrich Conried was elected -president and Hyde and myself vice-presidents. Success was assured from -the first. Conried took hold of the management with energy and wonderful -resourcefulness that promptly won him the admiration of the directors of -both companies.</p> - -<p>He completely changed the interior of the Opera House, put in a new -ceiling, new chandelier, arranged the proper illumination of the boxes, -and the most important improvement of all being the discarding of the -old-fashioned drop curtain and replacing it with one divided in the -centre, making it unnecessary for the popular stars, when answering -repeated curtain-calls, to walk all the way across the stage from one -side to the other of the proscenium arch. He unsuccessfully fought the -demand of the boxholders for the famous horseshoe to be kept illuminated -all through the performance, and finally compromised by putting red -shades over the lights.</p> - -<p>One week-end Mr. and Mrs. Conried spent with us at Elberon. They came -heavily laden. Mrs. Conried cautiously carried a circular bundle of -discs, and her husband bore what looked like a monster cornucopia, while -their son was bending under the weight of a big box. A very few minutes -after they had entered the house we were spellbound by “Elisir d’Amore,” -sung by the finest tenor voice. We and our children all rushed out to -the room from whence the singing came. We waited until it was finished -and rivalled each other with our applause. Conried, the impresario, -foreseeing in our unlimited applause the success of his future tenor, -benignly smiled and explained to us:</p> - -<p>“This is the great Caruso—a man that is in Buenos Aires just now. Grau -engaged him, and it was these records that induced me to assume the -contract.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_102" id="page_102">{102}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>Conried startled us once more during that same week-end by confiding to -us that he possessed the complete score of “Parsifal.” He said:</p> - -<p>“I shall produce it this winter.”</p> - -<p>We were amazed at this proposition, particularly my wife, who reminded -Conried that when she was at Bayreuth she was informed that both Richard -Wagner and his widow had steadfastly withstood all propositions to -produce “Parsifal”—the chief attraction of its musical festivals—on -any other stage. I feared that many Wagnerians would condemn the -production as a sacrilege.</p> - -<p>Conried waived aside the objections and said:</p> - -<p>“Years ago I told Frau Casimir Wagner that some day I would produce -‘Parsifal’ in America. She ridiculed me. Here’s my chance. I will win -the approbation of thousands who have been yearning to hear this opera -and who will never get to Bayreuth.”</p> - -<p>From that day on, he kept me informed of his progress. We were together -in Vienna when he chose the costumes for the “flower-maidens”; I visited -with him the studio where the revolving curtain was being painted; in -America, my wife and I attended many of the rehearsals.</p> - -<p>His real troubles began as he approached the day of production. The -composer’s widow tried to enjoin him from making the production; for -fear of offending her, Mottl refused to conduct the orchestra; unlimited -abuse was showered on the producer through the press; certain clergymen -denounced the opera as blasphemous; some singers revolted; and, to cap -the climax, there came a warning that the Society for the Prevention of -Cruelty to Children would stop the appearance of the boys who were to -sing in the choruses.</p> - -<p>Conried’s patience and optimism were inexhaustible. He met every rebuff -squarely and surmounted every barrier. He won in the courts. The press -attacks and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_103" id="page_103">{103}</a></span> pulpit onslaughts only furnished publicity; he found -other singers to take the place of the rebels, and so, as the event -proved, in conferring the leadership of the orchestra on Hertz, he -opened a brilliant career for an excellent conductor until then little -known in America. As for the public response, the demand for seats was -unparalleled, even in Metropolitan history: the directors were all -besieged by applications, and I alone made over a hundred people happy -by securing seats for them.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, on the eve of the first production everything within the -Opera House seemed in utter chaos. We were there until two o’clock in -the morning and beheld a never-to-be-forgotten sight. The famous Munich -stage manager Lautenschlager, imported for this special performance, was -then still rehearsing raising and lowering the drops for Kundry’s big -scene, and supernumeraries were scurrying about answering the -conflicting demands of their directors; weary stage carpenters and -“hands” were lying in the wings snatching such minutes of sleep as were -possible, while high up in the stage lofts were stowed away the chorus -boys to keep them out of the clutches of the S.P.C.C. To the onlooker, -professional or amateur—to everybody except the confident -Conried—there seemed nothing but disaster ahead. The brilliant success -that evolved is too much a matter of operatic history to require -recounting here.</p> - -<p>Conried had always drawn unsparingly on his reserves of energy and -resistance, and there came at last a moment when those reserves were -exhausted. An unpleasant episode, involving not himself, but one of his -company, enlisted all his efforts. At its conclusion, he was met with a -piece of bad news: Dr. Holbrook Curtis told him that he feared that a -growth which had just appeared in the throat of Caruso would prevent -this, now his particular star, from singing during the coming season and -might<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_104" id="page_104">{104}</a></span> end his career altogether. Conried went from the doctor’s office -to the Opera House to watch an important, long-drawn-out rehearsal. -Shortly thereafter he had a breakdown from which he never recovered.</p> - -<p>When he died, his widow and son requested me to arrange the funeral, and -readily adopted my suggestion that as Heinrich Conried’s greatest -success had been won in the Metropolitan Opera House, so his obsequies -should be held there as Anton Seidl’s had been ten years before. I knew -that Conried had not been connected with any synagogue, but I asked -whether he had mentioned a preference.</p> - -<p>“None,” said his son.</p> - -<p>Being president of the Free Synagogue, I requested Rabbi Wise to -officiate. I communicated with the directors of the Conried Opera -Company, who consented to the plan, and every branch of the organization -from the orchestra to the scene-shifters volunteered to help.</p> - -<p>It was an event which none who witnessed it will ever forget. The -proscenium arch was hung with black, and the “set” was the mediæval -interior used in the third act of “Lucia.” In the centre was the great -catafalque, its outlines almost obscured by masses of flowers—lilies, -roses, orchids, literally by tens of thousands—flanked by two Hebrew -candelabra, surmounted by the bust of the impresario that had been -presented to him, during his illness, by the members of the company.</p> - -<p>Promptly at eleven the Metropolitan Orchestra began the funeral march -from Beethoven’s “Eroica,” and, carried by six skull-capped bearers, the -coffin, entirely covered by a pall of violets, was placed upon the -stage. Mme. Homer and Riccardo Martin and Robert Blass sang Handel’s -“Largo”; the choir-boys from Calvary Church who had appeared in the -first American production of “Parsifal” intoned a setting of Tennyson’s -“Cross<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_105" id="page_105">{105}</a></span>ing the Bar”; Dr. Wise and Professor William H. Carpenter, of -Columbia, spoke of the dead man’s work, and then, with the notes of the -Chopin funeral-march sobbing through the Opera House—attended by -music-lovers, judges, artists, financiers, leaders in almost every walk -of life, there was taken from the scene of his greatest work the body of -the weaver-boy of Bielitz.</p> - -<p>These memories have taken me somewhat far afield and consumed much of -the space that I had intended to devote, in this chapter, to my own -activities. I should like to tell of my service as director of the -Educational Alliance, the consolidation of a dozen activities for the -benefit of children—and particularly the Jewish children—of that Lower -East Side neighbourhood; and, too, of my work on the Board of Directors -of the Mt. Sinai Hospital, the institution which my father helped so -many years before; and of my interest in the Henry Street Settlement so -ably developed by my friend Lillian Wald, my connection with which -eventually led Mrs. Morgenthau and me to establish the Bronx House. Mrs. -Morgenthau once taught in the Louis’ Downtown Sabbath School at 267 -Henry Street, and right next door to it Miss Lillian D. Wald and Miss -MacDowell, the daughter of General MacDowell of Civil War fame, had -started an experiment that was to grow into a vast benefit for the -entire community. Up to that time the people of the Lower East Side who -were unable to afford regular medical treatment for themselves or their -babies went without it until the last minute and then sought the rare -dispensaries; for any other sort of help, they turned to the district -political bosses, who never failed to require a substantial return for -favours and who had few favours to dispense to those who neither voted -themselves nor controlled the votes of others. Miss Wald practically -originated the idea of the house-to-house, or the tenement-to-tenement, -visiting trained<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_106" id="page_106">{106}</a></span> nurse, who made friends with the sick and needy in -their own homes, cared for the ill, showed their relatives how to care -for them, gave practical lessons on the bringing up of children, and -demonstrated that household hygiene is the ounce of prevention that is -worth a pound of cure. Out of this evolved the now famous Henry Street -Settlement.</p> - -<p>This work deeply interested me, and I have been a constant and frequent -visitor at the house, and have supported a visiting nurse on Miss Wald’s -staff for the past twenty-two years.</p> - -<p>Some years ago Miss Wald unfolded to me the needs of a sister settlement -house in the Bronx, and urged me to assist in organizing an -establishment similar to hers. At a meeting at my house, which was -attended by Angelo Patri and his wife, Simon Hirsdansky, and Jacob -Shufro—all three of the men being now principals of schools in the -Bronx—and Bernard Deutsch, and a few others, my wife and I were -persuaded by their statements of the great good that a settlement house -could do in the Bronx, and we agreed to finance it for a few years. We -combined with it a music school under the supervision of David Mannes -and Harriet Seymour who had been active in the Third Street Music School -Settlement.</p> - -<p>We established it at once at 1,637 Washington Avenue, and, as the people -said, “with a golden spoon in its mouth.” The children in the -neighbourhood—and there were thousands of them—flocked to it from the -very day it was started. There seemed to be an insatiable demand for -instruction in music, and it has been a never-ending delight to see the -steady strides made by the little orchestra started in the beginning by -Mr. Edgar Stowell, up to 1922, when I saw them carry the entire musical -programme of the pageant of the joint settlement houses at Hunter -College. Several times we have been surprised<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_107" id="page_107">{107}</a></span> by having this little -orchestra give us a performance at our house, and at other times we have -been regaled with the performance of “Alice in Wonderland” by one of the -clubs of the Bronx House. When I survey the progress made and the -happiness given the scholars of the music schools, and the members of -the thirty-odd clubs, I feel that the funds that I have invested in the -Bronx House have produced far greater dividends than any of my other -investments.</p> - -<p>Another of my social activities was my work as a member of the Committee -on Congestion of Population in New York City, which really did excellent -service in calling attention to the housing conditions of the -metropolis. This committee owed a great deal to the inspiration of that -beautiful soul, Carola Woerishoefer, granddaughter of Oswald -Ottendorfer; Benjamin C. Marsh was its secretary, and it was active for -several years. Our social survey discovered that over fifty blocks in -New York had each a population of between 3,000 and 4,000 souls, and -that the city’s tenements contained some 346,000 dark rooms. We had -diagrams and models made, illustrating these conditions, listing the -plague-spots where tuberculosis thrived, calling attention to the -overcrowding in schools and the shortage of public playgrounds; in 1908 -we held an exhibition in the Twenty-second Regiment Armoury and, by this -and other means, succeeded in securing considerable remedial -legislation. Then in 1911 there was the terrible fire in the Triangle -Shirt Factory—an “upstairs” factory—where, owing to the bad -conditions, 160 girl employees were killed. That resulted in a public -protest against inadequate factory inspection and the creation of a -“Committee of Safety” in which I served in company, among others, with -Miss Anne Morgan, Miss Mary Dreier, Miss Frances Perkins, George W. -Perkins, John A. Kingsbury, Peter Brady, and Amos<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_108" id="page_108">{108}</a></span> Pinchot. When Henry -L. Stimson relinquished his duties as chairman to become Secretary of -War, I succeeded him. We were instrumental in having the legislature -appoint a factory investigating committee of which Alfred E. Smith was -chairman and Robert Wagner vice-chairman.</p> - -<p>These men came to see me, soon after their appointments, in some -embarrassment. They seemed sincerely desirous of performing their -duties, but said they were badly handicapped.</p> - -<p>“Are you folks going to finance this investigation?” they asked. -“Because, if you aren’t, we don’t see how it is to be carried on. The -legislature appropriated only $10,000, and it will take all that to pay -a good attorney to do the necessary legal work.”</p> - -<p>“I can get you a first-class lawyer who will not demand any fee,” I -said, “and he will be satisfactory to everybody concerned, including -Tammany Hall.”</p> - -<p>The man I had in mind was Abram I. Elkus. He agreed with me as to the -good he could do in this capacity, and the public honour to be won if he -would volunteer his services. Within two hours after my interview with -Smith & Wagner, Mr. Elkus had assumed the post. The result was -thirty-one successful bills constituting what is to my mind the best -labour legislation ever passed by a State Legislature.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_109" id="page_109">{109}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII<br /><br /> -<small>EARLY POLITICAL EXPERIENCES</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">M</span>Y earliest contact with the inner workings of politics was reading the -dramatic story of the downfall of the infamous Tweed Ring.</p> - -<p>Tweed had seemed a wonderful figure; we boys knew him only in his -largest successful aspects as a dictator: the originator of Riverside -Drive, the constructor of the lavish Court House, the arbiter of the -City’s destinies. He had made John T. Hoffman, Governor of the State, -and A. Oakey Hall, Mayor of the City.</p> - -<p>I had come into personal touch with the picturesque Oakey Hall. I had to -serve a summons on him in his official capacity and found him in his -executive office wearing a red velvet coat.</p> - -<p>“Young man,” he said, with all the patronage of an emperor addressing -some messenger from a remote province of his domains—and with a -splendid accentuation of his title—“you can now swear that you have -served the <i>Mayor</i> of New York!”</p> - -<p>Sometime thereafter I saw this same mayor act in “The Crucible,” a play -written by himself, to prove his innocence under the Tweed régime.</p> - -<p>We law-students had looked with veneration to the Supreme Court. We -conceived of its members as men of immaculate morality, constantly -practising an even balance of the scales of Justice. Our deepest -admiration was evoked by their confidence and self-possession and the -awe-inspiring manner in which they exercised their powers. Many a time -when I went before one of these judges<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_110" id="page_110">{110}</a></span> to ask an adjournment, or to -have an order signed, I marvelled at the rapidity with which he grasped -the contents of the papers submitted to him, and it was a severe blow to -my faith in our legal and political institutions when the impeachment of -several of these judges, and the removal of some of them, showed that -not a few had been tools in the hands of a corrupt boss.</p> - -<p>Nor were we younger men alone in our disillusionment. Others had been -deceived; the leading citizens of New York had associated themselves in -business with the imposing dictator. I still have an advertisement of -the New York (Viaduct) Railroad Company, and in the list of its -directors the name of William M. Tweed appears between that of A. T. -Stewart and August Belmont; Richard B. Connolly next to Joseph Seligman; -John Jacob Astor has A. Oakey Hall on one side and Peter B. Sweeney on -the other; immediately after Sweeney comes Levi P. Morton. The “Big -Four” of Tammany were in good company.</p> - -<p>How far the Ring might have extended its power, it is impossible to say. -Tweed had promoted Hoffman from the mayoralty to the governorship and no -doubt intended to present him as a presidential candidate in ’72. -Amongst my clippings I find one which shows that the West was already -considering Hoffman as a national figure. It is from a New York -newspaper and quotes the Western press as announcing the following -slate:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind1"> -R. Gratz Brown of Missouri, President;<br /> -John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts, Vice-President;<br /> -Governor Hoffman of New York, Secretary of State;<br /> -Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, Secretary of the Treasury;<br /> -General Hancock of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War;<br /> -Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior;<br /> -Horace Greeley of New York, Postmaster-General;<br /> -George H. Pendleton of Ohio, Attorney-General.<br /></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_111" id="page_111">{111}</a></span></p> - -<p>As it happened, Greeley became a presidential and Gratz Brown a -vice-presidential candidate; Hancock subsequently ran for president, and -Hendricks achieved the vice-presidency; but the serious and -uncontradicted publication of that slate indicated the direction of -Tweed’s ambitions at the time when Samuel J. Tilden wrought his downfall -and relegated Hoffman into obscurity.</p> - -<p>In the reaction from these disclosures, Tilden became the younger -generation’s hero: he had rescued New York from corruption. I was so -impressed with his services that, when my fellow law-student, Michael -Sigerson, ran for the State Assembly, while Tilden sought the -presidency, I made my first entry into politics—before I was even a -voter—by giving several October nights, in 1876, to speech-making for -Tilden and Sigerson in the latter’s district on the Lower East Side.</p> - -<p>I am one of those who have always felt that Tilden was elected, and that -the National Republican machine prevented him from taking his seat.</p> - -<p>My observation of the machine system convinced me, through such -happenings, that the gravest danger to democracy arose from within. I -soon saw that, in such a city as New York, where the mass of the voters -are unfamiliar with governmental functions and ignorant that a proper -administration thereof is the safeguard of liberty, the control of the -dominant party would frequently be secured by a character like Tweed. -The more I saw of Tammany Hall, the deeper this conviction became.</p> - -<p>Tammany was then as well organized as at any time in its history. The -district leaders were generally selected by its boss and always -responsible to him. They, in turn, had their precinct leaders dependent -on them for preferment and continuance in office. The boss arranged his -appointments so that he could absolutely depend on the servility of a -majority of the district leaders. It was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_112" id="page_112">{112}</a></span> only now and then that one had -the courage to assert his independence and fight the machine. Then he -would either be summarily displaced, lose his own little organization by -his inability to dispense patronage, or else he would be brought back -into slavery by the gift of office.</p> - -<p>This plan of organization has, with slight alterations, continued ever -since. After Tweed’s displacement, John Kelly came into the leadership; -his personal honesty was never doubted, but he had used the old system -to obtain power and had to continue it to hold what he had gained. The -story of his downfall, though not discreditable to him, is almost as -dramatic as Tweed’s.</p> - -<p>In his political capacity, Kelly was Comptroller of the City of New -York, when a number of reformers determined to oust him; in his personal -capacity, he was the owner of an influential newspaper, the <i>Express</i>. -The loss of the comptrollership would, of course, involve the loss of -his Tammany leadership; but the policy of his paper was an important -factor in the fight.</p> - -<p>William C. Whitney, then Corporation Counsel, headed the opposition; he -had planned to remove Kelly by a vote of the Board of Aldermen. Two -things were necessary: publicity in the press and votes in the Board.</p> - -<p>James Gordon Bennett’s career was just then at its height. Not long -before Whitney began his quiet campaign the owner of the <i>Herald</i>—a -powerful six-footer—entering the old Delmonico’s restaurant at Chambers -Street and Broadway, tried to brush aside a slim young man who was -unconsciously crowding him at the bar. To Bennett’s amazement, the -stranger offered resistance. Quick blows were exchanged, and before the -newspaper proprietor knew what had happened, he had measured his length -on the floor; his antagonist was the pugilist Edwards, lightweight -champion of that period. Bennett exerted his influence on the newspapers -to suppress all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_113" id="page_113">{113}</a></span> accounts of this occurrence, and everyone agreed except -the <i>Express</i>. It published the story, and, in consequence, Whitney -found the owner of the <i>Herald</i> perfectly willing to do his part toward -the political downfall of the owner of the <i>Express</i>. Bennett turned all -the guns of his paper on the Comptroller.</p> - -<p>For action in the Board of Aldermen, however, some Republican votes were -required. Whitney consulted Roscoe Conkling, then leader of his party in -New York State and soon to win national fame for his all but successful -attempt to secure Grant’s nomination to a third term in the White House. -Conkling’s reply was what Whitney expected: the Republican state leader -would not interfere in local matters, but had no objection to Whitney’s -discussing them with his county lieutenants.</p> - -<p>Whitney did. He went to the Republican county leaders, and they agreed -to deliver the necessary votes in the Board of Aldermen. Just what deal -was made, I, of course, do not know, but New York was soon surprised; -the Aldermen displaced Kelly, breaking his power; the Mayor appointed -Andrew H. Green in his stead, and two Republican leaders became police -justices.</p> - -<p>Richard Croker, Kelly’s successor, I knew personally and had unusual -opportunities to study at close range, through my business dealings with -the firm of Peter F. Meyer &. Company, auctioneers. In that combination -Richard Croker was the “Company.”</p> - -<p>Meyer’s career was colourful. Peter, as a mere lad, had a clerkship in -the two rooms on the ground floor occupied by Adrian H. Muller & Son, -one of the oldest and most reliable real estate auctioneers in New York. -By sheer ability he gradually rose to be its head. Through Croker’s -influence, the Supreme Court transferred the public auction rooms back -to 111 Broadway, from whence they had been shifted to the Real Estate -Exchange,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_114" id="page_114">{114}</a></span> 59 Liberty Street. Meyer, with gratitude for such past -favours, and perhaps with a lively anticipation of favours yet to come, -took Croker into partnership; the firm of Peter F. Meyer & Company -resulted. Peter wanted the Tammany nomination for Mayor, was -disappointed when he did not get it, and scornfully refused the post of -Sheriff as a stepping-stone. That his new association profited him in -other directions was, nevertheless, soon evident.</p> - -<p>As I remained long one of the firm’s best customers I had the entrée to -their inner office and so was in frequent contact with the silent -partner. It was an instructive but not always an encouraging experience. -Croker’s real estate office was also his political headquarters; in -fact, as I saw him at work there, I realized that politics was far more -<i>his</i> business than was the earning of the real estate commissions. It -was as his business that he treated the Democratic Organization of the -City of New York. Again and again I have seen this keen, forever busy -man, economic with his words, but always speaking to the point, -demonstrate that he felt he owned that organization just as much as any -man controls a concern in which he has a substantial majority of the -stock.</p> - -<p>Generally as I passed through the outer room, there were district -leaders waiting there, to report to their commanding-general and receive -his orders. Beside them, and on much the same mission, there would -frequently be sitting men of considerable importance in other affairs -than those generally esteemed strictly political; but though these -included certain lawyers who later graced—and many of whom still -grace—the Supreme Court, I feel bound to add that Croker always -respected the sanctity of the Courts.</p> - -<p>In any case, I have rarely seen a leader of whatever sort held in such -awe or so sought after for favours. Once, at a reception of the National -Democratic Club, Croker<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_115" id="page_115">{115}</a></span> asked me to sit next to him, and talked to me -for a half-hour and more of real estate prospects and reminiscences; -from the corner of my eye I could see the guests watching him with -interest and me with envy; when I got up, several of my friends adroitly -tried to learn from me what political position I had just been -promised—they could not understand how anybody would be given thirty -minutes of Richard Croker’s time unless asking for, or being offered, an -important office! Many years later, I sat in Warsaw beside Pilsudski, -dictator of the new Poland; the glances that I then received were -exactly of the sort bestowed on me at that Fifth Avenue reception by the -citizens of our own Republic.</p> - -<p>Croker’s withdrawal from the Tammany leadership was voluntary and due -largely to his recognition of his own limitations. During his -incumbency, political conditions gradually changed; they so shaped -themselves that Tammany—which, ever since Tweed’s downfall, had been -relegated to municipal affairs—would soon be called upon to play an -active part in State matters. To protect his organization, the boss -would have to control or check legislation at Albany affecting the City -of New York, and also endeavour to influence the New York delegations to -the National Conventions so as to secure federal patronage. To Croker, -these were unexplored fields; he knew municipal organization politics as -few men of his time, but he appreciated the proverb about teaching an -old dog new tricks. Partly through his connection with Andrew Freedman -of the Interborough System, and partly through that with Peter Meyer, he -had become rich beyond all his early hopes; he had the good sense, -unusual in champions, to quit the ring before losing his title to a -younger man.</p> - -<p>Perhaps with some lingering desire to retain some hold on the affairs of -the organization which he had so long<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_116" id="page_116">{116}</a></span> governed, Croker arranged to be -succeeded by a triumvirate—Charles F. Murphy, Thomas F. McManus, and, -to give the Bronx a voice, Louis F. Heins—but that arrangement did not -last long. Murphy had the nominal leadership and soon made it real. He -attached to himself a majority of the district leaders, fought the -remainder, and replaced all who were irreconcilable by creatures of his -own. He went further and accomplished what Croker had not dared to -attempt: the Cleveland Democrats in the up-state organization had -gradually lost their hold on that machine, and the many excellent men -who later became devotees of the Wilsonic teaching lacked the -propensities necessary to assuming control; they were men of affairs who -devoted thought to politics only during a campaign, whereas, the -professional element was “on the job” for three hundred and sixty-five -days in the year; in that element Tammany found its own type, and -converted these into its willing tools.</p> - -<p>Within a comparatively short time, Murphy, who had begun as a humble -leader in the Gas House District of Manhattan, was both the head of the -City and State machine in New York. It has been most depressing for -Independents to see him absolutely control the Empire State delegation -in the last three National Democratic Conventions, casting the vote of -the ninety-six delegates, the largest vote possessed by any state—“as -though,” in Bryan’s phraseology, “he owned them.”</p> - -<p>My personal experiences with him have been few, but they have served to -confirm my first impressions. In 1910 there was to be an election for -Borough President of the Bronx; Arthur D. Murphy, the Tammany leader of -the district, but not related to Charles F. Murphy, aspired to the -position. George F. and Frederick Johnson and I called on the Chief.</p> - -<p>He is a large man, with a huge round face and heavy<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_117" id="page_117">{117}</a></span> jowl. His eyes have -not the piercing quality that Croker’s had; they are blue and kindly and -his manner is altogether conciliatory. He knew our mission, but his -reception was cordial.</p> - -<p>We put our case frankly. We were among the largest investors in the -Bronx. We wanted that section to be a desirable home-centre for the -over-flow of New York’s population. We, therefore, felt justified in -discussing with him the necessity of having a proper administration with -a respected citizen at its head.</p> - -<p>“We feel,” we said, “that Arthur Murphy is not the man for the place. We -have no candidate of our own: we ask you to see that a man be selected -who is fitted by experience and character to be the head of this growing -borough. We want to tell you in advance that unless this is done, we -will be forced to defeat Tammany’s candidate at the polls.”</p> - -<p>The Boss listened attentively and without evincing either surprise or -antagonism. When we were through, he said:</p> - -<p>“I’ll try to prevent Arthur Murphy’s nomination.”</p> - -<p>He sincerely did try. He sent his brother to represent him at the -Convention, but failed to prevent Arthur Murphy from securing the place -on the ticket.</p> - -<p>A few days later the Tammany Chief sent for the Johnsons and myself.</p> - -<p>“I did the best I could,” he said, “but I couldn’t stop this thing. I -want you men to recognize my good faith and abide by the decision of the -Convention.”</p> - -<p>“Mr. Murphy,” I said, “I told you before that I never merely threaten. -If I withdrew my opposition, in deference to your wishes, all that we -said at our last visit would become mere bluff. Your unsuccessful -efforts don’t change the status of Arthur Murphy. We mean to run a third -candidate, and we will defeat your man.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_118" id="page_118">{118}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>The manner of the Boss made me feel that far from being angry, he rather -liked my consistency and sincerity. At any rate, we followed our plan, -and Cyrus C. Miller, a Republican, who gave the Bronx an excellent -administration, was elected.</p> - -<p>Within the party, I had seen Tammany fought by the Young Democracy and -then by the Irving Hall Democracy, but for a long time its best -enemy—until that, too, fell before it—was the County Democracy, at the -head of which was Police Judge Maurice J. Power, the discoverer of -Grover Cleveland and incidentally a client of our firm.</p> - -<p>Power was a bronze-founder when Cleveland was Mayor of Buffalo. The -Mayor and the founder had some dealings about a statue that Power had -cast for the city, and the latter observed and admired the Executive’s -extraordinary ability. At the next state convention Dan Manning, Lamont, -and the other leaders had intended to nominate either General Henry W. -Slocum or Roswell P. Flower as Governor. They found it impossible. Power -formed a combination with the delegates of Erie, Chemung, and Kings, and -named Cleveland and Hill to head the ticket.</p> - -<p>Power has told me the story. When he informed Cleveland that he was -expected to name the chairman and secretary of the State Committee for -his campaign, Cleveland asked him:</p> - -<p>“Who have those positions now?”</p> - -<p>“Manning and Lamont,” said Power.</p> - -<p>“Are they good men?”</p> - -<p>“They’re mighty capable men.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” said Cleveland, “I have no personal friends that I want to put -there. Why shouldn’t I keep Manning and Lamont?”</p> - -<p>Cleveland had been an unknown quantity to these men</p> - -<div class="c"><p><a name="ill_003" id="ill_003"></a></p> -<a href="images/i_118_fp.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_118_fp.jpg" width="600" alt="[image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p>© <i>Paul Thompson</i></p> - -<p>Mr. Morgenthau with Theodore Roosevelt, Charles E. Hughes, Oscar Straus, -and other distinguished citizens on the steps of the City Hall of New -York, urging Mayor Mitchel to accept a renomination.</p></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_119" id="page_119">{119}</a></span></p> - -<p class="nind">who opposed him in the Convention, and they were pleased by this sign of -his good will and political acumen. They accepted the offer, and later -became his warm friends for life.</p> - -<p>After Cleveland’s second election as President, the newspapers announced -Power as the next postmaster of New York, but he did not attend the -inauguration. It was not until after that event that he went to -Washington, where he met Croker.</p> - -<p>“Judge,” said the Tammany Boss, “if you want to be postmaster, we won’t -oppose you. We want you to have something that will satisfy you.”</p> - -<p>Power went to the White House, where Lamont received him with the -statement that the President had been asking for him a number of times -and could not understand why he had been absent from the inaugural -ceremonies. The caller was taken into the President’s executive office, -where, although the month was March, Cleveland sat at his desk in -shirt-sleeves. He came at once to the point.</p> - -<p>“Look here,” he said, “I’ve been wanting to know whether you’d accept -the New York postmastership. Will you? For old friendship’s sake, I -should like yours to be the first appointment I make for New York.”</p> - -<p>“I’m not strong in administrative work, as I don’t like details,” said -Power. Then, jokingly, he added: “If you have some less exacting -position which will not conflict with my attending to my foundry, I’d be -glad to accept that.”</p> - -<p>Cleveland said that he knew of no such position. However, at 10:30 that -night, Power was again sent for.</p> - -<p>“I’ve found the place for you,” said the President. “They tell me that -the Shipping Commissionership in New York pays $5,000, and will require -but little of your time.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_120" id="page_120">{120}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>To that post Power was duly appointed.</p> - -<p>My relations with him were always pleasant. He once told me that the -lack of funds was about to result in the dissolution of the County -Organization and said that I could have the chairmanship if I were -willing to contribute $25,000 toward keeping it alive: I had no ambition -in that direction, and Charles A. Jackson got the place. Again, in 1887, -when Power was in the saddle, my partner, Lachman, wanted the nomination -of Judge in the Sixth District Court, but because he has always been a -very modest man, and because he had heard that Judge Kelly, then holding -that office, was seeking renomination, he would not follow the usual -custom of going personally to Power and urging his cause. One day within -a month of election, as I crossed Park Place, I saw Power seated on a -bootblack’s stand in front of his office at 235 Broadway. I immediately -went to our office at 243 Broadway, and stormed Lachman into visiting -that bootblack stand immediately.</p> - -<p>“The queer thing is,” said Power, “that I should not have thought of you -for the place long ago. Of course you shall have the place.”</p> - -<p>He went through the form of offering renomination to Kelly, who declined -it. I ran a fourteen-day campaign for Lachman, and he was elected. This -was my only experience in managing a political campaign until I became -chairman of the Democratic Finance Committee in the National Campaign of -1912.</p> - -<p>In 1882, when the Sidney Webbs, husband and wife, the English -publicists, were visiting America, they told Miss Lillian D. Wald that -they would like to meet an American “boss,” and I arranged such a -meeting with Power as the star. With considerable pride and absolute -frankness, he explained in full detail how a boss came into being and -how he remained in control. He laid great<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_121" id="page_121">{121}</a></span> stress on the fact that he -was a permanent substance, while the lesser leaders and the captors of -mere popularity were but passing shadows on the political glass. He -explained how the bosses named mayors and governors and sometimes even -presidents—how they played the ambitions of one aspirant against those -of another, and how they had a fatal advantage over opponents who gave -only part time to the business of politics.</p> - -<p>Webb, looking at his wife for agreement, said:</p> - -<p>“Isn’t this remarkable? It’s exactly the method that the executive -secretaries of the English labour unions use to maintain their -positions.”</p> - -<p>Before I had much to do with politics, I found out that neither New York -City nor New York State stood alone in its political obloquy. Some of -the greatest municipalities in the country, and many of the states, -were, and are to-day, under control of machines like Tammany. As these -bosses are of the same ilk, have the same aims and pursue the same -methods, and as many of them have maintained themselves for several -decades, a strong friendship has grown up amongst them, and they to-day -practically control the national committees and the national machinery -of both parties.</p> - -<p>Thus, in 1920, Cox was nominated for the presidency by a combination of -Democratic State bosses, who, fearing defeat, were determined at least -to keep their control of the party organization. I know Judge Moore very -well. He was the only member of the National Committee in 1916 who -threatened to head an open revolt against President Wilson’s selection -of Vance McCormick as chairman of the National Committee, because -McCormick was not a member of that committee. Judge Hudspeth, of New -Jersey, National Committeeman, came to me in great dismay at the St. -Louis Convention, and told me so. We had a private telephone to the -White<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_122" id="page_122">{122}</a></span> House, and, at Hudspeth’s request, I called up the President, and -stated the facts. The President answered that, as the campaign was to be -run by his own friends, his choice of one of them would have to be -ratified even if it displeased Judge Moore.</p> - -<p>I was, therefore, much amused in 1920 to see how Judge Moore “beat the -devil around the stump” when he wanted George White selected as chairman -of the Democratic National Committee. Moore resigned his position as a -member of that committee, and White was elected in his place a few hours -before he was made chairman of the Democratic National Committee. It was -Murphy of New York; Brennan of Chicago, who had taken Roger Sullivan’s -place; Nugent of New Jersey; Taggart of Indiana; Moore of Ohio, and -Marsh of Iowa—all outstanding bosses—who combined to control the -nomination. McAdoo and Mitchell Palmer’s followers not agreeing to -combine their forces against this solid phalanx, the latter prevailed -and the Democratic National organization is temporarily in their hands.</p> - -<p>This method of government is by no means confined to the Democratic -Party. The Republicans are even greater offenders. The three Democrats -that have been elected to the Presidency since the Civil War—Tilden, -Cleveland, and Wilson—were all outstanding reformers, and were -nominated in spite of the bosses or machines and not with their -coöperation. The Republicans, on the other hand, have perfected to a -greater degree the machine control of their party, and for many years -their senatorial oligarchy has controlled the party machinery.</p> - -<p>At the convention that nominated McKinley this machinery worked -perfectly, and Mark Hanna, afterward senator from Ohio, was at the -throttle. When, however, McKinley died at the hand of an assassin, in -Buffalo, the party leaders as well as the country’s leading<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_123" id="page_123">{123}</a></span> business -men were tremendously concerned lest Roosevelt should disregard their -wishes. The man that the bosses had reluctantly named Vice-President had -hurried down from the Adirondacks, but none of the oligarchs had been -able to get a word with him. Leaving Buffalo, he got aboard a train for -New York, en route to Washington; the leaders boarded the same train. A -member of that group himself told me what followed.</p> - -<p>The leaders agreed that Hanna should come to a personal understanding -with the new President. They went to Roosevelt, who welcomed the idea of -the interview.</p> - -<p>“I should be de-lighted to have him lunch with me here,” said Roosevelt.</p> - -<p>The table was laid in the drawing-room, and as Hanna entered Roosevelt -held out both his hands.</p> - -<p>“Now, old man,” he said, “let’s be friends.”</p> - -<p>Hanna did not take the proffered hands.</p> - -<p>“On two conditions,” he stipulated.</p> - -<p>“State them,” said Roosevelt.</p> - -<p>“First,” said the Senator, “we expect you to carry out McKinley’s -policies for the rest of his unexpired term.”</p> - -<p>Roosevelt nodded. “I’ll do that, of course. What is your other -condition?”</p> - -<p>“It’s this,” said the Senator, “never call me ‘old man’ again.”</p> - -<p>Then he shook hands. He did more; on his part he promised that if -Roosevelt kept his word, and if he retained McKinley’s cabinet and other -appointments, he would have Hanna’s support at the next National -Convention.</p> - -<p>It was a compact that neither man forgot. Before many months were over -rumour reported a conspiracy on Hanna’s part and Roosevelt -unhesitatingly repeated this to him.</p> - -<p>“You are carrying out your part of the bargain,” said<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_124" id="page_124">{124}</a></span> the Senator, “as -long as you continue to do so, I’ll carry out mine.”</p> - -<p>When Hanna died, the machine that he had controlled fell for a time into -disuse and Roosevelt, taking advantage of the temporary absence of a -machine-bred leader, assumed leadership, not as the head of the old -machine, but by virtue of his position as President. He did not -recognize the machine leaders of the various states, nor did they stand -behind him, but he used his power to name Taft as his successor.</p> - -<p>Chief Justice Taft has himself described to me how Roosevelt coached him -for the fight. When he called at the White House, the President asked -him:</p> - -<p>“Now, then, what are you doing about your campaign?”</p> - -<p>“I’ve prepared some speeches,” Taft answered.</p> - -<p>“What are they about?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I’m just back from the Philippines. I understand them, and -thought I’d talk mostly about them.”</p> - -<p>Roosevelt threw up his hands. “What in the world are you thinking of? -You cannot interest the American public at election-time in the -Philippines.”</p> - -<p>“If you don’t think they’ll want to hear about the Philippines, what do -you suggest they would like to hear about?”</p> - -<p>“My currency measures,” said the President. “Talk to them about my -currency measures. That’s what they’re interested in.”</p> - -<p>So the candidate disregarded what he had written and composed a new set -of speeches expounding Roosevelt’s ideas on the currency.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, Taft, as history soon demonstrated, did not recognize the -Colonel as his boss. He undoubtedly felt sincere friendship for -Roosevelt and was grateful to him, but he had a still stronger -appreciation of the responsibilities of his office. Consequently, there -soon came<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_125" id="page_125">{125}</a></span> about a conflict between Roosevelt’s adherents and Taft’s, in -which the machine leaders, having got together the pieces of the broken -Hanna oligarchy, aligned themselves with the new President.</p> - -<p>What followed is still fresh in the memory of most of us. Senator -Penrose, of Pennsylvania, gradually assumed leadership of the national -machine; the Senate oligarchy was again in control of the Republican -Party. Assured in 1912 that if Roosevelt reëntered the White House he -would construct an organization that would be the death of theirs, they -fought the most desperate of all fights—the fight for -self-preservation. They triumphed; the Colonel resented his defeat and -bolted the Party. It is one of the absolute principles of machine -politics that the welfare of the machine comes before everything else. -It is not necessary to be in office; a boss is often stronger when in -opposition, with fewer followers discontented through failure to receive -a portion of the spoils of victory; better keep the machine intact and -court defeat than win a national election for a party candidate that the -machine cannot control. These were the maxims that were applied by both -of the rival organizations within the Republican fold—the “regular” -Republicans and the Progressives—in 1912; together they polled over -7,600,000 as against the 6,293,000 Democratic ballots; but each -considered its organization more important than its candidate. The world -can, I think, be grateful: the result was Wilson.</p> - -<p>From 1912 onward the Republican senatorial oligarchy mended its fences -and repaired its machine. With Penrose for the directing mind, this -group included Lodge, Knox, Brandegee, Frelinghuysen, Watson of Indiana, -Moses, Spencer, Hale, and Wadsworth. Some of these were bosses in their -own states; all were influential with their state bosses. Roosevelt they -could not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_126" id="page_126">{126}</a></span> ignore, but, when he died, in 1919, they were left absolutely -free-handed, and their National Chairman, Will H. Hays, originally a man -of Progressive tendencies, had successfully employed his great talents -as an organizer in healing the wounds of the internecine struggle of -1912. They nominated Senator Harding, and he was elected.</p> - -<p>What has occurred since is important in this connection only as a -side-light on my general contention. President Harding knew the -senatorial ramifications from within; he understood the conflict of -personal ambitions that, human nature being what it is, went on behind -the general community of interest in the Senate group. His position was -strengthened by the long illness and subsequent death of Penrose and he -could, and did, manipulate these personal ambitions, playing one against -the other until he secured a practical stalemate. By this evolution of -events President Harding has been relieved of the odium of being -controlled by a senatorial oligarchy.</p> - -<p>If I have elaborated my observations at some length, it is to show why I -am a foe to machine politics. This evil, which can reach as high as -Washington, has its roots in the city election precinct. The district -leader holds his power either through dispensing minor patronage or by -influence with magistrates and political clubs, and, to do this, he must -retain the favour of the city boss. This gives the latter a thoroughly -organized army that includes even a quasi spy system, and at the same -time confers a power unshakeable by anything short of an overt criminal -act. Personal criticism of the boss, ostracizing him from the better -sort of society, does not help matters, does not harm him. He is content -with holding what he has won; the thing to be attacked is not the -individual; it is the system, and, in combating that, the serious and -practically unchangeable difficulty consists in the fact that very few, -if any, self-respecting, high-class men will submit to being<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_127" id="page_127">{127}</a></span> bossed. -They will not take orders from Crokers or Penroses, Hannas or Murphys; -therefore, they enter fields where the final arbiters, the men who have -to decide upon their worth and promotion, are of a different calibre, -and where the reward for their efforts and work is not dependent upon -the whims and fancies of a political boss.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_128" id="page_128">{128}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII<br /><br /> -<small>MY ENTRANCE INTO NATIONAL POLITICS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">“C</span>ONSCIENCE doth make cowards of us all.” Not mine—mine made me a -politician. At fifty-five years of age, financially independent, and -rich in experience, and recently released from the toils of materialism, -it ceaselessly confronted me with my duty to pay back, in the form of -public service, the overdraft which I had been permitted to make upon -the opportunities of this country. Repayment in money alone would not -suffice: I must pay in the form of personal service, for which my -experience had equipped me. And I must pay now, or never.</p> - -<p>It was a great surprise to my friends when, in 1912, I suddenly entered -politics, and threw myself heart and soul in the enterprise of securing -the Presidential nomination for Woodrow Wilson. “Why,” they asked me, -“should a man like yourself, whose whole active life has been spent in -the thick of the battle for wealth, embark on the untried sea of -politics? And why, if you are determined to take the risks of this -experiment, do you choose so forlorn a hope, as the cause of the least -likely of all the candidates, for the nomination of the party that has -elected only one President since the Civil War?”</p> - -<p>The answer was as simple to me as it was strange to them. My life had -been an intense struggle between idealism and materialism. In youth I -had burned with an enthusiasm for the ideal, which had fed alike upon -the teachings of the Reverend Dr. Einhorn in my boyhood, the inspiring -association which I had enjoyed with a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_129" id="page_129">{129}</a></span> saintly Quaker doctor in New -York, the noble messages to which I had listened from Christian -ministers, and the austere and lofty ethical philosophy of Dr. Felix -Adler.</p> - -<p>In early manhood, however, the temptation of materialism had beset me in -a familiar form. Shortly after my marriage I had some financial -disappointments; and I was compelled to devote more time than I had -expected to providing for my family. My intention was to make their -future modestly secure, and then to resume my idealistic avocation. I -soon found, however, that I had a special gift for making money. By the -time I had attained the competency which had been my ambition, I had -become fascinated with money-making as a game. Before I realized it, I -was immersed in a dozen enterprises, was obligated to a hundred business -friends, and, like all my associates, was deeply absorbed in the chase -for wealth.</p> - -<p>Fortunately, in 1905, the prospect of disaster brought me to my senses. -I foresaw the Panic of 1907; and, while others all around me plunged -onward toward the brink, I paused and took stock of my future. I began -to sever my financial connections. This process of slowing down my -business pace gave me time for other introspection; and I realized, with -astonishment and dismay, how far the swift tide of business had swept me -from the course I had charted for my life in youth. I was ashamed to -realize that I had neglected the nobler path of duty. I resolved to -retire wholly from active business, and to devote the rest of my life to -making good the better resolutions of my boyhood.</p> - -<p>It took me some years to divest myself of my business obligations on one -hand, and, on the other, to find a practical field for social service. -During this period, in which I was “finding myself,” I was attracted to -the career of Woodrow Wilson. I admired the courage with which he was -fighting the battle of democracy at Princeton. And,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_130" id="page_130">{130}</a></span> in the early months -of 1911, I was even more delighted to watch his progress as Governor of -New Jersey: the splendid fight he was making there to overthrow the rule -of the bosses, and to write into the statutes of the state those seven -measures of practical reform which his enemies derisively dubbed the -“Seven Sisters.”</p> - -<p>“Here,” I said to myself, “is a man who does not merely preach political -righteousness; here is a practical reformer. This man has Roosevelt’s -gift for the dramatic diagnosis of political diseases; he has Bryan’s -moral enthusiasm for political righteousness. But he has qualities which -these men lack: these are, the constructive faculty, the imagination to -devise remedies, the courage to apply them, and the gift of leadership -to put them into effective action.” I wished to know more of this new -and promising character. I resolved to find an occasion for meeting him.</p> - -<p>Such an opportunity came a few weeks later. As president of the Free -Synagogue in New York City, I invited Governor Wilson to be a guest of -honour at the dinner in celebration of the fourth anniversary of its -foundation. As I presided at the dinner, and as the Governor was seated -at my right, it gave me a chance to get acquainted. I found in him at -once a congenial spirit, and in that one intense conversation I got more -from him than I could have gotten from half a dozen casual meetings.</p> - -<p>On my left was the other guest of honour, Senator Borah of Idaho. He and -Wilson proved instantly antagonistic. The air was electrical with the -clash of their dissimilar temperaments. How startled I would have been, -that evening, could I have realized that this discordance of their -natures, of which I was at that moment acutely conscious, had in it the -seeds of a future battle—an epic struggle, with the White House and the -Capitol for its head<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_131" id="page_131">{131}</a></span>quarters; the world for its audience; and the -destiny of the nations, following the greatest war in history, the prize -that was staked on the issue.</p> - -<p>I was then, in fact, aware only that I was seated between two men of -strong and mutually unsympathetic natures; and that they seemed equally -to feel this natural antagonism. Wilson revealed it by his request that -he be allowed to speak last: he plainly wished to study his rival before -he made his own oratorical appearance. Borah was even more palpably -depressed by the presence, at the same table with him, of this strange, -new, powerful personality, whose glittering intellect and polished -manner were so strikingly contrasted with his own blunter, though, in -their way, also powerful weapons and character. The Senator was so -disturbed by this impact with Wilson’s personality that his own speech -of the evening fell far below his usual high standard. He himself was so -deeply impressed with this deficiency that twice afterward he recalled -to me his comparative failure of that evening. These two men thus seemed -predestined to a combat which with natures so intense and powerful could -be nothing less than mortal. When, in 1920, Wilson lost (as I believe, -only for the moment) his gallant campaign for the League of Nations, and -fell truly a soldier stricken on the field of battle, partly because of -blows that were dealt by Senator Borah, I could not but revert in memory -to the vivid picture of that evening in New York in 1911, when the two -men met and took each other’s measure.</p> - -<p>They were not alone in this measuring of mettle. Governor Wilson’s -speech of that evening was a revelation to all of us who listened. We -saw in him a man of lofty idealism, and a knightly spirit; his -convictions grounded on the secure foundation of a deep study of -governmental institutions, and of the history of the human race; his -political philosophy erected symmetrically upon these firm<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_132" id="page_132">{132}</a></span> foundations; -its façade adorned with a beautiful conception of democracy and justice -as the ideals of political endeavour. I, for one, felt that here truly -was an inspired leader behind whom all men like myself could range -themselves and know that their efforts to advance his fortunes would be -an effective participation in the highest form of public service.</p> - -<p>My own acceptance of his leadership was instant and decisive. I asked -him whether he was really a candidate for President of the United -States, and told him that I had a definite object in asking him the -question. I was delighted with his reply. Looking me squarely in the -eye, he said: “I know a great deal more about the United States than I -do about New Jersey.”</p> - -<p>“Governor,” I said, “my object in asking you this question was to offer -my unreserved moral and financial support of your candidacy.”</p> - -<p>The enthusiastic impression I gained upon that evening was confirmed and -strengthened two days later, when I attended the dinner of the National -Democratic Club, at which the Governor was again a guest of honour. -Here, again, he made a speech that was heartening to all who sought -leadership in the struggle for the regeneration of America.</p> - -<p>Let me remind my readers what the political situation was in 1911. That -situation should be recalled in the light of the preceding fourteen -years. In that period (which began with the election of William McKinley -as President in 1896), the United States had passed through one of the -most momentous epochs in its political history. The election of McKinley -by the Republicans, under the leadership of Mark Hanna, marked the -culmination of thirty years of materialistic growth in this -country—three decades in which the energies of the people were absorbed -in the conquest of the West, in the building of our gigan<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_133" id="page_133">{133}</a></span>tic railroad -system, and in the magician-like creation of our stupendous -manufacturing industries. Pittsburgh was almost the new capital of a new -nation, with its marvellous development of iron and steel. It was -followed closely by the great manufacturing centres that sprang up in -New York, New England, the Middle West, and Alabama. Monstrous fortunes -grew up over night from the exploitation of our natural resources, our -boundless supplies of coal, iron, oil, zinc, and lead. Masters of -industry, like Carnegie and Rockefeller, amassed gold beyond the wildest -dreams of even gem-laden Oriental potentates. Masters of transportation -like Commodore Vanderbilt and James J. Hill created new empires for the -residence of man, and gathered to themselves princely fortunes. Masters -of finance, like J. Pierpont Morgan, sat at the golden headwaters of -national enterprise, directing the fertilizing streams of credit, and, -by taking toll of them as they passed, accumulated an imperial revenue. -Below these men were nameless thousands, of only less ability, aping the -masters, and dipping with feverish hands into the golden flood. Mingled -with these builders were pick-pockets of finance, pirates of promotion, -and skulking jackals of commerce. But—all alike were money-mad. From -the Morgans and Hills and Rockefellers and Carnegies, who wrought with -far-seeing vision, down to the shopkeepers and smallest manufacturers, -nine men in ten were absorbed in the game of riches.</p> - -<p>Politics, too, had become infected. Public honours were no longer heaped -upon patriots and statesmen: the proudest title of distinction was to be -called “a captain of industry.” The best brains of the country had been -drained out of the public service into business life. Men who, in other -days, would have led great public causes, were now presidents of great -corporations. Their intellects were taxed to the last limit in the -fierce struggle of competi<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_134" id="page_134">{134}</a></span>tion. Their characters were formed and -hardened into the inflexible will and ruthless determination of -commanders of vast competitive business armies. Men like Morgan, upon -whose shoulders rested the responsibility for billions of invested -capital, brooked no obstacle that threatened for an instant the security -of these vast aggregations of money, nor anything that would stand in -the way of their continuous return of profit.</p> - -<p>Such gigantic financial operations inevitably affected those -inter-relationships of the people which are expressed in law; and -organized government soon confronted the danger of being swallowed by -organized business. By the close of McKinley’s first administration, -government, indeed, had become practically a vassal of business, little -better than another instrument of power in the hands of the leaders of -industry. Legislation was bought like merchandise; lawmakers and -administrators of law were corrupted. Politics had become an almost -disreputable profession. Lobbyists of the most odious type flaunted -their trade publicly. To the high-minded elements of the community it -seemed as if the nation were sliding down the declivity of destruction -to share the fate of Rome.</p> - -<p>I was myself fresh from this seething caldron of materialistic -competition, and I knew personally the men and the methods of Big -Business, so that I had occasion to appreciate more keenly than most -people the reality of the danger which confronted the nation.</p> - -<p>To us perplexed political idealists the country over, who looked on with -apprehension at this death grapple between the soul of the people and -the ugly octopus of Big Business, the appearance of Woodrow Wilson on -the horizon seemed a very act of Providence. Here at last was the -leader: the man who, thinking our thoughts, sharing our visions, brought -to us the promise of a political personality under whose banner we could -range ourselves,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_135" id="page_135">{135}</a></span> organize our enthusiasm, and take fresh hope for -redemption.</p> - -<p>True, the Democratic Party organization was no better than the -Republican. Nevertheless, I recalled with faith the words of that -valiant reformer, Carl Schurz, who years before had said:</p> - -<p>“Between them [the old parties] stands an element which is not -controlled by the discipline of the party organization, but acts upon -its own judgment for the public interest. It is the Independent element -which in its best sense and shape may be defined as consisting of men -who consider it more important that the Government be well administered -than that this or that set of men administer it. This Independent -element is not very popular with party politicians in ordinary times; -but it is very much in requisition when the day of voting comes. It can -render inestimable service to the cause of good government by wielding -the balance of power it holds with justice and wisdom.”</p> - -<p>Here, I thought, in this great body of thoughtful independents of both -parties, lies the hope of political regeneration. Woodrow Wilson is the -only man in either party who stands out clearly for the things which all -of us hold dear. If we can introduce him to these men, if we can lift -him up upon a platform high enough to permit his ringing words to reach -across the continent, they will rally to his banner as we have done.</p> - -<p>It was from these motives, and in this splendid hope, that I threw -myself whole-heartedly into what my friends had called a “hopeless -cause.” Now was the opportunity to restore idealism to our government; -to place man, as of old, above the dollar; to place law once more -securely above the greed and personal ambition of the individual. -America was very dear to me! I had come to her an alien by race and -speech; she had thrown wide open the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_136" id="page_136">{136}</a></span> door of opportunity to me; I had -been free to find satisfaction for every one of my ambitions. Surely, -the utmost I could do in her service was little enough to repay the just -debt I owed her.</p> - -<p>Let me return now to the dinner of the National Democratic Club, which I -have already mentioned. I sat at a table facing the guests of honour, -and before they seated themselves I went up and spoke to Governor -Wilson. On a sudden impulse, he exclaimed: “Come along with me, I want -to introduce you to someone.” He led me to another table, and there I -had my first meeting with Walter Hines Page, who was then editor of the -<i>World’s Work</i> magazine, and who was destined later to play such a -momentous part in the salvaging of civilization while acting as -President Wilson’s Ambassador at the Court of St. James’s. Wilson and -Page had been acquainted for many years and they addressed each other -familiarly.</p> - -<p>“This,” said the Governor, laying his hand on my shoulder, “is the Mr. -Morgenthau I talked about to you this afternoon. Now you two get -acquainted.” He then returned to the speakers’ table, and Page spoke to -me and expressed his hearty satisfaction at welcoming “the latest -recruit to the little band of Wilson adherents.” He invited me to call -upon him at his place of business, at Garden City, Long Island, for a -longer conference.</p> - -<p>Two years later Page and I recalled this scene, under very altered -circumstances. I stopped in London on my way to Constantinople. There I -found Page installed in the American Embassy. When I entered his private -office, Page had cleared his room, and we faced each other there -alone—Page sitting forward on the edge of his chair, his elbow on the -table, his head leaning against his hand, and with the most quizzical -and expectant look upon his face. I said to him, “Ambassador, I know -what you are thinking about.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_137" id="page_137">{137}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>“Well, what?” he challenged.</p> - -<p>“You are thinking,” I said, “of the day when the Governor of New Jersey -introduced the retired financier to the magazine editor. That was only -two years ago; and now what a difference! He is President of the United -States; you are here as his Ambassador to the Court of St. James’s; and -I am his Ambassador at the Sublime Porte. And you are thinking that it’s -mighty funny.”</p> - -<p>“No; you’re wrong,” said he.</p> - -<p>“Then what are you thinking?”</p> - -<p>Still giving me that quizzical look over the top of his glasses, and -dropping his voice to the very bottom of his diaphragm, he rumbled, “I -was thinking it’s <i>blanked</i> funny!”</p> - -<p>Some time after our first meeting I called on Mr. Page at Garden City, -and told him I was now ready to immerse myself completely in the -campaign; and some months after this William G. McAdoo invited me to -join him at a luncheon with William F. McCombs, who was then in full -charge of Wilson’s campaign for the nomination. I then agreed to -subscribe a substantial sum, and, also, to undertake raising money from -others. They accepted both offers gladly. I found the first by far the -easier to make good. To redeem the second was a very different matter: -my friends in the business world looked upon me almost as one who had -lost his reason. “Why,” they asked me, “should any one who has property -be willing to entrust the management of the United States to the -Democratic Party? How can a reasonable man hope for Wilson’s nomination -against veterans like Bryan, Clark, and Underwood? And how can any -Democrat hope for victory against the intrenched Republicans?”</p> - -<p>It was the hardest proposition that I ever undertook to sell, but we -managed somehow to meet our financial emergencies as we came to them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_138" id="page_138">{138}</a></span></p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the other candidates were busy. William Jennings Bryan had -been, for years, at once the prophet and the Nemesis of the Democratic -Party. He controlled its national machinery. Thrice he had led it to -defeat, and now, for the fourth time, he aspired to lead the charge. -Party politicians, who knew that Bryan’s economic heresies were fatal to -the party, did not dare call together the national committee, where his -discipline ruled their actions. The only other place where party -councils could be taken was in the National Capitol. For this reason, -the cloakroom of the House of Representatives became the whispering -gallery of other aspirants. The House developed two candidates for the -nomination: Champ Clark, the genial Speaker; and Oscar Underwood, the -popular and substantial floor leader of the majority.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, we adherents of Wilson were not dismayed. Our plan of -action was to secure a few state delegations, and, for the rest, to -concentrate our energies upon creating, through the press, a sentiment -among the Democratic masses, which, we hoped, at the end would prove -irresistible in the Convention.</p> - -<p>The first great test of our success (and, what was more important, of -Wilson’s capacity to grow to national stature) came on the occasion of -the Jackson Day dinner at Washington on January 8, 1912. This classic -festival of Democracy has, every quadrennium, a special and a solemn -significance for candidates for the Presidency. It is somewhat like the -opening day of the Kentucky Derby at Louisville, when the favourite -horses are led out before the first race for the inspection of the -spectators. A seat at this dinner is as much prized by Democratic -politicians as a grandstand seat is at the races. The candidates and -their managers are as much excited as are the horse owners and their -trainers. Upon the showing made at this preliminary try-out depends much -of the crystallization of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_139" id="page_139">{139}</a></span> sentiment amongst the politicians in -favour of one special candidate.</p> - -<p>Our first experience with this dinner was a disappointment. We men who -were active in Governor Wilson’s behalf had our headquarters at the New -Willard Hotel; and we had gone there a day earlier to make arrangements -for more than one hundred of the leading Democratic politicians and -citizens of New Jersey who were coming on to Washington the next day, to -back up Wilson’s aspirations. Imagine our dismay when we found that, of -the sixty-five tickets for the dinner to which New Jersey was entitled, -fifty had been given to Mr. Nugent instead of to Mr. Grosscup, the -chairman of the state committee. Mr. Nugent was one of Governor Wilson’s -bitterest opponents, and well enough we knew that we could not get back -the tickets from him.</p> - -<p>News of this blow came to me at 11 o’clock at night, just as I was -turning out my light preparatory to retiring. My telephone rang. I heard -the excited voice of Judge Hudspeth, the national committeeman from New -Jersey, exclaiming: “Come right over to our room! We need you at once!” -“But,” I protested, “I am just getting into bed for the night.” “Haven’t -you learned yet,” he cried impatiently, “that politicians never sleep?”</p> - -<p>Reluctantly, I got back into my clothes and went to his rooms. There I -found McCombs, Congressman Hughes, Mr. Grosscup, Joe Tumulty, and -others. They were angry at the miscarriage of the tickets, which they -attributed to trickery; and gloomy at the thought of the poor showing we -would make to our hundred and more friends from New Jersey who were -coming down to the dinner, and who would charge us with lack of -influence in the higher councils of the party.</p> - -<p>I turned the situation over in my mind while they were giving vent to -their indignation, and said:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_140" id="page_140">{140}</a></span></p> - -<p>“I think I see a way to turn this mishap into a victory. Let us arrange -an overflow dinner for Mr. Wilson’s friends exclusively, and give him an -opportunity to show his appreciation of their presence, and to get their -inspiration.”</p> - -<p>This idea of a separate dinner at the Shoreham Hotel was a happy -thought, for at the main dinner at the Raleigh not more than fifteen -diners were really friends of Wilson. It was a discouraging outlook for -a man who faced the ordeal of trying to win an audience. The overflow -meeting solved this difficulty. It gave him the encouragement of an -enthusiastic greeting from a large body of his friends before he had to -face the unsympathetic audience at the main gathering.</p> - -<p>The morning of the day of the dinner Governor Wilson came to Washington -and went into conference with Dudley Field Malone, Franklin P. Glass of -Alabama, and myself at a luncheon in his room. He was confronted with a -serious problem. The newspapers of that very day were full of the letter -he had written to Adrian H. Joline, in which he had been guilty of that -famous indiscretion of saying that “William Jennings Bryan should be -knocked into a cocked hat.” As we sat at luncheon about twenty reporters -were waiting outside for Mr. Wilson to give them an explanation of this -letter. It might have the gravest political consequences. Bryan was -still the most powerful politician in the party, and, though he was not -able to gain the nomination for himself, he could easily keep any other -man from getting it. Wilson was deeply concerned to find a way out of -this difficulty; but though he was greatly worried, I can still recall -with what keen appetite he attacked a big steak and plateful of -vegetables, while he asked for our suggestions. He listened to us all, -and then he said:</p> - -<p>“Now, let me bare my mind to you. What did I really mean when I wrote -that letter? I have always admired<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_141" id="page_141">{141}</a></span> Mr. Bryan as a clean-thinking, -progressive citizen. I have always admired his methods of diagnosing the -troubles and difficulties of the country. But I have never admired, nor -approved, his remedies. What I really meant, then, was that <i>his -remedies</i> should be knocked into a cocked hat.”</p> - -<p>We then discussed the means by which this explanation should be given to -the public. We finally agreed that Wilson should not give it through the -press, but should wait until the Jackson Day dinner, that evening, to -make his explanation. Malone then went outside and told the reporters -our decision.</p> - -<p>In the meantime, we had heard that Bryan was not really much annoyed at -Wilson, because he realized that the men who were trying to injure -Wilson were trying to injure him also. Hence we sent an emissary to -Bryan to ask whether he would be willing to speak at our overflow -dinner, and though he declined the invitation, he did so graciously.</p> - -<p>The main dinner that evening at the Raleigh was attended by more than -seven hundred eager politicians from all parts of the country. It was an -exciting occasion for everyone, and an occasion of special apprehension -for us, because it was Wilson’s début in national politics.</p> - -<p>About midway of that dinner Wilson slipped away from the speakers’ -table, and drove over to the Shoreham. There, our happy gathering of a -hundred had been kept entertained and enlivened by speeches from -Tumulty, Dudley Malone, and others. When Wilson arrived, he found an -audience eager to be charmed, and it put him upon his mettle. He gave a -very happy speech; and when he left, to return to the Raleigh, there -were cheers and felicitations ringing in his ears. It put him in fine -feather for his masterly effort of the evening at the main dinner.</p> - -<p>Here I had an opportunity to observe, at very close<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_142" id="page_142">{142}</a></span> range, one of the -most interesting spectacles of my whole experience. At the speakers’ -table sat Senator O’Gorman, the toastmaster of the evening. At his right -was William Jennings Bryan, the ever-hopeful leader of the Democrats, -who was playing each of the important candidates against the other, in -the hope of killing them all off, and securing the nomination himself. -There sat also Underwood and Clark and Foss and Hearst and Marshall. -Pomerene was there, as the representative of Governor Harmon of Ohio, -and Judge Parker, happily forgetting his defeat. Each man knew that this -moment was charged with fateful destiny. As each one made his speech, I -could see the others taking his measure, and watching the crowd of -diners to divine its reaction. Bryan, as the patriarch of the -candidates, was to make the last address of the evening. It was to be -his opportunity for a great oration that would restore to him the -mastery of the party.</p> - -<p>Wilson was the last speaker to precede him. When he arose, there was a -brief applause of politeness, with an extra short outburst from the -little handful of fifteen adherents. Every speaker who had gone before -him had talked of party harmony. Wilson seized the opportunity of this -text to clear up, with one masterly stroke, the dilemma of the “cocked -hat” story. After a few happy remarks of acquiescence in the plea for -harmony, Wilson turned to Mr. Bryan and, with a really Chesterfieldian -gesture, said: “If any one has said anything about any of the other -candidates, for which he is sorry, now is the time to apologize,” and -made a smiling bow to the Commoner.</p> - -<p>The audience broke into spontaneous and sincere applause at this stroke. -They appreciated both its manliness and its cleverness; and they sat up -with really expectant attention to hear the rest of his address.</p> - -<p>Wilson rose to his opportunity. His speech revealed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_143" id="page_143">{143}</a></span> to these men a new -power in the party. He made a splendid exposition of the issues before -the country, and gave his vision of the remedies with beautiful -eloquence and unanswerable logic. The audience progressed from rapt -attention to enthusiasm.</p> - -<p>All this time I was watching the face of Bryan. I have never seen a more -interesting play of expression on the stage than the exhibition which he -unconsciously gave. Here was the rising of a new political star, which -he well knew meant the setting of his own. His face expressed in turn -surprise, alarm, hesitation, doubt, gloom, despair. When Wilson took his -seat amidst tremendous applause Bryan’s face was that of a man who had -met his Waterloo. He rose like one who was dazed, and made a speech of -abdication. He said that the time had come when a new man should be -nominated, a man who was free from the asperities of the past, and that -he was willing to march in the ranks of the party, and work with the -rest of us to help on this victory, which he saw assured. He then -started to sit down, but everyone applauded so vigorously, shouting “Go -on! Go on!” that he became confused. For once, his political sagacity -forsook him: he did not realize that he should stop. He regained his -feet, and made a sad anti-climax by telling the diners stories of his -observations in the Philippines and elsewhere. The evening was a Wilson -triumph.</p> - -<p>The effect upon Wilson’s fortune was instantaneous. The next morning our -little headquarters was the Mecca of the politicians. Congressmen and -Senators and members of the National Committee streamed to our rooms at -the Willard. Some came to pledge us their support of Wilson; others to -take the measure of his managers. Of the latter class, Senator Stone of -Missouri was the most interesting. We saw then how he had earned his -title, “Gum Shoe Bill.” He dropped in, so he said, for just a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_144" id="page_144">{144}</a></span> minute’s -conversation, as Mrs. Stone was waiting for him in the lobby, where he -had promised to rejoin her in a few minutes. He stayed for more than -half an hour. He spent that time telling us a very humorous story, which -would be worth retelling on its merits if it were printable. It dealt -with several whimsical characters in a little town in the Ozarks, and he -told it with all the rich embroidery of characterization and dialogue -with which the best Southern story tellers elaborate their narratives. -It was really a little masterpiece of the raconteur’s art, but it had no -pertinence to our serious business. I soon became aware, however, that -Stone himself had a serious purpose. All the while he was spinning his -story out, to make it longer, his eyes were stealing from one face to -another of his auditors, shrewdly appraising their reactions, studying -each of them to learn what he could of their characters and foibles. -When he finally drew the story to its close, sprung the “nub,” and got a -round of laughter, he left, as I felt sure at the moment, with a pretty -definite estimate of each of us in his head.</p> - -<p>The extraordinary success of Wilson’s Jackson Day speech had its evil -effects as well. It made other candidates realize that the man each of -them had to beat was Wilson. Thus, all the politicians centred their -attacks on him. They ceased their efforts to take delegates away from -one another, and allotted to each candidate an undisputed field in the -territory where he could help to make a showing. Their plan was to -prevent Wilson from coming to the Convention with a large pledged vote.</p> - -<p>In the meantime, we devoted our efforts to making Wilson popular among -the Democratic press and masses, building up, throughout the country, a -sentiment which made him the second choice in nearly every section where -a favourite son got a preference with the delegates. Our greatest fear -was that one of the two strongest candidates<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_145" id="page_145">{145}</a></span> might yield his strength -to the other in the hope of defeating Wilson.</p> - -<p>Fortunately for us, the logic of the situation made our strategy also -the best strategy for Bryan. He and his brother, with their keen -political sense, were playing exactly the same game as we were. The -result was that every candidate came to the Convention with his full -strength, and a determination to use it.</p> - -<p>We had other troubles. Repeatedly we faced financial difficulties, and -many times the few men of means among us had to go down into their own -pockets to make up the deficiency. I had to do so myself, and I leaned -heavily on devoted friends of Wilson, like Cleveland H. Dodge, Charles -R. Crane, and Abram I. Elkus. Then, too, there were personal -differences. I shall never forget when Dudley Field Malone, with his -high-powered temperament and his high-flown oratory, burst into my -office, exclaiming, “I come with a message from a King to a King!”</p> - -<p>“Come to earth, talk English,” I responded.</p> - -<p>“Well,” he said, “the Governor has sent me to ask you to investigate the -row between McCombs and Byron Newton. He wants you to settle the matter -without his intervention.”</p> - -<p>I sent for Newton first, to get his version of the trouble; and when he -called, he was so unbridled in his language and so sweeping and -illogical in his accusations against McCombs—he gave me an ultimatum -that either he or McCombs must be instantly displaced—that I did not -wait to hear the other side of the story, but promptly decided in -McCombs’s favour. I concluded at once that Governor Wilson could not -afford, at that critical moment, to expose himself to the charge of -being ungrateful toward McCombs, who, notwithstanding his shortcomings, -had rendered him invaluable services.</p> - -<p>At last came the great days of the Convention. We<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_146" id="page_146">{146}</a></span> went to Baltimore -with less than half enough pledged delegates to secure the nomination. -Our hopes lay in the splendid impression that Wilson had made upon the -country, and in the generalship we should exercise upon the floor of the -Convention. The odds were all in favour of Champ Clark. He had better -than a hundred more pledged delegates than Wilson, and the ground swell -of the politicians in his favour. Still, we were not daunted.</p> - -<p>There were elements in our favour. The Baltimore <i>Sun</i>, chiefly through -the enthusiasm of Charles H. Grasty, created an atmosphere of Wilson -optimism in the city that had an undoubted effect upon the delegates. -And a determining influence with many delegates and the public at large -was a wonderful editorial, written by Frank I. Cobb and published in the -New York <i>World</i> at the psychological moment.</p> - -<p>The supreme opportunity for all of us to use our best talents in behalf -of Wilson came at the dramatic climax of the Convention when, on the -third day and with the tenth ballot, Champ Clark received a majority -vote of the delegates. Though two thirds were necessary to get the -nomination, Clark’s adherents thought that the achievement of a majority -marked the turn of the tide and the assurance of victory. They had sound -historical warrant for this faith: for only once before had a Democratic -candidate who received a majority of the votes failed to get the -nomination.</p> - -<p>If Clark’s managers had been able to capitalize that critical moment, -their candidate might have gone to the White House eight months later.</p> - -<p>When this tenth ballot was announced, the Convention greeted the Clark -majority with wild enthusiasm. What his managers should have done was to -have pressed this advantage to an immediate conclusion. A few more quick -ballots taken under the emotion of that moment would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_147" id="page_147">{147}</a></span> doubtless have -carried him over the line to victory. Instead, they wasted the -opportunity, and the Missouri delegation organized a snake dance around -the hall, and spent the next fifty-five minutes frittering away the -precious enthusiasm of the Convention by cheering themselves hoarse in -celebration of an assumed victory. They stimulated the joy of Clark’s -adherents by bringing in his young daughter, wrapped in an American -flag, and placing her beside the chairman. This pretty picture provoked -a fresh outburst of triumphant cheering.</p> - -<p>Those fifty-five minutes cost Clark the nomination. McCombs, Palmer, -McAdoo, and the rest of us had a hurried consultation on the platform, -not ten feet away from Ollie James, the impartial chairman, who did -nothing to discourage the wild demonstration. We agreed on a plan of -campaign, and, as lieutenants, all scurried about the hall, consulting -with the leaders of the other delegates. We got the Underwood forces to -agree to stand fast for their candidate on the next few ballots, and -made the same arrangement with the Marshall and Foss delegates, pledging -ourselves, in turn, to hold our people fast for Wilson.</p> - -<p>In three quarters of an hour we had corralled our delegates safely out -of the path of the Clark stampede. They sat immovable in the face of the -frenzy of the crowd. When the Clark demonstration had subsided, and the -next ballot was taken, the Clark managers had a rude awakening: the -result was practically unchanged. Then, with a stroke of political -genius, Mitchell Palmer arose, and claimed recognition from the Chair. -Tall, massive, and extremely handsome, Palmer was at the height of -youthful grace and vigour. The Chairman recognized him, and Palmer moved -an immediate adjournment to the following morning. Before the Clark -delegates grasped the meaning of this manœuvre the motion had been put<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_148" id="page_148">{148}</a></span> -and carried. This respite gave Clark’s enemies a full day in which to -make fresh alliances against him, and every one of the succeeding -thirty-five ballots cut down his vote in the Convention.</p> - -<p>The tide had turned. Wilson’s strength grew steadily, because as soon as -a delegate realized that his own candidate’s cause was hopeless, his -thoughts turned from his personal preference to the welfare of the -party, and, in almost every case, he realized that Wilson was the one -man to lead it on to victory. They realized, too, that a solemn duty -rested on them. The Roosevelt defection from the Republican Party had -ruined its chances, so that these Democratic delegates knew they were -not merely nominating a candidate—they were actually electing a -President.</p> - -<p>After the nomination, the preliminary notification followed at Sea Girt -a few days later. Here again was an opportunity to study human nature. -Most of the defeated competitors for the nomination came and tendered -their hearty congratulations. But Clark came like one who was attending -the funeral of his hopes. He could not master his disappointment, nor -conceal it. His depression lay upon the gathering like a cloud. It was -so palpable that Tumulty saw that something must be done to lift it, -else the proper spirit of the occasion would be destroyed. Tumulty then -came to me, and suggested that Clark be taken for a ride. I approached -Clark, and invited him to use my car. He accepted and asked if he might -go anywhere he wished, and, of course, my reply was, “Certainly.” He -then explained that his daughter was visiting in the neighbourhood, and -he would like to see her. Filling the car with his friends, they drove -away, with my son, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., at the wheel.</p> - -<p>When my son came back, he had a broad smile on his countenance. “Where -do you suppose,” he exclaimed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_149" id="page_149">{149}</a></span> “Clark asked me to take him? His -daughter is staying with George Harvey’s daughter!”</p> - -<p>The “George Harvey” to whom my son referred was, of course, Mr. Wilson’s -former supporter with whom he had recently had a much-advertised -disagreement, and who is now Mr. Harding’s much-discussed Ambassador in -London.</p> - -<p>Here was a dilemma! I had already told Governor Wilson that Clark had -gone to visit his daughter, and that she was staying with friends in the -neighbourhood, and he had said: “I shall see that my daughters call on -her.” Now, I had to tell him who “the friends in the neighbourhood” -were. When I did so, he only smiled, and said: “That’s rather awkward, -isn’t it?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_150" id="page_150">{150}</a></span>”</p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX<br /><br /> -<small>THE CAMPAIGN OF 1912</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">W</span>ILSON’S nomination in 1912 was equivalent to an election. The split in -the Republican Party made this a foregone conclusion. They forgot the -interests of the country in a bitter internal struggle for the control -of their party machinery. Roosevelt, furiously ambitious to regain his -power, was pitted against the old organization bosses, who were -determined to retain possession of the party. Led by Penrose they were -lost in an implacable rage against the “rebel” who had once unhorsed -them in the party councils. To them the election of a president became a -secondary matter. The supremely important issue was the control of their -party machinery. Penrose and his fellow bosses felt that their -future—their very existence as political leaders—was at stake. If -Roosevelt made good his position, that the Independents ought to -continue to control the mechanism of the party (as they had controlled -it during his tenure of office), what did it profit Penrose and his kind -to build up their state machines, only to be balked of the supreme prize -of national ascendancy? They would, like Othello, find their occupation -gone. With the fury of men blinded by hatred and ambition, they -preferred to wreck the party’s chances for the next four years if, by so -doing, they could destroy the Roosevelt rebellion against their -domination.</p> - -<p>I really felt that my own connection with the campaign was at an end. -With the Presidency thus secure by reason of the Republicans’ -internecine quarrel, we Demo<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_151" id="page_151">{151}</a></span>crats were in the position of a plaintiff -who had simply to go through the formality of entering judgment by -default and take possession of the Government on behalf of the people.</p> - -<p>I had never participated in the active work of a national campaign, and -it did not appeal to me to do so. The offer made me by McCombs to become -chairman of the Finance Committee I had promptly declined, as I thought -that if I had anything to do with the finances of the National -Democratic Committee, I should be treasurer. So I prepared to spend the -summer in the Adirondacks. But the day that I was to take my family to -the mountains I motored down to Sea Girt to bid Governor Wilson -good-bye. The Governor had not yet come down to breakfast, and, as I had -to take an early train to make my connection for the mountains, I was -about to leave when word came down from him requesting me to wait a few -minutes longer, as he was anxious to see me. Shortly afterward he came -down the steps, as sprightly and active as a man of thirty, full of -energy and determination. When I told him I had come to say good-bye to -him, he was surprised and concerned.</p> - -<p>“This is a great disappointment to me,” said Governor Wilson. “I had -hoped that you would accept the position of chairman of the Finance -Committee. This is a new position which I have asked the National -Committee to create especially for you, and I had relied upon your -willingness to accept it and render me a great service.”</p> - -<p>I told the Governor that I was disinclined to be merely a money -collector, and unless I was appointed treasurer, or a member of the -Campaign Committee, I should not care to participate in the campaign. -The Governor answered:</p> - -<p>“Of course I expect you to be a member of the Campaign Committee, and I -still hope that I can persuade<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_152" id="page_152">{152}</a></span> you to accept the chairmanship of the -Finance Committee. My idea is that in this campaign the chairman of the -Finance Committee will have to perform the functions of the president of -a bank, directing the large financial policies and protecting me against -mistakes of accepting moneys from improper sources. The treasurer should -correspond to the cashier. He should be the custodian of the funds and -have charge of the clerical and bookkeeping details.</p> - -<p>“I shall insist that no contributions whatever be even indirectly -accepted from any corporation. I want especial attention paid to the -small contributors. And I want great care exercised over the way the -money is spent. These duties will call for an unusual degree of -ingenuity and resourcefulness. I would not ask you to undertake this -task if I didn’t think you had the imagination to accomplish it; and I -would not expect you to accept it if I did not think it would be -interesting to a man of your experience and ability.”</p> - -<p>The Governor seemed so genuinely concerned and showed so clearly that he -dreaded facing another financial canvass after the frequent worries he -had endured from this source in his pre-nomination fight, that I could -no longer resist. I accepted, and added:</p> - -<p>“I shall take a few days to settle my family in the Adirondacks; then I -shall return and get to work. And now, Governor, having accepted the -responsibility, I want to assure you that you may dismiss all thoughts -of finance from your mind from now until election.”</p> - -<p>The Governor took my hand and held it while he said:</p> - -<p>“You do not realize what a load you are lifting from my shoulders. I can -now devote myself entirely to campaigning and to my duties as Governor.”</p> - -<p>I considered the discussion closed and was about to leave, when the -Governor detained me.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_153" id="page_153">{153}</a></span></p> - -<p>“One thing more,” he said. “There are three rich men in the Democratic -Party whose political affiliations are so unworthy that I shall depend -on you personally to see that none of their money is used in my -campaign!”</p> - -<p>I gave him my assurance, and he gave me their names. This was the only -occasion on which I discussed finances with Mr. Wilson from that day to -this. I made good my promise that he should have no cause to think again -of finances. And when he went into the White House he went without -obligations, expressed or implied, to any man for any money that had -been contributed during the campaign.</p> - -<p>The principal reason I was able to make good my promise to the Governor -was that I instituted, for the first time in American political history, -a budget system both for collecting the funds and expending them. I -called to my assistance Mr. Raymond B. Fosdick, a budget expert; and in -consultation with the members of the Democratic National Committee, we -worked out an allotment of the amounts we expected from the various -states. We then worked out the kinds of legitimate expenditures which we -would encounter, weighed their relative values, and allotted to each its -corresponding proportion of the money we expected to raise. With minor -exceptions, we adhered to this budget throughout the campaign; and we -had the great pleasure of paying every bill in full before the first of -the following January, and of having $25,000 cash balance to the credit -of the National Committee in bank.</p> - -<p>My financial work in the National Committee was novel to me only in the -sense that it was managing the use of money in a new field. But my work -with the Committee on its human and political sides was an entirely new -experience, and a very fascinating one.</p> - -<p>On the human side, I found the same play of personal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_154" id="page_154">{154}</a></span> ambitions—of -jealousy and other evil passions—aroused by the prospect of advantage -in politics, that I had seen aroused by the prospect of material reward -in business. But, on the whole, the human picture in politics was as -pleasant as it was interesting. Our headquarters was, to be sure, the -scene of the ill-humoured rivalries of McCombs and McAdoo and their -adherents; but, on the other hand, it was the scene also of the touching -fraternal devotion of “Joe” Wilson, whom the Governor affectionately -called “my kid brother,” who gladly did all the tasks that came to hand -out of sheer regard for the Governor. The delightful friendships that I -formed with Rollo Wells, Josephus Daniels, Joseph E. Davies, Senator -O’Gorman, Hugh C. Wallace, Homer S. Cummings, and others, were a source -of enduring pleasure. We all soon fell into the genial habit of calling -one another by our first names—this is indeed a custom of the National -Committee. McCombs, who felt somewhat my greater age, began calling me -“Uncle Henry,” a name which has since stuck to me in the familiar -conversation of most of my close political friends.</p> - -<p>As it ultimately turned out, the headquarters was a proving ground for -coming Cabinet members, senators, and diplomats. Josephus Daniels had -for the moment abandoned his paper in North Carolina and come to New -York to take charge of the national publicity. McAdoo dropped his -business temporarily to become vice-chairman of the National Committee -and forward the Wilson fortunes. Congressman Redfield, discarded by the -local Democratic organization in Brooklyn, found an opportunity for -usefulness which led to his later appointment as Secretary of Commerce. -At the Chicago branch of National Headquarters, Albert S. Burleson of -Texas was a field-marshal of our growing army. Colonel House did not -take an active part in the direction of the campaign;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_155" id="page_155">{155}</a></span> he was then only -in process of attracting Wilson’s confidence in him as a man above the -wish for personal advancement.</p> - -<p>But on its political side I found my work a real revelation. Perhaps, -indeed, the biggest single lesson I ever got in politics I got through -the contact I then experienced with William Sulzer, who was Democratic -candidate for Governor of New York. This experience added so much to my -knowledge of the invisible government which stands behind government, -and was besides so picturesque and dramatic, that I think it worth while -recounting it at some length.</p> - -<p>One morning as I sat at my desk at the headquarters in New York, an odd -though familiar figure was ushered into my office. I had known William -Sulzer for perhaps twenty years. His greatest pride was his resemblance -in face and figure to the immortal Henry Clay. This physical resemblance -was not fanciful. Sulzer had his high forehead, large mouth, and -deep-set eyes—he bore, indeed, altogether a quite remarkable likeness -to the Sage of Ashland. He had, too, the same long, slender, and -loose-jointed figure. This resemblance, with which Nature had endowed -him, Sulzer had cultivated with assiduous care. He had grown a long -forelock, and had trained it to fall over the forehead after the Clay -style. And he had cultivated a gift for ready speech into as near an -approach to the eloquence of Clay as his limitations of mind permitted.</p> - -<p>But as I looked up at him that morning in 1912, I saw Sulzer garbed in a -strange departure from the elegance with which Clay, who was something -of a dandy, was used to adorn his person. Sulzer was made up—it is fair -to use this theatrical expression because Sulzer was evidently seeking a -theatrical effect—made up to portray the part of “a statesman of the -people.” His coat was of one<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_156" id="page_156">{156}</a></span> pattern, and his vest of another. His -baggy trousers were of a third. The gray sombrero which he always -affected was rather dingy; his linen just a trifle soiled. Familiar as I -was with Sulzer’s political poses, through our acquaintance, I mentally -noted the skill of the morning’s costume in dressing the part of “a -friend of the people.”</p> - -<p>Sulzer’s career had been of a sort possible only in America. A native of -New Jersey, the son of a Presbyterian minister, a graduate of Columbia -University, a man of good family, good mind, and good education, he had -taken up his residence on the lower East Side of New York City, had -joined the Tammany organization, and had struck out boldly for a great -political career in those untoward surroundings. Despite his religious -heritage, he had been greatly impressed, as a young man, with the -prophecy of a clairvoyant who had told him he should be Speaker of the -New York State Assembly, Governor of New York, and President of the -United States.</p> - -<p>Sulzer had, indeed, made considerable progress on this path of political -advancement. Elected to the State Assembly as a young man in his early -twenties, he quickly rose to prominence, and at thirty he was chosen -Speaker—the youngest man, I believe, ever to hold that office. From the -State Assembly he was sent by Tammany to Congress, and now, in 1912, had -represented his district in Washington for seventeen years. He -constantly “played up” to the Jewish element. The ingratiating manner -which he carefully cultivated appealed to a people, proud, sensitive, -and accustomed to a lack of consideration from officers of Government. -In Congress he was indefatigable in the interest of his constituents; -and, on the whole, his attitude on public questions was satisfactory. -From the public viewpoint Sulzer was one of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_157" id="page_157">{157}</a></span> the most respectable of the -Tammany adherents. From the Tammany viewpoint he was “safe.”</p> - -<p>The nomination of Governor Wilson and the assurances of Democratic Party -success in the national campaign gave Sulzer his great opportunity. From -the Tammany leaders came covert intimations to us members of the -Democratic National Committee, that we would be permitted to suggest the -Democratic candidate for Governor of New York. Fortunately we realized -the implications of this offer and declined it. It meant, in substance, -that Tammany, by permitting us to name the candidate for Governor, -thereby became fully affiliated with the national campaign and would be -in a position to demand, after election, special consideration in the -distribution of Federal patronage. We made a reply which did not offend -Tammany but which, on the other hand, left us entirely free of the -Tammany entanglement. We said that we were not interested in taking a -hand in the state situation; that we endorsed the then widespread public -demand for an “open convention” to nominate the Governor. We suggested -that Tammany refrain from dictating the nomination, so that the -Independents of New York would support the national as well as the state -Democratic ticket.</p> - -<p>The Tammany leaders professed to accept this decision. The state -convention, when held, had the air of an open convention. They cast -about for a candidate, and settled on Sulzer. Without inconveniencing -Tammany, he had been able to make something of a reputation as a -political progressive. He had professed a great attachment for social -reforms, the kind which Roosevelt in Washington and Wilson in New Jersey -had made popular. He had built up a reputation as a friend of the common -man, and in New York he was still “strong with the East Side.” Tammany -manipulated the “open convention” at Syracuse, and Sulzer was nominated -for Governor.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_158" id="page_158">{158}</a></span></p> - -<p>I had followed Sulzer’s career with a good deal of interest. Though I -did not approve of his capitalizing politically his friendship for a -racial element, I felt, nevertheless, that he had been a useful public -servant; and he had been successful with me, as he had been with many -other political independents, in making me believe that he was sincerely -interested in the cause of civic reform. Consequently, I greeted him -cordially.</p> - -<p>Sulzer began the conversation by thanking me for “what I had done in -helping him and bringing about his nomination.” This was a polite -generality as, of course, I had had no hand in that enterprise, except -that I had been a party to the “hands-off” policy of the National -Committee, and also, that I had shared in the request of the Committee -to McAdoo not to accept this nomination which some of his friends were -trying, with some hope of success, to secure for him. We had felt that -it was his duty to stay in the national campaign, as McCombs was still -incapacitated by illness.</p> - -<p>Sulzer then went on to express the wish that I would be of use to him -after he was elected. He spoke in glowing terms of the reputation -Governor Wilson had made by his reforms in New Jersey, and expressed an -ambition to make a similar record as Governor of New York. He confided -to me the clairvoyant’s prophecy of his future and declared that he -believed that the path to the Presidency lay in championing “the cause -of the people.”</p> - -<p>He wanted my coöperation, after he should be elected Governor, in -formulating plans to make his administration a success. As everyone -knows who is experienced either in business or politics, there are -“subtleties of approach” that suggest a man’s real meaning without his -even remotely mentioning the true subject in conversation. Sulzer’s -remarks were of this nature. I saw plainly that he was directing my -thoughts to a point where it would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_159" id="page_159">{159}</a></span> be possible for him without -embarrassment to solicit a subscription to his campaign fund. I wanted -to save the future Governor of New York from soliciting a subscription, -and consequently, I forestalled his intention by voluntarily handing him -my check for $1,000. His response to this action was in keeping with the -amenities of the situation. He said: “I did not expect that from you. I -don’t want it, because you are doing so much for the National -Committee.” But the check disappeared into a pocket of his dingy coat.</p> - -<p>In the meantime, the march of political events led us on to Election Day -and victory. Woodrow Wilson was triumphantly elected President, with a -Democratic Congress behind him. The political ambitions of some of his -managers were gratified. McAdoo became Secretary of the Treasury; -Daniels, Secretary of the Navy; Redfield, Secretary of Commerce; and -Burleson, Postmaster-General. What my friends a few months earlier had -called a hopeless cause was now a dazzling success.</p> - -<p>In April, 1913, Senator O’Gorman telephoned me from Washington that he -had been requested by the President to offer me the Ambassadorship to -Turkey. I apparently astonished him when I told him please to thank the -President for me, but that I would not accept. O’Gorman, whom I had -known for many years, urged me to come to Washington to discuss the -matter with him. He said that I had no right to refuse such a tender -over the telephone. I complied with his request, and we discussed the -matter one evening until well past midnight. O’Gorman used all his -persuasive powers, and told me that it seemed strange that I, an entire -newcomer in politics, without ever having rendered any other political -service, should have the temerity to decline to be one of the -President’s ten personal representatives, in the capacity of Ambassador -at one of the important Courts of Europe. He told me<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_160" id="page_160">{160}</a></span> that the President -was very much disappointed at my decision; and urged me to see him -personally, and explain to him my reasons for declining. He said he knew -the President was very anxious to avail himself of my services, and -thought it ill advised for me to refuse to obey what amounted to a -command from the head of the Government. I called on the President, and -he said:</p> - -<p>“I want you to take the Embassy at Constantinople. I am convinced that -the two posts that demand the greatest intellectual equipment in our -representatives are Turkey and China. Therefore, I am particularly -concerned to have, in these two countries, men upon whom I can -absolutely rely for sound judgment and knowledge of human nature. This -is the reason I am asking you to take the post at Constantinople.”</p> - -<p>“If that is the situation,” I replied, “I should much prefer China, -although it is only a ministership. And for this reason: the Jews of -this country have become very sensitive (and I think properly so) over -the impression which has been created by successive Jewish appointments -to Turkey, that that is the only diplomatic post to which a Jew can -aspire. All the Jews that I have consulted about your offer have advised -and urged me to decline it. Oscar Straus has been criticized by some of -his co-religionists for accepting a second and even a third appointment -to Constantinople. I don’t mind criticism, but I share the feeling of -the other Jews that it is unwise to confirm an impression that this is -the only field for them in the diplomatic service.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Wilson’s reply was aggressive in manner and almost angry in tone.</p> - -<p>“I should have hoped,” he said, “that you had a higher opinion of my -open-mindedness and freedom from prejudice than this. I certainly draw -no such distinctions, and I am sorry that you should have thought so. I -think you<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_161" id="page_161">{161}</a></span> will agree with me when I give you my further reasons for -this choice. In the first place, Constantinople is the point at which -the interest of the American Jews in the welfare of the Jews of -Palestine is focussed, and it is almost indispensable that I have a Jew -at that post. On the other hand, our interests in China are expressed -largely in the form of missionary activities, and it seems quite -necessary that our Minister there should be a Christian, and preferably -a man of the evangelical type; and I am sincerely anxious to have you -accept Turkey.”</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, I remained firm in my refusal to accept the offer, and -told the President I would have to find some non-political path in which -to serve the people.</p> - -<p>As I left the President, he gave me a look which is hardly describable. -He was sadly disappointed that he had not been able to dominate my -decision. He showed a deep affection for me, and it was evident how much -he regretted that his arguments had failed to persuade me. On the other -hand, I felt sorry, and probably showed it in my face, that I appeared -so ungrateful at not promptly complying with his request, and abiding by -his judgment that Turkey was the best place in which I could serve the -country.</p> - -<p>Shortly thereafter, my wife, my daughter Ruth, and I embarked for -Europe, where we intended to spend the summer. While at Aix-les-Bains, I -met Ambassador Myron T. Herrick, and I mentioned to him that I had -refused the Ambassadorship to Turkey. He told me that I had made a -grievous mistake, and probably from ignorance; that I did not comprehend -what a splendid position that of Ambassador was; that not only I, but my -children and my children’s children, would be benefited by my having -held such a position. He ended by urging me that if I still could obtain -the post, I should take steps to secure it.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_162" id="page_162">{162}</a></span></p> - -<p>My friend, Dr. Stephen S. Wise (of the Free Synagogue of New York, of -which I was president), was then in Paris. I wrote him about the matter, -and asked whether he could come to Aix-les-Bains for a consultation. He -replied that he had but three days left in Europe, but that if I would -start to Dijon the following morning he would also start from Paris, and -we should both reach Dijon at noon. He would meet me at the station, and -we could have four hours together to discuss the matter before our -return to our respective bases.</p> - -<p>We met at Dijon as arranged, and to my astonishment I found Wise -tremendously anxious to have me accept the position. He told me that he -had just visited Palestine, and that amongst the other services that I -could render in Turkey, would be a great service to the Jews in -Palestine. He reminded me of the happy experience, in the same office, -of Solomon Hirsch, of Portland, Ore., who had been president of his -congregation in that city. I knew the facts of that experience as Mr. -Hirsch was the uncle of Judge Samson Lachman, who had been my partner in -the practise of the law for twenty years. Dr. Wise urged me with all the -force of his eloquence to rescind my declination.</p> - -<p>I told Dr. Wise that I would be back in America in September, and if the -position had not yet been filled at that time, I would reconsider it. On -the strength of this statement, Dr. Wise telegraphed the President that -I would accept. Within three days I received a cable from the President, -again tendering me the position, and I accepted it.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, on January 1, 1913, Sulzer had been inaugurated as Governor -of New York. A few weeks before this event, some of the leading social -workers of New York City came to me and asked me to secure them an -opportunity to have a conference with the President-elect.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_163" id="page_163">{163}</a></span> They wished -to put before him the kind of legislation that would be required to -carry out the social programme which they had been largely responsible -for having embodied in the Democratic and Progressive platforms. I told -them I did not see how the President could do much in this direction. -Most of their plans called for state legislation, and I pointed out that -it would be better and more effective for them to meet Governor Sulzer. -I offered to give a dinner at my house in New York, at which Governor -Sulzer would be the guest of honour, and I told them they might give me -a list of the people whom they wished to have meet him. The list they -gave me included the best-known social workers, such people as Homer -Folks, Owen R. Lovejoy, Mary E. Dreier, Lillian D. Wald, John A. -Kingsbury, and Edward T. Devine.</p> - -<p>Sulzer accepted my invitation readily enough. One reason for his -acceptance became apparent when I heard that the state printer at the -moment was pressing him for the manuscript of his inaugural address, -which he had not yet written, though it was already late in December. -When the address was delivered some days later it embodied in his own -language many of the thoughts and proposals that were put forward that -evening by the social workers.</p> - -<p>After the dinner the party adjourned to the library, and there I seated -Sulzer in a big carved oak chair, facing the others, who sat in a -semicircle before him. Each of the guests in turn made a presentation to -the Governor of the situation and needs in the field of social reform in -which he or she was an expert. These were really splendid expositions of -the improvements required in the health, child-labour, tenement-house, -and other laws. When Sulzer made his reply to their addresses, I was -astonished at the grasp he displayed of the principles involved in these -reforms, and at the eagerness with which he em<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_164" id="page_164">{164}</a></span>braced their advocacy. It -really seemed as if he were going to go heart and soul into making a -record of progressive legislation for his administration.</p> - -<p>I was not less delighted when, after a conference a few weeks later with -Messrs. Folks, Kingsbury, and Devine, concerning the most important of -these reforms—the drastic revision of the health laws—the four of us -went up as a delegation to see Sulzer, and secured his hearty support. -The situation was, that the health laws of New York State were being -administered by five or six hundred health boards in the various -villages, and an investigation had shown that a very substantial -percentage of the health commissioners in these places were undertakers. -We proposed a centralized state health board headed by a state health -commissioner. Sulzer agreed to back the plan. He went further and said -to me: “What’s more, you may name the Health Commissioner.” We thereupon -returned to New York, and my friends drew up a draft of new laws to -regulate the public health. This codification was enacted by the -legislature at Sulzer’s insistence, and has since been adopted by more -than thirty states. We agreed that Dr. Hermann M. Biggs was the ideal -man for Commissioner, and I asked Sulzer to appoint him. He then hedged -on his promise and selected another man, though Dr. Biggs was later -appointed and made a national reputation in the office. Sulzer did, -however, make good a part of his promise. He felt it necessary, for -political reasons, to appoint two or three men of his own choice to the -State Board of Health, but he allowed us to name the majority -membership.</p> - -<p>Sulzer’s administration thus started auspiciously. He saw, what every -other shrewd observer also saw: the dazzling opportunity which lay -before any politician who stood out boldly for the people as against the -bosses, and who could embody this independent position in practical<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_165" id="page_165">{165}</a></span> -measures of reform. The lesson of Roosevelt’s career had just been -confirmed by Wilson’s. But the experiences I am now narrating ultimately -convinced me that Sulzer did not have the courage which had carried -these two men of eminence. He “played politics,” and got no further than -an unconvincing imitation of their methods. He continued to assure us -Independents, on the one hand, that he was whole-heartedly converted, -and that he had broken entirely with his past. But later we found out -that he was at the same time assuring his friends in Tammany that “I am -the same old Bill.” He tried to imitate Roosevelt’s success in another -direction, in building up a personal “machine” in New York State by -coquetting with the up-state Independent Democrats, to whom he allotted -a share of the patronage which he controlled.</p> - -<p>Ultimately, of course, both sides found him out for what he was. When -they did, the Independents simply dropped him. Tammany, however, exacted -a swift and terrible vengeance. If discipline were to be maintained -within the wigwam, not even the appearance of open revolt could be -tolerated, and Tammany proceeded to make a spectacular example of -Sulzer.</p> - -<p>Sulzer’s first appearance at Albany as Governor was not, however, a -shock to Tammany alone. Albany is like Washington on a small scale. The -Governor’s mansion was, traditionally, not only the office of the chief -executive of the state, it had been likewise the social centre around -which revolved a sort of court of élite society. Heretofore every -governor of New York had been a very presentable social figure, and they -had all maintained at the executive mansion an atmosphere of social -distinction. Sulzer rudely overturned this tradition. He wished in every -possible way to dramatize his rôle of “friend of the people.” -Consequently, he always referred to the executive mansion as the -“People’s House,” and ostentatiously invited all who<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_166" id="page_166">{166}</a></span> would to come and -call upon him in it. The staid Knickerbocker society of Albany was -aghast at the sight of throngs of what they termed “the rabble” invading -the hitherto exclusive chambers of the executive mansion. Great was -their anger toward Governor Sulzer. They, too, cherished hopes for -vengeance.</p> - -<p>In the meantime, Sulzer was having other difficulties in maintaining his -rôle of independence. One day he telephoned me to come up at once to his -rooms at the Waldorf-Astoria. He had a matter of great importance to -discuss, he said, and we could talk it over at luncheon. When I arrived, -I found him in great excitement.</p> - -<p>“The powers,” he exclaimed, meaning Tammany, “are trying to force me to -appoint a certain man chairman of the Public Service Commission, and I -am refusing to do it because I don’t think it a proper appointment. But -they are getting very angry about it, and I don’t know what to do.”</p> - -<p>I told him there was only one thing he could do and that was to continue -to refuse to appoint him.</p> - -<p>“But,” complained Sulzer, “it means my political death if I don’t name -him.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” I said, “then you are going to political death anyway. Because -as surely as you yield to them, the public at large will become even -bitterer enemies than Tammany. On the other hand, if you at least prove -to the public that you have the nerve to stand out against the -organization, they will come to the rescue and stand firmly behind you.”</p> - -<p>As we talked, a Tammany leader was announced. Sulzer had him ushered -into his bedroom while we continued our talk in the parlour. Evidently -the Tammany leader was waiting for his final decision, for at length -Sulzer said:</p> - -<p>“Very well, I will go in there.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_167" id="page_167">{167}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>He went into the bedroom and was gone for more than an hour. I had to -wait so long that I grew impatient and, ringing for a waiter, ordered my -luncheon. As I ate, I could hear the voices through the closed door, and -though I could not distinguish the conversation, it was violent, for -occasionally I could hear an explosion of vocal fireworks in the -bedroom. When at length Sulzer came out, his manner was one of excited -bravado. Throwing back the tails of his Prince Albert coat and assuming -the Henry Clay pose, he exclaimed, “Well, I have done it! I have -actually defied them!”</p> - -<p>And he added:</p> - -<p>“I did it on your account and by your advice. And now you have got to do -me a favour.”</p> - -<p>When I asked what this meant, he replied: “It may come to this: Murphy -may press me so hard to name somebody else whom I ought not to nominate -that I may have to appoint you yourself as chairman of the Commission. -Even Murphy would not dare to prevent the confirmation of the -appointment of the chairman of the Finance Committee of the Democratic -National Committee. Will you accept the position if that situation -arises?”</p> - -<p>This was a critical test of my willingness to serve the cause of good -government, as I had every reason to suspect that President Wilson would -soon offer me a position of a much greater distinction in the National -Government. But I was so wrapped up in the hope of achieving political -regeneration in New York, as we had just achieved it in the nation, that -I did not hesitate.</p> - -<p>“If I can keep you from having to obey orders from Murphy in making your -appointments, I will even do that,” I replied.</p> - -<p>Sulzer thanked me warmly and then added:</p> - -<p>“Now you must do me one other favour.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_168" id="page_168">{168}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>“What is that?” I inquired.</p> - -<p>“You have got to make a speech at my birthday dinner down at the Café -Boulevard to-morrow night. I want you to show that you are back of me.”</p> - -<p>“Governor,” I replied, “I will make that speech; but let me tell you -now, bluntly, that I shall say there what I have told you to-day, that I -shall continue to back you only so long as you adhere to your promises -to us to be independent.”</p> - -<p>“I don’t care what you say,” said Sulzer, “if only you will come down -and prove that you are behind me.”</p> - -<p>This dinner was quite a dramatic occasion. The old Café Boulevard was -the Delmonico of the East Side, and it had been the scene of many a -Tammany festivity. Sulzer here was among his own people, and this gave -him the feeling of confidence which came from having his friends around -him. The dinner was in celebration of his fiftieth birthday. People well -known in many walks of life crowded the tables. Sulzer was personally -still popular, and the feeling of the occasion was one of cordial good -wishes. Not only were his life-long friends of the East Side among those -present, but such other Democratic friends as Senator Stone of Missouri, -Frank I. Cobb of the New York <i>World</i>, John D. Crimmins, and myself; and -even representative Republicans, such as District Attorney (later -Governor) Whitman, Judge Otto Rosalsky, Louis Marshall, and Samuel S. -Koenig, were among the diners.</p> - -<p>I resolved to take no chances of spoiling my speech, which I had -prepared rapidly but with great care the day before. So when I arose, I -read it. This address made a local sensation at the moment. It was -called by the papers “the wish-bone speech.” As it was very brief and as -it had some effect on the political situation at that time, I think it -worth quoting.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_169" id="page_169">{169}</a></span></p> - -<p>“Governor,” I said, “you have wished, and have been training all your -life to be a leader of the people; you have wished it so long that now -it has become true, and we want to see your wish-bone converted into -back-bone, for you will need much of it.</p> - -<p>“You are now at the head of a mighty host that is marching onward in the -fight for good government. Picture to yourself the thousands behind you -in a solid phalanx, crowding you on so that you cannot turn back. If you -fail them as a leader the march will still proceed, and someone else -will be chosen.</p> - -<p>“The combat is to be fought to a finish. The people have discovered how -near they were to losing their Democracy, how both great parties were in -danger of falling into the control of designing self-seekers who were -determined to secure control of the Government for their own selfish -ends. At Baltimore it was determined that they could not control the -National Government. It was you who, as presiding officer of the -Convention, gave Mr. Bryan the opportunity to throw the victory to Mr. -Wilson.</p> - -<p>“At Syracuse, you were nominated in an open convention to lead the -Democrats of this state. We look to you to be the Governor of the Empire -State, and not to be the agent of undisclosed principals who hide -themselves from the public view. They can no longer govern this country, -state or city; and no office-holder needs to be responsible to or afraid -of them.</p> - -<p>“There is but one master who will last forever and to whom all ought to -bow, and that is enlightened public opinion. If you enlist under its -banner, you can proceed unmolested by petty tyranny, and the harder you -fight, the greater will be the army that will enlist in your cause and -under your leadership. You are to be envied the opportunity you have to -advance the cause of good government. It is not an easy task; your -opponents are numerous<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_170" id="page_170">{170}</a></span> and trained in the art of spiking their -opponents’ guns; but you must stand up, plant yourself firmly, saying: -‘Come one, come all. This rock shall fly from its firm base as soon as -I.’<span class="lftspc">”</span></p> - -<p>This address, with its unexpected note of blunt warning, became the -key-note of the evening. The other speakers discarded their prepared -addresses and spoke in a similar vein. Sulzer realized that he had to -meet this challenge, and in his reply he pledged himself anew to the -cause of the people.</p> - -<p>“Long ago,” he said, “I made a vow to the people that in the performance -of my duty no influence would control me but the dictates of my -conscience and my determination to do the right—as I see the right—day -in and day out, regardless of political future or personal consequences. -Have no fear—I will stick at that.”</p> - -<p>These were brave words. But Sulzer proved unequal to their promise. All -he did was to go far enough in the surface appearance of independence to -rouse the Tiger of Tammany to a fury of vengeance.</p> - -<p>Tammany soon found an occasion to carry out this intention, and they -removed Sulzer from his office. This act of private vengeance cost -Tammany four years of control of the city government of New York, for -Hennessy’s disclosures made the public eager to administer a rebuke to -Tammany, and this rebuke took the form of electing Mitchel as Mayor.</p> - -<p>The Tiger’s opportunity to impeach Sulzer came about in this way: When -Sulzer filed his sworn statement of campaign expenses, Tammany scented -some gross discrepancies and did some shrewd detective work. The result -was that they discovered that he had not included in his list of -contributions the $2,500 he had received from Jacob H. Schiff, nor the -checks of several others, including my own, which amounted in all to -many thousands of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_171" id="page_171">{171}</a></span> dollars. By careful investigation they had -established the fact that he had not applied these moneys to his -campaign expenses, but had deposited them to his personal account and -used the money as margin with a Wall Street broker for stock-market -speculation. Thereupon, Tammany leaders in the State Legislature arose -in the Assembly Chamber and impeached William Sulzer of high crimes and -misdemeanours. They charged him, among other things, with filing a false -statement of campaign expenses, with perjury, and with the suppression -of testimony; and demanded his dismissal from office. The Assembly -sustained a motion for his impeachment. When I returned from Europe in -September, 1913, I found that his trial was in progress, and I was -summoned as a witness to testify before the High Court of Impeachment.</p> - -<p>It would take the pens of a Macaulay and a Swift to do justice to this -modern burlesque of the trial of Warren Hastings. I use the term -“burlesque” in no sense of disrespect toward the Court and its setting. -The dignity of the proceedings was almost awe-inspiring. But the -defendant lent no such exalted interest to the event as did the romantic -figure of Warren Hastings. The offences of Hastings had, at least, the -dramatic merits of their magnitude. Burke’s indictment of him was a -recital of crimes worthy of the treatment of a Greek tragic poet. -Hastings’s accusers were distressed queens, pillaged treasures, and -suffering peoples. Burke’s plea for a verdict was an appeal to the -conscience of mankind.</p> - -<p>By this comparison the Sulzer impeachment was a travesty, the defendant -a petty misdemeanant, and the purpose of the trial a spiteful vengeance -on a rebellious henchman. The setting of the Court, however, gave the -event a fictitious dignity. The Senate Chamber at Albany had been -altered for the occasion by the state architect. A lofty seat had been -provided for the presiding judge of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_172" id="page_172">{172}</a></span> the High Court of Impeachment, -Judge Edgar M. Cullen, who, as chief judge of the Court of Appeals, -presided <i>ex officio</i>. Below him was a long seat for the associate -judges. Ascending tiers of seats were provided for the forty-four -members of the State Senate who, with the judges of the Court of -Appeals, constituted the High Court of Impeachment. Behind Judge -Cullen’s chair the entire wall of the room was hung with a dark red -velvet curtain in the centre of which was emblazoned the coat of arms of -New York in gold embroidery, flanked on either side by national emblems. -At one side of the court room, places were provided for the “Fourth -Estate,” the gentlemen of the press, to whom Burke had made so eloquent -an appeal on the greater historical occasion. The public balcony, which -at the Hastings trial had been crowded with the Sarah Siddonses and the -<i>haut ton</i> of London, was, here at Albany, crowded with the vengeful -Knickerbocker aristocracy, who had come to gloat in triumph over the -final discomfiture of the demagogic desecrator of the executive mansion. -The Edmund Burke of the Sulzer impeachment was Edgar T. Brackett, late -of the New York Senate. Alton B. Parker and John B. Stanchfield were the -chief counsel of the managers for the Assembly which had presented the -indictment, but Brackett was the man who made the oratorical -impeachment. Sulzer stood upon the prerogative of early precedents and -refused to make a personal appearance before the Court. In compliance -with a judicial ruling he abstained from functioning as Governor while -the trial was in progress and, instead of facing his accusers, spent his -time in a frantic but futile effort to make political combinations that -would save him.</p> - -<p>Witness after witness testified to Sulzer’s solicitation of -contributions for which he had made no accounting. My testimony was only -confirmatory of a mass of evidence<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_173" id="page_173">{173}</a></span> elicited from men of eminence like -Jacob H. Schiff and many others. I appeared before the Court on -September 24, 1913. Replying to questions from the prosecutor, I -repeated the conversation I had had with Sulzer when I gave him my check -for $1,000, and I also testified to the fact that on the day I returned -from Europe, Governor Sulzer had telephoned me, “If you are going to -testify I hope you will be easy with me”—to which I answered that I -would testify to the facts.</p> - -<p>The verdict of the court was “Guilty.” Sulzer was shorn of his high -office. His proud hopes, fostered by the soothsayer’s prophecy, were -sadly broken. Knickerbocker society had its revenge; the “People’s -House” became again the executive mansion. And Tammany had its -vengeance; it had crushed its rebel henchman and given all other -potential malcontents a spectacular object lesson.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_174" id="page_174">{174}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X<br /><br /> -<small>THE SOCIAL SIDE OF CONSTANTINOPLE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE Senate confirmed my appointment as Ambassador to Turkey on September -4, 1913. Soon afterward I went to Washington to familiarize myself with -the duties of my office and to receive my instructions. A new Ambassador -is allowed thirty days for this purpose. Usually, he spends them in the -State Department, taking a sort of course of intensive training. I did -not take the full month allowed me. The Chief of the Division of Near -Eastern Affairs took me in hand, and in a series of conversations -outlined to me, first, the duties, prerogatives, and privileges of an -Ambassador; and, second, a general survey of existing relations between -Turkey and the United States. Then several hours were occupied in -studying the methods of keeping the accounts of the Embassy, and of -handling its funds.</p> - -<p>I found this period of preparation intensely interesting. It was to be -crowned in October, upon a second visit to Washington, by an official -call on the Secretary of State. I looked forward to this visit with -great expectations. Alas for the illusions which a day can wreck! -William Jennings Bryan was the Secretary of State. He knew no more about -our relations with Turkey than I did. The long-looked-for instructions -were an anti-climax. They were, in full, as follows:</p> - -<p>“Ambassador,” he said, “when I made my trip through the Holy Land, I had -great difficulty in finding Mount Beatitude. I wish you would try to -persuade the Turkish Government to grant a concession to some Americans -to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_175" id="page_175">{175}</a></span> build a macadam road up to it, so that other pilgrims may not suffer -the inconvenience which I did in attempting to find it.”</p> - -<p>Thus fortified by the Secretary’s complete programme for my -Ambassadorial task, I set forward to the White House for a farewell call -upon President Wilson. He bade me a hearty God-speed, and in parting -gave me an injunction which enabled me to save many lives in the next -three years. “Remember,” he said, “that anything you can do to improve -the lot of your co-religionists is an act that will reflect credit upon -America, and you may count on the full power of the Administration to -back you up.”</p> - -<p>Fortunately for the success of my mission, I had a most enlightening -conference in New York before I left. At the suggestion of Mr. Alfred E. -Marling, who was one of the trustees of the Presbyterian Board of -Foreign Missions, I had an interview at that great centre of missionary -activity, 156 Fifth Avenue, with a large group of earnest and able men, -who could speak with authority on the problems I should confront in the -East. I learned that five of these men were to cross the Atlantic at the -same time I should be crossing. These were Doctors Arthur Judson Brown, -James L. Barton, Charles Roger Watson, Dr. Mackaye, and Bishop Arthur -Selden Lloyd. These men were the leaders of the Foreign Mission Boards -of the Presbyterian, Congregational, United Presbyterian, Methodist, and -Protestant Episcopal Churches. One of them, Doctor Barton, had himself -been a missionary in Turkey, and had also acted as President of the -Protestant College at Harpoot. Another, Doctor Watson, had been a -missionary in the Turkish Protectorate of Egypt, and his parents had -been missionaries for half a century at Cairo.</p> - -<p>I had engaged passage for Europe on the <i>Imperator</i>, but when I learned -that these five men were sailing at<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_176" id="page_176">{176}</a></span> nearly the same time on the <i>George -Washington</i> (later to become famous as President Wilson’s “peace ship”) -to attend a world missionary conference at The Hague, I asked them to -change their reservations and go with me. They were limited in their -expense accounts and could not change, so, emulating Mohammed, I “went -to the mountain” and changed to their ship. The voyage gave me an -opportunity to gain from them a fuller picture of the work of the -mission boards, which was very helpful to me in my new task.</p> - -<p>The conversations I had with these men on shipboard were a revelation to -me. I had hitherto had a hazy notion that missionaries were sort of -over-zealous advance agents of sectarian religion, and that their -principal activity was the proselyting of believers in other faiths. To -my surprise and gratification, these men gave me a very different -picture. In the first place, their cordial coöperation with one another -was evidence of the disappearance of the old sectarian zeal. They were, -to be sure, profoundly concerned in converting as many people as they -could to what they sincerely believed to be the true faith. But I found -that, along with this ambition, Christian missionaries in Turkey were -carrying forward a magnificent work of social service, education, -philanthropy, sanitation, medical healing, and moral uplift. They were, -I discovered, in reality advance agents of civilization. As -representatives of the denominations which supported them, they were -maintaining several hundred American schools in the Levant, and several -full-fledged colleges, of which three, at least, deserve to rank with -the best of the smaller institutions of higher learning in the United -States. They maintained, also, several important hospitals. And, as a -part of their purely religious function, they were bringing a higher -conception of Christianity to the millions of submerged Christians in -the Turkish<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_177" id="page_177">{177}</a></span> Empire, who, but for them, would have been left to practise -their religion without the inspiration of the modern thought of the -West, which has so vastly widened its spiritual significance.</p> - -<p>As my wife and youngest daughter, Ruth, could not accompany me, I took -with me my daughter Helen, her husband, Mr. Mortimer J. Fox, and their -two sons Henry and Mortimer. We Visited London, Paris, and Vienna on our -way to Constantinople, and at each of these capitals I paid my respects -not only to the American Ambassador, but to the resident Turkish -plenipotentiary as well. In doing this I had in mind two things: first, -to accustom myself to the looks of an embassy from within, as I had to -that date never been in an embassy building in any country; and second, -to secure some hints upon the character of the government to which I was -accredited, in advance of my first formal contact with it. At last, on -November 27, 1913, we rolled into the railroad station at -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>My first impression of the famous old capital of Asia-in-Europe was of a -moving sea of silk hats. The station platform seemed populated entirely -with frock-coated gentlemen buried under these chimney-like black -headpieces. After some confusion, human personalities began to emerge -from under them, and to individualize themselves as real people with -proper names, and a rational relationship to myself as another human -being. The first to greet me was Mr. Hoffman Phillip, who as Conseiller -and First Secretary of the Embassy had acted as chargé d’affaires during -Mr. Rockhill’s visit to the United States.</p> - -<p>He introduced me to the others, and after a somewhat bewildering round -of handshakings, Phillip, the Foxes, and I stepped into a carriage and -were driven to the Pera Palace Hotel, where Phillip gave us a -Thanksgiving dinner.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_178" id="page_178">{178}</a></span></p> - -<p>The Embassy at Constantinople is a handsome, marble, three-story -structure, set in a garden surrounded by a high wall, and overlooking -the Golden Horn. Often during my first days there I would find myself -humming the old refrain, “I dreamt I dwelt in marble halls.” There were, -to be sure, no “vassals and serfs by my side”; but I had more useful -assistants in my official staff. Besides Mr. Phillip, there were second -and third secretaries, and A. K. Schmavonian, the Turkish legal adviser -of the Embassy. He was the permanent attaché—the interpreter—and was, -besides, the custodian of the Embassy’s traditions. He knew every -American interest in Turkey, had carried on for years the correspondence -with the consuls and the missionaries, and hence was an invaluable -storehouse of information. He knew, also, all the Turkish officials; the -ramifications of the Turkish governmental departments; the names and -characteristics of the leaders of the recent revolution; and, of course, -he was versed in the niceties of diplomatic custom.</p> - -<p>Soon after my arrival I observed a curious phenomenon concerning the -position of an ambassador. The instinctive ambition of the attachés led -them to try to keep the Ambassador from taking an active hand in the -work of the Chancery. It was explained to me with great solemnity, that -the business office of the Embassy was not like other business offices; -that its operations were so involved in delicacies of diplomatic usage -that none but old hands, trained in all their niceties, were competent -to handle the transaction of its intricate affairs. All details, I was -informed, should be left to those accustomed to handling them. I made -short work of this mysterious nonsense. Business is business, and -details are the substance of larger concerns. Therefore, I promptly -acquainted myself with the records of the Embassy for several years -preceding, and took absolute charge of its<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_179" id="page_179">{179}</a></span> functions, as I was in duty -bound to do. The mysteries faded instantly. Common sense, judgment, and -energy are the desiderata of all business relationships, and I found no -barrier in these affairs, because of their so-called diplomatic nature.</p> - -<p>Other American ambassadors have complained to me that their subordinates -usurped their functions in this fashion; and I know of some who have -occupied the most exalted posts in Europe and never penetrated the -mysteries of their Chanceries, and, consequently, never really -functioned as ambassadors at all.</p> - -<p>As my wife and Ruth had not accompanied me, their absence relieved me, -for the moment, of social duties, and gave me time for a considered -survey of the society in which I would soon be projected as an active -member. I realized that much depended upon the first associations I -should make in that society, and I needed just such an opportunity to -learn by indirection the composition of it, the factions into which it -was divided, and the cross currents of personality and interest that -disturbed it.</p> - -<p>The “diplomatic set” at Constantinople was a little world apart. At -most, its members numbered a scant hundred. It comprised the Grand -Vizier, the Premier and his Cabinet, and the ambassadors and ministers -of other governments, with their principal attachés. Occasionally, there -were added to this intimate circle a few leading international bankers -and merchants and distinguished tourists. But chiefly we consorted with -ourselves. Our intercourse was a continuous succession of luncheons, -teas, dinners, and formal state functions. In such a constricted -society, thrown into such intense communication, the personal equation -was naturally of paramount importance. Ere long, I had occasion to use -every resource, from social gifts to business experience, to maintain -myself in this society of shrewd and cultivated men,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_180" id="page_180">{180}</a></span> all of whom had -the advantage of a life-long training in diplomacy and in the -intricacies of European statecraft.</p> - -<p>My first concern, therefore, was to appraise their personalities. I -recalled a piece of wise advice from James Stillman the elder, who was -one of the cleverest American financiers. He told me that when a man -confronted a new situation, and was not yet sure of his ground, his -safest course was to impress his adversaries by mystifying them. I -adapted this advice to the present occasion. I realized that the -diplomatic corps at Constantinople knew much more about me than I knew -about any of them, because I was the one stranger to them, and they were -many and all strange to me. I resolved to do, as nearly as I could, -directly the opposite of what they expected of me. For one thing, they -had fallen into the European habit of imagining that all successful -Americans are men of fabulous wealth, and they credited certain absurd -stories about my supposed intention to conduct the Embassy on a scale of -lavish expenditure, designed to make a great social impression. -Accordingly, I went to the other extreme and managed the Embassy very -modestly. For some weeks after my arrival I did not even use an -automobile, contenting myself with a carriage and a pair of Arabian -ponies.</p> - -<p>Further to play the rôle of mystifier, I obeyed only the letter of the -custom which prescribes that a new Ambassador shall call upon the other -ambassadors after he has been presented to the Sovereign. They are -supposed to return this call, and thereafter the newcomer is expected to -make the advances to his elders toward a more intimate and workable -acquaintance. Instead, I remained at the Embassy and devoted myself to -the business of the Chancery and did some watchful waiting.</p> - -<p>These tactics were rewarded by an opportunity to enter the society of -the diplomatic corps under circumstances<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_181" id="page_181">{181}</a></span> that gave me the advantage. -One day the local correspondent of the <i>Frankfürter Zeitung</i> called upon -me at the Embassy. This was Dr. Paul Weitz, who had been a resident of -Turkey for more than twenty-five years, knew all the officials, spoke -the language, and understood the subtleties of Turkish psychology. He -was, in reality, an unofficial attaché of the Embassy and a secret agent -of the German Government. Dr. Weitz opened the conversation.</p> - -<p>“Mr. Ambassador,” he said, “I have gotten the impression that you are a -man of direct methods. For this reason I, too, shall use the direct -method. Frankly, I have come as the emissary of the German Ambassador -and the Austrian Ambassador, with whom I had luncheon this very day. You -were the principal topic of conversation. These gentlemen are puzzled by -your attitude and they are curious to learn your true character. They -have commissioned me to find out these things for them, and I have -preferred to come and ask you bluntly rather than to follow my usual -method of finding out by indirection. What is your real attitude? Are -you by preference a recluse, or are you playing a game?”</p> - -<p>“I am glad,” I replied, “that you have come to me personally with these -questions, especially because it gives me the opportunity to send a -direct message to your principals. Please be good enough to tell them -for me that I have made it a life-long practice never to make the first -advances. I have always waited for the advances to come from the other -side. Therefore, you may tell “Their Excellencies” that it is for them -to decide whether they wish their relationship with me to continue to be -one of formal diplomatic exchanges, or a frank, man-to-man friendship. -If they prefer the latter, I shall be delighted to meet them halfway, -but they must cover the first half.”</p> - -<p>Dr. Weitz readily agreed to carry this message, and he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_182" id="page_182">{182}</a></span> was so pleased -with the frankness of my conversation that he made no concealment of his -own position. He went on to tell me that he was a confidential adviser -to the German ambassadors, and frequently was commissioned to carry on -unofficial negotiations in which, for reasons of delicacy or of policy, -it was not advisable either that the Ambassador should appear in person, -or that he should make use of one of his official family. He explained -to me that the reason he was used in this capacity was his intimate -acquaintance with Turkish life and officials, and he offered to -undertake similar commissions for me at any time I might care to make -use of him. For obvious reasons, I never availed myself of the offer.</p> - -<p>Dr. Weitz faithfully repeated my message to the German and Austrian -ambassadors who afterward told me that they were greatly delighted with -it. The very next afternoon, Baron Wangenheim paid me a call; and the -following morning, his Austrian colleague, Marquis Pallavicini, arrived -to improve my acquaintance. They both greeted me in the spirit of my -message, and we entered at once upon an acquaintanceship which removed -the formality of an official relation. Both of them were very useful to -me during my first weeks in Constantinople. The Marquis was the doyen of -the diplomatic corps. He was a nobleman of ancient family, had grown old -in the diplomatic service, and was an authority on every point of -diplomatic usage, from the most subtle phrasing of a threat of war to -the refinements of precedence in placing guests at table at a diplomatic -dinner. In this latter direction, indeed, he was invaluable to me in -teaching me the relative rank of the bewildering array of officers and -title holders among my visitors.</p> - -<p>Baron Wangenheim I have described at great length in my earlier volume, -“Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story.” Unlike Pallavicini, who was quiet, -formal, conventional,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_183" id="page_183">{183}</a></span> and a typical diplomat of the old school, -Wangenheim was a perfect representative of Prussia. He was not a native -of Prussia—but his bearing was that of an excitable Hindenburg. He was -a man of great stature, in the prime of life, overflowing with physical -vitality, energetic in person, opinionated and positive in manner, -voluble and aggressive in conversation, somewhat flirtatious, proud, -overbearing—he was Prussia and modern Germany embodied.</p> - -<p>After Pallavicini and Wangenheim had broken the ice, I speedily made the -acquaintance of the other members of the diplomatic corps, and their -characters emerged in my mind in sharp definition. Sir Louis Mallet, the -British Ambassador, was a fine type of English gentleman. He exhibited -the quiet force and cultivation which one naturally expects from a -member of the English upper classes. Though a bachelor, his -establishment was one of the most magnificent in Constantinople. Turkey -has always been a vital point in British policy, and the British -Government has spared no pains to make its public appearance there -correspond with the splendour and importance of the British Empire.</p> - -<p>The French Ambassador was M. Bompard, the Russian was Michel de Giers. -These men also adequately embodied their respective countries, the one -in its ideals of polished politeness and clear intellectual grasp, the -other in its ideals of imperial pride and the sense of power.</p> - -<p>Meeting these men at luncheon; dining with them and their ladies at -gorgeous evening functions, where the splendour of the men’s uniforms, -the brightness of the women’s costumes, and the gayety of the young -couples made a lively scene of light-hearted inconsequentiality; it was -hard to realize that they were, in truth, acting the part of expectant -legatees of a friendless dying man—sitting at tea in his parlour, and -waiting for his last gasp as a signal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_184" id="page_184">{184}</a></span> for a scramble to divide his -property among themselves. They frankly told me (though of course not in -these words) that this was their position. In their eyes the Sick Man of -Europe, so long the diseased invalid among the nations, was now really -dying. They had no hesitation in discussing their ambitions regarding -his property. Giers comported himself already as if Russia had actually -attained her age-old vision of capturing Constantinople—as if he were -the Governor of Russia’s new capital city. Sir Louis Mallet did not -conceal the interest which his government had in everything that tended -to insure the safety of the Suez Canal. Bompard was deeply concerned to -secure more concessions for French capital in Turkey. Even the Greek -Minister talked with confidence of an approaching Hellenic confederation -which should embrace Smyrna and part of the Asian hinterland.</p> - -<p>There was, indeed, considerable reason for their hopes. The -revolutionary party in Turkey, under the name of the Union and Progress -Party, had overthrown the Government and had taken possession of the -country in the name of the people. Abdul Hamid, whom Gladstone, for his -atrocious crimes, had dubbed “Abdul the Damned,” was now shorn of his -power, and was a prisoner in a palace, almost within sight of the -American Embassy. His throne was now occupied by a nominal successor, -his brother, Mohammed V. This good-humoured weakling, however, enjoyed -only the shadow of power and none of its substance. His brother, fearful -of a plot to overthrow him, had caused his successor to be reared in a -manner that totally unfitted him for the exercise of authority. He had -kept him secluded from society, had not permitted him to learn even the -rudiments of history and statecraft, and had enfeebled his intellect and -character by constantly exposing him to the temptations of -self-indulgence. He had placed before the Heir Apparent all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_185" id="page_185">{185}</a></span> -pleasures of life; had supplied him with countless wives, luxurious -food, rich wines, and all the other ministers of sensual enjoyment. -Reared in such atmosphere, he had grown up and passed the prime of life, -ignorant of Government affairs and without any chance to develop his -character. Socially, of course, he was a charming gentleman, but as a -ruler, he was hopelessly incompetent.</p> - -<p>He was, indeed, merely the figurehead of a government whose substantial -ministers were the aggressive, self-made leaders of the Committee of -Union and Progress. These were men of native shrewdness, character, and -courage. Their political leader was Talaat Bey, a great hulk of a man, -who had begun life in the humble capacity of porter in a village -railroad station, and who had advanced to the limits of his social -prospects when he had achieved the dignity of a telegraph operator in -the same station. By sheer force of natural genius, however, he had -become a political power, and after the revolutionists had sprung their -coup d’état, he soon rose to be their leader. With their success, he had -leaped immediately to the dazzling eminence of a Cabinet position, and -was then the chief of the Cabal that was the real ruler of the Empire.</p> - -<p>The military head of the Young Turks was Enver Bey, a handsome and -dashing young officer, who had studied his profession and cultivated the -social graces as military attaché of the Turkish Embassy at Berlin. He -was now minister of War and in control of the Turkish Army—a necessary -weapon in the hands of Talaat to maintain the Young Turk party in power. -Some of my foreign colleagues of the diplomatic corps assured me that -these two men were the real power in Turkey. They had seven associates, -all men of great influence, and all members of the Committee of Union -and Progress.</p> - -<p>The personalities of these men, and the drama of their conflicting -ambitions and intrigues, gradually un<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_186" id="page_186">{186}</a></span>folded themselves before my eyes. -It was like sitting at the performance of a fascinating play, only this -was more interesting because it was the reality of life. The actors were -the representatives of great nations, and upon the issue of this -dramatic situation rested the fate of millions of people.</p> - -<p>The experiences of my first few weeks at Constantinople and the -intensely interesting sensations they aroused in me can best be conveyed -to my readers by reproducing a few of the letters which I wrote home to -America in the excitement of these moments. The first I shall quote was -dated December 23, 1913, and was addressed to my wife and youngest -daughter:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>I have been so very busy that I have not written for a few days—so -I will tell you briefly what has happened since. On December 20th -we had our reception, of which I enclose you an account—it was -really splendid—no one can describe the sensations and thrills. I -had to be told and made to feel that I was the head and responsible -man for the property of those great institutions, managed by such -soulful, disinterested, and altruistic people—it makes our small -efforts in New York appear insignificant. Think of a small -determined “band” of Americans revolutionizing with educational -means the Balkan States—the drops of water they kept a-going for -forty or more years had the result of wearing away the indifference -of the Bulgar and roused him. Everybody who is well-informed admits -that Robert College deserves the credit for the education that has -spread there.</p> - -<p>At 9:30 Mort and I went to the <i>Scorpion</i> (the gunboat detailed to -guard the Embassy) and had a royal reception and inspected the -boat. On Sunday I then went alone to the college—but I feel as -though I wrote you all this so I’ll skip it—if I didn’t write it, -I’ll tell you about it when you are here. We had intended to go on -the <i>Scorpion</i>, but instead we drove to the Seven Towers of Jedi -Kulet, and walked on top of the ramparts and then for one hour -along the old wall—it was a bewitching sight—the sun was shining -brightly, the Marmora made up the background, and the twenty or -thirty towers along the wall in various stages of decay, with the -moat alongside, made a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_187" id="page_187">{187}</a></span> never-to-be-forgotten impression on us all. -As usual, Mortie took a number of pictures and Abdullah guarded us -most carefully. It takes this kind of absorption of the history of -a country to teach one what these people really are. This city is -unquestionably the most favoured by nature of any I have ever seen. -It excels New York and San Francisco.</p> - -<p>On our way home, we stopped to inspect the Kahri Jeh Janisi -Mosque—the oldest in C.—it was formerly a Greek Church and the -paintings of Christ, Saint Mark, the old Bible heroes, and angels, -etc., are still here in mosaic—much finer than in the San Marco in -Venice. We were shown through by an old Turk who could give -half-intelligent descriptions of the mosaics, etc., in English and -German. We wended through many narrow little streets, inhabited -largely by Greeks, and it was a most interesting sight. It was -nearly two when we sat down to dinner and none of us complained.</p> - -<p>On Monday I had a great day. In the morning, representatives of the -Austrian <i>Kultur Gemeinde</i> called to invite me to attend their -synagogue and visit their school; they instruct about 300 children. -I agreed to do so. I took my first meal away from the house at -Tokatlian’s—the best restaurant here—had Schmavonian with me. At -two, we were at the Finance Office for an interview with Talaat -Bey—who is acting Secretary of Finance as well as Secretary of the -Interior, and the strongest and most powerful man in Turkey at -present. I am already on good terms with the men in power. We had -coffee and cigarettes four times that <small>P.M.</small> We next called on -General Izzett—he wore a shabby uniform, spoke German, and was -really disconsolate—they are very frank people if they talk at -all—he made some very confidential communications to me. The -rumour or hope has gotten around that I may prove their Moses who -will lead them out of their difficulties. Let us hope so; I’ll try -anyhow. Next we called on Colonel Djemal, the newly appointed -Minister of Public Works. I tried to dodge the coffee—but he said -a call in Turkey without coffee is no call. He was of a hopeful -temper and rather dapper. Then we called on Osman Mardighian, the -Postmaster General. He speaks good English and is very -able—devotes his time to administrative works. When I got to the -office, I had to dictate a few despatches and say good-bye to Mr. -Phillip, who is going on a four weeks’ leave of absence. At 5 -o’clock, the Grand Rabbi and his Secretary came—he is a very -intelligent, nice, youngish man of forty or so—he thinks he has -the Red<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_188" id="page_188">{188}</a></span> ticket settled, but has not and I shall have to help in -disposing of it. While he was upstairs, Helen discussed the White -Slave traffic—babies in the Hospitals, etc., etc. She really does -well at the tea table. It is a picture to see one of those tea -scenes. Helen, Chief Rabbi (addressed as His Eminence, as he ranks -with the Church dignitaries of the rank of Cardinal), Sir Edwin -Pears, Sir Henry Woods Pasha, Rev. Mr. Frew, the Rabbi’s Secretary, -Schmavonian, Mort, and I; and I have to listen to French and -fortunately am beginning to understand it. They left at 7—I worked -at those telegrams until 7:30—then went to bed for a nap and -over-slept, not wakening until 8:25, so that we reached the British -Embassy at 8:40, the last of the guests! You can’t imagine my -feelings as I was ushered into that room in which were thirty other -guests including the Grand Vizier, Talaat Bey and three other -Cabinet Ministers, the Wangenheims, D’Ankerswaerd and other Sirs -and Ladies, and had them all look me over—when</p> - -<p class="c"> -“The American Ambassador”<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind">was announced. I felt, “is it I or not?” Then, “Mr. and Mrs. Fox” -were announced. And then, “<i>Diner est servi</i>.” I took in Madame -D’Ankerswaerd. Escorted her to her seat and then went to the other -side of the table where I was seated next to Baroness Wangenheim, a -fine, good looking, typically aristocratic German—a charming -conversationalist. She is W.’s second wife—he divorced his first. -W. is a great personal friend of the Emperor. Sir Louis Mallet, the -English Ambassador, sat on the other side of Baroness W. After -dinner we smoked and drank coffee and talked to others than our -table companions, while fifty or sixty others gathered for a dance. -Such a sight! And to think that we are part of it—Young Princes, -Barons, Sirs, and Americans from the Embassies, etc., and lots of -Turks and Egyptians, etc. I shall never forget it. Helen sat right -opposite me—between Baron Wangenheim, all be-decorated, and -Colonel Djemal (Turk) in full uniform. I talked with Baroness -Moncheur—we have struck up a nice friendship—with Marquis -Pallavicini—Talaat Bey, and Miss Wangenheim, etc., etc., until -about 12, when Wangenheim asked me to play bridge with him, a Turk, -and a Greek banker—which I did until 1:30, when the dancing was -over and they all went in for supper, etc. (I went home) and then -they danced again until 2:30 or so. I thoroughly enjoyed it, I am -not overstating when I repeat what I said in a previous letter—I -am <i>very glad</i> I came.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_189" id="page_189">{189}</a></span></p> - -<p>To-day—at 11—a call from the Bulgarian Minister. In the afternoon -I finished my official calls on the Cabinet Ministers—called on -Mahmoud Pasha of the Marine, Ibrahim Bey—Secretary of Justice, the -Dutch Minister, and Mrs. McCauley (the wife of the commander of the -<i>Scorpion</i>).</p> - -<p>Mesdames Pallavicini, Bompard, Moncheur, Wangenheim, and Willebois -are the popular and fine women here, and they are out of the -ordinary—you will like all of them and they will like you. Pierre -Loti is wrong, so far as this winter is concerned—we have had no -cold weather. Yesterday and to-day were delightful—the thermometer -has not been below 45°.</p></div> - -<p>On the same day as the foregoing, my daughter Helen (Mrs. Fox) also -wrote her mother a letter which adds new touches of colour to some of -the scenes described in mine. She wrote as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>So much to write about! Yesterday afternoon I had Mme. de Willebois -and Mme. Eliasco to tea, and after they left (Mme. de Willebois is -the Dutch Minister’s wife), papa sent up word that “His Eminence” -the Chief Rabbi and his Secretary were here and would like tea. -They trotted up, and His Eminence is an awfully nice soul, garbed -in a flowing black <i>gouri</i> and a fez, be-turbaned in white, -something like a combination of a Greek priest and a Hadja. He is -very learned, especially about archæology as related to the Jews, -and was interesting. In the meantime, Woods Pasha, Sir Edwin Pears -(a marvellously interesting man and English lawyer here), and Mr. -Frew (a Scottish minister who was pastor of the English Church in -Constantinople) arrived. I kept thinking how interesting they all -were, but would they leave me any time to dress for dinner! I had -been to Scutari in the morning, sightseeing with some of the -College faculty, and had brought them home to luncheon. Mr. Frew -left at 7:30, and I was so busy trying to make myself gorgeous that -I completely forgot papa who fell asleep and did not wake up until -8:15. The dinner was at 8:30. Of course, we were all blaming each -other and not ourselves and tearing around, whistling for coats, -servants, etc. We finally tore up to the English Embassy at twenty -minutes to nine. Never in my life have I experienced anything so -wonderful.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_190" id="page_190">{190}</a></span> The Embassy is very large and imposing. Two -marvellously uniformed <i>cavasses</i> stood at the door inside, where -powdered footmen in knee breeches, about twenty of them, were also -stationed. As we came to the stairs, the second Secretary received -us and assured us we were not late. However, we were the last! We -then took off our coats and were ushered into the drawing room, -outside of which stood a little coloured page dressed like an -Egyptian slave. Sir Louis Mallet seems awfully nice. He is a -bachelor, rather nice looking, and very shy and diffident, and -wears a monocle. So many people came up to greet us. Then dinner -was announced. I went down with a Turkish member of the Cabinet, -and sat in the next to the place of honour. Baron von Wangenheim -sat on the other side of me. I think he likes to flirt. At any rate -we chatted in German and had quite a gay time together. The table -had quantities of roses (all from Nice) on it. The only light in -the whole room was from huge, massive, silver candelabra, standing -on mirrors all along the table. We had silver dishes and soup -plates. The meal was served in the usual rapid-fire English style. -Papa sat between Lady Crawford and Baroness Wangenheim. Everyone -goes in according to rank, and consequently, usually husbands and -wives sit with each other’s better halves. The Turk ate most -heartily and told me afterward he didn’t know whether he’d get any -dinner the next night or not. At dinner it was funny—on the other -side of the Turk sat Mrs. Nicholson (née Sackville-West), a beauty, -and with the most gorgeous emeralds! She afterward played poker -with five Turks, as her husband informed me. My partner told me he -hated formal dinners, it was so uncomfortable eating in a uniform. -After dinner there was dancing, and heaps of people were asked for -that. I danced quite a bit, but was so tired from my terribly busy -day that we left at twelve o’clock. Papa played bridge and didn’t -get home until 1:30. The English Embassy is lighted entirely by -candles and really the effect is wonderfully beautiful.</p> - -<p>Next day—This morning Mme. Elise, the children, and I, accompanied -by the ever-present Abdullah (the body guard), went to Therepia in -a motor to find a house for the summer. It is just heavenly. You -simply cannot imagine how perfect it is. The houses have the most -beautiful gardens and are right down on the Bosphorus, which is so -blue; and from one’s windows one looks across at Asia. Papa is -going some time to decide finally, as this was just a preliminary -survey. We picked violets and a rose, just think of it, on<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_191" id="page_191">{191}</a></span> -December 22nd! But it is quite cold at times. The gardens are so -inviting, and I can just imagine tea parties and all kinds of -thrilling things happening in them. This afternoon I had two -Turkish ladies to tea—Halide Edi Hanum and her mother. They came -in their <i>yashmaks</i> and we had Mme. Elise serve the tea. Halide is -a graduate of the College and a real beauty. She is tall and dark, -with almond-shaped eyes, and has a beautiful complexion; and she is -so gentle and soft and charming. She speaks in the sweetest voice, -and what do you think she is doing? Translating Oscar Wilde into -Turkish! Her mother is the daughter of the sixth wife of a very -great Pasha, and her grandmother was a Circassian slave girl. The -mother cannot speak anything but Turkish, and she smoked all the -time she was here. I gave her some candy and a box of American -cigarettes to take home. Halide doesn’t smoke, and anyway, if she -went into a ball-room at home she’d create a sensation, she is so -charming. You simply cannot imagine how lovely it is here and I -just relish and cherish every moment. Baron von Wangenheim hopes -you will take a house right next to him this summer. He wants to -ride with Ruth. Beware, Ruth!</p></div> - -<p>A rather amusing incident occurred late in January, 1914, when upon -receiving word that my wife had left Vienna for Constantinople, I -communicated at once with Talaat and told him I wished him to facilitate -my intention of meeting Mrs. Morgenthau at the boundary of Turkey. I -told him I proposed to go to Adrianople, the point at which her train -would enter Turkey, to meet her. Talaat’s reply was characteristically -Turkish:</p> - -<p>“What!” he exclaimed, “going to all that trouble to meet one’s wife! I -never heard of such a thing.”</p> - -<p>“I cannot imagine an American,” I replied, “failing to do it. In my -country, our wives share all their husbands’ interests, and I should -certainly consider myself lacking in both respect and affection if I -failed to show my wife this attention.”</p> - -<p>Talaat was frankly bewildered.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_192" id="page_192">{192}</a></span></p> - -<p>“In Turkey,” he said, “we let our wives come to us, we do not go to -them.”</p> - -<p>As a last resort, he interposed what he intended to be an unanswerable -objection.</p> - -<p>“Adrianople!” he exclaimed. “It’s out of the question. There is not even -a hotel in the whole city.”</p> - -<p>“Very well then,” I replied, “I shall find accommodations in a private -residence. But to Adrianople I am going.”</p> - -<p>With this retort, I left him.</p> - -<p>Mr. Schmavonian later went to Talaat and told him that I was quite -serious in my intention. Talaat then sent me word that he would arrange -with the Governor of Adrianople to entertain me, and that I could -dismiss all thought of other preparations from my mind. I therefore -contented myself with arranging to arrive in Adrianople in the morning, -planning to spend a day there sightseeing, and then joining my wife on -the train, which was due to come through the following morning at 3:30 -o’clock. Imagine my astonishment, therefore, upon arriving at -Adrianople, to find that the Governor, acting on Talaat’s orders, had -transformed part of the City Hall into a hotel for my reception. The -office furniture had been removed and a suite of bedrooms for myself, my -son Henry (who had now joined me), and a member of my staff, had been -freshly furnished, with comfortable beds and bedding specially bought -for this occasion. One room had been fitted up as a kitchen; another as -a dining room. Talaat’s attentions had gone so far as even to see that -we were provided with pyjamas, bedroom slippers, and toothbrushes.</p> - -<p>When I arrived at Adrianople, the Governor was at the station to meet -me, accompanied by a military guard of honour. He at once took us in his -automobile for a sightseeing tour of the city. I found him a man of -great in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_193" id="page_193">{193}</a></span>telligence—some months later he became a member of the Turkish -Cabinet at Constantinople. He was especially interested in the answers -that my son was able to make to his numerous questions about American -farm machinery, which he wished to import for use on his large estate.</p> - -<p>After a very pleasant day we returned to the City Hall and there we were -tendered a splendid dinner and reception. The Governor then told me that -the express train on which my wife was travelling was reported to be -several hours late, and that I had as well make myself comfortable by -going to bed and resting. He promised to have me aroused in plenty of -time to meet the train on its arrival. Accordingly, I made my way to my -improvised bedroom and was soon asleep. At three o’clock in the morning -the Governor himself awakened me. He urged me to hurry, as he said the -train had now made up most of its lost time and was due any minute. We -were soon driving through the chilly streets of Adrianople to the -railroad station. Arriving there, we found that the report was erroneous -and that the train was still two hours late. The waiting room was small, -very dirty, and unheated. It was useless, however, to return to the City -Hall, so we waited for those two hours in the dimly lighted and -evil-smelling waiting room, beguiling the time with conversation and -cups of Persian tea. He was greatly interested to find out from me the -practical workings of the American system of government. Most of our -time was spent in questions and answers regarding our elections, with -their, to him, almost incomprehensible peaceful transitions from one -group of rulers to another.</p> - -<p>At length the express drew into the station, the military guard was -mounted, and the Governor with great ceremony escorted me to the train -platform. I thanked him most heartily for a day unique in my experience. -Having undertaken with reluctance to facilitate this meet<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_194" id="page_194">{194}</a></span>ing of my -wife, Talaat had gone to the other extreme and had given it an almost -royal setting. Through his kindness I was enabled to escort my wife -properly to her new home in Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Arriving there, she entered at once into the spirit of my mission and -became of invaluable assistance to me. She had looked forward to it as a -dreary exile from home and friends in a dull and uncivilized community. -Instead, she soon found, as I had already, that the diplomatic circle -was a group of charming people, intellectually stimulating, and engaged -in the fascinating game of high politics. She shared as well my intense -interest in the work of the missionaries, just as she had shared in New -York my interest in the Bronx House and other works of social -betterment. She enjoyed, besides, a most unusual opportunity that was -denied to me, namely, the opportunity to study, under the most -favourable circumstances, the strangely interesting life of the Oriental -woman. This life was not only very different from the life of Western -women but was also very different from our preconceived ideas of it. -Mrs. Morgenthau found, to be sure, that the exclusion of Turkish women -from masculine society was a reality, but she was astonished on the -other hand to learn the extent to which the more ambitious ones among -them had been able to achieve contact with Western thought. The plight -of these intelligent women was really tragical. They were the pioneers -of an epochal social change in Turkey, and they were suffering the usual -martyrdom of pioneering. They had been allowed to acquire the education -and ideas, which have so broadened the mental outlook of Western women, -but the social barrier of custom still prevented them from enjoying in -practice the advantage of its possession. Their husbands sought their -intellectual companions entirely among other men, and continued to -regard their women as playthings of the harem.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_195" id="page_195">{195}</a></span> They were thus denied -the stimulation and enjoyment of contact with masculine thought and were -cut off of course from all active participation in practical works, -where the mind exercises its acquired talents. Doubtless in the course -of time women in Turkey will be freed from these ancient restrictions of -custom and will join their Western sisters in a full freedom to take an -active part in the life of the world, but their position during the -transition period is truly pathetic.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Morgenthau came across many cases of this anomalous condition. One -of the most striking was in the home of the Persian Ambassador. He had -married a very cultivated French woman. Notwithstanding the liberality -of thought which had permitted him to marry a European, he had done so -only on the agreement that she should become a Mohammedan; and having -done so, he insisted that she live the life of a Mohammedan woman. She -had thus stepped from that stirring French society of which one of the -most outstanding characteristics is the almost abnormally important -influence exerted by women, both in the intellectual life and in public -affairs, into a society where she was debarred entirely from association -with men and cut off from all practical relations with outside affairs. -When Mrs. Morgenthau entertained her, or any of the native Turkish -ladies, at the Embassy, even the male servants were kept below stairs -and luncheon was served by the house-maids.</p> - -<p>So much for the colour of life at the Embassy during the first months -after my arrival. On the sober business side, there was much of equal -interest. When the Young Turks succeeded to power they had brought with -them great hope of permanent progress for their country. This hope was -shared by Liberals not only in Turkey but everywhere. The Christian -world without felt that at last there was a prospect that Moslem -government might<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_196" id="page_196">{196}</a></span> succeed in treating a Christian population justly. The -total failure of this party proved again the impossibility of true -reform among the Turks. This was evident to careful observers long -before my arrival at Constantinople, but I was so ardent in my desire to -help them that it took me nearly a year to become wholly disillusioned.</p> - -<p>The Young Turks from their accession to power failed in every serious -task they undertook. They made war on the Albanians, with whom the -Sultans had compromised for more than four hundred years. Having been -trained as professional soldiers they were accustomed to the use of -force only. They had not the slightest notion of democratic political -methods or of peaceful conciliation, though it was obvious that among -the various peoples of Turkey peaceful conciliation was the only way of -beginning a united national life. The Young Turks brought the dispute -with Greece concerning the possession of Crete to a crisis. Instead of -recognizing the accomplished fact in Tripoli they insisted upon -retaining control of that province, and Italy declared war. Against the -Armenians the massacres at Adana were conducted with all the horrors of -the past. The guilty, instead of being punished by the Central -Government, were exonerated. But the greatest failure of all on the part -of the so-called Committee of Union and Progress was in connection with -the national legislature. The revolution led the Greeks and Armenians to -think that a democratic government would be established. But the Young -Turks “selected” (not “elected”) the members of the Chamber of Deputies -from among their own adherents.</p> - -<p>The Committee of Union and Progress was, in truth, a desperate set of -men confronted by desperate conditions. Therefore they were willing to -take the most desperate means to retain “Turkey for the Turks,” and -especially Turkey for themselves. Their subsequent actions were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_197" id="page_197">{197}</a></span> all in -keeping with this resolve. I was told by my colleagues that business had -to be transacted with the Grand Vizier. But I found that I could obtain -the quickest results through Talaat and Enver. My somewhat democratic, -business-like methods seemed to appeal to them. There were occasions on -which I even went so far as to deal directly with lesser officials. Some -of my experiences would, I am sure, fill a professional diplomat with -dismay as regards the future of his calling.</p> - -<p>As I became better acquainted with Talaat, who was the real head of the -Government, meeting him very often at my house and sometimes at the -house of the Grand Rabbi, he confided to me the great disappointment -which he and his fellow revolutionists felt with their people. Having -lived for so many years in a state of subjection, the masses seemed -completely cowed and did not respond in the least to any suggestion of -progress or improvement. He also blamed the Sheikhs and feudal chiefs -who were still extorting tributes and using most exasperating methods in -collecting taxes. The right to collect taxes was, in many districts, -farmed out to the state bank or to the richer inhabitants. They were -entitled by law to collect in kind 10 per cent. of the crops, but were -never satisfied with this portion. They would go and measure the crop -and leave the farms without collecting the taxes. Whereupon the poor -people, not being permitted to use their food and forage, and knowing -that they were in the power of the tax collector, would implore him for -a prompt settlement. Often, to prevent starvation, the farmers would -submit to an exaction of one third of their crop. Talaat thought that -nothing less than the hanging of a number of these men would ever stop -the evil practice. He seemed to have no notion that a better system of -collecting the taxes could be instituted.</p> - -<p>During the winter of 1913-14, Talaat and Enver, espe<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_198" id="page_198">{198}</a></span>cially the former, -came to me repeatedly for advice. Inexperienced as they were, their -problems were such as to test the strength of the ablest statesman of -any country. The only reason I can give for the fact that they drew -close to me in the matter of asking advice was that they felt that -America alone of the larger foreign nations had no private axe to grind -as regards her relations with Turkey. Feeling the deepest sympathy for -all efforts to forward the welfare of backward peoples, I did all I -could to aid them with the best counsel I could offer.</p> - -<p>One opportunity for such assistance presented itself on the occasion of -the dinner given by the American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant, on -February 22, 1914, at which I was invited to make the principal address -of the evening. Talaat and some of his colleagues were to be guests of -honour. I felt I could point out to them in my address, by indirection, -the path along which they might lead Turkey to regeneration. To do this, -I recapitulated the story of America’s great moral and material -advancement, interpreting the events in the way which I thought would be -most intelligible to the Turkish intelligence, and suggesting that the -Turkish leaders be guided in their policy by the lessons of our history. -As this speech had a considerable effect upon the Turkish Government, -and as it is, I think, not without interest to Americans themselves, I -take the liberty of quoting the substance of it:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>What an achievement it would be if the Young Giant of the West, who -by strictly attending to his own business has developed into one of -the greatest and richest nations of the world, could make others -see the advantages and wisdom of following his example. We -recognize the difficulty which confronts everyone who tries to -prevail upon another to benefit by his experience, but perhaps -nations, which are guided by disinterested patriots who have only -the good of the people at heart and none of the selfish motives or -petty vanities of an individual, may be willing, not only to study -the history of a success<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_199" id="page_199">{199}</a></span>ful nation, but also to profit by its -experiences, and thus save the expense and spare the waste caused -by experimenting.</p> - -<p>As a diplomat I am “directed by my Government especially to refrain -from public expressions of opinion upon local political or other -questions arising within my jurisdiction.” These are the exact -words contained in my Instruction Book, and I am obliged to follow -them conscientiously. But that does not prevent me, however, from -telling you what we have done at home to establish and increase our -commerce and what we are doing to improve it and the conditions of -our people; and it is for this country, the Balkan States, and -Persia to determine how much of it can be adopted by them.</p> - -<p>It is just fifty years ago that our country finished one of the -bloodiest and most expensive internecine wars recorded in history, -and you all know that the worst strifes are those that are waged -between brothers. All the southern states had been completely -devastated; a large part of their white male population was killed -during the war; millions of slaves had been set free and were -unprepared to take care of themselves and would not work; both the -North and the South were in a complete state of physical and -financial exhaustion. The cost of the war exceeded 1,500 million -dollars; our Government bonds were selling below par and were -mostly owned in foreign countries; we had just been deprived of the -wise leadership of the great Abraham Lincoln who had been foully -murdered. We had fought for a principle and had won, but the hatred -of the sections for each other survived and the great problem was -to reconcile the combatants to the new conditions and again to -absorb into our commercial and business activities the hundreds of -thousands of members of the disbanded army and to have our -communities resume their normal condition and bring about a -reconstruction of the southern states. We were confronted by a -tremendous problem, and it took wise statesmanship, great grit, -patient toil, and unswerving enthusiasm born from an absolute and -abiding faith in the future to solve it. We had only 35,000 miles -of railroads and many of these traversed the devastated country. I -say “only,” because to-day we have more than 250,000 miles of -railroad which have brought into easy communication with the large -markets of our country all our developed farms and mines, etc., and -have given the country four transcontinental routes. We had a -population of 34 millions which has now grown to more than 95 -millions, of which 19 millions attend our public and two millions -our private schools, and 320,000 attend 596 universities<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_200" id="page_200">{200}</a></span> and -colleges in which there are thirty thousand professors and -instructors and which have libraries containing 16 million volumes -of books. Our imports in 1870 were 436 millions and our exports 393 -millions, showing a balance against us of 43 millions; while in -1913, our imports were 1,813 millions and our exports 2,465 -millions, so that we had a balance of trade in our favour of 652 -millions, and for the last seven years the average annual balance -of trade has been more than five hundred million dollars. We have -gained by immigration about 30 million people of which the year -1913 brought 1,200,000—practically equal to the population of the -city of Constantinople. This great army, besides bringing their -energy, strength, and capacity to work, also brought with them 30 -million dollars in cash! I wonder if these figures give you the -faintest idea of this tremendous growth.</p> - -<p>How was this all done?</p> - -<p>We invited, urged, and welcomed help from every source and there -was a generous response. We utilized English, French, German, and -Dutch money to help build our railroads. We opened our portals wide -to immigrants who overflowed our shores in a most unprecedented -fashion. It first relieved Ireland and Germany of their surplus -population and thereby bettered the condition of those that -remained at home; later on Italy and Russia sent us hundreds of -thousands of their people. And it was thus that the native -population received the necessary reinforcements to help develop -the new districts that were being opened for settlement. As fast as -the railroad development pierced the West, villages and cities -followed it. The Northerners and Southerners found a common ground -in the great and almost boundless West which was then entirely -undeveloped and they worked side by side in this new land of -promise and soon forgot their past differences. They started out in -log cabins which they erected with their own hands; they slept on -pine boughs and were willing to forego all comforts to enable them -rapidly to recoup their lost fortunes. Gradually they acquired the -almost luxurious surroundings in which they live to-day, for there -is hardly a farmhouse without an organ or a piano, a sewing -machine, a small library and carpets on the floor, and most of them -own considerable agricultural machinery and a great many of them -their own automobiles.</p> - -<p>We adopted a system of protection so as to foster our then infant -industries which are now managed by wonderful corporations that not -only can stand alone but compete with the world. We encouraged<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_201" id="page_201">{201}</a></span> -thrift and habits of saving so that the deposits in the savings -banks to-day amount to 4,450 millions and the assets of the life -insurance companies to more than 4,400 million dollars.</p> - -<p>What do such accumulated assets mean?</p> - -<p>They mean opportunities realized, steady thrift, thousands of -thrills of pleasure at individual progress toward independence and -protection against want in old age, provisions for rainy days; the -renewed prosperity of the natives of the South, North, East, and -West; conversion of millions of stalwart immigrants into prosperous -farmers, businessmen, mechanics, etc., who are the owners of these -and other assets. I am going to leave to your imagination and -poetic temperament to analyze still further what are the component -parts when reduced into human endeavours that constitute this -monument of prosperity.</p> - -<p>We are not so conceited as to arrogate to ourselves the claim that -we are the only country that has accomplished such wonderful -results in the last fifty years. In 1865 there was no German Empire -nor United Italy; their creation and phenomenal development have -taken place since then. I believe that a description of the -industrial and commercial development of those and many other -countries would make as fine a story as I have told you about the -United States; but they are so near to you that it would lack the -enchantment that distance lends to a view. I have shown you results -and I now want to tell you that they have not been attained without -a great many troubles and tribulations. We have had our severe -panics and recessions; our droughts and floods; our pests of -grasshoppers and bollweevils; our strikes and labour troubles, some -of which have led to bloodshed. It was no easy task to assimilate -the many different nationalities that reached our shores. The -troubles of most nations are those of struggling against poverty. -We have had the unusual experience of having to fight and suppress -the excessive prosperity of the privileged classes of our country, -because they were about destroying our free government and were -depriving our people of their equal opportunities. Fortunately we -found in our present President, Woodrow Wilson, a champion for -justice and right, and he has, through his infinite skill and -wisdom, practically after one year of administration, adjusted the -matter.</p> - -<p>If I were in America and wanted to compare our accomplishments to -something definite, I would speak of a fifty-story building in -contrast to some of the two-or three-story buildings. But being in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_202" id="page_202">{202}</a></span> -Turkey I want to say that I have shown you the wonderful national -rug that we have produced in the United States. It was woven by the -millions that inhabit our land, natives and foreigners, whites and -blacks, people from the North, South, East, and West, men and -women, and from materials produced in our own soil and imported -from all countries; and as far as we have finished it, we pride -ourselves, notwithstanding some faults and defects, that it makes a -fine, harmonious whole. And the sincerest compliments that any -country could pay to us would be to adopt and imitate our pattern.</p></div> - -<p>When I described the success we had attained in our endeavours during -the fifty years since the Civil War, Talaat and some of his colleagues -were visibly impressed. Shortly after this dinner both Talaat and Enver -urged me to visit various parts of the Turkish Empire in order to be -able to advise them as regards reforms in their administration and other -means of public progress. While my instructions from my government, like -those of every country to its foreign representatives abroad, forbade my -intermeddling with purely domestic affairs, I felt that the situation in -Turkey was wholly without precedent. So I set myself to study the -country and its varied and most intricate problems. With Talaat and -Enver I planned three trips—the first to Palestine and Syria, the -second to the south shore of the Black Sea, and the third to the -interior, as far as the Bagdad railway was then constructed. The coming -of war prevented the second and third trips. The first I shall describe -in the next chapter.</p> - -<p>But, fascinating as were my discoveries in the novel field of diplomacy, -and much as I enjoyed the effort to assist the Turkish leaders, I felt -after all that my true function as American Ambassador was far removed -from the intrigues of the Old World Powers and from the momentary -struggles of the existing Turkish Government. On the one hand, America -had no ambitions in Turkey that called for diplomatic gambling. Our -interests there<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_203" id="page_203">{203}</a></span> were almost wholly altruistic. We had, to be sure, a -small commercial interest, and I had no disposition to shirk my -responsibility for fostering its improvement. The Standard Oil Company -was our most considerable business representative. The Singer Sewing -Machine Company, served in Constantinople by Germans from its Berlin -branch, was second. The third in importance were the American buyers of -Turkish tobacco and Turkish licorice. Besides these, we had little -commercial representation.</p> - -<p>America’s true mission in Turkey, I felt, was to foster the permanent -civilizing work of the Christian missions, which so gloriously -exemplified the American spirit at its best. As I frequently explained -to the Turkish Government officers, we had little need for foreign trade -or foreign sources of raw material. Our territory was so vast, and our -population relatively so small, that we had neither reason nor -disposition to covet further territory. I explained to them further that -our citizens were accustomed to achieve their own financial -independence, and that this characteristic of rising from poverty to -affluence had bred in them, as a national characteristic, a sympathy -with those not yet arrived at fortune, and a helpful wish to place the -means of advancement within the reach of those still struggling upward. -This spirit had lavished itself in America upon the advancement of -common schools and higher institutions of learning, and upon thousands -of other forms of philanthropy and helpfulness. This spirit of good -will, I explained further, overflowed our boundaries into other lands, -partly because we wished to share our good fortune with others, and -chiefly because it was prescribed by the Christian faith, which declared -that good works should not be limited to those of one’s own family or -kindred. America, I told them, is constantly receiving hundreds of -thousands of emigrants from the Old World, and American generosity has -placed among these<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_204" id="page_204">{204}</a></span> newly arrived citizens the services of expert -advisers, who use every means to make easy the path of the immigrant, -and to induct him as rapidly as possible into the full fellowship of -American life. The Christian missions in Turkey, I added, carried this -work one step further: it went into other lands and tried to carry to -them some of the benefits which our material prosperity made possible -among us.</p> - -<p>I think my words were received, at first, with some reserve, not only by -the Turks themselves, but by my colleagues, the representatives of the -European nations. They soon learned, however, to believe them, when they -saw that I sought no concessions, that I devoted no more attention to -the American commercial enterprises represented in the Levant than were -necessary for the transaction of their ordinary business, and that I -gave my chief attention to encouraging the work of the Christian -missionaries and spreading the gospel of Americanism. I soon found that -I could be of the greatest assistance to these people. It was generally -believed in Turkey that I was unusually close to the President. -Consequently the attentions which I took pains to shower upon the -missionaries added enormously to the importance of their position in the -eyes of the Turkish Government, and placed them upon an entirely new -footing in their consideration. When it was observed that Dr. Gates, the -president of Robert College, frequently accompanied me on my horseback -rides, and that I made an invariable custom of entertaining at dinner at -least once a week Dr. Mary Mills Patrick and Dr. Louise B. Wallace, the -president and the dean, respectively, of the Constantinople College for -Girls, the Turkish Government conceived an entirely new idea of the -importance that America attaches to these institutions; and they gave a -corresponding deference to the wishes of their presidents.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_205" id="page_205">{205}</a></span></p> - -<p>Even if I had not conceived these attentions to be one of my prime -duties, I should have been drawn to these companionships by a native -congeniality of temper. Dr. Patrick and Dr. Gates were splendid examples -of American womanhood and manhood. Both had forsaken the opportunity of -success in America to devote their lives unselfishly to the great task -of human betterment. Their gifts of mind and graces of character would -have made them delightful companions in any circumstances. But having, -besides, as they did, a profound interest in the kind of work that had -so deeply engrossed me in New York, I gravitated toward them in -Constantinople by a natural attraction. With them I would mention Dr. -Peet, the resident financial representative, in Constantinople, of the -Mission Boards of America—a man of great experience and gracious person -who had given a quarter of a century of his life to work in this field. -Further along in this article, I shall describe some of the happy -experiences I had in meeting some of the young men and women who were -students at the colleges.</p> - -<p>My relationships with the Jews of Constantinople were equally useful and -equally pleasant. I cultivated the acquaintance of the Chief Rabbi -Nahoun, a learned and brilliant man in his early forties. I took pains -to show him every possible honour in public. I let it be generally known -that I frequented the B’nai Brith Lodge at Constantinople, which, to my -astonishment and gratification, I discovered to contain in its -membership a group of men of higher average quality than are in any -American lodge of the same order with which I am acquainted. My public -attentions to these representative Jews gave to them also a new -importance and a new dignity in the view of the Turkish Government. It -was indeed gratifying to me to be able, with scarcely an effort, so -greatly to improve the status of my co-religionists in the eyes of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_206" id="page_206">{206}</a></span> -government which controlled the historical birthplace of the Hebrew -religion and the scene of its one-time temporal grandeur.</p> - -<p>One of my ambitions at Constantinople was to make the Embassy truly the -American Headquarters. Every American of whatever degree, whether -resident or visitor, was welcome within its portals. I endeavoured to -have every one of them enjoy even its formal hospitality—an invitation -to a luncheon or a dinner. I felt that the Embassy was not intended -merely to provide an opportunity for exclusive social distinction for -the Ambassador. On the contrary, it belonged to the American people; and -certainly part of my function was to see that it was of service to them. -I soon observed how greatly an invitation to the Embassy was -appreciated; and since my return to this United States I have had -innumerable evidences of the enjoyment which the simplest courtesy I -extended brought to its recipient. Time after time I have had strangers -salute me in various parts of this country and remind me with great -warmth of the pleasure they had enjoyed in a call at the Embassy in -Turkey.</p> - -<p>But perhaps the most satisfying of all my associations in Turkey was the -privilege I enjoyed of constantly sharing in the problems and -accomplishments of the two principal American colleges. To me their work -was an endless source of satisfaction. To see these great evidences of -American idealism functioning in this remote and backward land, -spreading civilization among people long submerged in ignorance, was a -profound reason for pride in my country. As a humanitarian, it was a -corresponding delight to see the students themselves—their young minds -expanding, their young spirits fired with enthusiasm, in the congenial -atmosphere of these institutions which, but for America, would not have -existed and for which there was no substitute within their reach.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_207" id="page_207">{207}</a></span></p> - -<p>The Girls’ College especially appealed to my sympathy. Here, in a land -in which the position of women was the most unfavourable, was an -institution which was offering to the future mothers of the Near East an -entrance into a new world of freedom and opportunity. Girls were -gathered here from all parts of the Turkish Empire—Turkish girls, -Armenians, Jews, Greeks, Bulgarians, and Albanians. It was a delight to -see how they responded to their opportunity. On numerous occasions, Dr. -Patrick invited me to address them, and one such occasion I recall with -a special pleasure. I described to them the American profession of -social worker, tracing the reasons which gave rise to the movement for -social betterment in our country and explaining how this new profession -arose out of the need for trained workers in that field. I was -astonished to see how deep an impression my description made upon them. -It appealed to the universal instinct of women to cherish life and to -work for its improvement. So enthusiastic were these young Oriental -women that afterward Dr. Patrick told me more than half of them had -expressed an ambition to devote their life to social service.</p> - -<p>These girls, touched by the stimulation of the new intellectual world -freely opened to them, attempted many imaginative experiments. One of -the most interesting that I observed was the product of a debate held in -the college, in which one team had maintained the position of the Greek -Stoics against the other group which had defended the philosophy of the -Epicureans. Not satisfied with debating the subject abstractly, the -girls had resolved to put the two philosophies to the practical test of -experience; and for a week the Senior Class was divided into two groups, -one of which attempted actually to live for that period according to the -Stoic dogma and the other according to the Epicurean. They took the -experiment seri<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_208" id="page_208">{208}</a></span>ously, but of course, with the lightheartedness of -youth, they found it an entertainment as well. The essays written on -their experiences as Stoics and Epicureans would make interesting -reading. I could not refrain from speculating with hope and enthusiasm -upon the numerous influences which this college, through these eager -young spirits, would wield in directing the future destiny of the -millions of backward people among whom they would be scattered as torch -bearers of civilization.</p> - -<p>Robert College was an institution for men, founded fifty years ago by -Christopher R. Roberts, a wealthy leather merchant of New York. Its -early destiny was directed by Dr. Hamlin and Dr. Washburn, two -far-seeing statesmen of education. They had steered a course for the -institution which had gained at least the passive coöperation of the -Turkish Government, while in America it had gained the enthusiastic -support of great philanthropists like Cleveland H. Dodge and John S. -Kennedy. Gradually there had been added to its faculty men of strong -character and profound learning, so that by the time I reached -Constantinople it was an institution worthy of all the care that had -been lavished upon it. These earnest men had made a real impression upon -the life of the Near East. Being the only great seat of learning in that -whole large territory, it had attracted the ambitious youth from the -remotest Armenia and all the Balkan countries. Bulgaria especially had -appreciated its opportunity. Hundreds of the leaders of Bulgarian -political and economic life received their training here.</p> - -<p>In Dr. Gates, the president of Robert College, I found a man who was -very useful to me. He had lived many years in Turkey, knew all the chief -figures in its public life, and was a profound student of Turkish -psychology. In return, I had the pleasure of being useful to him during -the trying days after Turkey entered the war.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_209" id="page_209">{209}</a></span></p> - -<p>Such was the picture of Constantinople as I saw it during the first four -months of my embassy. It was a picture full of strange anomalies and -apparent contradictions. Here was I, a native of Europe, representing -the greatest republic of America at the court of an Oriental sovereign. -Here was I, a Jew, representing the greatest Christian nation of the -world at the capital of the chief Mohammedan nation. Here was I, a man -without any previous diplomatic experience whatsoever, suddenly -projected headlong into one of the most difficult diplomatic posts in -the world, as one of the ten personal representatives of the President. -Here was a nation, ruled in name by a proud descendant of Mohammed, and -ruled in fact by a group of desperate adventurers whose chieftain was an -ex-railroad porter. Here was the capital of an ancient and decaying -nation, which was soon, because of its strategic position, to become one -of the very vital centres of world diplomacy. Here was a wornout empire -dying, which in its death agony clutched other peoples still with its -withered fingers and was soon to reach up and draw within its fatal -embrace, in the death grapple of a world war, boys from the cattle -ranges of Australia, aboriginal Indians from the wilds of northwest -Canada, peasants from farthest Russia, cockneys from the East End of -London, shepherds from the Carpathian Mountains—vast aggregations of -soldiers as polyglot as the population of Constantinople itself—that -mongrel city which, sitting at the cross roads of ancient trade routes, -had for centuries drawn citizens from every people under heaven. How -could I realize, during those peaceful first months of my embassy, that -I, the representative of remote and isolated America, should soon be -involved in diplomatic complications that should involve the very -continuance of American institutions. It was well that I had those few -months of peaceful education into that society before the storm of the -World<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_210" id="page_210">{210}</a></span> War burst upon us. It was well, too, that I had my trip to Egypt -and Asia Minor, where I met and learned much from Lord Kitchener, Lord -Bryce, and the wise Americans and Jews whom I there encountered. This -journey was of so much importance to me that it deserves a separate -chapter.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_211" id="page_211">{211}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI<br /><br /> -<small>MY TRIP TO THE HOLY LAND</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">A</span>LL through the winter of 1913-14, though busily engaged in mastering my -other duties as Ambassador, there were constantly two problems -interesting me.</p> - -<p>The first was the American missionary activities, whose ramifications -reached into all parts of Turkey, and whose many and varied requests, -though intelligently interpreted by Dr. W. W. Peet, I could not fully -grasp, owing to the meagreness of my knowledge of the men and women -concerned, and of the physical conditions surrounding them in their -activities in the interior of Turkey. I was at the seat of government of -all these missionary activities, and had become well acquainted with the -directing forces. Doctor Peet had shown me his vast records, and had -acquainted me with the many branches, and told me of the many -representatives that they had scattered throughout Turkey. Occasionally, -visits from some of the interior missionaries had impressed me so -favourably both as to their sincerity and sympathy for their flocks, -that I became thoroughly aroused with a desire to see the entire -mechanism of the missionary activities in Turkey. I personally wanted to -know the administrative and educational forces, and visit the buildings -and surroundings in which they were operating, so that I might be able -properly to present their claims to the Turkish officials, and finally -give an intelligent account to those of my friends in America who had so -anxiously impressed upon me the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_212" id="page_212">{212}</a></span> deep interest felt by such a vast -number of them in the welfare of the missionaries.</p> - -<p>My second problem was the Jewish question, which I will discuss in a -separate chapter. Naturally I concluded to visit first the Holy Land and -the Mediterranean Coast of Asia, where so many of the important -Christian missions were located. When I spoke to different people -concerning this trip, everyone urged me to go. The Turkish authorities -felt that it would greatly benefit them if I could, with my own eyes, -see the possibilities of an industrial and agricultural revival of -Turkey, for, thereafter, I might be useful to them in influencing -foreign capital to invest in their prospects. The missionaries were -enthusiastic. They expected—and I afterward ascertained were justified -in this—that a visit to their main stations by the American Ambassador -would so impress the local authorities both at those places and at -Constantinople that their standing with, and their treatment by, the -Turkish officials would be greatly improved. My Jewish friends, -similarly, felt that such a tangible evidence of American and my -personal interest in their condition would greatly benefit them with the -authorities. The men in the Embassy who now realized how easily an -“outsider” could master the knowledge that lay buried in the records of -the Chancery also encouraged my scheme to delve further into the outside -ramifications of American activity in Turkey.</p> - -<p>The best and most direct transportation to Palestine was supplied by the -splendid Russian steamship lines that were then plying weekly between -Odessa and Alexandria, and as these boats stopped for a day at Smyrna, -and another day at Piræus, I should thereby be enabled to visit the -Consul and the American College at Smyrna, and to view the interesting -sights of Athens. I therefore chose this route.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_213" id="page_213">{213}</a></span></p> - -<p>As the journey was made for the purpose of studying two distinct -problems, I think it well to describe in this chapter all the things -that are of general interest, reserving for a later chapter the highly -specialized Jewish question as I saw and studied it in Palestine. I -shall not weary the reader with a complete record of the journey, but -shall select for him some interesting incidents and observations without -following too closely their chronological order.</p> - -<p>Of these, one of the most interesting (and one that involved several -amusing complications) was my visit to the Caves of Machpelah. When -Doctor Peet heard of my plans to visit Palestine, he came to see me and -spent a long time in informing me of what I could see, and of the -tremendous benefit that it would be to me and to the missionaries to -become personally acquainted. This was a helpful service, and I -gratefully made notes of his suggestions. When these were finished, I -was somewhat puzzled when he launched into a long dissertation upon the -unique advantage which I, as an ambassador, enjoyed in being able to -secure permission to visit the Caves of Machpelah. He explained that -these caves were the authentic graves of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, of -Sarah, Leah, and Rebecca. He added the curious information that the -Moslems regarded these patriarchs as among the holiest of the saints of -Islam. And so jealous were they in their religious veneration of these -tombs that, by an extraordinary paradox, they have for one thousand -years prohibited not only the Christians, but the blood descendants of -Abraham, the Jews, from visiting these tombs. The Moslems had erected a -mosque over them, and they were guarded day and night. The only -exception to the rule that none but Mohammedans might visit them was -that the privilege was extended to visiting princes of royal blood, and -to ambassadors, who represented, not nations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_214" id="page_214">{214}</a></span> but the persons of their -sovereigns. Doctor Peet then enlarged again upon the extraordinary -opportunity which this privilege gave me of enjoying a unique -experience.</p> - -<p>Light had now dawned upon me, and I asked Doctor Peet a question which I -intentionally drew out into a long sentence, so as to study the effect -upon him. I asked him whether my inference that this great interest -which he displayed in my trip and the importance which he attached to -the opportunities incident to my travelling not as a private citizen, -but as an ambassador, could be construed by me as a hint on his part of -a lurking wish that he might accompany me.</p> - -<p>Doctor Peet was usually so serious that I did not know how he would -respond. He answered me quite earnestly: “Well, really, that was my -object in telling you all about it.” I told him I fully realized how -valuable his company would be, especially in arranging my meetings with -the missionaries, and I most cordially invited him to come with me. A -few days later, Peet called again, and said to me: “You know, I have -been thinking a great deal about our trip. I shall be able to render the -assistance you expect of me in Palestine; but when you visit Syria and -Galilee, you ought to have with you Dr. Franklin Hoskins of Beirut, who -is a great Arabic scholar and in charge of the missions there, and knows -everybody in and everything about that region.” I ended the interview -with an invitation for him as well. “But,” I said, “if I invite Hoskins, -shall I not slight Dr. Howard Bliss, president of the Protestant Syrian -College at Beirut, who was introduced to me at a luncheon given for that -purpose in New York by my warm friend, Cleveland H. Dodge, and whom I -had then promised to visit at Beirut?” Then Peet said: “Why not invite -Bliss, too? He would be a great acquisition to the party.” “But,” I -added, “this won’t do, unless I also invite his daughter and her -husband, Bayard Dodge.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_215" id="page_215">{215}</a></span>” So I invited these various parties, and -received prompt acceptances. But this by no means completes the story.</p> - -<p>A few days later Mr. Schmavonian, who had been connected with the -Embassy for seventeen years as the Turkish adviser, and who was the -custodian of the tradition of the Embassy, awaited me in my office one -afternoon after, as I subsequently discovered, he had carefully -instructed the doorkeeper not to announce any one for half an hour. He -pointed out to me with great detail that American ambassadors had come -and gone out of Constantinople, “while Schmavonian went on forever.” He -then said: “Now, the benefits of all this knowledge that can be secured -on this trip will be lost when you leave Constantinople. Why not take me -along, and perpetuate them?” I laughingly asked him how long he expected -to stay in the service of the United States, and he answered that he -expected to die in it. I hesitated about taking Mr. Schmavonian along, -and I told him so, as I feared it would interfere with the activities of -the Embassy. He quickly responded: “You know that nothing important will -be done in your absence without your consent, so why not have me with -you at your elbow, so that you can have the benefit of my advice in -deciding the problems that may come up in performing your duties as -ambassador, while you are travelling?” I cabled the State Department, -and got their consent to take him with me, and he proved of invaluable -assistance.</p> - -<p>My party then numbered six, besides my family. But, one day in Cairo, -where I stopped en route to Palestine, I was approached by Chancellor -McCormick of the University of Pittsburgh. After introducing himself and -exchanging the compliments of the day, he said: “I hear you are going to -visit the Caves of Machpelah. I would not have the audacity to ask you -upon so informal an acquaintance [about twenty minutes] for permission -to ac<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_216" id="page_216">{216}</a></span>company you, but if you want to do a real favour to the three -thousand girls and boys who attend the Pittsburgh University, by -enabling them to hear from me all about the Caves of Machpelah, I hope -you will take me with you.” His plea on behalf of those fine young -Americans was irresistible, and he was promptly invited.</p> - -<p>That same afternoon, a very likely, rather clerical-looking young man -came up to me, and said: “Chancellor McCormick has told me that he has -secured permission to accompany your party to visit the Caves of -Machpelah and I thought that perhaps if you knew who I was, you would -take me along also.” I asked: “Pray, who are you?” He replied: “My -brother married Jessie Wilson.” So I said: “My dear Dr. Sayre, you are -most cordially invited to join our party.”</p> - -<p>Proceeding a few days later from Port Said to Jaffa, I discovered to my -great delight that Viscount and Lady Bryce were fellow passengers on -that boat. I invited them to join us at our table, and we had a very -pleasant talk until late in the evening. I then left the tireless old -Viscount on the deck with Schmavonian, and a little later was just about -to retire for the night when Schmavonian knocked at the door of my -stateroom. He told me that he had, perhaps unguardedly, told the -Viscount of our intended trip to the Caves of Machpelah, and that Bryce -had expressed an ardent desire to accompany us. I discussed the matter -with the Viscount on the following day, and he said: “You know that I, -as a former British Ambassador to the United States, could also secure -the privilege of visiting the Caves.” I promptly told him that I would -consider it a great honour if he and his wife would join our party.</p> - -<p>When we finally started our trip to the Caves of Machpelah, our party -like a rolling snowball had grown to twenty-six persons. The Caves are -near the village of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_217" id="page_217">{217}</a></span> Hebron, some twenty-odd miles north of Jerusalem. -We drove thither in open carriages, and at the end of our journey had an -experience which confirmed my apprehensions regarding the -susceptibilities of the Arab Mohammedans. As we drove into Hebron, a -large crowd had gathered to greet us around an arch of welcome which the -Jewish communities of Hebron had erected for the occasion. Just as our -carriage drew near to the archway, a little Arab child broke loose from -his parents, and ran directly in the path of our carriage. At a cry from -my wife, the driver reined the horses back to their haunches, but the -child was already directly beneath them. By good fortune that was little -short of a miracle, their hoofs did not touch him, and he was quickly -snatched to safety by his panic-stricken mother. But, I shall not soon -forget the black looks of instinctive hatred upon the faces of the Arabs -in that throng, who looked upon us as infidel intruders. The same looks -and deep murmurs of disapproval accompanied us as we entered the sacred -portals of their mosque, which covers the Caves of Machpelah. Their -prayer hour had been postponed on account of our visit. Once inside, the -spell of antiquity, and the great traditions, erased all other -impressions from our minds. Several of the tombs were above ground, and -over them were erected stone catafalques, their sides adorned with -gorgeously embroidered rugs and broken by grilled doorways through which -entrance to the tomb itself was permitted. The other tombs were in caves -below the floor of the mosque. They could be seen through holes left in -the floor for that purpose. As we examined them from above we observed -that two of them, the graves of Abraham and Jacob, were littered with -pieces of paper. Inquiry of our Moslem guides disclosed the reason. The -Mohammedans have a belief that the spirits of these patriarchs have a -special influence with the Deity, and that their intervention in behalf -of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_218" id="page_218">{218}</a></span> faithful can be invoked by written petitions addressed to them -and dropped upon their tombs. Observing more closely, we noticed that -there was a striking preference shown by the petitioners in the greater -number of appeals that had been made in this manner to the spirit of the -one rather than to the spirit of the other. Further inquiry developed a -curious Moslem tradition to the effect that one patriarch was reputed to -be of a benign and accommodating disposition, whereas the other was -supposed to be irascible. In consequence, the prudent worshippers had -mostly addressed their petitions to the spirit which they felt would be -more receptive and not resent their intrusion.</p> - -<p>After inspecting the tombs of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, we started to -make a similar survey of the tombs of Sarah, Leah, and Rebecca. Our -Moslem guides promptly stopped the men of our party. They explained that -the Mohammedan rule, that men might not look upon the faces of women, -applied to the dead as well as to the living, and that therefore only -the ladies of our party might look within the enclosures which protected -the tombs of the female saints.</p> - -<p>Our inspection of the tombs occupied considerable time, and it was an -interesting experience to feel the spell of their antiquity growing upon -us. As the moments slipped by, we felt ourselves carried farther and -farther back along the aisles of time and into the venerable realities -of an august past. From talkative sightseers we were transformed into -thoughtful ponderers upon these impressive memorials of history, and -finally into silent and reverent worshippers at this shrine of three -great religions. As we were about to leave, Dr. Hoskins suggested that I -ask all of our party to devote five minutes to silent prayer. I did so, -and there we stood, Moslems, Christians, and Jews—all of us conscious -of the fact that we were in the presence of the tombs of our joint -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_219" id="page_219">{219}</a></span>forefathers—that no matter in what details we differed, we traced our -religion back to the same source, and the ten minutes to which this -prayer extended were undoubtedly the most sacred that I have ever spent -in my life.</p> - -<p>Never have I experienced so solemn and exalted an emotion as that which -filled my spirit, standing there in worship at those tombs four thousand -years old, around which converged, and met, a sublime religious history, -which had altered the life of one half the human race through forty -centuries.</p> - -<p>I have carried my narrative away from its chronological sequence in -order to tell of our visit to the Caves of Machpelah as one related -incident. Returning now to the earlier part of our journey, our brief -stops at Smyrna and Athens were followed by a direct route to -Alexandria, where we arrived on March 26th. Our Russian vessel ran up -the American flag at the masthead in honour of our presence aboard, and -at the dock we were further honoured by a reception committee consisting -of Olney Arnold, the American consular agent at Cairo, Consul Garrels, -Captain Macauley of the <i>Scorpion</i>, and Mahmoud Tahgri Bey, the acting -Governor of Alexandria. The last-named was a fine young man of about -twenty-eight years of age. He told me that for some time Alexandria had -been without a governor, but that the Khedive in honour of my coming had -appointed him to that office, especially to give me a proper reception, -and that he had only assumed his office at eight o’clock that very -morning. He presented Mrs. Morgenthau with a bouquet of flowers and my -daughter Ruth with a box of <i>marrons glacés</i>, with the compliments of -the Khedive. It was amusing to see what important stress he laid upon -this—his first—official act. The Khedive had sent his own official -private car for our journey. At the railroad station in Alexandria the -Khedivial Entrance had been opened for us, and a cordon<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_220" id="page_220">{220}</a></span> of soldiers -were lined upon either side to secure us an uninterrupted passageway; -the Khedive had neglected nothing, not even forgetting to provide a -delicious luncheon, which was served us in his car, as we proceeded to -Cairo.</p> - -<p>We arrived in time to drive out and view the Pyramids before going to -Arnold’s house for dinner. There Arnold acquainted me with a curious -complication which arose out of my wish to meet Lord Kitchener. He -explained to me the anomalous position which Kitchener occupied in -Egypt. Though Great Britain absolutely controlled that country’s -destinies, and though Kitchener, as the representative of Britain, was -practically dictator, Egypt was nominally a part of the Turkish Empire, -and the Khedive was the head of its government. Kitchener’s official -title was British Agent and Consul-General, and as such, on ceremonial -occasions, he ranked far below not merely the Khedive, but myself, as an -Ambassador. When Arnold had told Kitchener of my coming, and that I -wished to meet him, he expressed a cordial interest in the interview, -but was somewhat puzzled how to meet the question of precedence. If he -recognized me at Cairo as Ambassador from the United States, it might -embarrass him in maintaining the attitude that Great Britain was taking -in regard to Turkish rights in Egypt. If Kitchener invited me to meet -him, the question of rank would come up. This question had arisen -before, because even the other consuls-general who had arrived at Cairo -earlier than Kitchener outranked him in diplomatic precedence. This -problem, however, had been solved by an ingenious device. Whenever -Kitchener was invited to a function where it was likely to arise, he was -requested to act as host and thereby secured the place of honour.</p> - -<p>I resolved Arnold’s perplexity and Kitchener’s by saying that I had no -intention of standing on my rights, and would be glad to pay Kitchener -an informal call, as I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_221" id="page_221">{221}</a></span> certainly did not wish to leave Cairo without -seeing him. When Kitchener received this message, he promptly invited me -to call at ten o’clock the following morning. He was evidently informed -of my intention to call on the Khedive at eleven o’clock and wished me -to call on him (Kitchener) first. This call was very brief. After the -exchange of the customary formalities, Kitchener launched into numerous -questions about Turkey. He wished to know more about the men who made up -the Committee of Union and Progress. He was especially interested in the -Grand Vizier, Prince Said Halim, to whom the Young Turk Government had -promised the place of the Khedive of Egypt—a position which he was -qualified to fill on its social side by virtue of his aristocratic -lineage and superior education. Kitchener asked me to explain, if I -could, how a man of Said Halim’s antecedents had come to be associated -with “such uncouth cut-throats” as Talaat and Enver.</p> - -<p>We had scarcely gotten into an intimate conversation when I realized -that I must hurry back to my hotel where the Khedive’s carriage was to -call for me shortly before eleven o’clock. Kitchener said that he wished -to continue the conversation, and asked me if I would not bring Mrs. -Morgenthau and my daughter to lunch with him two days later. I accepted -the invitation.</p> - -<p>At eleven o’clock the Khedive’s carriage arrived to take me to the -Palace for my official call. Policemen were posted at every cross street -along the entire route, so as to give us an uninterrupted right of way -and to give us proper recognition. I was delighted with my conference -with the Khedive. He proved to be a thoroughly up-to-date, modern -enterprising business man without any frills or assumption of airs. He -met me at the door of the reception room, led me to a sofa, sat down -next to me, and while sipping the inevitable Turkish coffee, talked to -me<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_222" id="page_222">{222}</a></span> for about half an hour about some of his investments in Turkey, and -told me of his intention to occupy his summer residence on the Bosphorus -at Yenikeny where I also had taken summer quarters. He then said that he -regretted exceedingly that, before he had learned of my impending visit, -he had made an appointment which would require him to leave town that -afternoon, and he asked, in consequence, if he might not return my visit -that same day. I told him that he reminded me of a Japanese student who, -after paying a two-hour afternoon call on a lady in Boston, and -receiving from her when he left a polite invitation to call again, -walked around the block three times, and paid her a second visit. The -Khedive laughed heartily, and though I assured him that I would gladly -waive the formality which required him to return my visit, he insisted -that he wished to continue the conversation, and would call later in the -day.</p> - -<p>Consequently, that same afternoon, the Khedive returned my call at the -Consular Agency, continuing the conversation as though there had been no -interruption. He told me of the enormous cotton exports of Egypt valued -at two hundred million dollars a year, and how his forefathers had -developed the cotton industry in Egypt. As Kitchener had done, he asked -numerous questions about the conditions in Turkey, and was very -solicitous about the activities of the Government, and their relation to -the diplomatic situation in Constantinople. It was a very curious -experience to sit with one of the Oriental potentates on an absolutely -equal footing, and to hear him talk about commercial and political -affairs in perfectly good English, and in a business vernacular.</p> - -<p>The day after I exchanged calls with the Khedive I had a very -interesting visit from his brother, Ali Mehemmid, who called on me, and -we talked for two hours. He proved to be a thoroughly chauvinistic -Oriental, even as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_223" id="page_223">{223}</a></span>suring me that he had remained single because he -wanted absolute freedom in his political moves. He had travelled a great -deal, and his pride and patriotism were deeply wounded by the fact that -Egypt had to submit to British protection. Under the pressure of my -questions, he admitted that the Egyptians had greatly benefited by -British rule, but he claimed that these benefits were more than -counterbalanced by the evils which the European customs and schools had -introduced into his country. He felt that the schools depraved the -Egyptian children, and that the Egyptian women had been much happier -before they read European novels and became slaves of the modes. He -admitted that the Orientals were imitators, and would eventually have to -find some way of “Orientalizing the Occidental Progress,” which I -thought was a neat way of putting it. He disliked the Union and Progress -Party in Turkey because its members lacked breeding, and experience in -administration. He believed that the Arabs and Turks living in Turkey -would not permit the Constitutional Turks to trade them away in order to -save their five vilayets in and near Europe. I returned Prince -Mehemmid’s visit the next day, and was greatly surprised to see that he -was building an Egyptian palace. He had none but Egyptian workmen, and -was having magnificent wood carvings done right on the premises. He -showed me his stables, and told me he had purchased the best specimens -of pure Arab breed, and was determined, for the sake of Egypt, to -perpetuate the finest breed of Arabian horses.</p> - -<p>During our several days in Cairo we had a number of interesting -experiences, including various meetings with the Jews, which I shall -describe in another chapter. After a visit to the oldest Coptic church, -which was built fourteen hundred years ago on the site of a temple that -stood on a spot where the Arabs first entered Cairo, we went to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_224" id="page_224">{224}</a></span> the -famous Cairo University. Our guide was Arif Pasha, the representative of -the Khedive, who had been a schoolmate of Mr. Schmavonian. He introduced -us to the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who took us to see the pupils. This was a -never-to-be-forgotten sight. Ten thousand pupils were seated on the -floors of the institution, there being no chairs or benches. Squatting -on the ground, which was covered with stones, all of them were intently -listening to readings or explanations by priests and teachers, all of -them obviously very poor, and all equally sincere and earnest. The -scholars were from many lands and races—from India, all parts of Turkey -and the provinces, Abyssinia, even negroes from Somaliland. I have never -seen so many people apparently so insatiable for knowledge, and so -tremendously absorbed in acquiring it amid such squalid conditions. They -seemed perfectly content, and, yet, I was told, they live on next to -nothing. Each receives at the beginning of the week a certain number of -flexible pieces of bread, and they have to divide them up themselves so -that they will last for the succeeding seven days. They sleep on -miserable cots, four and five in one room.</p> - -<p>At last came our luncheon with Lord Kitchener. Even at this private -luncheon I could foresee that the question of precedence was bound to -present itself, and I was interested to learn how he was going to -circumvent it. When we arrived, I was very much amused at the ingenuity -he had displayed in evading it. In his dining room he had had two -separate tables set, at one of which he presided with Mrs. Morgenthau at -his right, and at the other of which his sister presided, and I sat at -her right. After luncheon, he took us through some of the rooms, and -showed us his wonderful collection of Russian ikons, describing how he -had gathered them, and drawing our attention to those that were -especially attractive. Then he took me into a small room, closed the -door, and we had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_225" id="page_225">{225}</a></span> an intimate lengthy conversation. He had profound -reasons for being intensely interested in the personalities and -ambitions of the new Young Turk Government in Constantinople, and he -evidently intended to take full advantage of my freshly acquired -knowledge, for he practically put me on the witness stand on this -subject, and indulged in a very thorough cross examination.</p> - -<p>With Egypt nominally a protectorate of Turkey, and in view of Great -Britain’s interest in Egypt, it was enormously important for Kitchener -to get at the actual facts of what was going on at the capital of -Turkey. He could not understand how Said Halim, who was the cousin of -the Khedive and was wedded to an Egyptian princess, was permitting these -Young Turks to use him as a figure-head, and allowing them to encroach -upon his prerogatives as Grand Vizier. Kitchener told me that he knew -all about the Sultan, and realized how impotent he was to exert any -influence, or to assume any real authority; that he had expected that -Said Halim would be the real power in Turkey, but that his present -information was that Talaat and his Committee of Union and Progress were -developing into the real authority. He was especially anxious to know -all about Enver. He was surprised that a man like Enver who had never -won a battle and was only a revolutionist, and not a soldier, should be -raised from the rank of major to be Minister of War, because, in Turkey, -the Minister of War was really the head of the army. Kitchener also -asked me what the true condition of the Turkish army was, and whether -his information was correct that Turkey was rapidly disintegrating. He -thought that these inexperienced men would never be able to master the -situation, and re-assert their authority over lost territories. He was -anxious to know the attitude of the foreign ambassadors toward the Young -Turks—how they treated them—and whether they mixed with them -socially;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_226" id="page_226">{226}</a></span> and he was astonished when I told him that the German -Ambassador was the only one who had any real contact with, and influence -over, the Young Turks.</p> - -<p>I answered all his questions as fully as I could with propriety, and -then, in turn, began to ply him with questions of my own. I asked him -whether he was satisfied with England’s progress in Egypt. In reply, he -went into a very elaborate and interesting explanation of Great -Britain’s colonial policy, and explained his conception of empire -building. He pointed out the definite continuity that had existed in -Great Britain’s growth, and how essential it was for her to make secure -the avenues of approach for her commerce from England to India. He -expressed the opinion that the English—both by reason of their flexible -character, their equitable system of administering justice, their -willingness to preserve established customs and respect for religious -institutions, and their long experience in such enterprises—were the -best equipped of all peoples for colonial administration. He told me -about some of his experiences in developing the Soudan; and in his -description of this work, and of the work of the British Empire builders -in other parts of the world, he talked of the Colonies in the same -manner, and from much the same viewpoint, as I had been accustomed to -hear among business men in New York who were developing some big -business combination or trust.</p> - -<p>I left Lord Kitchener with an impression of a man of sound business and -political sense, powerful force of will, and an intense patriotism.</p> - -<p>When we bade farewell to Cairo, we passed again through the Khedivial -Entrance, and again entered the Khedive’s private car, which sped us -part of the way along the Suez Canal to Port Said. We spent an hour -inspecting the Canal at its mouth and the DeLesseps monument, and then -boarded the steamer which was to carry us to Jaffa<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_227" id="page_227">{227}</a></span> on the coast of -Palestine. It was on this steamer that we had the good fortune to meet -Viscount Bryce and his wife. This meeting was the beginning of a -friendship which I valued most highly. On this trip I first had occasion -to observe his method of obtaining information, which doubtless accounts -for a part of his remarkable equipment as an historian. He was quite the -greatest living questioner that I have ever met. He had developed cross -examination to a fine art of picking men’s brains. Most other men gather -their information from books. It was a joy to be permitted to attend his -séances with people who possessed information. He first put them -completely at ease by ascertaining what subjects they were thoroughly -posted on, and then, with a beneficent suavity, he made them willing -contributors to his own unlimited store of knowledge. His thirst for -facts was unquenchable. Question followed question almost like the -report of shots fired from a machine gun. By this process, I have seen -him rifle every recess of the minds of men like Schmavonian, who was a -storehouse of Turkish history, custom, and tradition, and of Dr. -Franklin E. Hoskins, who is a profound scholar in Bible history. His -method was physically exhausting to his victims, and in the hands of a -less delightful personality would have been intolerable. But Lord Bryce -was as charming as he was inquisitive, and more than that, he gave out -of his vast erudition as freely as he received.</p> - -<p>The morning after my first cross examination at his hands we arrived at -Jaffa and proceeded on our tour through Palestine.</p> - -<p>After the customary visits to the shrines of the Christians and the Jews -and the Moslems (whose interest and significance were doubled by the -eloquence and learning of Dr. Hoskins and Mr. Schmavonian), we proceeded -northward toward Nabulus and Damascus. On our<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_228" id="page_228">{228}</a></span> way thither we made a -side trip westward to witness the Samaritan Easter sacrifice on Mount -Gerizim. These Samaritans are one of the most interesting surviving -remnants of antiquity in the world. They have scrupulously refrained -from marrying outside their tribe, and have retained unchanged the -customs which their lineal ancestors observed in the remotest Biblical -times, antedating the Christian Era by many centuries. The total -population in March, 1919, was only one hundred and forty-one. During -Easter week they dwell in about twenty camps, living the life of their -ancestors, and worshipping God in accordance with customs nearly four -thousand years old. Each year at Easter-tide they ascend Mount Gerizim -which they claim is the original Mount Moriah, to perform the ancient -sacrifices after the manner, and as they claim, on the spot where -Abraham performed them at the time when he offered to sacrifice Isaac. -When we reached their encampment on Mount Gerizim, we called on the High -Priest, Jacob-ben-Aaron who, after we had paid our respects, asked us if -we wished to go over the grounds, and have the various things explained -to us. He was too old to accompany us, and consequently requested two -senior priests to act in his stead. They showed us the ruins of the -Temple which Abraham had erected, the spot where he had suddenly -discovered the ram who saved Isaac from the sacrifice, and the altar -where the ancient sacrifices took place.</p> - -<p>Just before sundown, the Samaritans gathered and began the services -which were to last all through the night. They began with prayer and -song, which were kept up for more than an hour until the sun had set. -They then killed seven beautiful white lambs, and put them into a great -hole in the ground, in which fires had been burning for a week. This was -in accordance with the law which prescribes that no flames shall touch -the meat of sacrifice.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_229" id="page_229">{229}</a></span> So the fires were removed before the carcasses -were placed in the pits and covered with earth, after which the intense -heat of the ground accomplished the necessary roasting. The Samaritans -then resumed their prayers and singing, which by alternating, they kept -up unbroken until a quarter to twelve, midnight. In the meantime, we -occupied our two tents which had been erected by the American colony at -Jerusalem for our use—one of the tents for repose, and the other a -dining room where we took our evening meal. Some of the ladies wrapped -themselves in rugs and went to sleep on steamer chairs, and the girls -sat about chatting, while Doctors Bliss and Hoskins and I visited the -different tents of the Samaritans, and had long talks with the High -Priest and other priests. The High Priest explained to us that the -material condition of the tribes was very bad. The Arabs disliked them -and barely tolerated them. He, himself, was supposed to live on a tithe -of the income of the tribe, but he said that this amount would not -suffice to keep him for more than one month of the twelve, so that -although he was more than seventy-four years of age, he used most of his -time in copying the Pentateuch in Samaritan, and selling it whenever he -could. Upon this hint, I bought a copy.</p> - -<p>One of the tents was reserved for the unclean women. They are not -permitted to partake of the holy meat, but in return they are allowed -certain liberties. They had an Arab servant who was dancing for them -while they were beating time with their hands.</p> - -<p>In another tent we visited there was a sick man who was being looked -after by a doctor. It was a very queer sight. The moon was shining -brightly and you could see the men and women sitting around and visiting -one another, all anxiously awaiting the division of the lambs. The High -Priest excused himself for not having provided<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_230" id="page_230">{230}</a></span> one lamb for us, but he -had not anticipated that we would remain there until midnight. Of -course, he said, as we were not Samaritans, he could not offer us any of -the sacrificial meat.</p> - -<p>About midnight, the lambs were brought out and there were seven groups, -and to each group was given a lamb, and they divided it with their hands -and ate it with their fingers—no knife, fork, or any other implement -being used. A great many of the men took large chunks of the meat to -their tents, where the women and children were waiting. They ate it -ravenously, as the law prescribes.</p> - -<p>It was indeed a strange and interesting experience. Here, on a fine -moonlight night, on a lonely mountain in distant Palestine, was a little -tribe of people carrying out without affectation the customs which their -ancestors had observed unbroken for thousands of years, still dressed in -the same garb, speaking the same language, and conducting themselves in -the same manner as the shepherd folk of the time of Abraham.</p> - -<p>A member of our party, Mr. Richard Whiting, took a number of remarkable -flash-light photographs of the ceremonies, a complete series of -reproductions of which was published in the <i>National Geographic -Magazine</i> some years ago. Shortly after midnight our party started -homeward. Most of them were afraid to trust themselves in the dark on -the horses and donkeys, and so they walked. Lord Bryce and I stuck to -our horses, and it was a curious sight to see our little caravan wending -its way toward the hotel in the darkness of the middle of the night—I -with my Samaritan manuscript, and my daughter with one of the knives -used for the sacrifice, which had been presented to her by one of the -Samaritans.</p> - -<p>The headquarters from which we had made our excursion to Mount Gerizim -was the city of Nabulus. From this same headquarters we made another -excursion to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_231" id="page_231">{231}</a></span> Sebastiyeh, the old Samaritan capital of the ten tribes of -Judea. Here was the spot where the Assyrians besieged the Jews for three -years, and then, in turn, were driven out by Alexander the Great. The -ruins had Jewish foundations and superstructures erected by the Romans -under Herod.</p> - -<p>These two plunges into remote antiquity suggested to my imagination the -reply which I made to the Governor of Nabulus when he called one day in -great excitement to say that he had just been notified that Talaat had -telegraphed from Constantinople to ask whether we were satisfied with -our progress and receptions. The Governor was very anxious to know what -he could do for me, and asked whether I preferred a dinner or some other -form of entertainment. I replied that I had had so many Turkish dinners, -and so many formal receptions, and asked if he would not arrange an -Arabian night. The allusion evidently meant nothing to him, for I had to -explain that I wanted to witness exactly how the Arabs spent their -evenings, and suggested to him that this could be done if he would -collect a group of important men of the town at some place where they -were accustomed to gather, and permit me and a few of my friends to sit -in with them as silent observers. The Governor caught the spirit of my -request, and arranged for the entertainment. At eight-thirty the -following evening he and a number of his officials called for us (Lord -Bryce, Doctors Bliss and Hoskins, Messrs. Peet, Schmavonian, and -myself), and led us through the winding darkness of the streets of a -real Arabian town.</p> - -<p>The Chief of Police and three of his assistants headed our procession. -Each was carrying a table lamp instead of the ordinary lantern. Then I -followed, with the Governor of Nabulus on one side and Viscount Bryce on -the other, and behind us, the rest of our party, Mah<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_232" id="page_232">{232}</a></span>moud Tewfik Hamid, -the recently elected Deputy of the District, and other prominent Arabs.</p> - -<p>As we walked through the dark, narrow little streets bending in every -direction, we saw here and there a shoemaker at his work, and a few -fruit shops still tempting the few passers-by with their wares. The air -we breathed was laden with a pleasing Oriental aroma. At last, we -unexpectedly found ourselves in a large square courtyard, in the centre -of which was a fountain playing. From this courtyard we were ushered -into an illuminated room about thirty feet square and twenty feet high. -Marble divans ran around the sides of this room, covered with beautiful -rugs. In the centre were numerous lamps of various kinds, and the walls -were hung with rugs. On the divans sat, cross-legged, twenty-four of the -most prominent Arabs of the city, smoking, drinking coffee, sipping -lemonade, and carrying on an animated conversation. Through the guide, a -nephew of the Governor, I requested them to continue their discussions, -and to disregard our presence. The guide, in the meantime, informed us -as to the pedigree and identity of the Arabs present.</p> - -<p>Doctor Bliss interpreted for me. The Arabs were discussing the expected -completion of a railroad line to Nabulus, and the effect it would have -upon the exports of soap, which was the principal product of the city. -They were pleased to know that they could make up larger packages than -could be carried by the camels, which were the only means of transport -at the moment, and they were figuring out the economy of this -innovation. After concluding their discussion, they turned to us and -acted as our hosts. They spoke with great pride of their lineage. They -looked, indeed, with their intelligent faces and dignified bearing, like -men bred of good stock. One of them told me that he had positive -evidence at home that his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_233" id="page_233">{233}</a></span> family had lived in Nabulus for more than -five hundred years, and another one traced his lineage back to the -prophet Mohammed.</p> - -<p>The scene reminded me of the “Thousand and One Arabian Nights.” Two sons -and two nephews of Ismail Agha Nimr, the owner of the house, were -continually flitting about, serving cigarettes, syrup, tea, and coffee. -Nothing could have been more gracious or hospitable than their manner -toward us.</p> - -<p>Our homeward walk was made under the full moon, and was as picturesque -as had been the one earlier in the evening. Unconsciously, I could not -keep from expecting genii to jump out at me from one of the little doors -of the native houses.</p> - -<p>From Tiberias, our route led us to Damascus, where we spent several days -exploring this most ancient of cities, and the beautiful surrounding -country, and visiting the very attractive ruins at Balbek. Thence, we -went to Beirut where the Syrian Protestant College is located—one of -the finest American institutions in the Near East. Here we visited a -very interesting Jewish settlement also. We then journeyed to Mersine, -Adena, Tarsus, and Rhodes, returning to Constantinople on May 1st.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_234" id="page_234">{234}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII<br /><br /> -<small>THE CAMPAIGN OF 1916</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span>N January, 1916, I applied to the State Department for a leave of -absence, so that I might pay a visit to the United States, which I had -not seen for more than two years. I had begun to feel the effects of the -nervous strain of my labours to avert the terrible fate of the Armenians -and Jews. These labours, and my experiences with German diplomatic -intrigue in Constantinople during the war, have already been described -in my earlier book, published in 1918 under the title, “Ambassador -Morgenthau’s Story,” to which I must refer any of my readers who are -interested to pursue my Turkish experiences further.</p> - -<p>I spent the first few days after my return to the United States with my -old political friends in Washington, and I was shocked at the prevailing -political atmosphere. Not one of the numerous men high in the -Administration with whom I talked had the slightest hope that President -Wilson could be reëlected that fall. They were all convinced that, as -the breach in the Republican Party had been healed, our political -opponents were prepared to present a united front and were determined to -win; and that, on the other hand, the Administration had made so many -enemies in the preceding three years that the President’s defeat in -November was a foregone conclusion. Tammany had received no -consideration at his hands, and was very bitter; and hence there was -little likelihood of our carrying New York. “Organization leaders,” -otherwise the bosses, generally, had been ignored, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_235" id="page_235">{235}</a></span> party -machinery was rusty from disuse, where it was not actually broken down -by dissension. William G. McAdoo told me frankly of his intention -shortly to resign from the Cabinet and return to private business. -Josephus Daniels spoke hopelessly of the political outlook. Frank L. -Polk and Franklin D. Roosevelt gave me the same picture of party -dissension, apathy, and despair. Even Senator James A. O’Gorman of New -York, whom I had known for many years as a man of native optimism and -Irish courage, said to me: “Henry, it is sheer insanity to talk of -reëlecting President Wilson. He hasn’t a ghost of a chance. I am -convinced that the Democratic Party will be buried under a Republican -landslide this fall.” But after listening to my enthusiastic arguments -to prove that the President simply must be reëlected and that we could -convince the country of this necessity, he shared my conviction. He -said: “Henry, if I had had your viewpoint on this matter earlier, I -would have modified my attitude. But I have gone too far now: with my -record behind me, I cannot make a fight for reëlection as Senator.”</p> - -<p>My conversation with these men shocked me, but did not depress me. It -aroused my fighting spirit. To my mind, the reëlection of President -Wilson offered not merely an opportunity for partisan advantage, but I -felt profoundly that the condition of international affairs made it a -vital necessity to our safety as a nation, and to the cause of humanity -the world over, because the rest of the world was looking to Mr. Wilson -to be ultimately the man who should bring about peace. I pointed out to -my friends the force of these arguments, and the folly, from our -national point of view, of changing Administrations at such a critical -juncture in our history. If a Republican were elected in November, Mr. -Wilson’s hands would practically be tied for the remaining four months -of his Administration, while the President-Elect would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_236" id="page_236">{236}</a></span> equally -impotent to take effective measures to safeguard our interests in -international affairs.</p> - -<p>I stressed the need to arouse the party from its lethargy, and to begin -at once a powerful and nation-wide campaign to reëlect the President. -The Cabinet officers at Washington responded to the enthusiasm which I -poured into this enterprise, and I soon had some members of the National -Committee awake and actively coöperating. At a conference with Mr. -Burleson, I discovered that the Congressional Campaign Committee had -done nothing. He sent for Mr. Doremus of Michigan, whose duty it was to -launch this Congressional campaign. He painted a gloomy picture of the -outlook for the Congressional elections. “We have no money to help the -boys make their fights for reëlection, and we have no one to whom we can -go and get it. Many of them are thoroughly discouraged, and see no use -in trying to do anything for the party, so they are just waiting for the -end and planning to go back into private life.” I asked Mr. Doremus: -“What is the minimum amount necessary to start vigorous work for their -reëlection? I don’t want to know how much you want, but how little you -can possibly get along with.” He named a modest figure, but declared -that even this was impossible to raise. I promptly under-wrote it -personally, and he went to work eagerly; and he afterward reported to me -that this action greatly changed the attitude of the Congressmen when -they realized that help was at hand to make a real fight for the -election. It practically created several hundred active campaign -managers at a stroke.</p> - -<p>I then returned to New York, and on my own responsibility, leased -national headquarters at No. 30 East Forty-second Street, signing the -lease in my own name, after I had shown the rooms to Colonel House and -Charles R. Crane, who approved my selection. I bought and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_237" id="page_237">{237}</a></span> rented -furniture, typewriters, and other supplies, and got everything in shape -so that the moment the approaching Convention was over, and the new -Campaign Committee named, they would find the tools for their work ready -to hand, and could go on the job without the delay we had experienced in -1912.</p> - -<p>In view of the hopelessness which I had found among the party leaders, -and in view of the very narrow margin by which Mr. Hughes was defeated -the following November, I take pride in the consciousness that my -activities were one of the necessary factors that led to Mr. Wilson’s -reëlection in 1916.</p> - -<p>I shall return later in this article to other dramatic incidents of that -campaign, including some of the exciting events of Election Night that -are not generally known.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, in addition to the negative difficulties of apathy and -despair, there were numerous positive troubles that needed immediate -attention. I shall describe one of these problems in which I was called -upon to take a hand personally in straightening it out. It concerned the -appointment of a Postmaster for New York City. Here was a dangerous -political situation. The late John Purroy Mitchel was then Mayor of New -York City, and was making a splendid record. His presence in that -position was of course a standing annoyance to Tammany Hall, which he -had fought all his life. Tammany was already irritated enough at the -Administration, because of President Wilson’s unbending opposition. Some -of the party managers in the Administration at Washington had thought to -placate Tammany by a tardy recognition of the “Wigwam” in the shape of -an appointment of a Postmaster agreeable to Murphy. Postmaster General -Burleson had manipulated this arrangement, and when I arrived in -Washington, I found that the appointment of a Tammany man to be -Post<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_238" id="page_238">{238}</a></span>master had proceeded so far that the commission was on President -Wilson’s desk for him to sign. The man to be named was Joseph Johnson, -who was an intimate associate of Murphy’s, and who had done some very -aggressive publicity work for Tammany Hall. Murphy had had him appointed -Fire Commissioner of New York under Mayor Gaynor, and Mayor Mitchel had -displaced him when he succeeded Gaynor. In retaliation, Johnson had -taken great pleasure in spreading political propaganda adverse to -Mitchel, so that there was an intense political feud between the two -men. I realized that Johnson’s appointment as Postmaster would deeply -offend the better element of the Democrats in New York, and would cause -such dissension as probably to result in our losing the state and -national election. I knew, too (and this was perhaps of even greater -importance), that Johnson’s appointment would be so repugnant to the New -York <i>World</i> that this brilliant champion of President Wilson and his -policies would be disgusted and would lose the fine enthusiasm that made -its support so effective. I therefore went to the White House, and -called upon President Wilson.</p> - -<p>I presented my arguments against Johnson’s selection with all the force -of which I was capable, but found that the President took only a languid -interest in my attempt to re-open a subject which he considered closed. -The nearest approach to rousing him which I achieved, was when I pointed -out to the President that Johnson’s appointment would alienate John -Purroy Mitchel. He thereupon flashed out with, “Mitchel is no help to us -anyway.” I then realized the President’s deep irritation at Mitchel’s -active campaign for military preparedness, which he had pushed so -vigorously that it amounted, on the one hand, to a threat that he would -leave the party if a preparedness programme were not undertaken, and on<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_239" id="page_239">{239}</a></span> -the other, to a serious embarrassment of the President’s carefully -considered foreign policy. The President finally tried to dismiss the -subject by saying that I had come too late, that Burleson had arranged -the whole matter, and that the commission was on his desk for signature. -I then asked him as a personal favour not to sign the commission for a -few days, and to this he consented.</p> - -<p>I then made a call upon the Postmaster General. Mr. Burleson evidently -misjudged the temper of my resolution. In our association in the -campaign of 1912 he had never seen me thoroughly aroused, and did not -realize that I was so now. He argued the matter in a soothing manner, -and at length made me the astounding proposal, not only that I should -assent to the nomination of Johnson, but that I should write a letter to -the President commending it. I evidently astonished the General with the -vigour of my reply. I informed him emphatically that I would not write -such a letter, and practically challenged him to see which of us would -have the final say regarding the nomination.</p> - -<p>I next sought Colonel House to get his advice and coöperation. I got -only the advice—and a glimpse into the true nature of his relationship -with the President. He told me that it was his custom to present freely -to the President his views upon questions of the moment, but that he -believed that it was the President’s duty to decide, and that once the -President had expressed an opinion, it was not proper for him to argue -the matter with him.</p> - -<p>I did not accept Colonel House’s advice. I was confident that my -judgment of the Johnson appointment was sound, and I felt no hesitation -in renewing my effort to convince Mr. Wilson. I returned to the White -House, and resumed my argument. I pointed out to the President the -danger of losing the enthusiasm of the New York<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_240" id="page_240">{240}</a></span> <i>World</i> and the extreme -importance of carrying New York in the fall election, and the -embarrassment which Johnson would cause us in that effort. “Do you mean -to say,” demanded the President, “that if I appoint Johnson Postmaster, -it will cost us New York in November?”</p> - -<p>I understood the President’s psychology well enough not to answer with a -direct affirmative. If I had said “Yes,” the Scotch-Irish in him would -have instantly replied, “Then, I don’t care if we do lose it.” Worse -yet, he would have doubted my own loyalty and fighting spirit. I -replied, therefore, somewhat less directly. Recalling Mr. Wilson’s -enthusiasm for golf, I said: “No, Mr. President, I do not mean that. -What I do mean is that you will put an enormous bunker in our way and it -will require great skill for us to get over it.” This answer pleased -him, and we continued the discussion. “Whom else could I name?” he asked -me. I answered truthfully that I had no candidate; and that I was -concerned only to prevent Johnson’s selection, and had not the slightest -objection to his selecting a good Tammanyite for the position. I added -that two Tammany men occurred to me as being unobjectionable, State -Senator Robert E. Wagner, or Assemblyman Alfred E. Smith.</p> - -<p>The President finally agreed not to appoint Johnson, and several days -later, telegraphed me in New York, asking me to offer the position to -Senator Wagner. I did so, and almost persuaded him to accept it, with -his proviso that he should get Murphy’s consent. This he failed to -obtain, so that for the rest of the year the Republican incumbent -continued to hold the office. Tammany would not have been placated -anyway by this one sop thrown to them at the last minute, and, on the -other hand, I had the satisfaction of preventing the defection of -Mitchel and the weakening of the New York <i>World’s</i> support.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_241" id="page_241">{241}</a></span></p> - -<p>President Wilson was re-nominated unanimously at the Convention at St. -Louis in July. The next question was to name the Chairman of the -Campaign Committee so that we could proceed at once to vigorous action. -I was suggested for the position, and I promptly refused to consider it, -pointing out that my antagonism to Tammany would certainly cause the -organization in New York to resent my appointment. The various state -organization leaders were already irritated enough over the lack of -consideration that they had received throughout the Wilson -Administration. Some of them were determined to revolt unless a chairman -should be named from the recognized party workers of the National -Committee. The President has the right to name the man who shall manage -his campaign for reëlection, and his advisers were distinctly worried -over the attitude of the organization leaders. I was asked to suggest -someone to act as Treasurer of the Campaign Committee, and I mentioned -Vance McCormick of Pennsylvania. This probably suggested a solution of -the difficulty, and the President shortly afterward named McCormick -chairman of the Campaign Committee. As McCormick was a regular party -leader, and was besides very popular, there could be no objection to -this choice. It proved indeed a very happy one. All who know McCormick -personally are unanimous in their appreciation of his high character and -of his utterly charming personality. He is a most unusual mixture of -forcefulness and sweetness of spirit. His selection was an ideal one. -The concord which prevailed at Democratic headquarters throughout the -campaign of 1916 was in pleasing contrast to the fretful bickerings of -1912, and this difference was due chiefly to McCormick’s influence.</p> - -<p>I devoted myself, as I had in 1912, chiefly to the financial side of the -campaign. This time I had powerful<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_242" id="page_242">{242}</a></span> assistance. Thomas L. Chadbourne, -Jr., and Bernard M. Baruch were particularly valuable allies. I had only -to suggest, to one or the other, where I thought they might find some -prosperous and as yet untaxed Democrat, to have him eagerly exclaim, -“I’ll get him,” and neither of them ever failed to make good his boast. -Some gave cheerfully out of their abundance, as did Edward L. Doheny, -whom I personally solicited and who contributed $50,000, which he later -got back, and a quarter of a million more, by taking a sporting chance -on a close election and betting heavily on Wilson’s success. Others gave -equally greatly out of meagre resources. Of these, the most touching was -the gift from the late Franklin K. Lane, who had saved up a thousand -dollars in the preceding six months and gave it out of the fulness of -his patriotism and his personal affection for the President.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the most amusing episode of our campaign for party finances was -our experience with Henry Ford. One of our plans called for an extensive -campaign of newspaper advertising, which would require a large sum of -money. Someone suggested that Mr. Ford, in view of his interest in world -peace and in President Wilson’s peace record, might be willing to supply -the funds. After some correspondence, Ford agreed to meet Vance -McCormick in New York, and in August, 1916, they met at luncheon in -McCormick’s rooms at the Biltmore Hotel. The luncheon party consisted of -Ford, McCormick, Thos. A. Edison, and Josephus Daniels. All four men are -well known for their temperance proclivities, and doubtless they lived -up, on this occasion, to their professions and their usual practices. It -must have been either the intoxication of political ideas, or the -effervescence of youthful spirits which prompted them after luncheon to -dispense temporarily with the serious business in hand, and enter into a -lively competition in high kicking in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_243" id="page_243">{243}</a></span> sitting room of the suite in -friendly but vigorous rivalry to see which could first kick the -chandelier. None of them reached this goal, but Henry Ford, who started -his business life by repairing bicycles, set a new world’s record by -topping the other three several inches in this pedal competition. To -make sure that my memory of this event was correct, I wrote to Vance -McCormick for verification. His reply is worth repeating:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">Dear Uncle Henry</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>Your recollection of the Ford-Edison luncheon was in general -correct. The luncheon was held in my sitting-room in the Biltmore -and the invitation was arranged through Secretary Daniels who was -present at the luncheon with Mr. Ford and Mr. Edison. As I -remember, John Burroughs was also present. I will have to confirm -that, however, through the newspaper accounts of the luncheon....</p> - -<p>During the luncheon, as I remember it, the principal topic of -discussion was the question of the best diet for an active man to -produce the greatest results and extend one’s life to a ripe old -age. Mr. Edison started the discussion by stating that he lived -principally on hot milk and bread. This lead to a general -discussion, but the principal debaters were Mr. Edison and Mr. -Ford, each advocating his own diet. Finally the debate waxed so -warm that a demonstration of athletic ability was proposed and I -think it was Mr. Ford who stated that he could kick higher than Mr. -Edison, whereupon as we left the table a high kicking contest was -indulged in and the marks made upon the wall, and my recollection -is that Mr. Ford was the highest kicker although, I believe, the -contest was a close one.</p> - -<p>The lunch party was a most enjoyable affair and carried off more in -the spirit of schoolboys than that of statesmen and geniuses....</p> - -<p>With kindest regards, I am</p> - -<p class="c"><span style="margin-right: 8em;"> -Very sincerely yours,</span><br /> -(Signed) <span style="margin-left: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Vance C. McCormick</span>.</span><br /> -</p></div> - -<p>This expansion of movement on Ford’s part, however, suffered a severe -contraction when the subject of finances was resumed. He interposed -objections to every argument that was made for his contribution to the -advertis<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_244" id="page_244">{244}</a></span>ing campaign. He objected to giving money for political -purposes, because he had heard so much about improper expenditures, and -he was afraid that some of his money might go that way. He stood firm in -that position even after it was pointed out to him that advertising -rates were easily determined, and the expenditures could be checked.</p> - -<p>Exhausted by their efforts to pin Ford down to a definite proposal, -McCormick and Daniels brought him over to Democratic headquarters, -introduced him to me, and, as McCormick expressed it, left him to my -tender mercies. I re-argued the points they had covered, and found out -Ford’s real position. He would contribute, but he wanted terms that -would advertise himself and his cars. The advertisements, when -published, must be in the form of a statement of Ford’s personal views -on the campaign, and must bear his signature. In addition, as -compensation, we were to guarantee him the privilege of calling upon the -President, so that he might lay before him the plan which he -contemplated of adding the women in his employ to the men who were -already benefitting by the minimum wage of $5 a day. He wanted the -President, he said, to get the credit for advising him to make this -arrangement. No doubt, he was even more anxious to get the publicity -that would come from making the announcement after the visit.</p> - -<p>We accepted Ford’s proposition, but he drove a hard bargain, for, after -all, his contribution was a small one, and absurdly disproportionate to -his means and to his professions of interest in the election.</p> - -<p>One minor incident of the campaign had a significant bearing on the -subsequent career of Senator Carter Glass of Virginia. President Wilson -asked me to see Mr. Glass and persuade him to accept the position of -secretary of the Democratic National Committee. He gave no reason for -this request, and I had considerable difficulty<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_245" id="page_245">{245}</a></span> with Mr. Glass, who -shied away from the suggestion. I assured him that we did not expect him -to perform any routine duties. We wished him to accept the post only so -that we might have him at hand to consult upon questions of campaign -strategy as they arose. He finally consented. From subsequent -developments, it was evident that Mr. Wilson even then had Mr. Glass in -mind for higher honours, and wished to use this means of bringing him -more prominently before the general public, so that he would be more -readily accepted by national opinion when the day came for an -appointment.</p> - -<p>We realized that the election at best was going to be a very close one. -We felt reasonably sure that the disaffection of Tammany in New York, -and of the Roger Sullivan organization in Illinois, would cost us those -two states. We had to make up their expected loss in other directions, -and for this reason we concentrated on Ohio and the states of the -Pacific Coast. I was very much astonished when Mr. Elbert H. Baker, the -proprietor of the Cleveland <i>Plain Dealer</i>, came into headquarters one -day and assured us that we would carry Ohio by 75,000 votes. I had no -such hopes, and regarded Mr. Baker as a well-meaning enthusiast. Some -days later, however, in conversation with Secretary of War Newton D. -Baker, he assured me that his namesake was not far wrong in his -estimate. Both were subsequently justified by events, as Ohio gave -President Wilson 90,000 more votes than Mr. Hughes.</p> - -<p>One of the most useful individual contributions to our ultimate success -in the Pacific Coast states was the vigorous campaign waged in the West -by Mr. Bainbridge Colby on his own initiative. Mr. Colby, it will be -recalled, had been a Republican, but in 1916 he was attracted by the -progressive character of Woodrow Wilson. He therefore aligned himself as -a member of the Democratic<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_246" id="page_246">{246}</a></span> Party, and became one of President Wilson’s -most ardent supporters. His services were of the greatest value.</p> - -<p>Despite our anxieties, we came to Election Day with hopes so high that -they amounted to complete confidence in the result. So sure was I of the -outcome, that I invited as many of my political friends as remained in -New York (most of the National Committeemen had gone to their homes to -vote) to join me at a dinner at the Biltmore on Election Night, November -6th. We arranged to receive the returns at the table, and planned that -the occasion should be one of progressive jubilation.</p> - -<p>When the dinner began, we were a happy party. Mrs. McAdoo’s vivacity was -the keynote of an evening full of jest and laughter, and of confident -anticipation of victory and four years more of Democratic control of -National policies. Everything went merrily until about nine o’clock, -when unfavourable returns began to filter in, and gloom began to settle -on the assembly. Nervousness gave way to consternation when, about ten -o’clock, we received word that the New York <i>Times</i> and the New York -<i>World</i> had flashed their beacon lights to announce that the Republicans -had won. Mr. McAdoo sank deep in his chair, the picture of dejection. -Mrs. McAdoo’s vivacity and appetite fled together. They excused -themselves comparatively early, and departed. Our dinner soon became, -what it was afterward aptly called, a “Belshazzar’s Feast.” The party -broke up, and those of us who had been active in the campaign, headed by -Vance McCormick, hurried back to headquarters on Forty-second Street. -The news from New Hampshire, Minnesota, and California was especially -encouraging. We resolved that, whatever else happened, this should not -be another Tilden-Hayes defeat. We sent for Attorney General Gregory, -and at our request, he telephoned to United States District Attorney -Anderson in Boston,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_247" id="page_247">{247}</a></span> ordering him to send deputies at once into New -Hampshire, to see that no violations of the election laws were -permitted, and especially to guard against the reported intimidation of -election officials preparing their returns.</p> - -<p>The newspaper reporters were flitting back and forth between our -headquarters and the Republicans, and we got from them a report that -financial men were gathering in the headquarters of the enemy, and were -raising an enormous fund to affect the returns from the West. We used -the reporters to carry an ultimatum to the Republicans. We reminded them -that we had control of the Federal legal machinery, warned them that we -had already put the United States authorities in all doubtful states on -the watch, and assured them that if the proposed fund were raised, it -could only be for illegal purposes, and that if this effort were not -instantly stopped, the whole crowd would find themselves in jail on the -following morning. If they seriously contemplated such action, this -threat was effective to stop it, and no effort was made by the -Republicans to use funds improperly.</p> - -<p>We then concentrated our attention upon California. Within an hour had -secured a through telegraph wire to Democratic headquarters in San -Francisco and arranged that every precaution be taken to secure a fair -count throughout the state.</p> - -<p>We kept a close watch also on Minnesota, where, if we had needed it, I -have always been convinced a recount would have given us a majority that -would have made the loss of California a matter of no moment. We all -spent the entire night at headquarters, my son going out at three -o’clock in the morning to bring us in hot rolls and coffee. At six -o’clock in the morning, our collars wilted, our dress shirts soiled, and -looking generally bedraggled, we took taxis to our several residences to -refresh ourselves with bath and breakfast, and to change into business<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_248" id="page_248">{248}</a></span> -garments. By eight o’clock everyone was back at headquarters, and we -worked through that entire day and until midnight without sleep. Our -reward was the final assurance of victory.</p> - -<p>Woodrow Wilson was again President of the United States. The nation -could count upon an uninterrupted and consistent policy through the -critical winter of 1916-1917, and the world was the gainer by the -exalted leadership and sustained nobility of policy which marked our -reluctant, but high-minded, entrance into the World War, and its -progress to a victorious conclusion.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_249" id="page_249">{249}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII<br /><br /> -<small>MY MEETINGS WITH JOFFRE, HAIG, CURRIE, AND PERSHING</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">J</span>UST one week after the United States entered the war, President Wilson -invited twenty-four men from all parts of the country to meet in -Washington on April 21, 1917, to consider means of financing the -American Red Cross. As I was one of the group, I came to Washington a -day earlier, and a few of us met at dinner. Of the guests that I can now -recall there were Charles D. Norton, Cornelius N. Bliss, Jr., Cleveland -H. Dodge, Vance McCormick, and Eliot Wadsworth. We all agreed that the -funds should be raised by a nation-wide popular subscription. The -impression of all those present, with the exception of myself, was that -about five, or at the most ten, millions could be raised for this -purpose. I vigorously contested this point of view, and suggested that -the minimum sum that we should start out to raise was fifty million -dollars. I outlined the terrific needs, not only in this country, but -also in Europe, for help of this kind. None of them agreed with me that -as large a sum as fifty millions could be secured, and they finally -said: “If you feel this way about it, you propose it at the full -committee meeting to-morrow.”</p> - -<p>The next day, when the committee was in session, I made the proposition -and was astonished that none of those present at first grasped the idea -that the American people could be induced to subscribe fifty million -dollars. I then spoke a second time and told the committee that the -American Jews alone (of whom there were only three<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_250" id="page_250">{250}</a></span> million) were then -engaged in raising a fund of ten million dollars for their -co-religionists abroad, and pointing to my friend, Julius Rosenwald, -added: “There is one man in this room who individually obligated himself -to contribute up to one million dollars to that fund. And I have no -doubt there are several other men in this room who could and would -subscribe one million dollars to the Red Cross, to say nothing of the -other patriotic Americans who would do likewise.”</p> - -<p>When our committee finally selected Harry P. Davison, of the firm of J. -P. Morgan & Company, to be chairman, some of them hesitatingly told him -of my suggestion that fifty million dollars be raised, adding that they -thought my proposal was absurd. “You are right,” he said, “Mr. -Morgenthau’s proposal of fifty million dollars is absurd—absurdly -inadequate. At least one hundred million dollars will be required, and -that is the amount we must determine to raise.”</p> - -<p>This was an inspiring example of those qualities of imagination, vision, -and daring, which had made Mr. Davison, while still a young man, one of -the foremost leaders of American finance. His decisive leadership and -fiery energy aroused the enthusiasm of his associates, and put the work -instantly in full swing.</p> - -<p>I suggested that the best way to get our campaign immediately and -dramatically before the public was to obtain a proclamation from the -President commending our plan to the nation. “We have a psychological -opportunity,” I declared, “to reach the pockets of the people through an -appeal to their eager desire to serve. At the most, only a small -percentage of the population, and those the young men, can be active -combatants. But every citizen wants to feel that he is himself enlisted -in the common cause. Active membership in the Red Cross is such an -enlistment, because the Red Cross will be the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_251" id="page_251">{251}</a></span> second line of our army, -inspiriting and heartening the boys.”</p> - -<p>They all agreed, but they feared it would take some time to get such a -proclamation from the President, because he was so very busy, and it -would be hard for him to find time to write it. I thought the -proclamation could be secured by the following morning, and told Mr. -Davison that Secretary Franklin K. Lane was the man in Washington who -could most nearly phrase an idea in the language of the President, and -that if we could get him to write the proclamation for us, I had no -doubt that the President would sign it without substantial change. We -went to Lane’s office, and it was a pleasure to me to introduce these -two able men of such diverse achievements, and to see how promptly each -fell under the spell of the other’s charm of manner. Mr. Lane readily -agreed to draft the proclamation, and promised to have it ready in a day -of two. “We want it in twenty minutes!” I exclaimed. “I will give you -the ideas we want expressed, and you can write it as well in that time -as in as many days.” “All right, go ahead,” he replied, and after a -short discussion, he reached for pen and paper, and within a few minutes -had written the following message to the American people, that thrilled -the country and made easy the path of the Red Cross Campaign.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Throughout the land the spirit of the American people has been -aroused and an intense desire to render some service that will give -proof of their patriotism is moving every heart. As not more than -one million of our citizens can be utilized to serve in the Army -and Navy of the United States and be given the privilege of risking -their lives on behalf of our beloved country, it is the duty of all -the rest to do something to help those who are at the front. -Sickness and discomforts can only be prevented by the hearty -coöperation of those who remain at home.</p> - -<p>To give every one a chance to share in the defense of our country:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_252" id="page_252">{252}</a></span></p> - -<p>I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, and President of -the American National Red Cross, do appoint and proclaim that May -30th, 1917, be dedicated, in addition to our devotion on that day -to those who have heretofore sacrificed their lives on the altars -of our country, as a Red Cross day on which all our citizens should -give, according to the measure of their ability, their money and -their time to the American National Red Cross for the general -purposes of the Society, and especially for the comfort of our -armed forces, the care of those dependent upon them, and the relief -of war sufferers in foreign lands. We must perform this duty -generously and not stintingly. No less than fifty million dollars -should satisfy American pride.</p></div> - -<p>In a few minutes, his stenographer supplied us with typewritten copies, -and within another hour, Mr. Tumulty, the President’s secretary, with -whom we left the draft, had promised to bring it to Mr. Wilson’s -attention that night. The following morning it was delivered to us, -bearing the President’s signature. The confidence in America’s -generosity was more than justified, as the Red Cross drive brought in -110 million dollars.</p> - -<p>In the following month (May, 1917) I had a curious experience with the -ineptitude that able men sometimes display in public affairs. In that -month a number of gentlemen gathered for the purpose of formulating a -plan for a government-backed campaign to inform the American people more -fully regarding the European situation, our aims in the war, and our -proposed methods of waging the war. This meeting was one of the first -steps taken in the direction which ultimately led to the formation of -the Bureau of Public Information, which performed the dual function of -distributing government war publicity in this country and American war -propaganda abroad. This was a non-partisan gathering, and the following -gentlemen were present: Charles E. Hughes, Thomas L. Chadbourne, Jr., -John Purroy Mitchel, Hon. William R. Willcox, Chairman of the -Re<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_253" id="page_253">{253}</a></span>publican National Committee, William Hamlin Childs, George W. -Perkins, Frank Munsey, Willard D. Straight, William A. Prendergast, -Robert Adamson, and myself. We had a very interesting discussion, and at -the close, Vance McCormick and I were appointed a committee to submit -the results to the President. That evening, Frank Munsey called me up on -the telephone and after a great panegyric of John Wanamaker, and -enlarging upon his vast experience as an advertiser and publicity man, -and as though he were delivering a nominating speech, suggested Mr. -Wanamaker as War Publicity Director. I curtly answered that he would not -do. He then veered over into a similar and extended eulogy of George W. -Perkins who, he declared, and with some justice, was one of the great -experts in the securing of publicity. I was really taken aback that a -man of Mr. Munsey’s acuteness should suggest to me that I propose one of -these two men, both of whom had so openly and unflinchingly attacked -President Wilson during the recent campaign. I reminded him that Mr. -Wanamaker had paid for lavish advertisements to bring about the defeat -of President Wilson. Then my sense of humour overcame my annoyance: the -very absurdity of his suggestions was irresistibly funny, and I asked -Mr. Munsey why he did not suggest George Harvey as his third choice and -so complete the trinity of Wilson’s strongest opponents in the publicity -line.</p> - -<p>Another episode, as felicitous as this one was inept, occurred in this -same month. The occasion was the reception which New York City gave to -Marshal Joffre, René Viviani, and Arthur J. Balfour, who were visiting -this country as the heads of the French and British mission sent to -express the appreciation of their governments upon our entrance into the -war, and to advise with us upon the best means of making our military -alliance effective. New York City enthusiastically welcomed both its -distinguished<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_254" id="page_254">{254}</a></span> guests, and Mayor Mitchel and his Reception Committee -were happy at the opportunity to give these visitors the freedom of the -city. To prevent any possibility of wounded susceptibilities, by seeming -preference of one guest over another, separate ceremonies were arranged -for each.</p> - -<p>At all these ceremonies, including the reception of the men at the dock, -and even at the special dinner given to a select seventy at Sherry’s, -the lead was always given to that great citizen and grand old man of -American private and public life, the late Joseph H. Choate. There never -was any doubt as to who should be selected to match the generations of -culture and statecraft so ably represented by Balfour, the nephew of -Salisbury, the vivid French eloquence so charmingly illustrated by -Viviani, and the French eminence in the art of war which Marshal Joffre, -the hero of the Marne, so adequately typified. Joseph H. Choate was -preëminently the man whom we could proudly call upon; who in his own -person combined all the requisites of social grace, intellectual power, -and international distinction.</p> - -<p>The climax of the entertainments offered our guests was a great dinner -at the Waldorf-Astoria, at which Mr. Choate presided. As I was also a -member of all the committees, and was in addition an ex-Ambassador, I -was constantly at his side. I know of no one, either in my own -experience or in history, who at that advanced age, was his equal in -youthful energy, in ebullition of spirits, in consummate geniality, and -spontaneity of wit; nor any one who so wonderfully combined the learned -lawyer, the able diplomat, and the democratic citizen. He was -universally recognized as the “highest type of living American,” and we -were proud to match him against the world.</p> - -<p>When he made his speech with Joffre, Viviani, and Bal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_255" id="page_255">{255}</a></span>four at his side, -and delivered that famous message to the officials at Washington: “For -God’s sake, hurry up,” and was greeted with the thunderous applause that -followed, he reached the pinnacle of his career. As he stood there -looking at that audience, radiating forth one of his beaming smiles, -full of human sympathy, of hope and faith in America, it thrilled the -audience and gave to the British and French representatives an -unmistakable assurance that America was with them, and would stay with -them to the finish. It was a glorious and most fitting close to Choate’s -great career to be permitted to use his last thoughts and energies, in -his eighty-fourth year, for the welfare of his country. A few days -later, while the effect of his last speech was still penetrating into -the farthest corners of the earth, he passed away, mourned by all.</p> - -<p>In June, 1917, the President asked me to go abroad upon a secret -diplomatic errand, which I am not even yet at liberty to disclose, -further than to say that I learned that what the President hoped for -could not be accomplished, and after a few days I proceeded to Paris.</p> - -<p>This was one of the great hours of history. General Pershing had arrived -with his little staff of officers and a few regiments of American -Regular soldiers. This was America’s first pledge toward the promise of -military aid, which was speedily to be redeemed in terms of two millions -of American troops in France, and final victory in the war. I dined with -Ambassador Sharp; and in his home I met General Pershing, Thomas Nelson -Page, our Ambassador to Italy, and other prominent Americans. I renewed -old acquaintances in the American colony at Paris, and soon learned the -immense significance of the appearance of our soldiers in France. It was -now the middle of July, and only a little earlier the French people had -almost seemed to falter in their struggle. France seemed to have been -bled white by three years of devas<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_256" id="page_256">{256}</a></span>tating war. Frenchmen were saying -that it was as well to die on their doorsteps as to be led to useless -slaughter at the front. The French Government was making a final -desperate effort to restore the nation’s confidence. Joffre in May had -pleaded at Washington for American troops—“No matter how few you send, -only give us the sight of Americans in uniform on the streets of Paris.”</p> - -<p>I now had the privilege of watching, from the most favourable point of -vantage, a critical test of the national psychology which the French -Government made in July, 1917. With a profound sense of dramatic values, -they had arranged that the American troops should be exhibited to the -French public on their Independence Day, July 14th, as units of a great -patriotic parade. To make sure that they might accurately gauge the -psychological effect, the President’s reviewing stand was placed in -Vincennes, where the people had suffered greatly from the privations of -the war, and where disaffection was rife. I received an invitation to -witness the parade from the President’s reviewing stand, and Ambassador -Sharp, General Pershing, and I were the only Americans so favoured. We -were arranged around President Poincaré, with Monsieur Painlevé, -Minister of War, and others. M. Painlevé afterward told me that he and -the President of the Republic had headed the procession while it was -passing through the poorer quarters of the city, to test the attitude of -the people before they had tasted the enthusiasm which the sight of -troops would naturally arouse, and that they had been encouraged by -receiving everywhere a cordial and even a hearty reception. -Nevertheless, I could plainly see the evidences of nervousness amongst -the French officials—a nervousness which grew more intense as the -military parade approached. It was somewhat relieved as the French -soldiers marched by, and were greeted by the hearty cheers of the -people. It disap<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_257" id="page_257">{257}</a></span>peared entirely when our splendid Americans swung past -the reviewing stand. The enthusiasm of the spectators then passed all -bounds. To the French officials this approval of the populace meant -relief from a heart-breaking anxiety: to us Americans who stood with -them it was an occasion for patriotic pride. To see the flag of our -young nation in this old capital of Europe, and behind it those two -thousand splendid examples of our young manhood, so erect in carriage, -and so lithe in motion—their faces so eager and intelligent—their -whole bearing so proudly representative of the millions that were to -follow them, and to see how much their presence meant to rulers and -people alike—all this made a picture that filled us with happiness. The -effect upon the French nation was instantaneous and electrical. From -despair, they changed overnight to fresh hope and confidence. Though -they then only hoped for one third of a million reinforcements within a -year, and little dreamed of the marvel which was actually performed of -bringing two million men speedily to France, they were nevertheless -enthusiastic over the prospect. Responsible Frenchmen urged me to advise -President Wilson to assert himself at once as the leader of the whole -alliance against Germany; and responsible Britons soon afterward added -that they, as well as the French, would welcome a unified control of the -Allies’ political policy with President Wilson in command. I think it -profoundly significant, in view of the later course of events, that the -European nations thus early conceded the necessity that Americans should -lead.</p> - -<p>I was still further informed of the real thoughts of the French -officials when a few days later I dined with Painlevé, who spoke with -deep appreciation of the help which America was beginning now to extend. -He spoke quite freely of the recent disaffection that had come among the -French people after three years of terrible fighting and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_258" id="page_258">{258}</a></span> heavy losses, -and with gratification of the change that had come over public opinion -with the arrival of the American troops. He covered at length the -dangerous situation on the Russian front, the blunder committed at the -beginning of the war in the failure of the Entente fleet properly to -pursue the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>, the capture of which would have -kept Turkey out of the war and spared them the difficult problem of the -Balkans. He discussed also the difficulties of the French in governing -their colonies and dependencies; and, with special significance, he -declared that negotiations for peace with Germany could not be commenced -before the complete evacuation of all the territory then occupied by the -enemy.</p> - -<p>Painlevé was especially solicitous regarding our ability to solve the -problem of transportation of men and munitions to France. He was -concerned over our ability to drill into a real army more than two -hundred and fifty thousand men within a year. He asked eagerly about -President Wilson’s character, especially whether I thought he had the -determination which, now that we had entered the war, would cause him to -see it through with energy. He feared, from the hesitancy that we had -displayed before entering, that we might be planning a lukewarm effort. -He was delighted when I assured him of the iron resolution of President -Wilson, and of the habit of the American people, once aroused, to see a -fight through to the finish.</p> - -<p>In the course of that evening (Saturday), he asked me whether I had -posted myself on the military conditions in France. I told him I had -projected a trip to the British front, and was only waiting for the -arrangements to be completed. He asked me whether I would not like to -see something else in the meantime, and I replied that I should like -very much to see the French front, and especially to visit the parts of -Alsace which the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_259" id="page_259">{259}</a></span> had at last reunited to France. He was somewhat -taken aback when, having asked me when I should like to go, I replied on -the following Monday. Nevertheless, he proved himself possessed of a -capacity for prompt action and execution. At ten o’clock on Monday -morning, there appeared at my hotel a very dapper French officer. He -saluted, introduced himself as Captain Jaubert of General Headquarters, -and added: “At your command. I am to accompany you on your mission—your -visit to the front.” A few moments later, a heavy-set, very -intelligent-looking man, in the garb of a chauffeur, presented himself, -likewise came to attention, saluted, and informed us that the car was -ready. Shortly thereafter, we were on our way.</p> - -<p>Our party consisted of Captain Jaubert, my old friend Schmavonian of the -American Embassy at Constantinople, Professor Herbert Adams Gibbons, and -myself. Our first objective was Gondrecourt, the camp and headquarters -of the then tiny American Expeditionary Force. Our route took us through -that part of the battlefield of the Marne which was nearest to Paris, -and as we sped along, Jaubert explained to us, by means of sketches -traced on the window glass with his forefinger, the tactics of that -battle.</p> - -<p>Arrived at Gondrecourt, we saw a splendid sight. Here were American boys -in American uniform, with American automobiles and other equipment. It -gave us a keen sense of home. Captain Jaubert, whom I had by this time -discovered to be not only a captain but a marquis, and a nephew of the -Duke of Montebello, soon located the headquarters of General Sibert. We -were here invited to dine with General Ponydreguin, the commander of the -famous “Blue Devils,” a very charming gentleman. He commanded the French -troops in this neighbourhood, as General Sibert commanded the Americans. -After dinner, we adjourned to the camp headquarters, which I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_260" id="page_260">{260}</a></span> found -these two gentlemen shared. As neither spoke the other’s language, it -was amusing to see them, while using an interpreter to converse with -each other, carry through the French politenesses of direct -conversation, smiling at each other, and bowing and courtesying, General -Sibert especially finding it difficult to accommodate his rather formal -American manner to the livelier conventions of Continental usage.</p> - -<p>After a tour of inspection, on the following morning, of the interesting -activities of the camp, we proceeded on our way to Domremy, the -birthplace of Joan of Arc, where I wished to visit the church, which is -a shrine to her memory. By this time I had discovered not only that my -escort was a marquis, but, more surprising, that our chauffeur had been -in private life a member of the Paris Bourse. The car in which we were -riding belonged to him, and he had volunteered to do his bit for his -country by putting the car at the Government’s service, and offering -himself as its chauffeur. Captain Jaubert, in accordance with military -traditions of discipline, had treated him, a mere sergeant, as -impersonally as if he were another piece of the car’s mechanism. When we -drew up at Joan of Arc’s Chapel, and dismounted to enter, I saw by his -expression that he was as eager as I to see the interior of this famous -shrine. The yearning look on his face, as he stood before the portals, -which an absurd military convention forbade him to enter in company with -us, who were no better than he, was too much for me to withstand. I -asked Captain Jaubert to relax the rigours of discipline for the moment, -and allow him to accompany us. The Captain acquiesced with -characteristic French politeness, though I suspected he did not -especially relish it; but the chauffeur’s appreciation was sufficient -recompense for whatever slight damage was done to military tradition. -The Captain himself had a fair grievance against military<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_261" id="page_261">{261}</a></span> fate: he was -a graduate of St. Cyr and had resigned from the army during the Dreyfus -episode, with the result that he had had to reënter the army as a -captain, while most of his classmates at the Military School were at -least colonels and many of them generals.</p> - -<p>That night we reached Thann. We arrived about nightfall, and were met at -the town boundary by the Mayor. He invited us to spend the night with -him at his suburban home, as it was not safe for us to sleep in the -town. I was ushered into the best room in his house, and found that the -mirror in the bathroom, as well as the tub, was almost demolished. The -Mayor explained that this damage had been done during the week, and that -he had not had time to repair it. The next day was a great Catholic -holiday, Assumption Day, and we were invited to attend the services at -the church of St. Theobald. This spectacle was intensely interesting, -because the parents of these people, though French by origin and -sympathy, had been compelled by the Germans to rear their children in -the German tongue, and consequently, though the first sermon of the -celebration was delivered in French by a chaplain of the French army, a -second sermon was then delivered in German by an old abbé. The French -general explained to me that he saw no reason why he should deprive the -inhabitants of the town of their religious comfort simply because they -could not understand French.</p> - -<p>At one o’clock we were entertained at the hotel by the two oldest -inhabitants and most respected citizens of the town, Messieurs Weber and -Groshents. At this luncheon they paid me one of the most touching -compliments I have ever received in my life. They were men of about -seventy. Both had been of age during the Franco-Prussian War, and both -had continued throughout the forty-three years of the German occupation, -since that war, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_262" id="page_262">{262}</a></span> be unconquerably French in their patriotism. During -the luncheon, while the conversation was lagging, owing to my -insufficient knowledge of French, the two old men whispered to each -other for a few minutes, and then one of them, Mr. Weber, turned to me, -and said in German: “We have just released each other from the vows we -made in 1871, that we would never again speak German in public. But we -want to enjoy your company and we want so much to hear you talk to us, -that we think we are justified in suspending our agreement.”</p> - -<p>We then had a most delightful conversation. Mr. Weber told me how, in -1871, he had taken the French flag which had flown over the City Hall -until the German occupation, and secreted it in the back of a sofa in -his parlour, and how he had taken the flag staff and hidden it in his -garret. Then, when the French entered the town in 1914, he ripped open -the sofa, took out the flag, fastened it back on its staff, and at -seventy years of age had proudly presented it to President Poincaré in -celebration of the return of Alsace to France.</p> - -<p>Leaving these delightful old gentlemen and their quaint city of Thann, -we motored southward. At dinner next evening we were entertained by the -Mayor of Mazevant, Count de Witt Guizot. After a very pleasant evening -with him, and as we were about to take our leave, I inquired if he were -related to Francis P. G. Guizot, the famous historian. He smiled, and -replied: “Slightly; he was my grandfather.”</p> - -<p>Another day of interesting travel took us through the Alsatian provinces -to Belfort, and there we abandoned the automobile, and returned by train -to Paris.</p> - -<p>A few days later I had the pleasure of renewing my acquaintance with -Marshal Joffre, which I had first made at the civic receptions in New -York. I called upon him at his headquarters at the Military School in -Paris. Mar<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_263" id="page_263">{263}</a></span>shal Foch had succeeded him as Commander-in-Chief of the -French armies, and Joffre was now engaged chiefly in training staff -officers, and in advising the High Command when his judgment was needed -in council. The Marshal gave me, with great frankness, his ideas upon -what America should do to make effective our military participation in -the war.</p> - -<p>Immediately after our interview I had a memorandum prepared by the -gentleman who acted as my interpreter, from which I have made the -following extracts:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>In the present warfare there is a most vital need for artillery -officers and for general staff officers. The American Department of -War must realize this. It is not enough to have the men, the other -officers, and even the equipment. The framework of the army is far -from being complete or efficacious before you have a sufficient -number of trained artillery and general staff officers. In order to -train these officers for active field service, they should be sent -to France. They can at once be sent to the front where for a week -or two they can see the work done there. The general staff officers -can then attend courses in the general staff school, and the -artillery officers can be attached to French artillery regiments -until they are thoroughly familiarized with the work.</p> - -<p>Besides the artillery and general staff officers, the Marshal -advises to send in turns a certain number out of the two hundred -newly promoted American generals to join the French divisions, army -corps, or armies where they can obtain very valuable practical -information most useful to them when they take over commands in the -field.</p> - -<p>The Marshal said that he had something very delicate to add. He had -come to know that in America there was a certain class of officers -whom he would call “the old officers”—those who would like to see -all promotions and appointments made solely on the basis of -seniority. Between these old officers, and the younger officers, -the Marshal understood, there was or there might be friction. The -Marshal said that in an emergency like the present the things to be -taken into consideration are efficiency and ability. When he took -over the command, the same question came up in France. The Marshal -did not hesitate to drop from the ranks a large number of officers -and to appoint in their stead younger and more capable men, without -taking<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_264" id="page_264">{264}</a></span> into consideration the seniority of the former. Without -clearly stating it, the Marshal very delicately left the impression -that in his opinion politics should play no part in military -appointments.</p> - -<p>The Marshal said that twice he had Mr. Roosevelt next to him at -dinner in America. Mr. Roosevelt seemed anxious to come to France -with some volunteers and fight against the Germans, and he (Mr. -Roosevelt) would be satisfied by being only second in command under -a general. Marshal Joffre was not of the opinion that the -realization of Mr. Roosevelt’s plan could be of great service and -therefore desired to dissuade him from attempting to carry out his -plan. So the Marshal told Mr. Roosevelt, “My Colonel, whatever you -may be, you cannot be second!”</p> - -<p>In recapitulating, the Marshal said, “Do not wait until you are -entirely ready <i>in America</i>. You should not attempt to act before -you are ready, but there are things which you can do at once by -degrees, little by little, while you are preparing yourselves. Send -officers to be instructed for the artillery and General Staff -services, send some generals, and put them at once in contact with -our generals at the front. Let a regiment or a battalion go to the -trenches. From time to time send some men over.” The Marshal’s idea -seemed to be that while the main preparation and equipment should -be carried out in America, some men and officers should be sent -over for instruction in France, and the arrival from time to time -of men and officers would create a favourable impression on the -minds of the French who would see that America was doing something.</p> - -<p>The Marshal spoke very highly of General Pershing.</p></div> - -<p>Two days before my conversation with Marshal Joffre, I had arranged a -dinner in honour of General Pershing. On the morning of that day, -however, I received a letter from his secretary postponing the -engagement. It read as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c"> -<span class="smcap">American Expeditionary Force</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 6em;">Office of the Commanding General</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Saturday, August 18, 1917.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My dear Mr. Morgenthau</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>General Pershing has requested me to inform you that much to his -regret he will be unable to dine with you and Mrs. Morgenthau this -evening. The General has had an engagement of long standing to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_265" id="page_265">{265}</a></span> -take a particular trip with General Petain when the latter was able -to arrange it. This morning General Petain has just sent General -Pershing word that he has made all arrangements for them to leave -this afternoon. So under the circumstances the General hopes you -will understand why he is unable to be with you this evening.</p> - -<p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 6em;"> -Very sincerely,</span><br /><span style="margin-right: 2em;"> -<span class="smcap">W. C. Eustis</span>,</span><br /> -<i>Secretary</i>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>When we met at dinner, four days later, the true meaning of this letter -was revealed. General Pershing explained that “his engagement of long -standing to take a particular trip,” when translated, meant that General -Petain had promised him to let him witness the battle at Verdun the -first time active operations were resumed there. On the morning of our -first appointment, General Petain had sent General Pershing word to come -to Verdun at once, and Pershing had, of course, cancelled all -conflicting engagements, and left for the front. He described to us what -he had seen at Verdun, and spoke with the eloquence and enthusiasm of a -boy who has just seen his first Big League game of baseball. Pershing -gave us a vivid picture of a modern battle. He had accompanied General -Petain to an observation dugout, where they could see the battle through -the telescopes, as well as keep in touch with its multitudinous -operations by telephone. The General in command of the division at this -point was receiving messages from all parts of the battlefield, and -transmitting them to Petain. Word would come that X had taken another -hill, and Petain would tell him to hold it or to move on, making his -decisions for the various parts of the battlefield in accordance with -his general plan of military action.</p> - -<p>General Pershing was especially interested in a double coincidence of -this visit. The Division Commander in the dugout was General Gouraud. -Oddly enough, General<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_266" id="page_266">{266}</a></span> Gouraud had been the French military attaché in -Tokio when Pershing was American attaché at the same point. In the -dugout they fell to comparing notes on their experiences together in -Japan in 1905. General Pershing recalled that one of their acquaintances -there had been the German attaché, whom they had both detested. “By the -way,” he inquired of Gouraud, “what has become of that little German, -Von Etzel, that we used to know in Tokio?” “Come here,” Gouraud replied, -“and look through this telescope. That is Von Etzel’s army retreating.”</p> - -<p>Three days later, my eagerly anticipated trip to the British front was -undertaken. Schmavonian again accompanied me. Lord Esher, who had -arranged this trip for me on behalf of the British, introduced to me -Captain Townroe of the British General Headquarters Staff, a fine, -determined gentleman, who had been the private secretary of Lord Derby -during the recruiting period in England and was the author of a popular -play called “Nations at War.” General Pershing had kindly designated -Captain Quekemeyer, then as now his personal <i>aide</i>, to accompany us as -an American representative. They first escorted us to an old château -occupying the land where the battle of Agincourt was fought. First we -visited two American regiments of engineers. It was a great revelation -to see how two or three West Point officers had been able to whip into -perfect shape 1,200 civilians and out of them to create splendid -regiments. General Biddle escorted me to their headquarters, and we -reviewed the regiments. We then went to Roisel where we visited the 12th -U. S. Engineers. They were just making camp. Their colonel apologized -for the chaotic condition of affairs. I kept looking at him, thinking -that I had met him before. At length I made a few inquiries of him as to -his antecedents, and where I could have met him, when suddenly, having -penetrated through the years</p> - -<div class="c"><p><a name="ill_004" id="ill_004"></a></p> -<a href="images/i_266_fp.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_266_fp.jpg" width="600" alt="[image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p>Mr. Morgenthau as one of the group of financiers, -doctors, and sociologists who organized the international association of -Red Cross societies at Cannes in 1919</p></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_267" id="page_267">{267}</a></span></p> - -<p class="nind">which had left its marks upon him, it dawned upon me that this man, -Colonel C. M. Townsend, was the same Townsend that had attended the -College of the City of New York with me in 1870, and we had not seen -each other once in the ensuing forty-seven years! This was one of the -most remarkable feats that my memory ever surprised me with.</p> - -<p>When we returned to the château that evening, our genial host, Colonel -Roberts, introduced us to a number of British writers who had arrived -that day. Lovat Fraser, then leading editor of the London <i>Times</i>; C. J. -Beattie, the night editor of the <i>Daily Mail</i>; L. Cope Crawford, of the -London <i>Morning Post</i>; H. B. Tourtel, of the <i>Daily Express</i>; Sydney -Low, and a few others. After supper, we sat in the parlour in the old -château, with its engravings by Wilkie on the walls, and the old -furniture, etc., and were reminded that it was right on the battlefield -of Agincourt. I listened to Sydney Low’s story of his writing “The -Conquest of Attila,” who was assisted in his war by the Ostrogoths -(Austrians) and opposed by the Franks, Visigoths, etc., and how Attila -had said that God would help him to destroy the Christians, and he would -be a scourge to them and sack their cities, or, as Low put it, “just -like Emperor William, who told his army to act like the Huns, and they -are doing it.”</p> - -<p>Another evening, we had discussions with some of the British labour -leaders, who had come over to visit the front under the direction of Mr. -J. E. Baker of the Ministry of Munitions. They were amazed when I told -them that it was ridiculous to think that democracy could be established -in a few years. They were really surprised to think that twenty-five -years was inadequate to reform the world.</p> - -<p>Another evening, Colonel Roberts asked me whether he could invite Major -Tibbetts who was then in command<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_268" id="page_268">{268}</a></span> of Tank Town, which they called the -headquarters of the Tank Corps in that neighbourhood, as the Major was -very anxious to meet me. I told him I had never heard of the Major, but -that I should be very glad to meet him. It turned out that Major -Tibbetts was in command of one of the landing parties at the Dardanelles -and that he was most desirous to ascertain what took place on the -Turkish side of the lines at that time. So here we sat in France and -completely dovetailed our two stories into each other. He told me of his -experiences—how he, with his party, had reached the cliffs, and had to -dig themselves in, and the Turks were pushing them hard, while the -British ships were attacking the Turks on the beach, and they were -suspended between the two fires, totally ignorant of the actual state of -affairs, while we in Constantinople were wondering why those two -detachments had not coöperated. He explained it, but as his explanation -was rather confidential, I do not care to repeat it.</p> - -<p>One day, General Charters, who was in charge of the Intelligence -Department, came to see me, and asked me whether I was perfectly -satisfied with my programme. I looked at him quizzically and said: -“Satisfied? Yes. Perfectly? No.” He said: “What else do you want?” I -told him that I had heard so much recently of the activities of Sir -Arthur Currie, that I was anxious to meet him. He told me that it was -impossible, as General Currie was then conducting the attack on Lens. I -said to him: “Look here, General, when I took charge of British affairs -in Constantinople, and found that the secretaries and clerks were much -inclined promptly to say ‘No’ to all requests from British citizens, I -promulgated Order No. 1, which was, that no one but myself could say -‘No’ to any request from any citizen of any country whose affairs we had -taken charge of, and, furthermore, that I would not say ‘No’ unless I -had first<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_269" id="page_269">{269}</a></span> received a ‘No’ from the Grand Vizier, or from the State -Department in Washington.”</p> - -<p>General Charters said: “I am on, sir,” and left the room. He came back -in twenty minutes, and said: “Sir Arthur Currie most cordially invites -you to lunch with him to-morrow at one o’clock.” I said: “Accepted with -great pleasure; but tell me, how did you do it?” He said: “I called up -Sir Douglas Haig, and told him your story. He called up Sir Arthur -Currie, and the invitation was, as you see, promptly extended.”</p> - -<p>Rather than repeat from memory the very interesting interview I had with -Sir Arthur, I shall quote verbatim from the diary which I kept at the -time, giving my impressions as they were written fresh at the moment:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>August 25, 1917. Received by Currie, a fine, tall, well-set, calm, -determined man. He was anxious to make sure of our names. Even -there he showed his thoroughness. We repeated our names and handed -him our cards. We were presented to his staff, Generals Radcliffe -and Sinclair, Prince Arthur of Connaught, etc., and went straight -to lunch, “hot curry,” liver and bacon, rice pudding, salad and -fruit, being served. We discussed Turkish conditions, the price of -land there, etc., Currie saying that their expected land grants -would hardly be appreciated. We also discussed general affairs of -war, Radcliffe and Connaught joining in the conversations, as they -were anxious for facts about the Dardanelles and Bagdad.</p> - -<p>After luncheon, the General took us into his office from two to -three o’clock. We talked of warfare, the battle of Lens while it -was in progress. He said that he still had in his corps men who -were very proud of their victorious record and tried to live up to -it. He spoke fairly freely, and explained his method of leap-frog -attack, laying great stress upon a full knowledge of the enemy’s -position and strength, etc., when about to make an attack. His -command had never failed to get their objective and retain it. -Example of spirit of men: Two units who after capturing a height -and then a quarry were driven out of latter and he was wondering -what to do and studying the situation, when he heard that the men -without waiting for orders, of their own initiative, attacked the -quarry again, regained<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_270" id="page_270">{270}</a></span> it, and are now in possession of it. Currie -bemoaned an accident to his ankle which he had sprained playing -Badminton. He disliked going amongst men who were real casualties, -while his injury was caused by a game. He favours reserving and -using different and fresh troops for repelling counter-attacks and -attributes much of his success to this policy. He has strong common -sense. His men coöperate. Artillery answered S. O. S. call in -thirty seconds, and thus helped to relieve infantry promptly. He -favours light railways which he has greatly extended in this -section. Carries two thousand tons a day on them instead of -expected one hundred and fifty tons. Spirit of victory induces -Smith, R. R. engineer, if requested by Jones Chief Gunner for more -shells to make special trip <i>sans</i> hesitation. Canadians originated -raiding trenches without capturing them.</p> - -<p>When complimented on calmness amidst storm, etc., as several -generals and flyers were waiting outside to report and for -conference for further action in battle in progress, he evidently -was totally absorbed and enjoying our talk. He said: “The Great God -has given me this calm nature, which prevents my becoming excited, -and I use it to study everything which I think will help to lick -the Boche.”</p> - -<p>He showed great confidence in the final issue of the war, and was -delighted with the U. S. entry into it, and said: “I do not believe -that God or Fate has brought English-speaking people together -intending them to lose.” He objected to Canadians being treated -patronizingly by the British, and he said: “England doesn’t want -it, why should we? We are not fighting for England, but for the -British Empire of which we are a part, and which we want -perpetuated, and we are fighting for our skins.” He insisted upon -the imperative need of a G. O. C. [General Officer Commanding] -having undisputed and untrammelled power to send home incompetent -officers and disregarding political influences. Men should only be -sent against enemies with good leaders. It is strange all the -generals speak of the Germans as “he” and “him.”</p> - -<p>Canada is provided with clothing and food by England. It pays them -for everything. He recognized that the United States could not have -entered earlier, as their people were not favourable. Hoped the U. -S. would profit by their experience and avoid their mistakes. “The -lessons of the war should teach the U. S. how to use their great -power to advantage and secure permanent victory and peace.” He said -he knew a great deal about the U. S., as he lived in Vancouver, and -was a National Guardsman, colonel of a regiment, then had a -brigade, a division, and now a corps.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_271" id="page_271">{271}</a></span></p> - -<p>After our talk, we entered his Rolls Royce, and went to Vimy Ridge -accompanied by G. S. O. No. 3 of the Corps, a fine intelligent -fellow. We walked eight hundred yards over a long row of slats laid -down for King George who made the same trip, and after passing -through a trench, reached an observation tower. It had an opening -about 8 ft. wide and was 20 inches in height, and was used by a -sergeant and two assistants. Had powerful glasses and maps showing -the country. We could see the Battle of Lens in its progress. The -ground around it was pock-marked with shells. The panorama of the -fight was thrilling to behold. It gave an impression of the -enormity of the task to make any progress at all. We wore steel -helmets and carried our gas masks with which we had practised in -the auto, as we were well in the danger zone. Some shells dropped -within 400 yards of us. The N. C. O. [non-commissioned officer] in -charge pointed out some Boches running on the streets of Lens and -also corpses lying in little gray heaps. Sixty-pounders and other -shells were being hurled through the air above us right into Lens -and Mericourt and in return the Germans were firing on Vimy. Two -airplanes were flying right over the battlefield, with German -shells exploding several hundred feet below them.</p></div> - -<p>When I had started on this trip with Sir Douglas Haig as my chief -objective, my wife had begged me to ascertain from Sir Douglas why he -had not captured Lens. The reader will recall that, at that time, there -were constant reports about the Battle of Lens, and it was very puzzling -to us that, although the British seemed in complete control of the -batteries around Lens, they hesitated about taking the town. Therefore, -one of the first questions I put to Sir Douglas when I met him three -days after my meeting with Currie, was the one entrusted to me by my -wife, and in reply he explained to me that it was more efficacious to -use Lens as a means of diminishing the Germans’ unused reserve than to -take possession of it.</p> - -<p>The full record of my meeting with Sir Douglas Haig, quoted from my -diary, is as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Tuesday, August 28, 1917: It rained hard. We left the Château at -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_272" id="page_272">{272}</a></span>11 <small>A.M.</small> ... We had an accident with auto forty minutes from -headquarters, were hastily transferred to another car, an open -Sunbeam, with torn top which I had to hold down, raining, rushing -madly, stopped by R. R. crossing, and once by a long line of -troops, but we reached there at 1 <small>P.M.</small></p> - -<p>Sir Philip Sassoon, M. P., private secretary of Sir Douglas Haig, -received us and ushered me into private room of D. H. We talked for -ten minutes before, and forty minutes after, lunch, alone; most -interesting and instructive. He showed me and explained maps of -Ypres, Lens, etc., and lists of German divisions and the steady -diminution, since April 15, of their unused reserves which declined -from 44 to 5. He said that Germans having concluded that the French -were used up and the British unprepared, commenced transporting -troops to the Russian front, and among other things he wanted to -save Russians, so he ordered attack on Lens and made attack on -Ypres. He also wanted to convince Lloyd George and others of his -capacity to push back the Germans and settle the war on western -front. He thinks it wrong tactics to attempt to secure small -victories at Gaza or Bagdad. The war can only be won by attacking -the German army. The only place to reach them is at the western -front. Germans will never admit or consider themselves defeated -even if all their allies are whipped and forsake them. Hence -everybody should concentrate attention here. Italians should also -help....</p> - -<p>Thinks Germans are beginning to realize their position and possible -defeat and great loss of economic position, and will in October or -so offer peace terms, which it will be difficult to have French -decline. He begs and urges that no early, incomplete peace be made, -now being the day or time of reckoning. He thinks the Germans are -much worse off than is known. He is positive that England will hold -out until we can come to assist. He says it is unnecessary expense -for us to prepare great airplane units, and that shelling German -cities will not end war, or shorten it. It is right here, with -artillery and infantry and of course a proper amount of airplanes, -that work must be done.</p> - -<p>He believes that the U. S. is destined to play a very important -part, but thinks we must admit it is also self-defense that prompts -our actions, and not only the altruistic spirit. He said the French -were not ready at Havre to receive U. S. troops, and it would be -much more effective if U. S. troops joined them and received their -hints in good English which they understood. He is pleased that U. -S. troops believe in same system of warfare as English, offensive -and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_273" id="page_273">{273}</a></span> hitting out and not defensive. He explained their method of -attacking, their intention only to move far enough each time to -secure a height and drive the Germans from points of advantage and -be prepared for counter attacks and each time absorb some German -divisions. Lays great stress on gradual diminution of German unused -reserve division.</p> - -<p>Engineers built 600 miles of standard and narrow-gauge railroads. -They have 600 locomotives and 6,000 cars. Shortage of freight cars -was great handicap. They took old rails from England, South -America, and U. S. to build these lines. He hopes we will send more -railroad men and engineers. Quick transporting of men and material -greatest help. He thinks war has at last given Great Britain an -empire and hopes it will also give them the U. S. as a permanent -ally. War must be won by Great Britain and U. S. jointly. Said -their own experience will make them patient with us. Spoke most -flatteringly of Pershing and our American troops. Thinks their -temperament is so spirited and warlike.... He makes the impression -of a determined experienced soldier, who has a well-defined plan -which he is sure will lead to victory and wants everyone to adopt -it and fight it out here in Flanders. He neither drank nor smoked -at lunch.</p></div> - -<p>From our luncheon with Sir Douglas Haig we returned at once to Paris. My -diary for the next day contains the following:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Wednesday, August 29, 1917: Called at headquarters. Saw Col. -Harbord, and then General Pershing.... Harbord told me French put -Americans south of them and not next to English, because they, -themselves, wanted to be defending Paris and did not want -foreigners to determine destiny of France. It sounds plausible. He -again suggested a visit from Baker, who could then talk more -convincingly to Americans and would understand needs. Pershing told -me that every sinew of his muscles, every artery leading to his -heart, and all his energy and hours are devoted to working for -success. He again expressed hope of United States fighting to the -end. He spoke of needs of dockage for the ships, thinks it will -require 30 to 40. Feels we need our own locomotives and cars to -send men, etc., to front; claims our camps will be so located that -we can send men to any part of lines. Shipping is needed to bring -men over, and then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_274" id="page_274">{274}</a></span> their food and ammunition. He says nothing can -be secured here—all must come over. Hopes seized German ships will -answer; if not we should insist upon Allied ships, including Japan -and Italy. It will take fully a year before we can be of much -actual assistance.</p></div> - -<p>A few days later, I sailed for America to make my report to President -Wilson. It was my intention, upon my arrival in New York, to make this -report in the form of a letter, and with this idea in mind, while still -aboard ship, I wrote several drafts of it by hand, and in New York -dictated a letter in final form to the President under date of September -15, 1917. I finally decided, however, that a verbal report was better, -and consequently, I proceeded to Washington, and on September 19th, -called on the President. I gave him at considerable length the -information I had gathered. As our conversation, however, was simply a -verbal enlargement of my letter of the 15th, I will quote that letter -here. It is, I think, of some historical importance:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="r"> -September 15, 1917.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My dear Mr. President</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>After close observations, visiting fronts, conversations with -members of the French Cabinet, Generals and others, both French and -British, I have arrived at the following conclusions, which I -submit for your consideration, and expect to elaborate upon, when -you grant me an interview. Among the men I have talked with are -Generals Sir Douglas Haig, Sir Arthur Currie, Joffre, Pershing, -Sibert, Biddle, and others, and also Messieurs Painlevé, Ribot, -Cambon, and Steeg of the Cabinet.</p> - -<p>No separate peace can be made at present with the Turks as they -still think that the Germans will be victorious, and because many -of the members of the Union and Progress Committee are enriching -themselves through the continuation of this war.</p> - -<p>The Turkish atrocities perpetrated against Armenians, Syrians, and -Arabs establish beyond doubt that the Turks should no longer be -permitted to govern non-Moslems and non-Turks of any description.</p> - -<p>The British and French successes at Verdun, Ypres, and Lens have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_275" id="page_275">{275}</a></span> -reduced the German unused Reserve Divisions from forty-four in -April to five in August, and have demonstrated that the German -positions are not, as has long been believed in the United States, -impregnable. The British and French are now confident of final -victory, depending, however, on the coöperation of the United -States Army.</p> - -<p>For moral and political effect, they deem it highly desirable that -more American troops, though unprepared, be sent immediately.</p> - -<p>The German autocracy with its strong leadership and blind following -of its allies will never yield until German military prestige has -been destroyed.</p> - -<p>A test of strength will have to take place on the Western Front.</p> - -<p>Victory will be won as much through the steady hand and intrepid -determination of the leader that will direct the united allied -forces as by the physical resources that will be employed.</p> - -<p>Both British and French authorities have separately admitted that -in none of the Entente countries is there a statesman who would -satisfy them all as a leader. They think that your consistent -attitude in this great struggle between democracy and autocracy and -all your messages and particularly your masterful answer to the -Pope’s proposition, indicate you as the leader—to take immediate -control of the situation. They do not want you to wait until our -Army, Navy, and Aircraft are equipped and at the front. They are -willing to discount all this, as they need your guiding and -universally trusted hand now at the International Helm.</p> - -<p>Traditional mutual jealousies and ambitions, and their consequent -suspicions disqualify any European statesman for that leadership; -while the knowledge that America has no political ambitions in any -part of the Old World, and the esteem which they feel for you -personally would secure you the enthusiastic support of all the -statesmen of the Allied Governments and their peoples. All our -European co-belligerents are deferential towards us, receptive to -American ideas and ready, as far as possible, to meet our wishes. -I, therefore, venture to urge upon you to give this matter your -very serious thought. The need for a disinterested leader is -absolutely imperative.</p> - -<p>In addition to the power you exert through the Government at -Washington, the diplomatic missions in the Entente Capitals, and -the American military missions in Europe, you might appoint a -special commission to be stationed in Europe to represent you in -all civil and political matters. It is difficult here to enumerate -the various activities which you could entrust to such a -Commission. This<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_276" id="page_276">{276}</a></span> Commission should assist, in case of need, the -American military authorities in their relations with the French or -other European Governments and try to avoid and adjust all possible -friction between them; it should be in touch with the political -parties, the civil authorities, journalists, and all men who have a -share in the forming of public opinion; it should collect all -possible information, especially of a political nature, and report -the same to you; it should, at the same time, through the press, -the platform, and other similar means, impart American information -and exercise an influence on French public opinion in the direction -you may desire. I lay stress on this matter of exercising an -influence on French public opinion because French affairs are now -subject to petty political differences, schemes, and -counter-schemes of those who are in power and men like Caillaux, -Briand, Clemenceau, and others of the opposition. Such a commission -under your guidance should endeavour to exercise such a salutary -effect upon French public opinion as to make Frenchmen forget at -this critical juncture all their petty strifes and induce them to -concentrate their entire forces and energy upon the great main aim -to destroy the autocracy of Germany, which should be declared an -“international nuisance” for it is maintained by the Hohenzollerns -contrary to the wishes of many of its citizens. Even prior to the -war, more than forty per cent. of the votes were cast by Social -Democrats and others of the opposition. It is certainly a menace to -the welfare and rights of self government of surrounding nations. -No one feels this more keenly than the Germans and their -descendants in the United States. They left Germany to escape this -monster and have enjoyed the privilege of living anew and becoming -an indissoluble part of this great liberty-loving nation. Alexander -II emancipated the Russian serf; Lincoln freed the poor Negro; and -it is your privilege to extricate the Germans from their miserable -thraldom.</p> - -<p>Moreover, our co-belligerents have divergent and conflicting -interests, both in regard to the disposition of territories which -they hope to liberate from their enemies, and in regard to the -general problem of what concessions can be allowed our enemies, -when the bargaining begins.</p> - -<p>This Commission should study these questions and all others -connected with them, so that you will have your own independent -up-to-date information upon which to act in dealing with the Allies -and the enemies during the war and at the Peace Conference.</p> - -<p>Such a Commission can greatly assist you in your task to infuse the -Great American Spirit into the Allied peoples, and so strengthen<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_277" id="page_277">{277}</a></span> -them that they will fight for right until it is established and has -permanently destroyed the danger of a tyrannic militarism fastening -its clutches into the whole world.</p> - -<p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 4em;"> -Yours most sincerely,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau.</span><br /> -</p></div> - -<p>Perhaps the most important feature of my conversation with the President -was the word I brought him of the universal desire of our European -associates, that he should exert the intellectual and moral leadership -of the common cause. The President was deeply impressed with the -earnestness and solemnity of this message that I had brought him. He -seemed for the moment almost overpowered at the thought of the -stupendous responsibility that it thrust upon him. We now know how nobly -he rose to that responsibility—how adequately he expressed and -organized the moral basis of our cause—with what masterful and -intellectual grasp and statesman’s firm procedure he rose to be the -undisputed leader of a world in righteous arms against the menace of -autocracy. But, at the moment, he seemed perplexed, he seemed almost to -despair. “They want me to lead them!” he exclaimed. “But where shall I -lead them to?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_278" id="page_278">{278}</a></span>”</p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV<br /><br /> -<small>JOHN PURROY MITCHEL</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">S</span>HORTLY after my return from Europe, John Purroy Mitchel came to my -house to seek advice on a matter concerning both the destinies of his -city and, as the event proved, the end of his own career. He asked me -whether he ought to run again for Mayor, or accept a tempting business -offer that had just been made him.</p> - -<p>Mitchel was always an attractive and frequently an inspiring figure in -municipal affairs. A typical American, of fighting stock, the grandson -of a man that had battled for free Ireland and the nephew of a -politician that had made his mark, Purroy Mitchel, whose face and -carriage reflected the latent power of leadership, was one of those -young souls at once sensitive and fiery to whom Tammany’s abuse of -opportunity becomes a personal affront. More than once our paths had -curiously approached each other.</p> - -<p>Back in 1908, E. H. Outerbridge had come to my house and, as chairman of -the Citizens’ Committee in the current campaign, urged me to accept the -fusion nomination for President of the Borough of Manhattan. My answer -was:</p> - -<p>“President of the Board of Aldermen—yes, but no administrative office.”</p> - -<p>“I’m sorry,” said Outerbridge, “but the man for that place has already -been determined upon. He is John Purroy Mitchel.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_279" id="page_279">{279}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>Had that answer been different, the entire course of my life would have -been changed, for the whole Fusion ticket was elected, with the -exception of the man at the head of it, Otto Bannard, who was defeated -by Judge Gaynor. Mitchel became President of the Board of Aldermen.</p> - -<p>Then again, while in that office, his life touched mine.</p> - -<p>In 1912, he sought me in much such a quandary as that in which he was to -find himself in 1917. He had been offered, and wanted to know whether he -should accept, the presidency of a struggling mortgage-guarantee company -in Queens County. He was evidently influenced to come to me because I -had been prominently identified with the Lawyers’ Mortgage Co. of New -York.</p> - -<p>This was then my advice:</p> - -<p>“It would be a good thing for you to get out of politics for a while and -give the next few years to accumulating a competency. After that, you -can reënter politics, inspired by business experience and free from -money cares, but this mortgage guarantee company is not what you should -go into. Your talents and special training as Commissioner of Accounts -could be much better utilized in some established industrial enterprise. -I think I can arrange to have you made the vice-president of the -Underwood Typewriter Company.” I promptly took up the matter and -arranged an interview between Mitchel and Mr. John T. Underwood, with -the result that the former was offered the vice-presidency I have -referred to, with the sole proviso that he must pledge himself to hold -the position, and refrain from politics for at least five years. Mitchel -hesitated and the old maxim came true: “He who hesitates is lost.” His -political acumen informed him that the succeeding autumn would offer him -the best if not the only chance to become Mayor of his native city. -Devotion to good government and a burning desire to displace Tammany -were his ruling passions: he disregarded mate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_280" id="page_280">{280}</a></span>rial considerations, -declined the Underwood offer, and remained in politics.</p> - -<p>But our fates were not yet divorced. In the spring of 1913 ex-President -Roosevelt held a meeting of some leading Progressives at his office to -agree on a fusion slate for the next New York Municipal election. It was -planned to put forward a candidate who would attract all shades of -voters but who was opposed to Tammany Hall. Charles S. Aronstam, who -attended the caucuses representing the Progressives of Brooklyn, writes -me this account of that gathering:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>I have been trying to refresh my recollection as to what transpired -at the conference at Colonel Roosevelt’s office in June, 1913, when -your name was suggested as a probable candidate for President of -the Board of Aldermen on the Fusion ticket with Charles H. Whitman -for Mayor and William A. Prendergast for Comptroller. There were -present besides the Colonel, the late Lieutenant-Governor Woodruff, -Mr. Edward W. Allen, of Brooklyn, and myself.</p> - -<p>You will recall that at that time Mr. Whitman was on the crest of -the wave and he was the unanimous choice for Mayor of the -Republican members of the Fusion Committee. The only other -candidate that was under serious discussion was Mr. George A. -McAneny. Mr. Mitchel having been appointed Collector of the Port -was apparently out of the running. His name was discussed but his -candidacy had not yet reached such a stage of development as to -make him a probable choice. Colonel Roosevelt’s choice between the -two was Mr. Whitman, not because of his superior qualifications -over Mr. McAneny, but because of his greater availability on -account of the tactical position he occupied at that time in the -public eye and because he had the unanimous backing of the -Republican Party: The important consideration being the defeat of -Tammany Hall. It was then suggested that with Mr. Whitman, a -Republican as a candidate for Mayor, and Mr. Prendergast a -Progressive as a candidate for Comptroller, in order to invite the -support of independent Democrats, it would be necessary to select -for the second place an independent Democrat, preferably one -closely associated with the Wilson administration.</p> - -<p>I do not recall which one of us first suggested your name as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_281" id="page_281">{281}</a></span> -most desirable choice for that place if you could be persuaded to -run. I do recall, however, that when your name was suggested, -Colonel Roosevelt banging his fist on the desk in his -characteristic manner exclaimed, “Just the man! Do you think he -would consent to run?”</p></div> - -<p>However, I sailed for Europe before they could get in touch with me. But -Aronstam was himself to take ship within a day or two and Colonel -Roosevelt commissioned him to see me abroad and secure my assent.</p> - -<p>My recollection is that Mr. Aronstam first called on me in Paris and -that there was then made a tentative decision, later confirmed by a -letter from Aix-les-Bains. At all events, his mission was like that of -Mr. Outerbridge years before, and what Aronstam had to offer me was what -I had on that other occasion told Outerbridge I would accept.</p> - -<p>My natural question was:</p> - -<p class="nind1">“Who is slated for Mayor?”<br /> -“Charles S. Whitman.”<br /> -“What about Purroy Mitchel?”</p> - -<p>Well, Mitchel was Collector of the Port, and not considered available, -whereas Whitman, as District Attorney, had the centre of the stage, and -would appeal to the popular imagination. The only other candidate that -had been considered was Mr. George McAneny, and the Progressives did not -think that he would be a good vote-getter.</p> - -<p>As Aronstam was submitting his message from the Colonel, my mind went -back several years to a statement once made to me by Herr Barth, a -well-known member of the German Reichstag. He said that men of the -Roosevelt type would never be content to remain out of office, and to -rest in the rôle of merely philosophic guides for the people: having -once exercised power, they must continue to possess it.</p> - -<p>I felt that Roosevelt, for his own good and the good of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_282" id="page_282">{282}</a></span> the people, -should reënter the public service. Here, it seemed to me, was a chance -to serve many purposes. Roosevelt’s first demonstration of his power had -been in municipal politics, when, as Police Commissioner of New York, he -fearlessly enforced the liquor law. I recalled, too, the incident of his -unexpectedly accepting an invitation to review, at that time, a parade -of German societies, and how, arrived at the reviewing stand, he heard -somebody unacquainted with his presence express in German the wonder -whether “Rosenfelt” would have the nerve to put in an appearance at a -time when he stood for a strict enforcement of liquor regulations, to -which most of them were opposed. Roosevelt’s peculiarly penetrating -voice supplied the answer:</p> - -<p class="nind1">“<i>Hier ist der Rosenfelt.</i>”</p> - -<p>That was the sort of man New York needed in the present juncture. The -chance ought, moreover, to appeal to him, because it seemed to me that -his election would be inevitable, and that, as a consequence of it, he -would very likely re-occupy the White House in 1916.</p> - -<p>For my part, I had just refused the appointment of Ambassador to Turkey, -which I then considered relatively unimportant. I believed that I could -be useful as a member of a possible Roosevelt municipal administration -and so I said to Aronstam:</p> - -<p>“I’ll take the nomination if the Colonel himself will run for Mayor.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Aronstam, such is my recollection, cabled home my decision. He -received word that Whitman’s name was to stand and communicated this to -me at Aix-les-Bains. From there I wrote to him:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My dear Mr. Aronstam</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>After very mature deliberation, I have concluded that I would not, -if asked, run with Whitman. There is no use giving you my reasons -in detail. Kindly take this as final and so inform Timothy<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_283" id="page_283">{283}</a></span> -Woodruff. I don’t want to keep him and his associates under any -mistaken impression that your telegram may have created.</p> - -<p>I would run with T. R. He would win and make a great Mayor.</p> - -<p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 6em;"> -With kindest regards,</span><br /> -<span style="margin-right: 4em;">Yours sincerely,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>What finally happened is still fresh in the public mind. Chosen -President of the Board of Aldermen, Mitchel’s admirers had groomed him -vigorously for the Mayoralty. President Wilson’s appointment of Mitchel -as the Collector of the Port really stamped him as an independent Wilson -Democrat and placed him in the lime-light. Elected Mayor, he surrounded -himself with men of his own years and temperament. He gave the City one -of its best administrations.</p> - -<p>So the circle completed itself. We now come back to September, 1917. -Here again was this young Robert Emmett at my house and the first thing -he said was a sort of echo of what he had said five years before:</p> - -<p>“Morgenthau, do you think I ought to run again for Mayor?”</p> - -<p>Memory paints him to-day as he stood there then, a hero to a vast number -of New Yorkers, often erratic, frequently ill-advised, but still a -justified hero. His dark brown hair was disordered, his Irish grey-blue -eyes were bright, but he looked more matured and considerably more -care-worn from his many fights and the scars they had left, than the man -who had sought my advice in 1912.</p> - -<p>It was an affecting situation. During four years he had done his best -for the City, and that best had disappointed the professional office -holders through his fixed determination to protect the tax-payers he had -alienated the vast army of municipal employees; finally some of his -investigations had antagonized the adherents of certain of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_284" id="page_284">{284}</a></span> the Catholic -charities; and he undoubtedly felt that the chances for his reëlection -had been considerably diminished. Ought he to endeavour to complete the -task that he had set himself or was it useless to make further efforts? -My advice was the reverse of what it had been the last time:</p> - -<p>“You have given the public the impression that you would run again. You -must not drop out at the last moment; you must not retreat under fire; -you will have to be the standard-bearer of good government in this -election even if you are conscious of an impending defeat.”</p> - -<p>For any writer of fiction, this episode would complete the chain of -coincidences, yet truth forged another link. There was formed a -citizens’ committee to conduct a mass meeting in City Hall Park at which -speakers representing the un-bossed element of all parties should urge -Mitchel to run again for Mayor. Charles Evans Hughes was one of these -speakers; so was Theodore Roosevelt. The others were my old friend -Outerbridge and myself. Thus it befell that here was Mitchel in office -and urged to remain by the men who had previously played at such cross -purposes in connection with his career.</p> - -<p>That was an almost unique political event. The young Democratic Mayor, -still flushed from his fight for Preparedness, was flanked by two -outstanding Republicans, a recent Presidential candidate, and a popular -ex-President; shoulder to shoulder with these stood the head of the New -York State Chamber of Commerce, and myself as a representative of the -Wilson Democrats. One and all, we called upon him to stand again for -Mayor.</p> - -<p>The lighter touch was not lacking. As, following Mr. Outerbridge and Mr. -Hughes, my turn to speak arrived, I turned toward Colonel Roosevelt and, -recalling his famous exclamation about throwing his hat into the ring, -said:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_285" id="page_285">{285}</a></span></p> - -<p>“I’ll now throw my hat upon the steps.”</p> - -<p>“No, no,” said the Colonel: “let me hold it!”</p> - -<p>He took and guarded it throughout my address. When he was about to -speak, it was my part to return the favour.</p> - -<p>“No, thanks,” said Roosevelt. “I shall need my hat.”</p> - -<p>Why? It was illuminating to observe.</p> - -<p>The audience naturally shaped itself into three separate crowds: those -directly in front of the speakers, and those on either side. When the -Colonel’s effective oratory evoked applause from the people directly in -front of him, he would turn first toward the right and then toward the -left, shaking his historic soft hat as he did so, and he thus always -hauled the two other crowds into the circle of Mitchel enthusiasm.</p> - -<p>Purroy Mitchel was, however, fighting his last fight as a St. George -against the Tammany dragon: Bennett insisted on running as a straight -Republican and, as such, drew thousands of the dyed-in-the-wool -Republican votes; the Socialist Morris Hillquit secured the ballots of -the Pacifists and pro-Germans in addition to his own party’s. On the eve -of election, a party of us concluded our efforts by joining Mitchel in a -trip to Camp Upton and addresses to the soldiers there. Coming home, he, -Dr. Arthur B. Duel—who had gone along to keep the candidate’s -over-taxed vocal-cords in order—Commissioner George W. Bell, and I had -a midnight supper at Patchogue.</p> - -<p>There Mitchel eased his overburdened heart. In a subdued voice that -increased the effect of his simplicity and earnestness, this upstanding -young man gave a voluntary account of his stewardship. He told us of -some of his struggles in office that it would be a betrayal of -confidence to repeat, many of his experiences at the Plattsburgh -Training Camp, and much of his anxiety to do personally his share in -this great World War. As he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_286" id="page_286">{286}</a></span> spoke of his present campaign, he showed -that he anticipated defeat, and was philosophically adjusting himself to -the conditions he expected to confront on January 2, 1918. Some phrase -of his moved me to remind him of our offer of the vice-presidency of the -Underwood Typewriter Company: he frankly confessed that he would have -been better off had he accepted it, devoted part of his youth to -business, and left his riper middle age for public service; but my -present belief is that this mood was the fruit of momentary -disappointment, for, shortly after, there came a return of his more -characteristic fighting spirit, and he was telling us that he would not -accept a flattering offer just received from an important -corporation—he was again going to act as he had acted five years before -and would give his services to his country so soon as his term in the -Mayoralty had ended.</p> - -<p>That course he consistently pursued. His death in a falling airplane at -a Texas camp, while qualifying as an army aviator, was mourned by the -entire nation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_287" id="page_287">{287}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV<br /><br /> -<small>A HECTIC FORTNIGHT—AND OTHERS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE Mitchel campaign was an incident—important and affecting, but only -an incident—in the stirring summer and fall of 1917, when we had just -entered the war. My trip to Europe that summer, on a government mission, -fixed a new and broader purpose in my mind. While in Turkey in 1914 to -1916 I had seen only the German machinations and listened to the German -apologies. Now I had observed the devastation wrought in France and -heard from French and British lips their version of the war. Moreover, -my talks with Joffre, Painlevé, Sir Douglas Haig, Sir Arthur Currie, and -others, showed me how fearfully low the spirits of the Allies had fallen -before we entered the struggle. Prussianism had defied and all but -conquered the world; its victims were at the very edge of despair; as -for America, it was not yet fully cognizant of the sad conditions -prevailing in Europe, because censorship, guided by political -considerations, prevented the full truth from crossing the Atlantic.</p> - -<p>When I returned in September, I was impressed not only with the -necessity of continuing my activities to alleviate the suffering of the -Armenians and the Jews and of doing all I could to eliminate the cause -of that suffering, but I was much more impressed with the bigger thought -of also doing all in my power to rouse American sentiment to the fact -that this great struggle was dependent upon our activities to replenish -the diminishing resources, both physical and moral, of the countries -which were im<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_288" id="page_288">{288}</a></span>mersed in this tremendous conflict. I determined to make -use of this special knowledge, which it had been my fortune to acquire, -to help defeat the Germans.</p> - -<p>This dual determination made the ensuing period one of intense -activities, varied, yet not conflicting. Things happened pell-mell, but -are more coherent if grouped topically rather than chronologically.</p> - -<p>The Armenian outrages were constantly in my mind, and I wrote for the -<i>Red Cross Magazine</i> an article on the Turkish massacres concluding:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>I wonder if four hundred million Christians, in full control of all -the governments of Europe and America, are again going to condone -these offenses by the Turkish Government! Will they, like Germany, -take the bloody hand of the Turk, forgive him and decorate him, as -Kaiser Wilhelm has done, with the highest orders? Will the -outrageous terrorizing—the cruel torturing—the driving of women -into the harems—the debauchery of innocent girls—the sale of many -of them at eighty cents each—the murdering of hundreds of -thousands and the deportation to and starvation in the desert of -other hundreds of thousands—the destruction of hundreds of -villages and cities—will the wilful execution of this whole -devilish scheme to annihilate the Armenian, Greek, and Syrian -Christians of Turkey—will all this go unpunished? Will the Turks -be permitted, aye, even encouraged by our cowardice in not striking -back, to continue to treat all Christians in their power as -“unbelieving dogs”? Or will definite steps be promptly taken to -rescue permanently the remnants of these fine, old, civilized, -Christian peoples from the fangs of the Turk?</p></div> - -<p>That was a tragic story, but it had its lighter phase. Following a -common custom, the editors of the <i>Red Cross Magazine</i> printed on the -front cover of their publication my name and the title of the article. -The juxtaposition was unfortunate and startling:</p> - -<p class="c"> -“<i>Henry Morgenthau—The Greatest Horror in History!</i>”<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_289" id="page_289">{289}</a></span></p> - -<p>“That’s pretty rough,” wrote the New York <i>Sun</i>. “We always realized -fully that the former Ambassador to Turkey was not a handsome man, but -the <i>Red Cross Magazine</i> really has gone too far.”</p> - -<p>The Jewish question interested me quite as deeply, and on December 12, -1917, I published in the New York <i>Times</i> a carefully considered -statement.</p> - -<p>This was the fruit of my thirty months’ experience with the problem of -the Jews in Turkey and of my observations at first hand of their status -and projects in Palestine, and was in line with my purpose to do more -than alleviate the present sufferings of the Jews. Because this -statement is important in its bearing upon my chapter on Zionism, I am -reproducing it here in full. As my present opinion on Zionism is the -outgrowth of years of sympathetic reflection, continuous observation, -and conscientious personal study of the facts, I should like to -emphasize the date of this publication, and thus indicate the progress -of my views toward their settled conviction regarding Zionism:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind"> -<i>To the Editor of the New York</i> Times:<br /> -</p> - -<p>The fall of Jerusalem, its recapture by Christian forces after -twelve centuries of almost uninterrupted Mohammedan rule, is surely -an event of the greatest significance to us all. American -Christians, and indeed Christians everywhere, will rejoice that the -Holy Land, so well known to them through both the Old and New -Testaments, has been restored to the civilized world.</p> - -<p>I, with my co-religionists, rejoice not only as an American but as -a cosmopolitan who recognizes the fertile seeds of civilization in -all truly religious faith and experience. For the whole civilized -world, the 10th of December, 1917, will be remembered as a day of -profound historical interest, and, I hope also, of large meaning -for the future.</p> - -<p>During my recent visit to Palestine, I was greatly impressed by the -progress made by the Jewish colonies. These colonies had developed -under most adverse circumstances, and had demonstrated fully that, -when real opportunity is given, the people of the Jewish faith can<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_290" id="page_290">{290}</a></span> -create most creditable self-governing units. With Palestine -liberated from the curse of Turkish misgovernment, this work will -go on with ever greater success. All Jews, both the Zionists and -those of us who do not take part in the advocacy of the entire -programme of the Zionists, rejoice at the prospect which is now -open. Many Jews will wish to settle in Palestine. Many others, as -well as great numbers of Christians from all lands, will wish to -visit the Holy Land, and there undertake studies in history and -religion. Many of us hope that the Hebraic language and the -elements of the Hebraic culture will develop there sufficiently to -be again, in a new way, of genuine service to the moral and -cultural life of the world.</p> - -<p>But at this point I wish to sound a note of warning to my -coreligionists on the one hand, and on the other strongly emphasize -to all my American fellow-citizens that certain positive facts -should not be overlooked at this time. I believe that the leaders -of the Zionists have always perceived that it would be impossible -to have all the Jews return to Palestine, and that the others who -hold to that Utopia will soon be disillusioned. It is almost -unnecessary to refer to the fact that it is economically impossible -to settle 13,000,000 people upon the narrow and impoverished lands -which were the ancient soil of our people. But this is not what I -wish to emphasize chiefly. The fact that has vital significance to -me, and, I believe, to a majority of those of my faith in America, -is that we are 100 per cent. Americans, and wish to remain so, -irrespective of the fact that some of our blood is Jewish and some -of our clay is German, Russian, or Polish. To us and our children -America, too, is veritably a Holy Land.</p> - -<p>It has been a great mission of the Jewish people, through their -religious faith, to teach the whole Western world that there is one -God. The great moral and spiritual mission of the American people, -in my opinion, is to teach the world that there must be one -brotherhood of humanity. I hold that it has been nothing short of -providential in the history of the human race to have had America -preserved as an undeveloped continent until this later period. We -are making it the experimental station for the intergrafting of -various peoples. The ideal of America is, through freedom and equal -opportunity, to permit the complete physical, intellectual, and -spiritual development of all our citizens. The American people are -not the descendents of the original English, French, Dutch, or -Spanish settlers. The American people to-day are composed of every -inhabitant within our borders who loyally supports the principles -which form the roots of our national life and well-being. To me it -seems<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_291" id="page_291">{291}</a></span> clear that the principles embodied in the Declaration of -Independence, the Constitution, the laws and, above all, in the -moral attitude of mind which marks the true American, require much -of us. Above all, they require mutual service, equality as regards -the highest as well as the less important goods of life, and, high -above all, complete toleration and mutual respect. These are the -veritable foundations of human brotherhood. This is America’s -fundamental contribution to the world’s civilization. It is not -essential in this connection, even if space permitted, for me to -indicate and emphasize the part which the Hebraic laws, Hebraic -morals, and the Hebraic religion, through the Old and New -Testaments, have had upon the American mind and the American soul. -I leave that to the historian. I am here referring to the present -and the future, rather than to the past.</p> - -<p>We have now come to a great crisis in the history of the world. The -essential thing for us is to fight for universal peace as a basis -for a practical world brotherhood. This great result is not only -possible, it is necessary if civilization is to endure. Let me ask -my co-religionists, face to face and heart to heart, how many of -you would be willing to forswear the great duty we have here and -the great task which history gives us of being true, real, -unalloyed American citizens in this time of resplendent ideals and -momentous deeds, in order to devote your entire lives to the -upbuilding of Hebraic institutions in Palestine. I, for one, do not -see that it is at all necessary to ignore the lesser in order to -serve the greater purpose. But let me repeat most emphatically, we -Jews, in America, are Jews in religion and Americans in -nationality. It is through America and her institutions that we -shall work out our part in bringing better ideals and morals and -sounder principles of policy to the whole world. Likewise the Jews -of the British Empire, that is probably 99 per cent. of them, have -not the slightest intention of deserting their British -fellow-citizens. The same holds good as to France and Italy. If -Russia maintains, as we all hope and pray that she may maintain, a -republican form of government in which the elements of liberty are -saved to her people, the Jews of Russia will very soon come to feel -the same fellowship with all their Russian neighbours that we now -have as regards our fellow-Americans.</p> - -<p>And yet Zionism is more than a mere dream. Its theories, upon which -so much emphasis has been placed during the last generation, -contain practical elements which are not above realization. I have -reflected much upon this matter and I have had the privilege of -discussing it with leading Jews the world over. I most sincerely -trust<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_292" id="page_292">{292}</a></span> that those of my religious faith who are now imbued with -this idea will not permit impracticable schemes to make impossible -the realization of the good that is in Zionism. The Jewish -communities in Palestine should be given every opportunity for -development. Some Jews now in America will wish to live there -permanently; many others, who have not the slightest intention of -surrendering their citizenship in the countries where their -children are to live and work, will still wish to have a share in -the preservation and development of a free, Jewish Palestine. But -not only Jews are interested in Palestine; every truly educated and -liberal-minded person in the world will wish to see the ancient -Jewish culture given an opportunity for expression and growth. -Furthermore—and this is what I beg my Jewish fellow religionists -not to lose sight of for a moment—all Christendom, too, looks upon -Palestine as the Holy Land, in which every believing Christian has -a deep religious interest and a right to share. The thousands of -Christians who will annually visit Palestine will wish to feel that -they have a part in all the holy traditions which cluster about the -sacred localities and the remaining monuments.</p> - -<p>As regards the administration of Palestine, this phase of the -subject does not seem to me to present any insurmountable -difficulties. Under an international and inter-religious commission -there could be a very large measure of self-government on the part -of the local citizenship. The whole world is now moving away from -the emphasis hitherto placed upon extreme nationalism. The forces -of internationalism must be developed practically and -systematically. What an error it would be, at the very time when -the primary message to the world of the Jewish people and their -religion should be one of peace, brotherhood and the international -mind, to set up a limited nationalist State and thereby appear to -create a physical boundary to their religious influence. Let us -give the strictly Hebraic culture a better chance than this would -imply. Let us permit it in its original form and purity to test out -its strength with other religions amid twentieth century -surroundings. Whatever value it may have for the world’s -civilization will thus be fully realized. Meanwhile nothing should -draw our attention from the infinitely greater opportunities of the -age in which we live. After the many centuries of restrictions, -persecutions and cruelties suffered by our people we are at last -sharing the blessings of freedom and of universal fellowship in all -the great democratic countries of the world.</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p>New York, Dec. 11, 1917.</p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_293" id="page_293">{293}</a></span></p> - -<p>Sunday, March 3, 1918, was the last day for me to function as presiding -officer of the Free Synagogue. Dr. Wise had asked me to occupy his -pulpit on that date, because he had to go to Washington on business of -the nature of which I was then unaware. The next day, the New York -<i>Times</i> contained the following statement, telegraphed from Washington, -March 3rd:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Approval of the plans of the Zionist leaders for the creation of a -national Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine was given to-night by -President Wilson to a delegation of representative Jewish leaders -who spent an hour at the White House in conference with the -President over the international status of the Jews around the -world. The delegation was headed by Rabbi Stephen S. Wise of New -York....</p></div> - -<p>It affected me strangely to think that while I was taking Dr. Wise’s -place in the pulpit, he should be helping to secure the approval of the -President of the United States for a plan of which, because of my -knowledge of conditions in Palestine, I totally disapproved. I -telephoned Dr. Wise that this occurrence determined me to resign the -presidency of the Free Synagogue. He called at my house and tried to -dissuade me, but my duty seemed clear.</p> - -<p>In effect, I said to the doctor: “You are entitled to your views, and I -to mine, which I propose to express as forcibly as I know how, whenever -I think they will do the most good for the welfare of the Jews. I still -hope it will never fall to my lot to attack Zionism in public, but I -assure you now that I will not shirk the responsibility if the time ever -comes when it seems right that I should handle it without gloves. It -would then be a great embarrassment for me to be president of your -Synagogue.”</p> - -<p>The resignation read thus:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_294" id="page_294">{294}</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="r"> -March 3, 1918.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="hang"> -<span class="smcap">Executive Committee</span>,<br /> -Free Synagogue.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">Dear Sirs</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>After twelve years of incumbency of the office of President of the -Free Synagogue of New York, I am impelled to resign that office. -Much as I have enjoyed the honour of filling this position and the -happy and inspiring association with its Rabbi, Dr. Wise, I feel -that our views of Zionism, in the advocacy of which he is one of -the leaders, are so divergent and apparently irreconcilable, that -it seems necessary for me to withdraw from what may be called the -lay leadership of the congregation.</p> - -<p>I would have no question arise as to Dr. Wise’s freedom or my own -freedom regarding Zionism.</p> - -<p>With the sincere hope that the friendly and cordial relations which -have long obtained between Dr. Wise and myself will be unaffected -by this decision, I am</p> - -<p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 6em;"> -Yours cordially,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>On March 10th, at a dinner given by the Executive Committee of the Isaac -M. Wise Centenary Fund, which was attended by about fifty rabbis, I made -the following speech, which was published in the next day’s <i>Times</i>:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>The greatest fight in history has just been fought between -democracy and autocracy. It was so important that we should centre -our attention upon it. We should give all the consideration we can -to awaken ideals.</p> - -<p>You have that chance now. Zionism is going to do you some good. It -is going to arouse you from your complacency. You must realize that -it will turn you back a thousand years. Why <i>surrender</i> all you -have gained during that time? Reformed Judaism must assert itself. -If American democracy can annihilate autocracy and anarchy, we Jews -cannot accept the foolish argument that you must have Zionism to -keep the Jews as Jews. We must have something, but it is not -Zionism. The Rabbis and people must spread Judaism in America and -they must be militant.</p> - -<p>I believe that to-day there is a religious revival in the world. -Why should our patriotism be doubted if at the same time we are to -have a moral awakening? I have been delighted as I have travelled -over<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_295" id="page_295">{295}</a></span> this country in order to promote various causes, such as the -Jewish Welfare Campaign, to find the Rabbis honoured in their -communities, and that everywhere they held important positions. We -can have a Jewish revival in this country, which is our Zion, and -not Palestine.</p> - -<p>I have no objection to the founding of a Jewish university in -Palestine. I think it is a fine thing. But when we realize the -opportunities that the men who sit at this table have had in this -country, it seems a stupid and ridiculous notion not to admit that -this is the Promised Land. Let us wake up and, as the Christians -have done, be a militant religion.</p> - -<p>Everywhere I have been, people have told me that they were not for -Zionism, but that they were afraid to assert themselves. All the -Zionists want they have gotten. President Wilson has assured us -that full civil and religious rights would be granted to the Jews -everywhere. It did not require Zionism to get that. They will get -it as the result of the conduct of the Jews throughout the world. -The League of Nations would be imperfect if it did not include it.</p> - -<p>You cannot make a good American out of anybody unless he is -religious; and as we want a fine morality, we are looking to you -ministers of the Jewish faith to give it to us.</p> - -<p>To the moral strength of our nation, American Judaism must -contribute in the greater measure. In times of adversity and -prosperity the moral and spiritual courage of the Jew has become -proverbial. Now, in this new era for America and for the world, -this strength and courage, the roots of which are imbedded in our -religion, must be fostered and made a living force more than ever -before. The Isaac M. Wise Centenary gives us the opportunity to -establish the institution of American Judaism on a firm foundation. -This we must do, lest we fail to contribute in the fullest measure -our share to the spiritual rebuilding of the world.</p></div> - -<p>Extended trips for the Near East and Jewish Relief Committees, and also -for the Liberty Loan and United War Work Drive, had taken me during -these months into almost every part of the country, addressing -gatherings in cities as far scattered as Lewiston, Me., Atlanta, Ga., -and Portland, Ore. The itinerary included most places of any size in the -Middle West and frequently demanded speeches for two or three of the -causes the same day.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_296" id="page_296">{296}</a></span></p> - -<p>The meetings were usually preceded by dinners or luncheons or followed -by receptions, at which the leading men of the cities gathered. A more -inspiring experience it would be hard to imagine than seeing every -prejudice and hatred laid aside for labour in a common cause. Wherever -my way led there were revealed, as national characteristics, an intense -moral enthusiasm, warm-hearted response to human suffering, open-handed -generosity, and mutual tolerance.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, contact with voters in these drives had intensified my -realization that a large number of our citizens were still Pacifists and -that many of the German-Americans and their friends were protesting that -the German Empire, innocent of having caused the world struggle, was -fighting in self-defense. As I had positive information through Baron -Wangenheim and the Marquis Pallavicini, my German and Austrian -colleagues at Constantinople, that the war was premeditated, I consulted -my friend, Frank I. Cobb, of the New York <i>World</i>, how best to make this -fact public. The result was his collaboration and the appearance in that -paper on October 14, 1917, of an article in which it was declared:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>This war was no accident. Neither did it come through the temporary -break-down of European diplomacy. It was carefully planned and -deliberately executed in cold blood.... It was undertaken in the -furtherance of a definite programme of Prussian imperialism.</p></div> - -<p>Proceeding to give my reasons for such a statement, as cause and effect -had been revealed to me by Von Wangenheim himself, the article included -the first authoritative confirmation of the rumour that the Kaiser had -indeed held the now famous Potsdam Conference, at which the German -financiers, as early as the first week of July, 1914, had been -instructed to complete the concentration of the Empire’s resources for -war. The disclosure of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_297" id="page_297">{297}</a></span> these facts, copied in newspapers throughout the -country, created a sensation and profoundly influenced American public -opinion.</p> - -<p>A number of friends urged me to write a book, giving my evidence more -fully and revealing how Germany had dominated Turkish policy and forced -the Sublime Porte into the war. Hesitancy as to the propriety of an -Ambassador using his information publicly led me to consult President -Wilson. In doing so I expressed the opinion that the Congressional -election of 1918 was in grave doubt and that everything should be done -to prove that the Executive had been right in entering the war. The -following letter resolved my doubts and confirmed my inclination:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 2em;"> -<span class="smcap">The White House</span></span><br /> -27 November, 1917.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My dear Mr. Morgenthau</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>I have just received your letter of yesterday and in reply would -say that I think you get impressions about public opinion in New -York which by no means apply to the whole country, but nevertheless -I think that your plan for a full exposition of some of the -principal lines of German intrigue is an excellent one and I hope -you will undertake to write and publish the book you speak of.</p> - -<p>I am writing in great haste, but not in hasty judgment you may be -sure.</p> - -<p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 6em;"> -Cordially and sincerely yours,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Woodrow Wilson</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>I then wrote “Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story.”</p> - -<p>On September 30, 1917, I had contributed to the New York <i>Times</i> an -article headed, “Emperor William Must Go.” Then followed the <i>World</i> -interview already referred to, and, on October 18th, less than a month -before the Armistice, I delivered at Cooper Union an address in which I -said:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>There is only one way to chasten Germany and that is to defeat her -so completely that the memory will not pass out of her mind for -many generations. Such a defeat is absolutely essential to her -re<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_298" id="page_298">{298}</a></span>education along the lines of civilization and democracy. I will -regard her utter defeat in a military sense, and the elimination of -her war-lords, as the essential preliminaries to the new German -democratic state. These changes are necessary to re-establish that -healthy and normal mentality which is the first requirement if she -is to emerge from the present war a nation with which the rest of -the world can consent to associate as a brother.</p></div> - -<p>On March 8, 1918, I had a meeting with Lord Reading, Lord Chief Justice -of England, whom Lloyd George had sent as special Ambassador to this -country. In our conversation, he revealed a fact of great historic -interest.</p> - -<p>The day before, at a luncheon given him by the Merchants’ Association of -New York, Lord Reading had used what seemed a singular expression for an -official representative of Great Britain. Referring to the gravity of -the military situation and the necessity for America to exert her full -strength, he described the tremendous sacrifices of his own people and -then declared:</p> - -<p>“You must take up the burden. We <i>have</i> done all we can do.”</p> - -<p>Recalling this in our talk, I suggested that it must have been a slip of -the tongue, and asked: “Did you not mean to say, ‘We (Great Britain) -<i>are doing</i> all we can?’<span class="lftspc">”</span></p> - -<p>“Quite the contrary,” Lord Reading instantly replied. “I said it -deliberately, and it is the fact. Every Englishman that is fit for -military service has been called to the colours; we have even combed our -civil service. We have no reserve man-power left.”</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, public utterance of such a statement at such a time -revealed a misconception of our national psychology. I pointed out to -Lord Reading that we Americans were not yet far enough advanced in -experience of war to react favourably to such a message.</p> - -<p>Nor were the women that we met in these war activities less interesting -than the men. Mrs. Emma Bailey Speer,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_299" id="page_299">{299}</a></span> president of the Y. W. C. A., -sent a car to take me over to Tenafly, N. J., to make the dedicatory -address at a new hostess house. In the car was a lady wearing the Y. W. -C. A. uniform. She said that Mrs. Speer, being unable to come herself, -had sent her as a substitute—and it was splendid to see how this, the -daughter of Senator Aldrich, and the wife of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., -could be just a good private in the Y. W. C. A. ranks, taking her -position and doing her duties with seriousness and efficiency.</p> - -<p>Soon after this, we gave a dinner in honour of Dr. Henry Pratt Judson, -president of Chicago University, who had recently returned from Persia -on behalf of the Near East Relief Committee. An amusing incident -occurred which partly spoiled the evening for Mr. Schiff, the great -financier and much beloved leader of the Jews, and recognized as one of -the most eminent citizens of America. He sat next to Mrs. Rockefeller -and accidentally caused the spilling of a cup of coffee over her dress. -She tactfully said that the dress had been cleaned before and could be -cleaned again. Nevertheless, it depressed Mr. Schiff to think that he -should have been so awkward as to raise his elbow while the coffee was -being passed. A week later he showed me with great satisfaction a letter -from Mrs. Rockefeller, accepting the beautiful lace scarf which he had -sent her with the explanation that it was to cover the spot on her -dress. The incident again proves that the biggest men devote the -required time and thought to straightening out even such little mishaps -as that here related.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>The signing of the Armistice abruptly terminated hostilities a year -earlier than most people had expected. Public opinion was far from -clarified upon the question as to the kind of peace treaty which should -be drawn up. The public did realize, however, that it was confronted<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_300" id="page_300">{300}</a></span> -with an issue perhaps even more vital than the issues of war. A peace -must be devised to end this war and prevent a recurrence of so terrible -a disaster. At this time, the only powerful and organized body of men -which had studied this subject and had a solution to offer was the -League to Enforce Peace. The leaders of this league felt that it was a -public duty to place their solution before the nation, and give it the -utmost publicity in the hope that it might be serviceable in directing -the course of investigations at Paris into channels of permanent benefit -to humanity.</p> - -<p>They worked out an ingenious and effective plan. Not content with merely -announcing their ideas through the press or on the platform, they -organized nine “congresses” in as many cities, each the centre of an -important section. They arranged to have district delegates sent to the -sessions of the congresses, and from five thousand to ten thousand -delegates attended every one; besides, numerous audiences flocked to -overflow meetings. A group of public men, headed by ex-President Taft, -was organized to address the sessions, as representatives of the League. -I was asked to be one of that group.</p> - -<p>Mr. Wilson was in Paris. Fearing that this campaign might in some way -embarrass him, or conflict with his plans, I consulted several Cabinet -members: Secretaries Lane and Houston applauded the wisdom of the -proposed campaign. Secretary Baker wrote:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="r"> -December 21, 1918.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My dear Mr. Morgenthau</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>I return herewith the letter which you enclosed with yours of the -twentieth.</p> - -<p>I have not agreed to speak for the League to Enforce Peace, nor -have I any idea of speaking under the auspices of that society; not -that I have any objection to it but simply that I doubt very much -the wisdom of anybody connected with the Administration at this -time<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_301" id="page_301">{301}</a></span> associating himself with a society which has a particular -mode of assuring future peace. So far as I am personally concerned, -I am for any way the President can work out. I did say to Mr. -Filene and some other gentlemen who called upon me as -representatives of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, -that I would be very glad to attend a couple of dinners held under -the auspices of the Chamber of Commerce, and incidentally would say -something in favour of a league of nations, but with the distinct -understanding that I was not speaking for the Administration and -was not speaking for any plan or programme whatever. Since making -this promise I have even more doubted the wisdom of doing it, for -exactly the reasons you state in your letter. It seems to me -entirely possible for us here, with the best of good intentions, -deeply to embarrass the President in his very delicate task, and so -far as I am concerned, I have no intention of doing it. Unless I -change my mind, I will beg off from the engagements already made, -and I am sure it would be better for all of us to refrain from that -kind of discussion just now.</p> - -<p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 6em;"> -Cordially yours,</span><br /> -<span style="margin-right: 8em;">(Signed) </span> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Newton D. Baker</span></span>,<br /> -<i>Secretary of War</i>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>I was assured that I was expected to speak only in the general terms of -an association of nations without outlining any detailed plan therefor. -On receipt of this assurance, I decided to go.</p> - -<p>The party comprised ex-President Taft, President Lowell of Harvard; Dr. -Henry van Dyke of Princeton; Dr. Elmer R. Brown, Dean of the Yale -Divinity School; George Grafton Wilson, Professor of International Law -at Harvard; Edward A. Filene, of Boston; and Mrs. Philip North Moore, of -St. Louis, president of the National Council of Women. The three weeks, -passed in a tour of the country with such able and delightful people, -was thoroughly enjoyed.</p> - -<p>On this journey, my acquaintance with Mr. Taft was transformed into a -genuine friendship. On the first day out, it was “Mr. Morgenthau”; on -the second, “Henry<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_302" id="page_302">{302}</a></span> Morgenthau”; and on the third it became, and has -since remained, “Henry.” He was a most delightful travelling companion -and fellow-worker, good-humoured under all circumstances, uncomplaining -under the heaviest tasks, the soul of friendliness and consideration: -“To know him was to love him.” One day, as we were sitting in his -compartment, discussing some details of the trip, he broke into one of -his characteristic little chuckles:</p> - -<p>“Here you have been opposing me politically all these years,” he said, -“and now we’re together on the same platform for the good of the whole -world. Doesn’t public service make strange compartment companions?”</p> - -<p>Our trip was filled with hard work, exhausting hours, and not a few -discomforts, but it brought us many moments of inspiration and some of -amusement. Of the latter, one stands clear in my memory. We were -standing unobserved at the railroad station of a small town in the -Dakotas, when President Lowell thought we ought to do something “to get -our blood in circulation” and challenged me to a foot race on the -station platform.</p> - -<p>“I’ll take a handicap—I’ll run backwards.”</p> - -<p>His challenge was accepted, and he won the race. Then he confessed that -running backwards was one of his accomplishments from undergraduate -days.</p> - -<p>The outstanding moments of the trip were those which immediately -followed our receipt of the first draft of the League Covenant. We were -steaming through Utah, when it was handed aboard. At once it was given -the stenographers for manifolding, and none of us is likely to forget -the impatience with which each awaited his copy, the eagerness with -which each took it to his own compartment for study.</p> - -<p>That evening President Lowell, Dr. Van Dyke, and myself were called to -Mr. Taft’s compartment. He sat there, his face all aglow with -satisfaction. He put his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_303" id="page_303">{303}</a></span> hand on his copy of the Covenant, which was -lying on the table, and said:</p> - -<p>“I am delighted to find it has teeth in it.”</p> - -<p>We had a long discussion, concluding that we ought to prepare a -pronouncement for publication. Mr. Taft asked us three to draw up a -statement. We complied and called in Professors Brown and Wilson, who -were very useful in condensing it. Mr. Taft read the result, approved of -it, but added the concluding sentence:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>The alternative to a League of Nations is the heavy burden and the -constant temptation of universal armament.</p></div> - -<p>That addition made, the signatures were affixed, and the train stopped -at a little station to telegraph our statement to the Associated Press. -The local telegrapher doubted his ability to transmit accurately a -message that he considered so important as this one, but he notified the -operator at the next town to be ready for us, and from there the -statement was sent out in the following terms:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c"> -AN APPEAL TO OUR FELLOW CITIZENS<br /> -</p> - -<p>The war against military autocracy has been won because the great -free nations acted together, and its results will be secured only -if they continue to act together. The forces making for autocratic -rule on the one hand, and for the violence of Bolshevism on the -other are still at work.</p> - -<p>In fifty years the small states of Prussia so organized central -Europe as to defy the world. In the present disorganized state of -central and eastern Europe, that can be done again on a still -larger scale and menace all free institutions. The death of -millions of men and the destruction and debt in another world war -would turn civilization backward for generations. In such a war we -shall certainly be involved, and our best young men will be -sacrificed as the French and English have been sacrificed in the -last four years. Such a catastrophe can be prevented only by the -reconstruction of the small states now seeking self-government, on -the basis of freedom and justice; but this is impossible without a -league, for divided its<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_304" id="page_304">{304}</a></span> members are not strong enough for the -task. Should the victorious nations fail to form a league, German -imperialists would have a clearer field for their designs.</p> - -<p>By the abundance of its natural resources, by the number, -intelligence, and character of its people, the United States has -become a world power. It cannot avoid the risks and must assume the -responsibilities of its position. It cannot stand aloof, but must -face boldly the facts of the day, with confidence in itself and in -its future among the great nations of the earth.</p> - -<p>United as never before, our people have fought this war. United and -above party we must consider the problems of peace, resolved that -so far as in us lies, war shall no more scourge mankind. The -Covenant reported to the Paris Conference has come since the last -election, and the people have had no chance to pass judgment upon -it. In this journey from coast to coast we have looked into the -faces of more than 100,000 typical Americans, and believe that the -great majority of our countrymen desire to take part in such a -league as is proposed in that document. We appeal to our fellow -citizens, therefore, to study earnestly this question, and express -their opinions with a voice so clear and strong that our -representatives in Congress may know that the people of the United -States are determined to assume their part in this crisis of human -history. The alternative to a League of Nations is the heavy burden -and the constant temptation of universal armament.</p> - -<p class="hang"> -February 23, 1919.<br /> -(Signed)<br /> -</p> - -<div class="blk"> -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">William H. Taft.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">A. Lawrence Lowell.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Henry van Dyke.</span><br /> -</p></div></div> - -<p>Mr. Taft’s endorsement of the Covenant as then drawn moved me, at our -journey’s end, to telegraph to Washington suggesting that he join -President Wilson in an exposition of the League before a great mass -meeting. The reply came back that such a plan was already being put into -execution. It was carried out at the gathering on March 4, 1919, in the -Metropolitan Opera House, New York, on the eve of Mr. Wilson’s return to -Paris.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_305" id="page_305">{305}</a></span></p> - -<p>That night, when the Democratic President of the United States walked on -the stage with the Republican ex-President, the audience seemed almost -justified in thinking that the Covenant had been lifted above -partisanship and that the Magna Charta of the Nations was secure.</p> - -<p>This conviction was strengthened by Mr. Taft’s address. He delivered it -without any apparent exertion. He had thoroughly mastered the general -subject during his long connection with the League to Enforce Peace, he -had secured the draft of the Covenant, locked himself up with it, -analyzed and digested it. He had “tried out” the subject in conferences -with specialists, and presented it before popular meetings across the -Continent. Now, for one hour and a half, he discussed this historic -document in all its national and international phases. His address, -given with natural and admirable simplicity, the quintessence of deep -thought, was complete, technical, erudite, judicial: the reading of a -momentous interpretation by the future Chief Justice of the Supreme -Court of the United States. The speaker injected some of his native -geniality into his delivery; but not for that reason alone did the vast -audience listen ninety minutes without a sign of restlessness: the -believers, the doubters, and the active opponents were spellbound by his -logical and convincing argument.</p> - -<p>During all this time it was more than interesting to watch the fixed -attention that the President was giving to the address. We all wondered -what was going on in his battling brain. Some of us noticed for the -first time a nervous twitching in his cheek, undoubtedly a reflex of the -tremendous harassment that he had undergone in Washington.</p> - -<p>He had come back to America to sign some bills before the expiration of -Congress on March 4th, and brought<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_306" id="page_306">{306}</a></span> with him this Covenant. Now, before -his departure for Europe, he listened to the fine approval of his ideal -by his predecessor, who, though prominent in his party and highly -esteemed by all Americans, was not speaking with final authority: the -Senate had to approve the Covenant before it could become binding on the -United States.</p> - -<p>So Woodrow Wilson, whom the peoples of the world were ready to accept as -their leader, had to return to Paris knowing that the thirty-seven -Senators who had signed the “round robin” were pledged against him in -terms which could have no other purpose than to notify our Associates at -the Peace Conference that the Senate would not confirm any League of -Nations projected by him. With this fear in his heart, he was on his way -to resume his participation in the greatest diplomatic struggle of -modern times. This evening, he saw again unmistakable evidence that if -the American people possessed the authority and could express it, they -would undoubtedly grant him the necessary power, without restrictions or -reservations, to enter into an agreement, which would help to lift the -world out of the mire of militarism to a higher plane, where wars would -disappear, where international peace and justice would prevail, and -where the combined efforts of mankind, purified and energized by its -moral elevation, would be diverted from its destructive pursuits and -concentrated on the promotion of happiness.</p> - -<p>That evening I brought Homer Cummings home with me. We were both buoyed -up, tingling from the enthusiasm of that great meeting, yet fearing that -this League of Nations might be shattered by partisan politics.</p> - -<p>As we settled down in my library, I said to Cummings:</p> - -<p>“Homer, you are really neglecting your duty as National Chairman unless -you undertake immediately to present to the American people the attitude -of the Democratic Party toward this League of Nations, and denounce,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_307" id="page_307">{307}</a></span> in -the unmeasured terms that it deserves this violent opposition that has -developed against it.” I told him that it required a real Philippic, and -then related to him my own recent experience with Demosthenes, which -occurred at a dinner given to some Greeks, when Dr. Talcott Williams -told an anecdote of Hellenic influence on modern life.</p> - -<p>Williams said that some twenty-five years ago he had asked a Princeton -college professor whether there was, in his opinion, any way of -affecting current thought except through the pulpit or the press. The -professor replied that there was the forum, and that, for his own part, -he was fitting himself for the forum by a careful study of Demosthenes. -Years passed, and Dr. Williams met the professor again and reminded him -of his youthful conviction.</p> - -<p>“I haven’t changed my opinion,” said the Princetonian, “and only -recently I had to brush up my Greek to enable me to refresh my -recollection of some of the Philippics.”</p> - -<p>The Princeton professor was Woodrow Wilson.</p> - -<p>When I told this story to my wife, who was both my kindest and severest -critic, she immediately secured and placed on my desk, without any -comment, a translation of Demosthenes. Inspired by its perusal, I dared -to face a great audience in Buffalo and deliver an opening address for -the Liberty Loans.</p> - -<p>I said to Cummings: “Now, as President Wilson is returning to Europe, -you, Homer, ought to be the Demosthenes of the Democratic Party.”</p> - -<p>Cummings took fire. “I believe I can do it,” he cried.</p> - -<p>He was the man for it. Physically big, with a commanding presence and a -good delivery, his experience as a member of the Democratic National -Committee, his campaigns for Mayor of Stamford and Senator from -Connecticut, and his successful service as state’s attorney for -Fairfield County in that state, had qualified him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_308" id="page_308">{308}</a></span> long since for -brilliant public speaking, and latterly for public speaking of the -denunciatory sort.</p> - -<p>We consulted Demosthenes. We analyzed the Fourth Philippic.</p> - -<p>Cummings’s eyes flashed, as he exclaimed:</p> - -<p>“I can do it! I can do it!”</p> - -<p>The opening was to be a vindication of the Democratic Party throughout -the war and the subsequent peace negotiations: the peroration, a -denunciation of the opposition.</p> - -<p>The question remained: what forum should be selected? We canvassed the -possibilities: the Economic Club, of which I was then president, and a -number of others. One by one, all were dismissed. Finally, it was -decided to give a small dinner at the National Democratic Club on the -evening of March 14th, and to follow that immediately by a large -reception, at which the speech in its first form was to be delivered.</p> - -<p>This plan was carried to a successful conclusion, and what Cummings said -that night was the basis or skeleton of his soon-famous speech at San -Francisco. “The rest is history.”</p> - -<p>Meantime, my period at home was drawing to a close. I had written for -the New York <i>Times</i> “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War.” On March -7th, I received a cablegram from Henry P. Davison. It asked me to serve -as delegate to the Conference at Cannes for the formation of the -International League of Red Cross Societies. Mr. Taft and Jacob Schiff -both gave me advice that matched my inclinations. On March 15th, the -<i>Times</i> published an interview giving my point of View in regard to this -trip:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>I am going to Europe to assist Henry P. Davison in his work of -organizing the Red Cross for the great mission which I believe it -is called upon to perform in the world.</p> - -<p>We have a very definite vision of what this work is to be. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_309" id="page_309">{309}</a></span> -League of Nations, when it is formed, will necessarily confine its -administration to the more material aspects of government, such as -boundaries, armament, and economic questions. There is need, -therefore, for a League to care for the human wants and moral -aspirations of all peoples. This other “League of Nations” may well -be the International Red Cross, which enlightened men and women are -now engaged in forming. I am to assist in that work. It is a work -dear to my heart, something for which for many years I have felt -there is a definite need.</p> - -<p>The Red Cross, in the new and more splendid opportunity that has -come to it, because of its services in the great war, is the -medium, I believe, through which all true lovers of mankind may aid -in making the world a better place to live in.</p></div> - -<p>I came home from the Democratic Club’s reception to Cummings, snatched a -few hours’ sleep, and, on the following morning, boarded the ship that -was to take me on the journey which began with the International Red -Cross Conference and ended in my investigation of the Jewish massacres -in Poland.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_310" id="page_310">{310}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI<br /><br /> -<small>THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">W</span>E sailed on the <i>Leviathan</i>, formerly the <i>Vaterland</i>. When we boarded -the ship, we found the dock was elaborately decorated for the arrival of -the Secretary of the Navy; the handsome royal suite was reserved for him -and his wife. Josephus Daniels, no longer wearing his customary white -suit, now displayed an admiral’s cap, and was surrounded by admirals and -captains who were under his orders. He was the Secretary of the Navy and -to the chagrin of some of our prominent ironmasters, he had assumed the -exacting supervision of naval armour plate in lieu of his effective -distribution of newspaper boiler plate during the first Wilson campaign.</p> - -<p>Other fellow passengers were seven physicians bound, like myself, for -the international conference of Red Cross Societies at Cannes: William -H. Welch, of Johns Hopkins, typifying to us all the wonderful -accomplishments of the Rockefeller Institute; L. Emmett Holt, the -medical foster-father of thousands of American babies; Hermann M. Biggs, -who, in his official capacities, has lifted public hygiene into a -recognized requirement of modern civilization; Colonel Russell, Chief of -the Division of Infectious Diseases in the U. S. Surgeon-General’s -office; Edward R. Baldwin, head of the well-known Saranac Lake -Sanatorium for Tuberculosis; Fritz B. Talbot, of Boston, famous as a -specialist in children’s diseases; and Samuel M. Hammill, head of the -Pennsylvania Child-Welfare Board. With these was Mr. Chanler P. -Anderson, ex-solicitor of the State Department.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_311" id="page_311">{311}</a></span></p> - -<p>We took our meals at the same table and used these often wasted hours to -weave precious strands of friendship that can best be created amongst -people animated by the same aims and sharing the obligations of service. -At my suggestion, we decided to hold daily meetings to prepare for -submission to the Conference a plan which would embody the combined -thoughts of our entire party. Dr. Welch had intended to devote his time -at sea to writing an article on his old associate, Dr. Osler, but rather -regretfully postponed his task and accepted his usual position—that of -chairman. Dr. Holt was elected secretary so that, with Dr. Biggs as -vice-chairman, we transferred to our gatherings the precision and expert -management of the Rockefeller Institute.</p> - -<p>Dr. Welch’s first thought has always been of public service. Before our -country entered the war, he went to the President and suggested making -ready our medical practitioners and hospitals for service. Mr. Wilson -appointed him to the Council of National Defense, and some day the -public will be surprised to learn how much he did toward that phase of -preparedness. On the <i>Leviathan</i> he brought out what was best in us and -proved, at the age of sixty-eight, the fallacy of the popular -interpretation of Dr. Osler’s statement about the end of human -usefulness at forty-five.</p> - -<p>All of the physicians were animated by this same high motive: not to -commercialize their talents, but to devote much of them to research work -for the benefit of mankind. As all of them were recognized authorities -in their respective fields, they stated their experience and knowledge -in so convincing a manner that it was like reading the last word written -on the subject.</p> - -<p>After a few days of strictly medical discussion, I ventured to read them -my conception of the proper future of the Red Cross as published in the -New York <i>Times</i> of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_312" id="page_312">{312}</a></span> March 15, 1919, arguing that this noble -organization ought now to become militant and endeavour to reach with -curative and preventive measures into the innermost recesses of both -hemispheres, where diseases originate and dense ignorance prevails. We -all agreed that we must remedy the intellectual deficiencies as well as -the physical weaknesses of the backward peoples, and, therefore, -prepared a memorandum, later presented to the Conference, recommending a -broad international programme of this character.</p> - -<p>We landed at Brest, and hurried to Paris and immediately reported to Mr. -Davison. There I met Mr. Hoover’s secretary, who said that “The -Chief”—a title given Hoover by all his admiring adherents—was anxious -to see me. I found Hoover concerned as to whether our contemplated -organization would conflict with his exclusive authority conferred by -President Wilson to manage all the American relief activities -everywhere. I promptly relieved his mind, assuring him that the League -of the Red Cross Societies had no intention of distributing food or in -any way interfering with the American Relief administration.</p> - -<p>Our first Red Cross meeting was held next day in Mr. Davison’s office at -the Regina and then we presented our programme, urging its adoption as -necessary to retain the interest and coöperation of the millions of -adult and junior members of the American Red Cross. But, unfortunately, -Mr. Davison relied largely on Colonel Strong, and his plans were -adopted; they were conventional and confined to a limited field.</p> - -<p>A few days later, Mr. Davison gave a dinner at the little old-fashioned -house on the Quai de la Tourelle. The recruits from America were meeting -the scarred veterans just returned from the front-line trenches. Here -were the men that had fought dismay in Italy, typhus in Ser<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_313" id="page_313">{313}</a></span>via, who had -worked wonders on the Bosphorus, and saved the babies of Roumania. We -heard their modest reports through which their valour and their triumphs -shone like so many pillars of fire. America had done these things: all -non-combatant Americans had faithfully worked to develop the -organization which made them possible; we newcomers from America, -burning with the volunteer spirit and ready with a programme to continue -that usefulness and extend it throughout all the world, were raised, as -we listened, far above the material plane.</p> - -<p>War-time regulations were still in force: all lights should have been -extinguished at 9:30, and Frederic himself popped a worried head in at -the door several times to tell Davison so. Therefore, when our host -called on me for the closing speech, he said:</p> - -<p>“I regret that you will have only five minutes for it, too. The curfew -has rung three times already.”</p> - -<p>In concluding my speech, I said:</p> - -<p>“My friends, I have been entranced by the splendid spirit displayed this -evening. I have shared with you the elation of the hour.</p> - -<p>“You field workers have inspired us by recounting the blessings that -have been showered upon you by the thousands of grateful recipients of -your services, while we have freshened your drooping enthusiasm and -reinforced your ardour by transmitting from your millions of members at -home their hopes and prayers that you will ‘Carry On.’ The determination -of all the guests to transform these hopes into definite actions seems -to have changed this table into an altar at which to pledge ourselves to -assume this new task of further brothering those who are still crying -for help.”</p> - -<p>Next day, on the train for Cannes, when Davison called Chanler Anderson -and myself into conference, I again stated that, as we had the moral, -scientific, educational,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_314" id="page_314">{314}</a></span> and sociological experts of nearly all the -world mobilized and ready for further work, it would be criminal -negligence not to make use of such an unprecedented opportunity. Davison -agreed as to fundamentals, but was afraid that too big a programme would -frighten away the representatives of other nations. We could have the -larger goal in mind, he said, and hope ultimately to reach it, but we -must commence with something concrete in the conventional way to secure -the coöperation of the non-American delegates.</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding this, the Cannes Conference was an inspiring experience.</p> - -<p>Here we were gathered from all parts of the world, exchanging -condolences for the terrible ravages suffered by the various nations, -watching intently, and waiting with deep fear in our hearts the outcome -of the developments in Paris, hoping and praying that some definite good -would result from this war, bewildered at our inability to recognize any -definite signs of a coming solution, conscious that the old-fashioned -diplomacy was eclipsing the modern thoughts and aims of the progressive, -disinterested members at the Conference. We felt that perhaps true -democracy could only exist, as it did at our Conference, where every man -was chosen on account of his individual merit, and not on account of -birth, or political pull, or influence; and some of us thought that, -perhaps, after all, the improvement of the world would have to be -brought about by a non-political body of men, whose right to serve arose -from their own qualifications, and whose tenure of service would not be -influenced by constant changes in government. It dawned upon us that, -<i>perhaps</i>, these millions of members of the Red Cross Societies all over -the world, with the many more millions that would join them, could -undertake to establish a permanent organization that would put into -practical execution all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_315" id="page_315">{315}</a></span> teachings of religion, science, education, -medicine, hygiene, and sociology. While those in Paris were rearranging -the boundaries, we were trying to develop the universal spirit of -service to all humanity which would recognize no boundaries, or class -distinctions, or religious differences.</p> - -<p>Under the presidency of Dr. Émile Roux, the worthy successor of Pasteur, -it became a Congress of Scientists. Leading members of the medical -profession in the Associated Nations were there, and the same tone of -unselfish interest on behalf of humanity that I had found among the -American representatives prevailed. Rivalries, envies, personal -ambitions were totally absent; there was none of the crossing and -double-crossing, scheming and misrepresentation of a political -convention. These fine intellects were making a genuine effort to create -an agency through which all discoveries in medicine and hygiene could be -utilized for the benefit of mankind without thoughts of royalties or -patents. It was a revelation to a practical business man, and I -sincerely wished that more business men could profit by such an -experience with practical idealists.</p> - -<p>In private talks some of the delegates from the different countries -responded wonderfully to my suggested plan, but they had been stunned by -the war and were bewildered by the resultant chaos and depended on the -United States to take the lead. Another thing discouraged me: no -representatives were present from the general educational, sociological, -or philanthropic worlds, and the best of men must necessarily see life -through the glasses of their own profession. Consequently, I was not -surprised, though I was disappointed, by the adoption of Colonel -Strong’s programme.</p> - -<p>It was what his remarks in Paris had indicated. Early activities were to -be limited to those of an international<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_316" id="page_316">{316}</a></span> health and statistical bureau. -The Conference decided that the international societies should deal only -with general hygienic improvement and child-welfare, and that even in -these matters the central organization, instead of doing the actual -work, should leave that to the constituent league members and confine -itself to the development of policies and the collection of statistics.</p> - -<p>The question remained: who was to be the executive of this still -potentially important force?</p> - -<p>Throughout the Conference Davison was recognized as its organizing and -directing spirit. It was a delight to see him in action, to note his -quick response to suggestions, his prompt absorption of committee -reports, his analysis of technical addresses. Devoting the full measure -of his great ability to the work, he was performing it admirably and -enjoying the performance. Everything depended upon the choice of a -director-general; yet here was the very man to maintain vitality in this -organism: why should he not remain the leader?</p> - -<p>The result was a heart-to-heart talk, in which I still clung to my -“Vision of the Red Cross after the War.”</p> - -<p>For two solid hours, with all the eloquence and persuasiveness I could -muster, I tried to induce Henry P. Davison to abandon his business -career and devote the rest of his life to this cause. I argued that the -great satisfaction he plainly felt through contact with scientists of -one profession indicated the enjoyment he would experience in bringing -together the leaders in education, sociology, and general philanthropy; -and that the ability which made him successful with the physicians would -completely eclipse that success when he added to these the leaders in -other fields. I told of a discussion I had had in Paris with John R. -Mott, and how thoroughly he regretted that the Y.M.C.A. could not -undertake this great work.</p> - -<p>“No president of any republic,” I said, “has ever had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_317" id="page_317">{317}</a></span> such an -opportunity as this. Here is a chance to lead an army that will -eventually really improve the world. You have shown that you possess the -requisite administrative ability and vision. By sterling qualities and -hard work, you’ve reached the top of the business ladder. On it there is -nothing above you comparable to what this new career holds. Until a few -years ago you used your personal magnetism, and all the gifts so -generously bestowed upon you, in finance. Now, you have been using them -with phenomenal success in philanthropy. You must know that the former -is ephemeral, while in the latter, the good to be done is lasting. While -so many are exploiting the masses, you can lead in benefiting them. The -thing that’s needed to cure the ills of man isn’t another compromise -peace treaty. Practical, world-wide philanthropy is the thing that’s -needed, and the man who organizes that will be the acknowledged leader -of modern humanitarianism.”</p> - -<p>Davison was really deeply moved. He listened attentively, -sympathetically; he was under the spell of the ideal. But the chords -that held him to materialism were too strong; he was still enmeshed.</p> - -<p>“I’ll do everything I can to help make a success of the larger Red -Cross,” he said, “but I can’t devote my entire time to it.”</p> - -<p>“That’s not enough,” I answered. “It will be impossible for you to run -an International League of Red Cross Societies the way you’re running -railroads and other enterprises, from the corner of Broad and Wall -streets.”</p> - -<p>Then he put his arm around my shoulder and said, in effect:</p> - -<p>“I don’t want to make any more money, but I owe a definite obligation to -my firm and the corporations I’m connected with. I wish with my whole -heart that I could go on with the Red Cross, but it’s impossible, -Morgenthau—impossible!<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_318" id="page_318">{318}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>There being no appeal from his decision, we canvassed other names. The -matter reduced itself to a choice between Franklin K. Lane and General -W. W. Atterbury, and, as the latter was in France, Davison had him come -to Cannes and talk the proposition over, but found that the General -considered it his duty to resume his position as vice-president of the -Pennsylvania Railroad as soon as he was released from the army. We then -turned toward Secretary Lane, and agreed that I should send the -following telegram:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang"> -<span class="smcap">Admiral Grayson</span>,<br /> -c/o President Wilson,<br /> -Place des États-Unis, Paris.<br /> -</p> - -<p>Kindly ascertain and notify by telephone Otis Cutler, Hotel Regina, -Paris, whether President Wilson has any objection to Secretary Lane -being approached to accept the General Directorship of the -Associated National Red Cross. Davison and his advisers, after a -thorough canvass of available material here, have unanimously -concluded that Lane is best equipped for this most important post. -As success of movement is so largely dependent on its management, -we hope President will assent.</p> - -<p>(Signed)</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>The reply was another evidence of Wilson’s fine loyalty to his friends:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang"> -<span class="smcap">Hon. Henry Morgenthau</span>,<br /> -Cannes, France.<br /> -</p> - -<p>The President does not know what the position proposed is, but he -could not see his way to approving anything that would necessarily -involve Secretary Lane’s withdrawal from his position unless the -desire originated with him.</p> - -<p>(Signed)</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Cary T. Grayson</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>Davison then cabled one of his partners to see Lane personally and asked -me to cable Lane direct, which was done as follows:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_319" id="page_319">{319}</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang"> -<span class="smcap">Franklin Lane</span>,<br /> -Washington, D. C.<br /> -</p> - -<p>Welch, Biggs, Farrand, Holt, and myself, who have been consulted by -Davison as to choice of Director General, all believe that you are -the best man for the position and that the movement will give you -an unhampered opportunity to utilize your wonderful experience. We -all urge you to give it favourable consideration. Have read -Davison’s cable and it does not fully picture the unlimited scope -of service afforded. It is second to no prior chance to help -suffering humanity.</p> - -<p>(Signed)</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Morgenthau</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>If Davison would have taken the director-generalship, or if it could -have been given to Lane or Atterbury, or someone else of their vision -and ability, the organization might have become a very different affair -from what it is to-day. But this was not to be. Accident intervened -before Lane would act, and the International League of Red Cross -Societies added another to the list of the world’s lost chances. This is -what happened:</p> - -<p>We had come back to Paris. The Executive Committee was in session at the -Hotel Regina. In an unguarded moment, Davison said:</p> - -<p>“If Great Britain can produce a man fitted for the director-generalship, -I shall consent to his appointment.”</p> - -<p>Instantly, Sir Arthur Stanley jumped at the offer. He was president of -the British Red Cross and the younger brother of the Earl of Derby, at -that time British Ambassador to France. He has a lame foot, but his -intellect is as agile as any man’s. His bright eyes flashed like -diamonds. Trained fencer that he is, he saw the opening Davison had -given him and took full advantage of it.</p> - -<p>“I’ll investigate immediately!” said he.</p> - -<p>I went over to Davison and in Stanley’s hearing told him that this was a -mistake; the Americans should name the Director-General, because we -would have to assume<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_320" id="page_320">{320}</a></span> the burden of organization and had the resources -to do so properly.</p> - -<p>“And the French and Italians will side with you,” I added, “if it is a -choice between England and us.”</p> - -<p>Luncheon recess intervened. During it, I spoke to the Latin delegates, -and they confirmed my opinion. They admitted that they had not realized -what the proposition meant, and that they certainly preferred to have an -American. At the afternoon session they proposed, in this hope, that the -selection of a Director-General be left entirely to Davison.</p> - -<p>He, however, said that he was committed to his proposition, though he -hoped that Sir Arthur would not be able to find a man equipped for the -post. Two days later, Davison informed me that Sir Arthur had proposed -General David Henderson, and that he (Davison) had had thorough -inquiries made about Henderson and found that his record and standing -were such that no objection could be raised. Henderson became -Director-General.</p> - -<p>One last hopeful note was sounded. I had told Mr. Davison to command me -if he thought I could do anything further, and I was pleasantly -surprised when he came and asked me whether my offer included a dinner -to the Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies. He explained -that he was making this request because a former diplomat could secure -the greatly desired attendance of the diplomatic representatives now -gathered at the Peace Conference.</p> - -<p>The result was one of those thoroughly cosmopolitan dinners which could -have occurred only in that city and at that time. In addition to the Red -Cross board, there were present representatives of the twenty-four -different countries that had been invited to join our League. Speeches -were made by Ian Malcolm, speaking for Sir Arthur Stanley and Great -Britain; Count Kergolay, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_321" id="page_321">{321}</a></span> France; Count Frascara, for Italy; -Professor Arata Nina Gawa, for Japan; Sir Eric Drummond, -Secretary-General of the League of Nations; General Henderson, the newly -chosen head of the Red Cross League; Count Wedel Jarlsberg, of Denmark, -doyen of the Diplomatic Corps in Paris; Dr. Welch, Mrs. William K. -Draper, Mr. Davison, and Dr. William Rappard, acting as interpreter and -also speaking on behalf of the International Red Cross at Geneva. I -presided as toastmaster and, listening to the sentiments of the various -addresses, all pitched in the highest optimistic and philanthropic key, -felt that here was a readiness to coöperate that, if properly directed -into action, might yet launch the organization upon the seas of larger -usefulness.</p> - -<p>This hope, however, was never realized. When we failed to retain Davison -as the active leader, or to get somebody of equal ability for -Director-General, I feared that the League of Red Cross Societies would -become a soulless bureau; that it could not undertake any of the broader -activities we had hoped for, and that this wonderful nucleus of millions -of adult and junior humanitarians would never be transformed into that -great army of world welfare-workers which some of us had dreamed about -and that all mankind so sorely needs. Subsequent events have justified -my fears.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_322" id="page_322">{322}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII<br /><br /> -<small>THE PEACE CONFERENCE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span>N Paris we found an entirely different state of affairs from that at -Cannes. I was drawn almost immediately into the maelstrom of the Peace -Conference: it was a rude awakening. Instead of men who were freely -utilizing their individual attainments for the general good, this was a -battle of conflicting interests, petty rivalries and schemes for -national aggrandizement. Each group of all the world’s ablest and -craftiest statesmen and politicians was seeking advantages for its own -political entity and resorting to every old, and many new, methods to -gain its ends.</p> - -<p>The representatives of the various countries had come expecting to find -an international court of justice, where a set of supermen would -rearrange the earth, settle all disputes, terminate all grievances, and -make a new world-map along fair ethnological and national lines. Yet -nobody knew how this was to be done. The little nations looked to the -big, but the big were too much concerned with their own affairs, and -with the division of the spoils, to be able suddenly to convert -themselves into impartial judges. Loyalty to their own countries -overshadowed their interest in the general good. There was just so much -benefit to be divided, and in the struggle of everyone to secure a -larger share for himself, many failed to get anything, and almost -nothing was left for the common good.</p> - -<p>Nearly all were scheming to weaken the arch-enemy, Germany, by -despoiling her of territory and creating strong safeguards around her. -The best comparison that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_323" id="page_323">{323}</a></span> comes to my mind is that of a legal contest -over the terms of a will disposing of a large estate. All the possible -heirs were here in Paris: the legitimate, the illegitimate, and such -posthumous children as Czecho-Slovakia and Poland were crowding into -court. Five trustees had, indeed, been appointed to effect a just -division—the representatives of Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan, -and the United States—but these, with the exception of America, were -themselves claimants, and the pleas were so conflicting that no human -genius, or group of them, could have rendered a decision to the -satisfaction of all. President Wilson realized this, and partly because -of it proposed a League of Nations as a permanent court to settle what -could not be settled at the Peace Conference.</p> - -<p>My observations were made from an advantageous position. The hopes and -ambitions of the various powers were centred in President Wilson; their -representatives were courting him and his friends, and as I had, at the -request of the United States commissioners, joined William H. Buckler in -studying the Turkish problem, my rooms at the hotel were soon -transformed into a sort of office and general meeting-place for some of -the most interesting figures at the Conference.</p> - -<p>Kerenski was one of these. He was not apparently the consumptive figure -pictured by the daily press; on the contrary, he was a burly man with a -thick neck and a mighty voice. When he pleaded his case, he waxed so -eloquent, and his tones reached such a pitch, that I had to close the -windows for fear outsiders might think there was a fight in my rooms.</p> - -<p>Although representing no established government and personifying the -Russian régime that had overthrown Czarism, only to be itself supplanted -by the Bolsheviki, Kerenski felt that the services of the real Russian -people to the Allied cause entitled his party to a hearing at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_324" id="page_324">{324}</a></span> Peace -Conference. Prophetically, he told me that the extremists did not -represent the Russian people, and that they were forcing things too far -ever to succeed. I remember almost his exact words:</p> - -<p>“Russia is finished with the past, but is by no means ready to go to its -antithesis. I myself represent the middle course, and the world will -some day realize that my government was evolutionary, not -revolutionary.”</p> - -<p>Kerenski was especially hurt by the fact that “even the Americans” would -not listen to him. With fiery phrases, he explained convincingly that -there could be no general peace until Russian affairs were adjusted, and -that 160,000,000 people who had so manfully contributed their full share -against Prussianism could not justly, or even safely, be ignored.</p> - -<p>“I am not the spokesman of them all,” he admitted; “but I do represent -the political sentiment that must eventually prevail.”</p> - -<p>Dr. Robert Lord was in charge of Russian affairs for the American -delegation. I had him meet Kerenski the next day in my rooms, and from -this meeting an invitation to the Crillon followed.</p> - -<p>A more pathetic picture was that presented by the Chinese delegation. -They gave a dinner to a number of Americans, including Thomas Lamont, -Edward A. Filene, Senator Hollis, Charles R. Crane, Professor Taussig, -and myself. The affair may have been hopefully conceived, but, on that -very day, Ray Stannard Baker came to them with President Wilson’s -message that he had to consent to the Japanese pretensions in Shantung.</p> - -<p>We had gone for a banquet; we remained for a wake. The Chinese delegates -frankly feared that their failure to secure a proper adjustment with -Japan might so exasperate their people at home as to lead to personal -harm to them. They felt that their treatment by the Conference<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_325" id="page_325">{325}</a></span> would -arouse their nation from its ancient lethargy and transform it into a -military power that might eventually avenge its injured pride. One of -them said to me:</p> - -<p>“We have a much firmer moral foundation than Japan, and we have a -population of 400,000,000 as against its 56,000,000. We possess as much -latent power as the Japanese, and I dread to contemplate what may happen -if it is ever aroused.”</p> - -<p>To look into the eyes of those Chinamen as they talked to us and to -observe their bearing under the trying circumstances of that evening was -to learn a lesson in restraint. The gravity of their situation was -freely admitted, and yet they were perfect hosts to us Americans whose -leader had just disappointed them.</p> - -<p>Even more pathetic than the Chinese discouragement was the hopeless case -of the Persian delegates. Having come thousands of miles to present -their plea for a new opportunity to achieve national regeneration, they -were denied even a hearing by the peace commissioners. They pleaded for -a release from the British-Russian yoke. They told us wonderful stories -of their natural resources that could be developed promptly and with -great profit if they could only be assured of security, or if they could -feel secure from the interference by the larger nations, and assured of -the coöperation of, instead of exploitation by, foreign capital. They -alluded to iron and coal, copper, lead, and manganese. The stories they -told reminded one of the descriptions of Mexico and Peru before they -were conquered by Cortez and Pizarro. Those cases involved all the risks -of conquest in an unknown country, and the voyages thither were fraught -with grave danger, while here was a nation whose resources were not in -doubt, but could be examined at leisure, and by experts, and their -existence proven; and the Persians who had been educated abroad and knew -European conditions fairly implored<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_326" id="page_326">{326}</a></span> us to bring within the reach of -Persia the benefits of the progress made by these other countries during -the last few hundred years, while Persia was allowed to remain untouched -and unbenefited by those wonderful recent inventions that have enriched -all the countries that utilized them. Ali Kuli Khan, with his charming -American wife, whom I had known previously, told me that, at a large -dinner which the Persians had given, one of our American Peace -Commissioners publicly promised them that the United States delegation -would help them to a hearing; relying on this promise, Ali Kuli Khan had -transmitted the news to his home government, only to have his hopes -speedily dashed to pieces.</p> - -<p>Bratiano, the Roumanian premier, was anxious to secure American -influence against a clause in the Roumanian treaty recognizing the -rights of minority peoples resident in his country. He invited my wife -and me to dine with him and two royal princesses of his native land, -Elizabeth and Marie, who have since respectively become the wives of the -Crown Prince of Greece and the King of Serbia. When I told him that the -United States was absolutely pledged to securing the equal rights for -minorities everywhere, and that I heartily favoured this, he showed his -disappointment and said that Roumania would never consent to it. He -declared:</p> - -<p>“I would rather resign as premier than sign such a treaty.”</p> - -<p>When the time came, he made good his word.</p> - -<p>In contrast to this unyielding ultra-conservative’s point of view was -the Duc de Vendôme’s, the Bourbon, and as such, of the royal blood of -France. He was married to the sister of the King of Belgium. It is -rather an amusing story to tell how I became acquainted with him. While -we were at Cannes in the midst of the conferences, one day, Colonel -Strong interrupted me at lunch to in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_327" id="page_327">{327}</a></span>troduce me to a Miss Curtis from -Boston, who invited some of us to lunch with her in order to meet some -of the residents of Cannes. We accepted and met, among others, Lady -Waterlow, an American, whose husband had been Lord Mayor of London. This -acquaintance resulted in her inviting us to a tea at her home, and I -there met the Duchess of Vendôme, and at that meeting she invited me to -call on them in Paris, as her husband desired to make my acquaintance.</p> - -<p>I saw the Vendomes several times, and at a reception which they gave the -guests were all bewildered as to when they had the right to sit down. -They could not sit if any of the royalties were standing, and as five -were at the reception, it was quite a task to watch until all were -seated. The Duke saw my embarrassment and took me into a private room, -which no other royalty was apt to invade, and we sat there and he opened -his heart to me. He seemed convinced of the justice of the new order of -things, and thought that royalty would soon be a lost profession. He was -extremely anxious to be permitted to share in the work of the League of -Nations, and asked me to arrange for him an opportunity to meet Colonel -House, whom he, like many others in Paris at that time, thought would be -the chief of the representatives of the United States in the League of -Nations. The dinner was arranged, and it was somewhat amusing, and my -democratic spirit smiled at the spectacle of a duke and brother-in-law -of one of the few remaining kings in Europe acting like an American -politician and wire-pulling for an opportunity to render public service.</p> - -<p>Still more striking was the freer manner of Vesnitz, the gatherings at -whose house were thoroughly cosmopolitan. He had been Serbian Minister -in Paris, and now represented there the new Jugo-Slavia, which he had -helped to create. Whereas Bratiano had represented only<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_328" id="page_328">{328}</a></span> the -aristocracy, Vesnitz represented <i>all</i> the Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes. -He wanted this new nation to be self-supporting, with its own seaport -and sufficient hinterland. He, too, was married to an American, and -thought and talked like one. He spoke perfect English, was a man of much -learning, and his country suffered a great loss when he died.</p> - -<p>Another outstanding Old-World democrat at the Peace Conference was -Venizelos. The Greek Premier was anxious to impress us with the justice -of his country’s claims, and through Mr. Politis, his Foreign Minister, -and Dr. Metaxa, whom I had known in New York, we met soon after my -return to Paris.</p> - -<p>Born in the Isle of Crete, Venizelos had participated in the Revolution -that freed his island from Turkey and made it a part of Greece. He -started the Progressive movement in Greece, and became the leader of -that group which prevented King Constantine from joining with Germany in -the war. Later, despite the efforts of Queen Olga, the Kaiser’s sister, -this forceful lawyer brought Greece into the war on the side of the -Allies.</p> - -<p>Because of his charm of manner, his assertiveness, and his persuasive -powers, he accomplished wonders in Paris. The fact that he spoke English -was a great help to him. It was a common saying that when Venizelos left -Colonel House’s room, the map-makers were sent for to re-draw the map. -He asked for more than he expected, and got it nearly all. He possessed -the suavity and diplomatic skill of a Benjamin Franklin and the -constructive statesmanship of an Alexander Hamilton. He had a firm grip -of all the ramifications and complications of international affairs. -Nations, no matter what their government may be, are still ungrateful. -Greece eventually preferred Constantine to Venizelos!</p> - -<p>When discussing with Henry White the Greek invasion<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_329" id="page_329">{329}</a></span> of Smyrna, I told -him that the Greeks were making a mistake and that they would be drawn -into a tedious struggle with the Turks. They would have to draw heavily -on their resources and on their people’s patience, which would be -severely strained if, as I feared, the war lasted for years. White was -deeply impressed.</p> - -<p>“I want you to tell that to Venizelos,” he said.</p> - -<p>He knew everybody, and his bringing people together was not the least of -his services to our Commission. He invited the Greek Premier to his -rooms in the Crillon, and there I repeated my opinion.</p> - -<p>I told him in great detail the changes that had taken place in Turkey -since the beginning of the war, and described to him the characters of -the men that were now in power. I also explained to him the great -importance they put on retaining possession of the Port of Smyrna, now -that they had lost most of their other ports on the Mediterranean. I -felt certain that they would draw the Grecian Army back into their -hinterland, and away from their base of supplies, and then would -continue to fight them by legitimate, or even guerrilla, methods, until -they exhausted them. I reminded him how the Turks not only forbade their -own people to employ Greeks, but even insisted that the American firms -could not use Grecian workmen to collect the licorice root, or the -Singer Manufacturing Company continue to have Greeks in charge of their -Turkish agencies. I also alluded to the difficulties of governing Smyrna -from Athens, as Constantinople would divide their country, and the cost -of administration would be beyond the present and prospective resources -of Greece, and, finally, I reminded him that they would antagonize Italy -and said: “You know better than I do what that means for Greece.”</p> - -<p>Venizelos listened patiently to my elaboration of this theme.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_330" id="page_330">{330}</a></span></p> - -<p>“Perhaps we have acted too hastily,” he said, “and if all you say is -true, it may have been unwise for us to send an army into Smyrna, but -now that the army is there, it would be more unwise to withdraw it—to -do so would admit military, and court political, defeat. The Monarchists -are plotting constantly against me in Athens, and they are backed by the -merchants and shipping men who are over-ambitious and want new territory -for their operations.”</p> - -<p>Venizelos admitted that he favoured the annexation of Thrace and of -Smyrna proper. His explanation satisfied me that it was pressure from -Greek financiers that made him continue to enlarge his demands.</p> - -<p>My meeting with the subsequent premier of France came later. Stephen -Lausanne, editor of that powerful journal, <i>Le Matin</i>, asked me to lunch -with Bunau-Varilla, the <i>Matin’s</i> owner, a power in French politics. I -was surprised to find present quite a number of people, among whom were -the Belgian financier, Count Aupin, and the heavily moustached, -stoop-shouldered man that headed the French delegation to the Washington -Disarmament Conference. We discussed the future attitude of the United -States toward France, and, when the party was breaking up, Lausanne -detained me.</p> - -<p>“Don’t go,” he said: “Briand wants to talk with you.”</p> - -<p>Aristide Briand, who had five times been Prime Minister of France, was -then, as always, at the head of a strong political faction. Once the -friend, he had now long been the rival of Clemenceau, could almost at -any moment have overthrown the Clemenceau Cabinet, and was puzzling many -people by his delay in executing such a manœuvre. What he wanted of me -was information concerning a matter that directly affected this -situation.</p> - -<p>France’s financial troubles were the stumbling block: The country’s -tax-payers were already overburdened, yet<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_331" id="page_331">{331}</a></span> a larger revenue must be -raised. Briand and his friends felt that the man who, as Premier, -attempted to set those troubles right, and who failed in the difficult -endeavour, would not remain Premier for long. They considered leaving -the ungrateful job to Clemenceau, unless they could put through the -Chamber of Deputies their brilliant idea.</p> - -<p>They wanted to pay off the French war debt by means of a lottery loan. -There would be daily prizes. They contemplated one as high as a million -francs. And they expected to sell a large proportion of the tickets in -America!</p> - -<p>What, they asked, did I think of the plan?</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen,” I said, “you are evidently unaware that there is a law -against lotteries in the United States.”</p> - -<p>“But this lottery,” said Briand, “would be in France; we would merely -sell tickets in America through the mails.”</p> - -<p>“It was precisely by forbidding the use of the mails for such purposes,” -I explained, “that we stopped lotteries. It is a criminal offence to -sell lottery-tickets in the United States or to use our mails for that -purpose.”</p> - -<p>I shall never forget the expression of disappointment with which Briand -and Count Aupin greeted this announcement. It meant that their scheme -must be abandoned and that Briand must still longer postpone the -overthrow of Clemenceau.</p> - -<p>Much of what was passing behind the scenes at the Conference it would -not be proper for me to tell. Part of that is the story of “The Passing -of the Third-Floor Front,” when the meetings of the American -Commissioners were transferred from Colonel House’s room on the third -floor of the Crillon to Secretary Lansing’s rooms on the first floor. -But there is an anecdote that I do venture to repeat because it throws a -light on the character and careful methods of Lloyd George.</p> - -<p>Even the British Premier was keen to gain favour with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_332" id="page_332">{332}</a></span> those close to -President Wilson, and one night he invited to dine with him Admiral Cary -T. Grayson, whom he knew to be not only Mr. Wilson’s physician, but one -of his personal confidants as well. Now, Grayson was a Southerner of the -Southerners; he was born in Virginia’s Culpepper County, and studied at -William and Mary College. Consequently, he pricked up his ears when -Lloyd George’s entire table conversation confined itself to that America -which lies south of Mason-and-Dixon’s line. The Premier showed himself -specially familiar with the career of Stonewall Jackson, for whom he -professed a warm admiration. Finally, the dinner ended, Mr. Lloyd -George’s niece went to the piano, and sang—American Southern melodies!</p> - -<p>This was too much for Grayson.</p> - -<p>“How is it,” he said, “that you all have such an intimate knowledge of -my part of America?”</p> - -<p>Perhaps this direct query took the Premier by surprise. Anyhow, he -confessed:</p> - -<p>“Well, you see I have just finished reading Henderson’s ‘Life of -Stonewall Jackson.’<span class="lftspc">”</span></p> - -<p>Grayson’s response was in the good old American fashion:</p> - -<p>“My dear sir, no matter what office you run for, you’ll have my vote!”</p> - -<p>There was one interlude to my activities in Paris that should be -mentioned if only for the sake of the stir it created back home. This -was my speech at Coblenz, when I told the American soldiers there that -another war impended.</p> - -<p>It was in May of 1919 that we took a trip to the occupied territory and -visited Coblenz, Cologne, and Wiesbaden. I remember that we were at -first much impressed by the unbending dignity of the young captain who -was our escort until, one day, we stopped at Treves for lunch.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_333" id="page_333">{333}</a></span> We had -just seated ourselves when a woman’s voice called out:</p> - -<p>“Why, hello Pinky!”</p> - -<p>We all turned round, but the Captain jumped. He had red hair, and the -woman who greeted him by the nickname that his hair had won him before -he achieved his military dignity was Peggy Shaw, of New York, who soon -showed us her soldiers’ theatre and rest-room in a barn where she served -lemonade out of buckets to the Army of Occupation. Thenceforward, the -Captain was “Pinky” to us all.</p> - -<p>At Coblenz we were billeted at the house of Von Grotte, the German -president of the Rhineland provinces, and when I woke that first morning -I could not help thinking of the changes that had taken place in my life -between my birth at Mannheim in 1856 and this day at Coblenz in 1919. -Soon I was seated in the Coblenzer-Hof partaking of a good American -breakfast of oatmeal, eggs, bacon, wheat-cakes and molasses, and no -doubt a better meal than any German had that day, and looking at “Old -Glory” afloat over Ehrenbreitstein. How full historically the interim -had been! How strange to see the American flag above this fortress on -the Rhine, while, below, a bronze statue of William I looked on in -woeful contemplation of the wreckage to his Empire that his grandson had -wrought.</p> - -<p>Anxious to learn the true state of mind of the German people, I asked an -American Military Intelligence officer to arrange for me to talk with -some of the leading citizens of Coblenz. He did so at the home of the -best known lawyer of the city, where, besides our host, were a prominent -doctor, the largest local paper manufacturer, an export merchant, and -several others.</p> - -<p>It took a couple of bottles of Rhine wine to loosen their tongues. -Finally, one said:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_334" id="page_334">{334}</a></span></p> - -<p>“Here we are in the afternoon of life, each of us a leader in his -calling. We all had accumulated a competency when the war came but some -20 per cent. of this has been taken in taxes, and the remainder is -to-day worth scarcely one fifth of its original value. [A mark was then -worth about five cents.] We have scarcely one sixth of what we formerly -possessed in actual wealth. Instead of yielding us a sufficient annual -income on which to live, our principal now amounts to only three years’ -normal income.”</p> - -<p>They all said that their business prospects were at an end.</p> - -<p>“But surely <i>your</i> profession goes right on,” I protested to the -physician.</p> - -<p>“I am as badly off as the others,” he answered, “three of these men are -my best and oldest patients: how can I charge them any more than I did -before the war? Moreover, many of my patients I can’t charge anything at -all.”</p> - -<p>As one of the company expressed it, they felt that France wanted to turn -them into galley-slaves: “She has put us into the hold of a ship; the -hatches are battened down, and on them are sitting a lot of politicians -from Paris to make sure that we never get out.”</p> - -<p>The manufacturers said that the young men of ability and energy would -not submit to “such slavery.” They would seek other fields of activity, -and eventually drift to a country like Russia, where skilled managers -and intelligence were at a premium.</p> - -<p>All the Coblenzers present maintained the belief that the war had been -forced upon their country by the French and the Russians combining to -crush them. I could not convince them that their own war-lords had -brought about the catastrophe, and that the German people, including -even their socialists, were responsible because their representatives in -Parliament voted for the war-credits. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_335" id="page_335">{335}</a></span> had been told that this was -a war of self-defense, and they believed it. Now that the autocrats and -junkers had been overthrown, they thought that the people should not be -held responsible for the mistakes of the militarists. They felt that -Germany should be permitted to enter the family of nations and given a -chance to recover and pay her debts.</p> - -<p>A few days later, I gave a talk to the American soldiers in the Liberty -Hut at Coblenz, to which reference has been made.</p> - -<p>“At present,” I said, “we are enjoying only a suspension of hostilities. -Please don’t go home and tell the people that this war is over. We have -got to prepare for a greater conflict, a greater sacrifice, a greater -responsibility. The young men of America will again have to fight. The -manifold and conflicting demands of all nations at the Peace Conference -are impossible of fulfillment. Many delegates to the Conference will -leave Paris with their demands unsatisfied. The nations are going to -have further quarrels and disputes. I believe that within fifteen years -America will be called upon really to save the world.”</p> - -<p>“The battle between democracy and anarchy,” I argued, “will continue and -will result in the bankruptcy of the participating nations. It is -necessary for the United States to prepare, so that when a crisis comes, -we shall be able to create a coöperative spirit between our capital and -labour, and thus be so united and so strong that we can save -civilization from annihilation.”</p> - -<p>Cabled home, these words attracted some attention, yet the views that -they expressed were not based entirely upon my own observations. I had -talked with General Bliss, the military member of our Peace Commission, -and with other American officers of high rank: they held opinions -similar to mine.</p> - -<p>Bliss, on several occasions, told me that he thought we had just ended -the first seven years of another Thirty<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_336" id="page_336">{336}</a></span> Years’ War which had begun with -the Balkan conflict of 1912.</p> - -<p>Was he right? The answer rests hidden in the years immediately ahead of -us.</p> - -<p>Whatever that answer may be, I saw the signing of the Peace Treaty -intended to end the latest war. General Pershing and I sat next to each -other, and I discussed these very matters with him at Versailles on that -momentous 28th of June. The affixing of the signatures was not an -impressive spectacle. There was no enthusiasm, and but little -excitement. People moved about and chatted in subdued voices. Mrs. -Wilson, Mrs. Lansing, and Colonel House sat in the row next to me, and I -talked to Clemenceau, Lloyd George, and Presidents Poincaré and Wilson. -The only solemn moment was that when the Germans walked to the table; -they betrayed mental suffering, and one of them showed the results of -physical hardship: his clothes hung on him so loosely that it was -apparent he must have lost quite forty pounds since they were made. -After the signatures had been affixed, we all walked up to the Treaty -and looked at it, like mourners taking farewell of a corpse—but we were -mourners without tears.</p> - -<p>That night the negotiations for the appointment of the memorable Harbord -Commission to Armenia were concluded. In these I had played a -considerable part; their termination marked the end of my semi-official -activities before embarking on my Polish expedition.</p> - -<p>Passing mention has been made of the arduous study of the Turkish -question, which our Commissioners had asked me to undertake jointly with -W. H. Buckler. This task brought me again into contact with Mr. Hoover, -because of the relief work of his Commission in Armenia, and, besides -renewing my pleasant relations with Sir Louis Mallet, who had been the -British Ambassador to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_337" id="page_337">{337}</a></span> Constantinople while I was there, it involved, -among a mass of other details, many interviews with the Armenian and -French representatives and the spokesmen of the other interested -parties. The French were determined to have Cilicia; the Armenians would -not consider my advice that they should surrender it, and, by this -concession, win French support for their other ambitions. Buckler, -Professor Philip M. Brown, and I made a report<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to President Wilson, -recommending a triple mandate: one to cover Armenia, another Anatolia, -and a third the Constantinople district, where the chief administrator -would reside, with an administrator in each of the other territories; we -expressed the opinion that there should be an Armenian parliament in -Armenia and a Turkish parliament in Anatolia, with the probable Turkish -capital at Konia. Thus we would banish the Turk from Europe and limit -him to Anatolia, where, however, he would be permitted to govern -himself. The triple mandate, we recommended, should be assumed by the -United States.</p> - -<p>Our report was submitted in the latter part of June. Nevertheless, the -conflicting claims of the French and the Armenians and the woeful -conditions of the districts involved, left something more to be done. I -favoured the appointment of an American Army officer to go to Armenia as -Commissioner for the Allied and Associated Nations, and to protect the -Armenians. I had a high regard for the ability of Major-General Harbord, -General Pershing’s Chief-of-Staff, and thought him exactly the man for -such a post; but I was told that he was not in Paris, and nobody seemed -to know just where he was or when he would return.</p> - -<p>At the last moment, fate played into my hands. On Tuesday, June 24th, I -went to a dinner given by Homer H. Johnson to Assistant Secretary of War -Benjamin<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_338" id="page_338">{338}</a></span> Crowell, and found General Harbord there. To my great -satisfaction I was seated next to him. This gave us several hours to -discuss the Armenian question, and I urged him to undertake the task. -Next morning he sent me a remarkable letter, which showed his masterly -grasp of the situation, but ended with the statement that he would not -care to accept the Commissionership unless he could have a proper -military staff to aid him.</p> - -<p>On Thursday, I had an appointment with the President to discuss the -Polish Mission. We disposed of this very quickly, as I shall tell later -on. I then seized upon the remaining minutes allotted me to present to -the President our proposal of a Commission to Armenia. The President was -profoundly interested and told me that he had but little time left to do -anything in the matter, as the Peace Treaty was to be signed on -Saturday. And he added:</p> - -<p>“As you probably know, I shall sail for home that evening, but if you -can come to an agreement with Hoover and let me have what you two -recommend by nine o’clock to-morrow morning, I will try to put it -through.”</p> - -<p>I went straight to Hoover’s office from my interview and we drafted a -letter to the President containing the following joint recommendations -to be brought by him to the attention of the Big Four before his -departure:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>1. We suggest that a single temporary resident Commissioner should -be appointed to Armenia, who will have the full authority of the -United States, Great Britain, France, and Italy in all their -relations to the de facto Armenian Government, as the joint -representative of these Governments in Armenia. His duties shall be -so far as he may consider necessary to supervise and advise upon -various governmental matters in the whole of Russian and Turkish -Armenia, and to control relief and repatriation questions pending -the determination of the political destiny of this area.</p> - -<p>2. In case the various Governments should agree to this plan, -immediate notification should be made to the de facto Governments<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_339" id="page_339">{339}</a></span> -of Turkey and of Armenia of his appointment and authority. -Furthermore, he will be appointed to represent the American Relief -Administration and the American Committee for Relief in the Near -East, and take entire charge of all their activities in Russian and -Turkish Armenia.</p> - -<p>The ideal man for this position would be General Harbord, as we -assume under all the circumstances it would probably be desirable -to appoint an American. Should General Harbord be unable to -undertake the matter, we are wondering whether you would leave it -to us to select the man in conjunction with General Pershing.</p></div> - -<p>Two days later, the President sailed for America. As he was taking the -Brest train from Paris, he turned to Harbord, who had come to the -station:</p> - -<p>“We have passed that matter about you,” he said.</p> - -<p>What matter he referred to, Harbord could not guess. There was no time -to inquire of Mr. Wilson, and the General being wholly in the dark, did -not think of inquiring of me. For some days, I was to remain in -ignorance.</p> - -<p>On June 30th, though it was dated “June 28th,” there arrived at the -American Peace Commission’s headquarters a cable addressed to Mr. -Wilson—now at sea—which, in the light of future events, bore -signatures that appear rather startling in such a connection. How -differently people act when seeking power than they do when in -authority! The message called “immediate” relief for Armenia “a sacred -duty” and urged upon Woodrow Wilson:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>That as a first step in that direction, and without waiting for the -conclusion of peace, either the Allies, or America, or both, should -at once send to Caucasus-Armenia requisite food, munitions and -supplies for fifty thousand men and such other help as they may -require to enable the Armenians to occupy the now-occupied parts of -Armenia within the boundaries defined in the memorandum of the -delegation of integral Armenia.</p></div><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_340" id="page_340">{340}</a></span></p> - -<p>The first three signatures were those of Charles Evans Hughes, Elihu -Root, and Henry Cabot Lodge! The next was John Sharp Williams. How -strange it would be if Oscar Underwood had been asked and had signed in -his place. We would then have had all four American delegates to the -Disarmament Conference.</p> - -<p>Mr. Hoover called on me with a copy of this message in his hands. He -said that Lansing, House, and White wanted us to draft a reply to it.</p> - -<p>In the composition of that reply, Hoover’s opinions as to details again -diverged from mine. He continued in his antagonism to an American -Regular Army officer on the active list, as an administrator of Caucasus -relief-work and evinced firm opposition to America taking a mandate. He -argued good-temperedly, but strongly, to win me to his point of view; I -was not convinced, and we at last reached another compromise, settling -on such statements as we could both subscribe to. The reply was dated -July 2nd, and was in part:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Active relief work on a large scale is now in progress in the most -distressed areas of Armenia, but will require much enlarged -support, in view of the expiration of Congressional -appropriations.... Competent observers report that immediate -training and equipment of adequate Armenian forces would be -impracticable and that the repatriation of refugees is feasible -only under protection of British or American troops. British -authorities inform us that they cannot spare troops for this -purpose.... All military advisers agree that the Armenian -population itself, even if furnished arms and supplies, will be -unable to overcome Turkish opposition and surrounding pressure.... -To secure ... establishment and protection and undertake the -economic development of the state, such mandatory must, until it -becomes self-supporting, provide not less than $300,000,000. It -would have to be looked upon as a sheer effort to ease humanity.</p></div> - -<p>At about this point, Hoover’s opposition to America assuming a mandate -manifests itself in the message. We<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_341" id="page_341">{341}</a></span> agreed that he should add a few -lines, expressly and explicitly on his own responsibility. So the -message, after the joint signature of “Hoover-Morgenthau,” continued:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr. Hoover wishes to add on his sole responsibility that he -considers that the only practicable method by which a government in -this region could be made economically self-supporting would be to -embrace in the same mandatory the area of Mesopotamia where there -are very large possibilities of economic development, where there -would be an outlet for the commercial abilities of the Armenians, -and with such an enlarged area it could be hoped in a few years to -build up a State self-supporting, although the intervention of some -dominant foreign race must be continued until the entire population -could be educated to a different basis of moral relations, and that -consequently whatever State is assigned the mandatory for -Mesopotamia should at the same time take up the burden of Armenia.</p></div> - -<p>When that portion of the message was suggested, I said to Mr. Hoover:</p> - -<p>“The inclusion of Mesopotamia in the proposition would absolutely -destroy all chances of America taking the mandate.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” said Hoover, “I wouldn’t object if that was the effect of it.”</p> - -<p>The “effect” has now long since passed into history.</p> - -<p>Mandate or no mandate, the matter of a commission to Armenia suffered no -retarding except in the detail of personnel. I was still in the dark -about what President Wilson had done regarding it, but an odd chance -soon enlightened me.</p> - -<p>It was after one o’clock when I rushed from Hoover’s office to 23 Rue -Minot to attend a luncheon given by the Hon. Arthur J. Balfour. At the -table were Lord d’Abernon who, as Sir Edgar Vincent, had been manager of -the Imperial Ottoman Bank at Constantinople, and now is British -Ambassador in Berlin; Sir Maurice<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_342" id="page_342">{342}</a></span> Hankey and his wife; and Mr. -Balfour’s niece. We at once plunged into a discussion of Turkish -affairs. Mr. Balfour said he favoured the United States taking a mandate -over the Constantinople district and Armenia, but not over Anatolia. A -general discussion of the economic difficulties followed, and I outlined -the plan of a triple mandate that I had submitted to the President, and -went so far as to hope that it might lead to a Balkan federation. Then, -to our great surprise, Sir Maurice turned to Mr. Balfour:</p> - -<p>“Why, Mr. Balfour,” he said, “don’t you know that the Hoover-Morgenthau -plan for a resident commission in the Caucasus was acted upon by the Big -Four on Saturday at Versailles just after the signing of the Peace -Treaty? They passed it in principle and referred it to you to work out -the details. It is on your desk now on top of that pile of papers with a -red slip on it.”</p> - -<p>We now beheld Balfour in one of his well-known attitudes, when he -slightly raises his eyebrows, drops his right shoulder, and looks at you -with a smile that almost talks. He then said to me: “You see how Lloyd -George does things. This information that Hankey has given us is -absolutely as new to me as it is to you.”</p> - -<p>Sir Maurice offered to stay over and help Balfour arrange the details. -The latter said that it would not be necessary, but asked me to request -Mr. Lansing to do his part toward putting the affair into shape.</p> - -<p>Harbord was still unwilling to go without the assistance of a military -staff, for which he had originally stipulated. President Wilson had left -word that in such an event, Hoover and I were to name a substitute. -Hoover suggested Colonel William N. Haskell, who had represented the -American Relief Commission in Roumania; and as Haskell was to also -represent the Near East Relief, of which I was then vice-chairman, I -assented to his selection<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_343" id="page_343">{343}</a></span> in both capacities, and Haskell set out for -Armenia shortly thereafter.</p> - -<p>That appointment, I felt, would help to take care of the relief phase of -the situation, but there was left the need of a report of a strictly -army man on the military side of the Armenian matter before the question -of America assuming the proposed mandate could be thoroughly answered. -Harbord was, therefore, doubly welcome when, within a few days, he came -to me with a suggestion:</p> - -<p>“Don’t you think,” he asked, “it would be advisable that either Pershing -or myself, or both, be sent to investigate and report on the conditions -in the Trans-Caucasus, because the question of an American mandatory in -Turkey promises almost immediately to become urgent, and we should know -military conditions there before the Government acts in the matter.”</p> - -<p>As this completely coincided with my views, I immediately consulted -Hoover, and we jointly sent a wireless to President Wilson, which -elicited a prompt approval of the idea, and the order that it be left to -Pershing to decide who should make the trip.</p> - -<p>The Harbord Mission and its very able report on Armenia resulted. -Complete impartiality, and a total lack of prejudice, were shown by the -manner in which he ended his report. He stated thirteen reasons for the -United States adopting a mandate and thirteen reasons against it, and -they were placed in parallel columns, so that everyone who read them -could come to his own conclusions, and with General Harbord’s permission -I am including them here.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_345" id="page_345">{345}</a></span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_346" id="page_346">{346}</a></span> </p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" summary="" -style="margin:1em auto;max-width:75%;font-size:85%;"> - -<tr valign="top"><td class="c">Reasons For</td> <td class="c">Reasons Against</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>1. As one of the chief contributors to the formation of the League of -Nations, the United States is morally bound to accept the obligations -and responsibilities of a mandatory power.</td> - -<td>1. The United States has prior and nearer foreign obligations, and ample -responsibilities with domestic problems growing out of the war.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>2. The insurance of world peace at the world's cross-ways, the focus of -war infection since the beginning of history.</td> - -<td>2. This region has been a battle ground of militarism and imperialism -for centuries. There is every likelihood that ambitious nations will -still maneuver for its control. It would weaken our position relative to -the Monroe Doctrine and probably eventually involve us with a -reconstituted Russia. The taking of a mandate in this region would bring -the United States into politics of the Old World, contrary to our -traditional policy of keeping free of affairs in the Eastern Hemisphere.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>3. The Near East presents the greatest humanitarian opportunity of the -age--a duty for which the United States is better fitted than any -other--as witness Cuba, Porto Rico, Philippines, Hawaii, Panama, and our -altruistic policy of developing peoples rather than material resources -alone.</td> - -<td>3. Humanitarianism should begin at home. There is a sufficient number of -difficult situations which call for our action within the -well-recognized spheres of American influence.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>4. America is practically the unanimous choice and fervent hope of all -the peoples involved.</td> - -<td>4. The United States has in no way contributed to and is not responsible -for the conditions, political, social, or economic, that prevail in this -region. It will be entirely consistent to decline the invitation.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>5. America is already spending millions to save starving peoples in -Turkey and Transcaucasia and could do this with much more efficiency if -in control. Whoever becomes mandatory for these regions we shall be -still expected to finance their relief, and will probably eventually -furnish the capital for material development.</td> - -<td>5. American philanthropy and charity are world wide. Such policy would -commit us to a policy of meddling or draw upon our philanthropy to the -point of exhaustion.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>6. America is the only hope of the Armenians. They consider but one -other nation, Great Britain, which they fear would sacrifice their -interests to Moslem public opinion as long as she controls hundreds of -millions of that faith. Others fear Britain's imperialistic policy and -her habit of staying where she hoists her flag.<br /> - - For a mandatory America is not only the first choice of all the -peoples of the Near East, but of each of the great powers, after -itself.<br /> - - American power is adequate; its record clean; its motives above -suspicion.</td> - -<td>6. Other powers, particularly Great Britain and Russia, have shown -continued interest in the welfare of Armenia. Great Britain is fitted by -experience and government, has great resources in money and trained -personnel, and though she might not be as sympathetic to Armenian -aspirations, her rule would guarantee security and justice. <br /> The -United States is not capable of sustaining a continuity of foreign -policy. One Congress can not bind another. Even treaties can be -nullified by cutting off appropriations. Non-partisanship is difficult -to attain in our Government.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>7. The mandatory would be self-supporting after an initial period of not -to exceed five years. The building of railroads would offer -opportunities to our capital. There would be great trade advantages not -only in the mandatory region, but in the proximity to Russia, Roumania, -etc. <br /> America would clean this hot-bed of disease and filth as -she has in Cuba and Panama.</td> - -<td>7. Our country would be put to great expense, involving probably an -increase of the Army and Navy. Large numbers of Americans would serve in -a country of loathsome and dangerous diseases. It is questionable if -railroads could for many years pay interest on investments in their very -difficult construction. Capital for railways would not go there except -on Government guaranty. <br /> The effort and money spent would get us -more trade in nearer lands than we could hope for in Russia and -Roumania. <br /> Proximity and competition would increase the -possibility of our becoming involved in conflict with the policies and -ambitions of states which now our friends would be made our rivals.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>8. Intervention would be a liberal education for our people in world -politics; give outlet to a vast amount of spirit and energy and would -furnish a shining example.</td> - -<td>8. Our spirit and energy can find scope in domestic enterprises, or in -lands south and west of ours. Intervention in the Near East would rob us -of the strategic advantage enjoyed through the Atlantic which rolls -between us and probable foes. Our reputation for fair dealing might be -impaired. Efficient supervision of a mandate at such distance would be -difficult or impossible. We do not need or wish further education in -world politics.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>9. It would definitely stop further massacres of Armenians and other -Christians, give justice to the Turks, Kurds, Greeks and other peoples.</td> - -<td>9. Peace and justice would be equally assured under any other of the -great powers.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>10. It would increase the strength and prestige of the United States -abroad and inspire interest at home in the regeneration of the Near -East.</td> - -<td>10. It would weaken and dissipate our strength which should be reserved -for future responsibilities on the American continents and in the Far -East. Our line of communication to Constantinople would be at the mercy -of other naval powers, and especially of Great Britain, with Gibraltar -and Malta, etc., on the route.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>11. America has strong sentimental interests in the region; our missions -and colleges.</td> - -<td>11. These institutions have been respected even by the Turks throughout -the war and the massacres; and sympathy and respect would be shown by -any other mandatory.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>12. If the United States does not take responsibility in this region, it -is likely that international jealousies will result in a continuance of -the unspeakable misrule of the Turk.</td> - -<td>12. The Peace Conference has definitely informed the Turkish Government -that it may expect to go under a mandate. It is not conceivable that the -League of Nations would permit further uncontrolled rule by that -thoroughly discredited government.</td></tr> - -<tr valign="top"><td>13. "And the Lord said unto Cain, Where is Abel, thy brother? And he -said: 'I know not; am I my brother's keeper?'" - -Better millions for a mandate than billions for future wars.</td> - -<td>13. The first duty of America is to its own people and its nearer -neighbours. - -Our country would be involved in this adventure for at least a -generation and in counting the cost Congress must be prepared to advance -some such sums, less such amount as the Turkish and Transcaucasian -revenues could afford, for the first five years.</td></tr> </table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_347" id="page_347">{347}</a></span> </p> - -<p>The Harbord Commission constituted itself attorney for both sides to the -controversy, and expected the people of America to act as the jury to -determine this question.</p> - -<p>My own opinion as to the duties of the United States toward Turkey is -elaborately outlined in an article on “Mandates or War?” which I -contributed to the New York <i>Times</i> on November 9, 1919, and which -appears in the appendix of this volume, and I hope that those of my -readers who are really interested in this problem will take the trouble -to read it.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_348" id="page_348">{348}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVIII" id="CHAPTER_XVIII"></a>CHAPTER XVIII<br /><br /> -<small>MY MISSION TO POLAND</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">P</span>ARIS, in 1919, had emerged from her darkness. She had ceased her weary -vigils for air raids. She was no longer troubled by the nightmare of -Emperor William at the head of his army triumphantly entering her gates, -marching down the Champs-Elysées, and, like his grandfather in 1871, -mortally offending her pride by defiling the Arc de Triomphe. Instead, -she rejoiced daily in contemplating the thousands of captured German -guns which had been placed along this very route to celebrate her -victory. Crowds of people in their hysteric joy wept as they stood -before the decorated statues of Strassburg and Metz, which once again -were French cities. Versailles was not to be again used to crown a -German Emperor, who, this time, would have been Emperor of the World. On -the contrary, Paris was to have her revenge, for here were to gather all -the representatives of the various victorious nations, as well as the -neutrals, in an endeavour to formulate a permanent peace.</p> - -<p>When this great conference was in the making, the Jews in America had -decided to join the Jews of other nations in a representative commission -at Paris, to make an appeal to secure in the Treaty of Peace an -assurance of the religious and civil rights of the Jews, in the -countries in which they resided in large numbers, particularly in -Roumania, Poland, and Russia. The Jews of the United States held -elections of representatives to a congress in Philadelphia, which was in -turn to select their members of the Commission.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_349" id="page_349">{349}</a></span></p> - -<p>I was elected a representative from my district. When, however, I -reached Philadelphia and conferred with some of the delegates, I found -that the elections had, in general, been so skilfully manipulated by the -Zionists that they were in complete control, although their views were -shared by only a small percentage of the Jews in America.</p> - -<p>As I immediately realized that the plans of some of the most aggressive -members of this controlling minority were Nationalistic, which was -absolutely contrary to the convictions of the vast majority of Jews in -America, including myself, I declined to qualify as a member of the -congress, and left Philadelphia without attending any of its sessions.</p> - -<p>Subsequently, two hundred and seventy-five prominent Jews, residing in -thirty-seven states of the Union, signed a statement which had been -prepared by Dr. Henry Berkowitz, Rev. Dr. David Philipson, the late -Professor Morris Jastrow, and Max Senior. This statement declared -amongst other things that:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>As a future form of government for Palestine will undoubtedly be -considered by the approaching Peace Conference, we, the undersigned -citizens of the United States, unite in this statement, setting -forth our objections to the organization of a Jewish state in -Palestine as proposed by the Zionist societies in this country and -Europe, and to the segregation of the Jews as a nationalistic unit -in any country.</p> - -<p>We feel that in so doing we are voicing the opinion of the majority -of American Jews born in this country and of those foreign born who -have lived here long enough to thoroughly assimilate American -political and social conditions. The American Zionists represent, -according to the most recent statistics available, only a small -proportion of the Jews living in this country, about 150,000 out of -3,500,000. (American Jewish Year Book, 1918, Philadelphia)....</p> - -<p>We raise our voices in warning and protest against the demand of -the Zionists for the reorganization of the Jews as a national unit, -to whom, now or in the future, territorial sovereignty in Palestine -shall be committed. This demand not only misinterprets the trend of -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_350" id="page_350">{350}</a></span> history of the Jews, who ceased to be a nation 2,000 years -ago, but involves the limitation and possible annulment of the -larger claims of Jews for full citizenship and human rights in all -lands in which those rights are not yet secure. For the very reason -that the new era upon which the world is entering aims to establish -government everywhere on principles of true democracy, we reject -the Zionistic project of a “national home for the Jewish people in -Palestine.”</p> - -<p>Zionism arose as the result of the intolerable conditions under -which the Jews have been forced to live in Russia and Roumania. But -it is evident that for the Jewish population of these countries, -variously estimated at from six to ten millions, Palestine can -become no home land. Even with the improvement of the neglected -condition of this country, its limited area can offer no solution. -The Jewish question in Russia and Roumania can be settled only -within those countries by the grant of full rights of citizenship -to Jews....</p> - -<p>Against such a political segregation of the Jews in Palestine, or -elsewhere, we object, because the Jews are dedicated heart and soul -to the welfare of the countries in which they dwell under free -conditions. All Jews repudiate every suspicion of a double -allegiance, but to our minds it is necessarily implied in and -cannot by any logic be eliminated from establishment of a sovereign -State for the Jews in Palestine.</p></div> - -<p>Of this statement I was one of the signers. Congressman Julius Kahn and -I were asked to present these views to the Conference; Rabbi Isaac -Landman, editor of <i>The American Hebrew</i>, joined us, and the original -text was duly filed with the American Commission at Paris.</p> - -<p>There the representatives of the Jews were well organized. Their -delegation included men from all the countries likely to be affected by -the Treaty; it had a large general commission, a secretariat, committees -and sub-committees, and it had an Inner Council. The majority of the -French and British Jews—as represented by the <i>Alliance Israelite</i> and -the <i>Joint Foreign Committee of the Anglo Jewish Association and the -Board of Delegates</i>, which Claude Montefiore and Lucien Wolff -headed—felt as did the two hundred and seventy-five American -pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_351" id="page_351">{351}</a></span>testers and their adherents, whereas the central European Jews -strongly advocated the Nationalistic idea—and when I talked with the -delegates from the Philadelphia congress, I discovered that even some of -those who were not Zionists supported the aims of the Nationalists.</p> - -<p>These men argued that Jewish nationalism in Poland and Roumania would -not be the same as it would be in America; that in the United States -there would be no state-within-a-state, but that recognition of the Jews -as separate nationals was essential to their well-being in central -Europe; that even the Germans remaining in Poland would have to be -protected as separate nationals. and that the general principle must be -formally recognized.</p> - -<p>Every man has his master-passion: mine is for <i>democracy</i>. I believe -that history’s best effort in democracy is the United States, which has -rooted in its Constitution all that any group of its citizens can -legitimately desire. Yet here were Americans willing to coöperate with -central Europeans who wanted to establish in their own countries a -“nation within a nation”—a proposition fundamentally opposed to our -American principles.</p> - -<p>I pointed this out. I said that, under this plan, a Jew in Poland or -Roumania, for example, would soon face conflicting duties, and that any -American who advocated such a conflict of allegiance for the Jews of -central Europe would perhaps expose the Jews in America to the suspicion -of harbouring a similar desire. Minorities everywhere, I maintained, -would fare better if they protected their religious rights in the -countries where they resided, and then joined their fellow countrymen in -bettering for all its inhabitants the land of their common citizenship.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, excesses had occurred in Poland and Jews had suffered -cruelly. There was genuine resentment coupled with real fear that the -trouble might develop into<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_352" id="page_352">{352}</a></span> Kiev or Kishineff disasters. There was the -feeling that Poland, who had just emerged from her yoke of tyranny, -should be reminded of the world’s expectation that she should grant to -her minorities the same privileges which her centuries of oppression had -taught her to value for herself.</p> - -<p>The Jews emphasized their expectations by holding mass meetings, -parades, and demonstrations in the United States and England. In New -York, 15,000 Jews packed Madison Square Garden, and many thousands more, -including 3,000 in uniform, stood in the surrounding streets. The -leading address was delivered by Charles E. Hughes. Resolutions were -passed calling upon President Wilson to stop these outbreaks, and to -secure permanent protection.</p> - -<p>That was in May, 1919. In early June, Hugh Gibson, who had been our -Minister at Warsaw for a few weeks only, was asked for a report. He made -a necessarily hasty investigation. The conclusions he arrived at in his -report were greatly resented by some Jews, who charged him with unduly -favouring the Poles. Gibson came to Paris, and was joined by Herbert -Hoover, then managing the American Relief Work in Poland, and by -Paderewski representing Poland at the Peace Conference, to urge -President Wilson to appoint an investigating commission to ascertain the -truth. The President designated a commission composed of Colonel Warwick -Greene, Homer H. Johnson, and myself. As Colonel Greene declined, -General Edgar Jadwin was appointed in his place.</p> - -<p>My reluctance to serve was great, my position difficult, and the -American members of the Jewish delegation did not attempt to diminish -the one or ease the other. My announced opposition to the Nationalist -theory and my attitude toward Zionism were against me; they unanimously -disapproved of my acceptance; and the arguments<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_353" id="page_353">{353}</a></span> they presented to me -were forcible. In one breath, they said that they wanted a Zionist on -the Commission; in the next, they told me that it should include no Jew; -in the third, they would express the conviction that nobody could be -successful: a report in favour of one side was sure to displease the -other.</p> - -<p>On my part, I felt that I must give some consideration to these men who -had devoted so much of their lives to the Jewish question and to -administering so many of the relief activities in America. Until this -period, I had always heartily coöperated with them, yet I realized the -absolute need of a fearless, impartial investigation and that, -preferably, with the participation therein of a Jew.</p> - -<p>My hesitation is shown in the following message from the -Secretary-General of the American Peace Delegation to the -Under-Secretary of State at Washington:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">Polk</span>, Washington.<br /> -</p> - -<p>Morgenthau has been requested by President to serve with Warwick -Greene and Homer Johnson on commission to investigate pogroms -against Jews and Jewish persecutions stop Marshall, Cyrus Adler -advise him to decline urging that no Jew be appointed stop -Morgenthau is in doubt and requests that you promptly ascertain -opinion of Schiff, Wise, Elkus, Nathan Straus, Rosenwald and Samson -Lachman as to his acceptance.</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Joseph C. Grew.</span><br /> -</p></div> - -<p>I even told Louis Marshall and Dr. Cyrus Adler that I would second their -efforts against my appointment, and I kept my word. When I found that my -messages to the President failed to move him, I insisted on a personal -interview with him, hoping then to dissuade him, and, on June 26th, two -days before the signing of the Treaty and the President’s return to -America, this was secured. When I stated to him that I wanted to be -relieved from the Com<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_354" id="page_354">{354}</a></span>mission, and suggested that no Jew should be put -on same, he replied, with great emphasis, that he had definitely -concluded to put a Jew on the Commission, so as to secure for the Jews -in Poland a sympathetic hearing, and that he had selected me to be -entrusted with this task and hoped that I would not refuse to serve.</p> - -<p>“Your putting it that way,” I answered, “makes it a command, and as a -good citizen, I will not disobey it.”</p> - -<p>Just returned from Lithuania and anxious to see his suggestions in -regard to that country pushed to realization, Colonel Greene begged to -be relieved from serving on the Polish Mission, and the President left -it to General Pershing and myself to secure some other army officer. I -went to the General’s residence on the momentous morning of the signing -of the Peace Treaty.</p> - -<p>“Let’s step into the garden,” he said, and, turning to General Harbord, -added: “You come along.”</p> - -<p>It was a bright spring morning. The acres of garden, hidden from the -streets of the Boulevard St. Germain district, and rich from centuries -of care, stretched green and quiet before us. We sat on an old stone -seat, and Pershing drew out a memorandum from his pocket.</p> - -<p>“Here,” he told me, “are the names of the general officers that I have -picked out for some recognition. Now, Morgenthau, tell me what sort of -officer it is that you want.”</p> - -<p>In a most comprehensive way he ran through the names and explained the -special attainments and attributes of each man mentioned. Here was the -honour list of the A. E. F., and the man who was explaining it to me was -he whose name was entitled to stand in capitals at its top. The -experience was like going through a picture gallery with an expert -pointing out the best in every portrait, and Harbord throwing in an -illuminating remark every now and then, was a connoisseur at the -expert’s elbow. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_355" id="page_355">{355}</a></span> realized that the portraits were all real -masterpieces—no antiques—all moderns. They were the select of the -selected, but the two that apparently best suited our present purpose -were Mason M. Patrick and Edgar Jadwin.</p> - -<p>“Our commission,” I repeated, “is expected to conduct a real search for -the truth, without prejudice; to be well balanced, the third member -should be a man who will work judicially, but be unencumbered with a -legal education and the quibbles that usually accompany it.” And, I -added: “Both Johnson and I are lawyers.”</p> - -<p>Pershing replied: “If you mean a man who will balance facts -mathematically and then arrive at a conclusion, as an engineer does, -then Jadwin is the man for you.”</p> - -<p>“Very well,” I said, “we’ll take Jadwin. Where is he?”</p> - -<p>“I’ll have him meet you at the Crillon this afternoon,” said Pershing, -and he kept his word.</p> - -<p>Johnson, Jadwin, and I organized our commission at the Crillon before -sunset that day. I left it to Jadwin to choose our executive secretary; -he chose Lieutenant-Colonel M. C. Bryant; we borrowed Major Henry S. -Otto from Hoover, and selected as Counsel, Captain Arthur L. Goodhart -who had been Assistant Corporation Counsel of New York.</p> - -<p>That same night, Paderewski gave a dinner at the Ritz. In its -potentialities, in the sharp contrasts of character presented by the -guests, it was one of the most dramatic events connected with the -preparations for my trip to Poland.</p> - -<p>The Versailles Conference was over. President Wilson, to whom the world -still looked for leadership, was starting home within an hour, taking -with him the Covenant of the League of Nations. The Treaty had just been -signed; the ink was scarcely dry on the signatures to that document -containing Article 93:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_356" id="page_356">{356}</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Poland accepts and agrees to embody in a Treaty with the Principal -Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as may be deemed -necessary by the said Powers to protect the interests of -inhabitants of Poland who differ from the majority of the -population in race, language, or religion.</p></div> - -<p>And now, around that dinner-table sat, among others, Paderewski, -Dmowski, and Lansing, signers of the Treaty, and Hugh Gibson and myself: -Lansing, who as ranking member of the Peace Commission, represented the -government that held the balance of the world-power; Paderewski, -Poland’s Premier, who realized that the very life of his native land -depended on peace at home and good opinion abroad, and that these could -be secured only by a satisfactory settlement of the Jewish problem -within the Polish boundaries; Hugh Gibson, American Minister to Warsaw, -whose report on that problem had increased the storm of Jewish protest; -Roman Dmowski, the leader of Anti-Semitism in Poland, admittedly its -fomenter, who had found Article 93 a bitter pill; and I, who had been -appointed to go to Poland to find out the absolute truth.</p> - -<p>Far from depressing me, this juxtaposition had a stimulating effect. -More than ever, I realized the delicacy of the task with which I had -been entrusted. In the respect paid to me at this dinner Dmowski’s -Anti-Semitism had obviously received quite a jolt, and I wanted to have -a talk with him. Paderewski, Lansing, and Gibson dramatically left the -table to hurry to the railway station and bid good-bye to President -Wilson. When they had returned and the dinner was over, I said to -Lansing:</p> - -<p>“Here is your chance to tell Dmowski how the American Peace Commission -feels about our proposed work in Poland.”</p> - -<p>Lansing assented, and after a brief talk with Dmowski, drew him, Gibson, -and myself aside, and I had my first<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_357" id="page_357">{357}</a></span> man-to-man talk with the organizer -of the anti-Jewish economic and social boycott in Poland.</p> - -<p>Dmowski was a heavy, domineering figure, with a thick neck and a big, -close-cropped head bearing the bulldog jaw and the piercing eyes of the -ward-boss. I had learned his story: in the days of Russian domination he -had tried to force the Jews of his Warsaw district to support his -machine’s candidate for a seat in the Fourth (1912) Douma; they refused -to vote for his man, who was an Anti-Semite, threw their influence in -favour of the Socialist candidate Jagellan, and elected him. Dmowski -ever after, through his newspaper and in his position as a leader of the -National Democratic Party of Poland, pursued the cunning policy of -making Anti-Semitism a party issue. It was a wilful plot, based on -personal spite, to destroy the Polish Jews.</p> - -<p>“Mr. Dmowski,” I said, “I understand that you are an Anti-Semite, and I -want to know how you feel toward our Commission.”</p> - -<p>He replied in an almost propitiating manner:</p> - -<p>“My Anti-Semitism isn’t religious: it is political. And it is not -political outside of Poland. It is entirely a matter of Polish party -politics. It is only from that point of view that I regard it or your -mission. Against a non-Polish Jew I have no prejudice, political or -otherwise. I’ll be glad to give you any information that I possess.”</p> - -<p>He then sketched, with vigour, the arguments against Jewish nationalism -and touched on the Socialist activities of one section of the Polish -Jews. He also said: “There never was a pogrom in Poland. Lithuanian -Jews, fleeing Russian persecution in 1908, spoke Russian obtrusively and -banded together to employ only Jewish lawyers and doctors; they started -boycotting; the Poles’ boycott was a necessary retaliation. On the other -hand, the Posen Jews speak German and the others Yiddish, which is<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_358" id="page_358">{358}</a></span> -based on German: we want the Polish language in Poland.”</p> - -<p>I arranged to have him meet General Jadwin and myself. He did so and -frankly explained his attitude toward the Jews and his participation in -the Economic Boycott. He had no moral qualms as to his using so -destructive a method in his political fight. He said that unless the -Jews would abandon their exclusiveness, they had better leave the -country. He wanted Poland for the Poles alone—and made no secret of -this desire.</p> - -<p>Dmowski admitted his unfamiliarity with financial conditions and -referred us to Grabski whom he brought to see us. We also conferred with -the Pro-Semite, Dr. Tsulski, and a number of other Poles and Polish Jews -in Paris. I immediately encountered the clash of views that was to -continue throughout my entire investigation.</p> - -<p>The more I talked with the different factional leaders, the more I felt -that they were speaking not so much from deep conviction as from -political expediency. Out of that feeling I evolved my ideal of what our -Commission ought to accomplish.</p> - -<p>Here was Poland, who was expected to prevent a German-Russian -combination—a new family in the Clan of Progressive Peoples; and no -sooner had it entered the Clan than it developed a family feud. Now, the -welfare of the separate families is the welfare of the Clan. For the -Clan’s sake, Poland must be saved; otherwise, it would be an easy prey -to the common enemy. The investigator’s duty was not merely to -ascertain, if that were possible, which of the two contending factions -had told the truth, or which exaggerated; we were the representatives of -the most powerful participant in the Conference that projected the -League of Nations; it was for us to see whether the quarrel could not be -amicably settled, and the new family saved to do its part for the Clan.</p> - -<div class="c"><p><a name="ill_005" id="ill_005"></a></p> -<a href="images/i_358_fp.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_358_fp.jpg" height="600" alt="[image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p>© <i>Keystone</i></p> - -<p>IGNACE PADEREWSKI</p> - -<p>Premier of Poland, and her representative at Paris, who suggested that -the American Mission be sent, and later, in Poland, aided it.</p></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_359" id="page_359">{359}</a></span></p> - -<p>Nor was that all. Our experiment was a new one in history. We were not a -delegation of conquerors dictating to the parties of a newly subdued -province. We believed that if internecine wars were to be prevented in -the future, one of the best methods might now be proved to be -investigations and recommendations, made as early in the quarrel as -possible by disinterested outsiders, who would represent an -international tribunal with power to act.</p> - -<p>Accordingly, Gibson and I decided that the Polish Commission must set -out armed with instructions that would carry it far. We consulted Mr. -Lansing, and the following letter resulted:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="r"> -Paris, June 30, 1919.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My dear Mr. Morgenthau:</span><br /> -</p> - -<p>As I understand that you and your colleagues on the Mission to -Poland are beginning your preliminary work here, I desire to make -some general observations as to the character of the task confided -to you by the President.</p> - -<p>The President was convinced of the desirability of sending a -Commission to Poland to investigate Jewish matters after he had -been made acquainted with the various reports of the situation -there. His view was supported by the request of the Polish -Government, through Mr. Paderewski, that an American Mission be -sent to establish the truth of the various reports concerning his -country. Mr. Gibson, the American Minister to Poland, some time ago -asked that such a Mission be sent to Poland and outlined his idea -of what it should endeavour to accomplish.</p> - -<p>It is desired that your Mission make careful inquiry into all -matters affecting the relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish -elements in Poland. This will, of course, involve the investigation -of the various massacres, pogroms, and other excesses alleged to -have taken place, the economic boycott, and other methods of -discrimination against the Jewish race. The establishment of the -truth in regard to these matters is not, however, an end in itself; -it is merely for the purpose of seeking to discover the reason -lying behind such excesses and discriminations with a view to -finding a possible remedy. The American Government, as you know, is -inspired by a friendly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_360" id="page_360">{360}</a></span> desire to render service to all elements in -the new Poland—Christians and Jews alike. I am convinced that any -measure that may be taken to ameliorate the conditions of the Jews -will also benefit the rest of the population and that, conversely, -anything done for the community benefit of Poland as a whole, will -be of advantage to the Jewish race. I am sure that the members of -your Mission are approaching the subject in the right spirit, free -from prejudice one way or the other, and filled with a desire to -discover the truth and evolve some constructive measures to improve -the situation which gives concern to all the friends of Poland.</p> - -<p>I am, my dear Mr. Morgenthau, with every hope that your Mission may -result in lasting good,</p> - -<p class="r"><span style="margin-right: 6em;"> -Very sincerely yours,</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Robert Lansing</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>Our Commission arrived in Warsaw on the 13th of July, and we were -immediately immersed in the vortex of Polish affairs.</p> - -<p>The Jewish masses looked upon us as hoped-for deliverers, and upon me as -a second Moses Montefiore, but no other faction was pleased at our -presence. Paderewski’s request that we be sent was far from representing -the wishes of the entire Polish people; the majority of the -Government—particularly Pilsudski, the Chief of State, and his -group—had difficulty in concealing their mistrust of the Mission, and a -large portion of the press unreservedly described our purpose as a piece -of uncalled-for interference.</p> - -<p>As no enduring benefit was likely to be accomplished unless we won the -good will of all concerned, we saw at once that to secure this was only -secondary to our discovering the truth. Accordingly, as soon as we were -settled in the Raczynski Palace, where the Poles signed their -Declaration of Independence in 1790, we began a long series of -conferences with men from all the political factions, persons of the -various religious faiths, members of the Cabinet and Parliament, the -Volks-Partei, the Ar<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_361" id="page_361">{361}</a></span>beiter-Verein, and with Jews—Zionistic, -Assimilators, and Orthodox. Of the Jewish members of the Parliament -there were Dr. Grynenbaum, Dr. Thon, Mr. Farbstein, Hardclass, Dr. -Rosenblatt, who were Nationalistic Zionists; Dr. Weinza, who was a -Radical Zionist; and Dr. Schipper, who was a Socialistic Zionist. Then -there were Preludski, and Hirsthorn of the Volks-Partei; and Rabbis -Perlmutter and Halpern of the Orthodox Jewish party.</p> - -<p>Our quarters were flooded with visitors. To our first sitting came -representatives of the Zionists to state their case, and then the -picturesque Rabbi Perlmutter, with his white, patriarchal beard, who, -accompanied by two other rabbis, called to extend the welcome of the -Orthodox Jews.</p> - -<p>That was the beginning of a full fortnight of Warsaw hearings. Day after -day, we sat there, listening, questioning, taking voluminous notes, -making bulky records. There came representatives from the Jews of Lodz, -Lemberg, Cracow, Vilna, and other towns—each delegation with its own -story and each entreating us to visit its city and conduct personal -investigations there. The story of the men from Minsk is worth -repeating: they claimed possession of definite information of a -conspiracy against them whereby, when the Polish Army should enter -Minsk, Anti-Semitic Bolshevist soldiers, lagging in the rear of the -Bolsheviki’s retreat, would “snipe” at the conquerors from houses -occupied by Jews, so that the Jews would be blamed and pogroms result; -they even gave the location of the houses.</p> - -<p>Thus it went from morning until night. One day there were ten different -delegations, each important, each interesting, to be listened to. It was -not long before we found, to our surprise, that the chief sources of -trouble could be traced to a comparatively few factional leaders,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_362" id="page_362">{362}</a></span> not -more than would fill a small room, and that for these the opportunity to -express their clashing views was in itself a relief to the tenseness of -the situation.</p> - -<p>In a class by himself, however, was Rabbi Rubenstein, who came from -Vilna when we were in the middle of one of our endless conferences with -Warsaw Zionists. He was a Lithuanian and though he had been flogged for -refusing to sign a paper charging the Bolsheviki with the Vilna -outrages, he was still defiant toward the Poles. Learned in more than -Jewish scholarship, he had a grasp of the economic laws involved in the -present difficulties and a keen understanding of world politics that was -touched with statesmanship. But, above all, he was the shepherd pleading -for his sheep; he displayed a pathetic faith that here at last was a -tribunal anxious to dispense justice. Imagine a face like that of some -mediæval artist’s “Christ,” lined with the horror of his recent -experiences; eyes wide with the grief that they had suffered in -witnessing the massacre of the flower of his flock. His gesturing hands -shook, his voice was broken by emotion, but he recounted the history of -these now well-known Vilna excesses with an eloquence that was all the -more moving because it was wholly unstudied, and every now and then the -current of his speech was broken by spasmodic ebullitions of resentment -which he could no longer repress.</p> - -<p>He begged us not to make the mistake of previous hasty investigators. He -implored us to spend at least three days in Vilna. His community had -retained two lawyers, who had collected all the evidence; everything -would be thoroughly prepared, but there were so many witnesses to be -examined that a three days’ sojourn was the minimum necessity. Here, it -was clear, was no religious fanatic; his plea was so brilliant, his -sincerity so convincing, that we readily agreed with his request.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_363" id="page_363">{363}</a></span></p> - -<p>I have said that the Zionists were our first callers; they were also our -most constant. We were soon in close contact with all their leaders, -attended their meetings, and studied their activities. Some were -pro-Russian, all were practically non-Polish, and the Zionism of most of -them was simply advocacy of Jewish Nationalism within the Polish state. -Thus, when the committee of the Djem, or Polish Constitutional Assembly, -called on us, led by Grynenbaum, Farbstein, and Thon—all men who had -discarded the dress and beard of the Orthodox Jew—and when I discovered -that they were really authorized to represent that section of the Jews -that had complained to the world of the alleged pogroms, I notified them -that we were willing to give them several hours a day until they had -completed the presentation of their case to their entire satisfaction. -That programme was adhered to.</p> - -<p>Besides their version of the excesses, they presented evidence of -considerable political bad faith and much economic oppression on the -part of a section of the Poles. Contrary to explicit understanding, an -election had been set for the Jewish Sabbath; and there had been -gerrymandering at Bialystok, so that in the municipal election the -Jewish votes had been swamped by voters admitted from surrounding -villages. We were told of the development of coöperative stores which -both excluded the Jews as members and were pledged against patronizing -Jewish wholesale merchants or manufacturers.</p> - -<p>“But,” we asked, “you don’t expect to end these things by propaganda for -an exodus to Palestine?”</p> - -<p>They admitted that taking anything short of 50,000 Jews a year out of -Poland would effect no noticeable decrease in the population there. They -were afraid that the Government intended to treat the Jews in the old -way and that they would not be given rights equal to those of other -Polish citizens; if they could not go to Palestine, if<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_364" id="page_364">{364}</a></span> they were to be -regarded as a foreign mass in the Polish body politic, they wanted the -privileges that they felt ought to be granted them, to offset the -privations of such a situation. To that end they were employing the -Zionist agitation.</p> - -<p>“We want,” they said, “to be permitted to vote for Jewish -representatives no matter what part of the country we or they live in. -The Jews form fourteen per cent. of Poland’s population. We want a -fourteen per cent. representation in Poland’s Parliament. That will give -us fifty-six members instead of the eleven Jewish members there at -present.”</p> - -<p>They admitted that their fifty-six could sway legislation only in case -of close divisions among the other parties.</p> - -<p>Then there were the Assimilators, whose attitude was the extreme -opposite of the Zionists. They invited us to a reception, and we found -them very intelligent and deeply interested in the future of -Poland—distinct in no detail of dress or speech, and holding membership -in political parties on purely Polish principles, just as a Jew in -America may be a Democrat or a Republican without reference to his -religion. They regarded Judaism as a matter of faith. They were -prosperous, many of them were professional men, and all of them mingled -on a footing of social equality with the Christians.</p> - -<p>The meeting of the old order with the new presented many a contrast. I -recall particularly a reception of which the Countess Zermoysky, -representing the ancient aristocracy, was one of the attractions. That -was like an episode under Louis XIV transported untouched into the -modern world. Amid ornate decorations, lavish refreshments, excellent -music, and displays of fireworks, the pretty Countess presided with all -the grace and charm of a lady of the court of the Grand Monarch; beside -her towered General Pilsudski, the gruff and bluff Chief of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_365" id="page_365">{365}</a></span> State of -the new Polish régime. The old aristocracy was flirting with the modern -forces-in-power, and the modernists, more than a little flattered, were -by no means repelling these charming attentions.</p> - -<p>Nothing could have been more interesting. While Ambassador at -Constantinople, I had seen the disintegration of Turkey. In Paris I had -been present at the obsequies of the German and Austrian Empires; here I -was attending a christening, with parents and god-parents, nursery -governesses and prospective tutors and guardians, all discussing the -child’s career.</p> - -<p>Our escort, M. Skrzynski, the Acting Foreign Secretary, turned to me:</p> - -<p>“In judging the Poles,” he said in that soft, musical voice of his, “you -must remember that we are really a sweet and sentimental people. The new -government has not yet assumed the full authority dropped by the -Russians. We are still uncertain whether, if we tighten the reins, the -horse may balk. Once the horse was the people; now the people are the -drivers. We are wondering whether the bit will hurt the tender mouths of -the aristocrats.”</p> - -<p>He was a tall, handsome fellow, this Skrzynski, with the head of a -Beethoven and the manners of a Chesterfield. He looked an amateur -artist. He was one of those who came into the new government from the -old aristocracy; but he never forgot his part as a loyal Republican and -evinced an almost boyish pride in his work.</p> - -<p>One evening we were asked to supper by a certain man of title. His -manner was exceedingly cordial and broad-minded, and he had ransacked -the entire neighbourhood to make his banquet a great success. He had -invited some of the prominent Jews of his city. He showed us with great -pride a statue of Napoleon by Houdon, and other fine works of art. -Captain Goodhart, the counsel<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_366" id="page_366">{366}</a></span> of the Commission, was sitting with the -titled personage’s niece, a vivacious girl of about eighteen.</p> - -<p>“Just look at uncle and aunt,” she whispered, “how charmingly they are -treating the Ambassador. They are just loading him down with attentions. -It seems strange to me, to see a Jew treated with such consideration in -our home. You know, I just detest the Jews, don’t you?”</p> - -<p>“Well, really,” he said, “I can’t possibly agree with you, because I am -a Jew myself.”</p> - -<p>The little Countess was all confusion.</p> - -<p>“Don’t—don’t tell my uncle what I have said,” she begged, “he would -never forgive me!”</p> - -<p>Askenazy is another personage of those days whom I shall long remember. -One of the great scholars of Lemberg University, he was known as the -foremost historian of Central Europe; since then he has become a -familiar international figure as Poland’s representative at the Geneva -meetings of the League of Nations. An occasional attendant at the -Synagogue, he was nevertheless a pronounced Assimilator and enormously -proud of the fact that his family have lived in Poland since 1650.</p> - -<p>Askenazy saw small benefit to anybody in the alleged privileges of -educational separation granted the Polish Jews by the Treaty.</p> - -<p>“If the Jews have their own schools,” he said, “that will only widen the -difference between them and the Poles.”</p> - -<p>I reminded him that the separation extended merely to the primary -schools.</p> - -<p>“It will be gradually applied to the high schools,” he insisted, “and -then to the universities. In their primary schools, the Jewish children -will of course be taught Hebrew or Yiddish; that will make it next to -impossible for them to mix with the pupils of the higher grades when -they get there.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_367" id="page_367">{367}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>Very impressive was our visit to the chief synagogue of Warsaw. There -must have been 25,000 people present. Outside the building, those -clamouring for entrance literally jammed the square, and the streets for -several blocks surrounding it, from house wall to house wall; inside, -the crowd was so dense that every man’s shoulder overlapped his -neighbour’s. The cries from the street made it imperative for us to show -ourselves there, after the services, when we were almost mobbed. Some of -the crowd wanted to pull our automobile to our home; others clamoured to -carry us there on their shoulders, and something close to good-natured -force had to be used to enable us to reach our car. Rubenstein came from -Vilna for the meeting; there was a delegation from Posen; and Dr. Thon -represented the Jews of the Parliament. An eminent nerve specialist from -Posen, in his speech, stated that the nervous condition of the Jews -should be attributed to “Halleritis”—a fear of what the Polish Army -under General Haller might next do to them; while Poznansky, the Rabbi, -in his address, laid stress on the Jews’ desire to be first class, and -not second class, Polish citizens.</p> - -<p>This is not the place to recapitulate all the details of our journey -through Poland. In Vilna, where our calendar was overcrowded, we got -through a really incredible amount of work, by running three tribunals, -each with an investigator, interpreter, and stenographer. The accounts -of the evidence—of the testimony concerning the outrages to which the -Jews had undoubtedly been subjected—all the world has long since read. -I shall touch only on three incidents: those at Stanislawa, Pinsk, and -Vilna.</p> - -<p>From Stanislawa, the Christian authorities had asked for a visit from -our Commission to prevent a provocation of a pogrom by the Jews. When I -arrived, the Burgomaster explained that the Jews’ sympathy with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_368" id="page_368">{368}</a></span> -Ukrainians might provoke an attack of the Polish citizens. I asked:</p> - -<p>“How is your city governed?”</p> - -<p>“By a representative committee of Christians and Jews.”</p> - -<p>“How many Christians?”</p> - -<p>“Sixty.”</p> - -<p>“And how many Jews?”</p> - -<p>“One.”</p> - -<p>I said I should like to see that one.</p> - -<p>“Well,” said the Burgomaster, “you see he wasn’t on good terms with the -Zionists, and so he had to go.”</p> - -<p>I sent for a committee of Jewish residents.</p> - -<p>They told us of their fearful predicament. The governmental control of -their city had changed six times in four years. Each time it changed, -the new power, be it Austrian, Polish, or Ukrainian, would punish them -for having been loyal to their predecessor. If they remained neutral, -all would make them suffer. “What are we to do?”</p> - -<p>I guessed now what the local authorities had been up to. They were -anti-Jewish and, if the federal government had not sent somebody in -answer to their request, they would have interpreted that as the -sanctioning of further excesses. I therefore had the Burgomaster and his -friends in again, and declared that the republic’s authorities realized -that Poland’s standing with the outside world depended on her justice to -the Jews.</p> - -<p>“You are politicians, and I am a politician,” I concluded, “therefore we -can talk in that language. You have been preparing for a pogrom. Now I -want to tell you that your government is as anxious as I am to avoid -further maltreatment of the Jews, and if any occurs in Stanislawa, you -will be removed from office.”</p> - -<p>After we had a friendly discussion of the plight in which<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_369" id="page_369">{369}</a></span> the local -Jews found themselves, the Burgomaster assured me that there would be no -difficulties in his city, and there were none.</p> - -<p>I wish that I could adequately describe the scene that I witnessed in -Pinsk. It has haunted me ever since, and has seemed a complete -expression of the misery and injustice which is prevalent over such a -large part of the world to-day. A few months before our arrival, a -particularly atrocious Jewish massacre occurred. A Polish officer, Major -Letoviski, and fifteen of his troops had entered an assembly-hall where -the leading Jewish residents had gathered, as a committee in behalf of -the American Joint Distribution Committee, to distribute supplies of -flour for the unleavened Passover bread. The Poles arrested these Jews -and marched them hurriedly to the public square and in the dim light of -an automobile lamp, placed thirty-five of them against the cathedral -wall and shot them in cold blood.</p> - -<p>A somewhat hazy charge had been made that these men were Bolshevists, -but no trial was given them, and, indeed, the charge was subsequently -shown to be untrue. Returning to the scene of execution on the next -morning, the troops found that three of their victims were still -breathing; these they despatched, and all the thirty-five corpses were -then thrown into a pit in an old Jewish cemetery, without an opportunity -for decent burial or religious exercises, and with nothing to mark the -graves.</p> - -<p>Up to the time that our Commission came, not a single Jew had been -permitted to visit that cemetery; but I was allowed to inspect the scene -of this martyrdom, and, when I entered, a great crowd of Jews, who had -followed me, also went in. As soon as they reached the burial place of -their relatives, they all threw themselves upon the ground, and set up a -wailing that still rings in my ears; it expressed the misery of -centuries.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_370" id="page_370">{370}</a></span></p> - -<p>That same evening I attended divine service at the Pinsk synagogue. The -building was crowded to its capacity, the men wedged into almost a solid -mass. Those that could not enter were gathered outside. All the Jews of -Pinsk were there. This was their first opportunity since April to -express their grief in their house of worship. This huge mass cried and -screamed until it seemed that the heavens would burst. I had read of -such public expression of agony in the Old Testament, but this was the -first time that I ever completely realized what the collective grief of -a persecuted people was like. To me it expressed the misery of centuries -and remains a pitiful memory and symbol of the cry for help that is -still going forth from a great part of Europe.</p> - -<p>Who were these thirty-five Victims? They were the leaders of the local -Jewish community, the spiritual and moral leaders of the 5,000 Jews in a -city, eighty-five per cent. of the population of which was Jewish; the -organizers of the charities, the directors of the hospitals, the friends -of the poor. And yet, to that incredibly brutal, and even more -incredibly stupid, officer who ordered their execution, they were only -so many Jews.</p> - -<p>Something of the same sort happened at Vilna. There was fighting between -the advancing Poles and the retiring Bolsheviki; shots were fired from -private houses against the Polish troops, and the Poles, in the anger of -their new-found authority, assumed that the Jewish houseowners were -guilty. They did not stop to learn the fact that the Jews of Vilna were -glad to get rid of Bolshevist rule: they slaughtered or deported all who -were suspects—men like Jaffe, that Jewish poet who lived in a world of -his own beautiful and harmless dreams, were treated shamefully.</p> - -<p>These descriptions of the occurrences at Pinsk and Vilna are totally -inadequate to describe the fearful plight<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_371" id="page_371">{371}</a></span> of the Jews. Even the fuller -accounts contained in my official report to the American Commission to -Negotiate Peace—which is printed in full in the Appendix—does not -adequately portray the sad conditions of these Jews in Poland at -present. Giving harrowing details will not remedy the situation, and -might be misconstrued and do harm to those suffering people. Hence, I -have abstained.</p> - -<p>It was in Vilna that we had a real show-down with the Chief of State of -Poland. All this time we had been in the unpleasant position of a -delegation of foreigners endeavouring to render a service to a country -whose president openly resented our presence there.</p> - -<p>“Pogroms?” Pilsudski had thundered when I first called on him. It was in -the Czar’s summer palace near Warsaw that he was living, and he received -me in the “library” where there was not a book to be seen. “There have -been no pogroms in Poland!—nothing but unavoidable accidents.”</p> - -<p>I asked the difference.</p> - -<p>“A pogrom,” he explained reluctantly, “is a massacre ordered by the -government, or not prevented by it when prevention is possible. Among us -no wholesale killings of Jews have been permitted. Our trouble isn’t -religious; it is economic. Our petty dealers are Jews. Many of them have -been war-profiteers, some have had dealings with the Germans or the -Bolsheviki, or both, and this has created a prejudice against Jews in -general.”</p> - -<p>At that meeting he stormed against the new school regulations; they -would not only ghettoize the Jews, but, and here his real objection -revealed itself, they were repugnant because forced upon the country -from the outside.</p> - -<p>“Russia,” he declared, “will return to autocracy: the Russians can -survive even the privations of Bolshevism. But our problem is vastly -different. We have become a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_372" id="page_372">{372}</a></span> free republic, and we propose to remain -one, in spite of interference. The Poles and the Jews can’t live -together on friendly terms for years to come, but they will manage it at -last. In the meantime, the Jew will have all his legal rights. It is our -own affair; our own honour is involved, and we are entirely able to -guard it.”</p> - -<p>Now our Commission was at Vilna, and Pilsudski came there; it was his -birthplace, and here were we invading it with an American Commission. -Etiquette required that Jadwin and I should call on him.</p> - -<p>The president was quartered in the Bishop’s Palace. We were received -with great formality and ushered through several vast rooms before we -reached the audience-chamber. A storm was brewing, the light was dim. We -found ourselves in a great big uninviting room, with long windows -opening on a large court. War had stripped it of all its ancient -hangings; the old furniture that belonged there must have vanished, in -its stead were a few pieces of cheap and stiff modern manufacture. There -was a desk at the far end, and at it was seated Pilsudski.</p> - -<p>He was a huge, forbidding man. His uniform, buttoned tight to the base -of his big neck, was unadorned by any orders—the uniform of a fighter. -His square jaw was thrust out below thick lips firmly set; his face was -abnormally broad, with cheekbones high and prominent; his cropped hair -bristled and his snapping eyes glinted from under a thicket caused by -his heavy eyebrows that met across his forehead.</p> - -<p>He had evidently been reading the Anti-Semitic newspapers to advantage -and was determined to give me a piece of his mind. The storm from heaven -broke just as the verbal torrent began, and the patter of the rain on -the stones of the old courtyard wove in and out like an orchestral -obligato to the Wagnerian recitative of the Polish Chief-of-State. He -spoke in German—a language ex<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_373" id="page_373">{373}</a></span>cellently suited to his purpose—and soon -the ancient rafters were ringing with his invective.</p> - -<p>He declared that he was the chosen head of 20,000,000 people and would -defend their dignity. He represented the Polish Government, the ruling -power of a people that had been a nation when America was unknown, and -here was a committee of Americans stepping between the elected -Government of Poland and the Polish electors—positively belittling the -former to the latter. He dismissed as unfounded the stories about bad -treatment of prisoners. He asserted that, considering Vilna’s population -of 150,000, civilian casualties in the three days’ fighting for its -occupation had been comparatively few. Excesses? The exaggerations of -the foreign press concerning what had happened to a relatively small -number of Jews had been monstrous—one would think the country drenched -with blood, whereas the occurrences had been mere trifles inevitably -incident to any conquest.</p> - -<p>“These little mishaps,” he said, “were all over, and now you come here -to stir the whole thing up again and probably make a report that may -still further hurt our credit abroad. The Polish people resent even the -charge of ever having deserved distrust: how then can your activities -have any other effect than to increase the racial antipathy that you say -you want to end?”</p> - -<p>He was most bitter when he referred to Article 93.</p> - -<p>“Why not trust to Poland’s honour?” he shouted. “Don’t plead that the -article’s concessions are few in number or negative in character! Let -them be as small or as negative as you please, that article creates an -authority—a power to which to appeal—outside the laws of this country! -Every faction within Poland was agreed on doing justice to the Jew, and -yet the Peace Conference, at the insistence of America, insults us by -telling us that we <i>must</i> do justice. That was a public insult to my -country<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_374" id="page_374">{374}</a></span> just as she was assuming her rightful place among the sovereign -states of the world!”</p> - -<p>For fully ten minutes he continued his tirade. Nothing could have -stopped him and I didn’t try. When he was quite out of breath, I said -quietly:</p> - -<p>“Well, General, you’ve made good use of your opportunity; you’ve gotten -rid of all your gall. Now let’s talk from heart to heart.” I suited the -expression of my face to my words!</p> - -<p>The effect was surprising. He stared at me for a moment with unbelieving -eyes and then threw back his head and burst into a giant laugh.</p> - -<p>Then came my turn. I said that, in my official capacity, I was no Jew, -was not even an American, but a representative of all civilized nations -and their religions. I stood for tolerance in its broadest sense. I -explained exactly what our Commission was after, told what we had done -so far and made it clear that we were there not to injure Poland, but to -help her. Pilsudski’s entire attitude changed; before I left him, he -consented to release the Jewish prisoners still in custody since April, -1919, “as rapidly as each case can be investigated.”</p> - -<p>On our return to Warsaw, Billinski, the Minister of Finance, told us -that, in order to get the Orthodox Jews’ point of view, we should -interview a <i>Wunder Rabbiner</i>. Inquiry convinced me that the outstanding -of these, exercising a vast influence, was Rabbi Alter, of -Gory-Kalavaria, and, unannounced, Jadwin and I visited him at a summer -resort near Warsaw. A large number of students surrounded him, all -gowned in their long black kaftans, and bearded in the extreme manner of -their sect. He presented us to them and to his wife, and I found him -anti-Zionistic and anti-Nationalistic, but much depressed because of the -harsh treatment of the Jews. I asked him to visit me in Warsaw; he came, -accompanied</p> - -<div class="c"><p><a name="ill_006" id="ill_006"></a></p> -<a href="images/i_374_fp.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_374_fp.jpg" height="600" alt="[image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p>JOSEPH PILSUDSKI</p> - -<p>Chief of State of Poland, who was not, at first, in sympathy with the -American Mission.</p></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_375" id="page_375">{375}</a></span></p> - -<p class="nind">by his son-in-law and two other Orthodox Rabbis, Lewin and Sirkis, and I -had a stenographer take down our conversation.</p> - -<p>Space will not permit the reproduction here of all that these leaders -said, and I shall confine myself to repeating just a few of their -remarks, and in considering them, it should be kept in mind that the -Orthodox Jews number 80 per cent. of the Jewish population of Poland.</p> - -<p>“Our principal conflict,” said Rabbi Alter, “is with Jews: our chief -opponents at every step are the Zionists. The Orthodox are satisfied to -live side by side with people of different religions.... The Zionists -side-track religion.”</p> - -<p>“We are exiled,” said Rabbi Lewin; “we cannot be freed from our -banishment, nor do we wish to be. We cannot redeem ourselves.... We will -abide by our religion [in Poland] until God Almighty frees us.”</p> - -<p>And again: “We would rather be beaten and suffer for our religion [than -discard the distinguishing marks of Orthodox Judaism, such as not -cutting the beard, etc.].... The Orthodox love Palestine far more than -others, but they want it as a Holy Land for a holy race.”</p> - -<p>News of our proceedings had preceded us to Warsaw, and our purpose was -beginning to be understood and appreciated, even by those who had -formerly suspected and mistrusted us.</p> - -<p>I had another talk there with Pilsudski. He said that the Poles and Jews -must live together, that their relations could never be perfect, but -that the Government would really do its best to avoid friction. -Meantime, he hoped that there would be an end of official missions to -inquire into the problem; he had no objection to private investigations, -and, so far as our mission was concerned, he admitted it had already had -a good effect. He hoped our report would satisfy the world enough to end -such inquiries, for he did<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_376" id="page_376">{376}</a></span> feel that interference from foreign nations -was bad for the prestige of the government at home. He concluded by -asking Jadwin and myself to meet his Cabinet at a luncheon which he had -instructed Skrzynski to arrange.</p> - -<p>Skrzynski opened the talk that followed the luncheon by praising our -work and our evident inclination to spare Poland’s pride. I followed by -saying that, though we would have to rap Poland’s knuckles and blame -some of the Poles severely for certain excesses and economic -persecutions, which I strongly condemned, we would present our -conclusions with fairness to both sides. It was important not to forget -that this was a matter in which all the world was interested and that -only strict honesty would satisfy. The Polish authorities had adopted a -contradictory defense, entering a general denial and yet pleading -justification. They ought to have confessed that excesses had occurred, -denied any official participation in them, frowned upon them, promised -to prevent them in the future, and punished the culprits.</p> - -<p>Billinski replied for the Cabinet. A man of more than seventy, he had -held the portfolio of Finance under the Emperor Franz-Josef of Austria -and was typical of the old Continental bureaucracy. He, too, felicitated -us on the pleasant ending of our work, concerning which, he said, he and -his colleagues had entertained such grave doubts. Poland, he said, -wanted no more “polemics”; the desire of the government was to quiet -things. Any admission of mistakes they thought had better be decided by -Paderewski. He hoped that our report would call attention to Poland’s -thousand years of culture, which had made her the advance post of -civilization in eastern Europe; would mention that she had ever been -tolerant toward the Jew and welcomed his arrival and that she did not -forget how, in the Revolution of 1863, the Jews had loyally fought -against Russia. They would not have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_377" id="page_377">{377}</a></span> done that, he argued, had the Poles -been persecuting them. He said it was unfortunate that, in the recent -war, some Jews had informed against the Poles in Galicia and thereby -created the prejudice against them.</p> - -<p>“The Pole,” he concluded, “must live side-by-side with the Jew and wants -to do it in peace.”</p> - -<p>What, in this question of Anti-Semitism, were the feelings of that -member of the government who is best known to all the world? Ignace -Paderewski is not only not an Anti-Semite: he is infinitely the greatest -of the modern Poles.</p> - -<p>After my experience at the synagogue in Warsaw, to which I have already -referred, I asked Paderewski if he would not accompany me to service -some Friday. I said that he was charged with being Anti-Semitic.</p> - -<p>“How ridiculous!” he answered.</p> - -<p>“M. Paderewski,” I explained. “I know you are not Anti-Semitic, and you -know that you are not—but how are the people to be convinced of it?”</p> - -<p>Paderewski at once saw the point. He was anxious to refute the charge -against him, yet his caution prompted him to consult his political -associates, who advised against his adoption of my suggestion.</p> - -<p>“Never mind,” he reassured me: “I’ll find another way.”</p> - -<p>That way he found when Hoover came to Warsaw. I was then about to visit -Pinsk, and he requested me to postpone it for a day or two.</p> - -<p>“I am giving a state dinner for Mr. Hoover at my official residence,” -said he, “I want you to come to that and let the doubters see how you -will be one of the Premier’s most honoured guests.”</p> - -<p>That dinner was a gorgeous affair. Everybody of political, financial, -and social importance was there; the representatives of the old -aristocracy, the makers of the new<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_378" id="page_378">{378}</a></span> republic. The table was a sort of -squared horseshoe, its head the outside centre of the crosspiece, its -foot the inside centre. Paderewski had personally arranged the seating: -on his right sat Gibson, at his left Jadwin; Mme. Paderewska was at the -table’s head; Hoover sat at her left; General Pilsudski, as -Chief-of-State, sat at her right; and at his right was the place that -the Premier had given me.</p> - -<p>Few knew at that time of any change in General Pilsudski’s attitude -toward the Commission. All the guests supposed him still firm in his -opposition to us. From my seat beside him, I saw many inquisitive eyes -fixed on us, and showing their surprise at my sitting next to him. We -were conversing intimately and almost incessantly. It was evident that -everybody was wondering what passed between us.</p> - -<p>And what did?</p> - -<p>The terrible Chief-of-State was telling me, quite simply, the story of -his adventurous life: how he had fought always for Polish liberty, how -he had suffered imprisonment at Magdeburg.</p> - -<p>“But, even when there seemed no hope for either my country or me,” he -declared, “I never lost my faith. A marvellous gypsy palmist had assured -me that I was destined to be dictator of Poland.”</p> - -<p>I looked at him in amazement. It seemed incredible that this hardened -soldier should be speaking seriously.</p> - -<p>“The palmist,” he continued, with the simplicity of a child, “found that -the lines at the base of my right forefinger formed a star. That is a -sure sign that the lucky bearer is to rise to mastery.”</p> - -<p>He held out his hand to me. I could almost hear the rustle of excitement -among the watching guests to whom, of course, his words were inaudible.</p> - -<p>The star was there. Then, inquisitively, I looked at<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_379" id="page_379">{379}</a></span> my own right hand, -and to my great surprise I also found a star!</p> - -<p>“I have the mark as well as you,” I laughingly proclaimed, “but the -nearest approach I ever made to a dictatorship was when the British were -expected in Constantinople in 1915, and I was to be in control of the -city between the departure of the Turks and the British occupation.”</p> - -<p>News of what Pilsudski and I were doing spread rapidly. Many guests -unsuccessfully looked for a star in their own hands, and then came up to -look at the General’s and mine.</p> - -<p>Shoulder to shoulder with me sat this man trained to fighting. Opposite -to him was Paderewski, with his wonderful head, with its fine, high -brow, from which flowed that magnificent shock of hair, and showing -those piercing eyes whose expression had puzzled so many, and whose -whole education had been directed toward the evoking of harmony. For -years, American music lovers had listened to this great virtuoso and -been entranced by his vigorous and yet delicate interpretation of many -of the most difficult and intricate classics. Now, he was no longer -living amid clouds of harmonies and études, but was second only to -Pilsudski in the council of this budding republic. There sat this sheer -genius—this unstarred master. He needed no mark on his palm, no -divining gypsy’s prophecy to prove that he would excel in any sphere to -which he might direct his talent. Twelve or fifteen years ago, there was -a picture painted of him and hung in the Lemberg Gallery: it showed him -as Orpheus quieting the wild beasts with his lyre. It was of this that -he irresistibly reminded me that night. He had undertaken the almost -impossible task of reconciling the contending factions of his native -land, and was eliminating race hatred itself. From a chance post of -vantage, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_380" id="page_380">{380}</a></span> could not help watching the court he held during the -reception that followed the dinner. It equalled that of Pilsudski. -Princes and politicians vied with each other for an opportunity to -approach him, and to each he gave, with a perfect grace, an absorbed -attention.</p> - -<p>Another of his many sides I came to know. Poland’s financial plight -seemed to me, the more I studied it, not so desperate as feared. If -prompt and decisive help were offered, I believed, the Poles would rally -and work out their own salvation. As it was, the idle people were losing -their self-respect and were drifting toward militarism, simply through -their inactivity. I thought a plan could be devised by which they could -be aroused from their lethargy and given a start toward becoming a -vigorous, self-supporting people. I had great faith in Paderewski who, I -felt, did not subscribe to the militaristic views of Pilsudski, and I -thought there was a good chance for working out a plan for the economic -salvation of his country.</p> - -<p>In Vilna, I spoke to a number of prominent business men, irrespective of -religion, in regard to this matter. I asked them whether, if America -would help to organize a great corporation which would endeavour to -finance Poland, they would be ready to subscribe to some of the stock. I -was somewhat surprised at their prompt acquiescence.</p> - -<p>“But,” I pointed out, “you will probably be expected to subscribe in -gold. Have you got it?”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes,” they answered.</p> - -<p>Gold in ravished Poland! “Where?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“In the Agrarian Bank.”</p> - -<p>I said that I didn’t know the institution.</p> - -<p>Then they smilingly explained. The Agrarian Bank was a hole in the -ground. At the outbreak of the World War these thrifty Poles had buried -their gold, hence, these men of Vilna were ready to subscribe -generously.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_381" id="page_381">{381}</a></span></p> - -<p>When I returned to Warsaw, I discussed this plan with my associate -Johnson, who had had business experience, and he became enthusiastic -about it. I then presented it in detail to Paderewski, and his only -criticism was that the Poles would want a majority of the stock at once. -I told him that there was not the slightest objection to that, but that -I could devise a method by which they could eventually secure all of it, -and I doubted if it were wise to take too much at first. He then said -that there must be an American at the head of this corporation, and that -he must be one that was not connected with Wall Street, but who would -have the confidence of the entire American community. I proposed several -names, and we finally agreed that Franklin K. Lane was the best man.</p> - -<p>Paderewski asked me to put the full details of this plan in a letter to -him. I asked Colonel Bryant, who was an expert stenographer, whether he -would be willing to forget his military rank for a short time and revert -to his former activities by acting as my secretary. He readily assented, -and to escape the constant interruptions at our headquarters, we -automobiled five miles outside of Warsaw, gave the chauffeur a package -of cigarettes and told him to disappear; and there on the highway, I -dictated in an American automobile to an American colonel a letter which -will be found in the Appendix.</p> - -<p>I handed this letter to Paderewski, and stressed my views that the mere -announcement of such a corporation being contemplated would more than -double the value of the mark at once. Paderewski thought for a minute -and then said:</p> - -<p>“Mr. Morgenthau, that is absolutely true, and I am afraid that that is -going to prevent our adopting the scheme.”</p> - -<p>I was extremely puzzled, and was dumbfounded as he continued:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_382" id="page_382">{382}</a></span></p> - -<p>“We cannot afford to have our marks rise too rapidly. We have sold too -many at this low price, and it would bankrupt us to redeem them at the -higher value which this scheme would give them. We must find some way of -disregarding the present value of the mark, and start a new currency -system.”</p> - -<p>He had evidently given this some thought, because he asked me how long -it would take in America to prepare new plates and print for them a new -currency, and he told me that they would have piastres and pounds. I -said I thought one of the banknote companies could do it in three -months, perhaps less. Finally, he said to me:</p> - -<p>“Don’t speak to any one about this plan, because I don’t want any one to -know that the suggestion comes from you until it is put into effect.”</p> - -<p>Two days later, when I met him again, he pulled out my letter and said:</p> - -<p>“Here I am carrying your letter, and am still giving attention to your -scheme.”</p> - -<p>I still think that a corporation of that kind would have put Poland on -her feet.</p> - -<p>The time now approached for our Commission’s departure. Our -investigations were ended, our work was done. We considered our final -decision.</p> - -<p>There was no question whatever but that the Jews had suffered; there had -been shocking outrages of at least a sporadic character resulting in -many deaths, and still more woundings and robberies, and there was a -general disposition, not to say plot, of long standing, the purpose of -which was to make the Jews uncomfortable in many ways: there was a -deliberate conspiracy to boycott them economically and socially. Yet -there was also no question but that some of the Jewish leaders had -exaggerated these evils.</p> - -<p>There, too, were malevolent, self-seeking mischief<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_383" id="page_383">{383}</a></span>makers both in the -Jewish and Polish press and among the politicians of every stripe. Jews -and non-Jews alike started out with the presumption that there could be -no reconciliation. Our Commission had to deal with people, most of whom -could not conceive of the possibility of disinterested regard for their -welfare. Their experiences with the Russian courts had taught them -always to over-state the facts and when one realizes that there is a -conflict of testimony, and in most of them perjury is committed, it made -us quite patient when we found them just a little less truthful than our -American litigants.</p> - -<p>We found that, among the Jews, there was a thoughtful, ambitious -minority, who, sincere in their original motives, intensified the -trouble by believing that its solution lay only in official recognition -of the Jew as a separate nationality. They had seized on Zionism as a -means to establish the Jewish nation. To them, Zionism was national, not -religious; when questioned, they admitted that it was a name with which -to capture the imagination of their brothers whose tradition bade them -pray thrice daily for their return to the Holy Land.</p> - -<p>Pilsudski, in a moment of diplomatic aberration, had said that the Jews -made a serious error in forcing Article 93; quoting that utterance, -these Nationalists now asserted that neither the Polish Government, nor -the Roumanian for that matter, ever would carry out the spirit of the -Treaty concessions, and so they aimed at nothing short of an autonomous -government and a place in the family of nations. Meanwhile, they wanted -to join the Polish nation in a federation having a joint parliament -where both Yiddish and Polish should be spoken: their favourite way of -expressing it was to say that they wanted something like Switzerland -where French, German, and Italian cantons work together in harmony.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately, they disregarded the facts in the case.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_384" id="page_384">{384}</a></span> In Switzerland, -generally speaking, the citizens of French language live in one section, -those of German language in another, and so on, whereas these aspiring -Nationals, of course, wanted the Jews to continue scattered throughout -Poland. They wanted this, and yet wanted them to have a percentage of -representation in Parliament equal to their percentage in the entire -Polish nation! Finally, they took no account of the desires of the -Orthodox Jews, who form about 80 per cent. of their number, who were -content to remain in Poland and suffer for their religion if necessary, -and whom the Polish politicians were already coddling and beginning to -organize politically as a vote against the Nationalist-Zionists.</p> - -<p>The leaders of these Nationalist-Zionists were capable and adroit, but -they were like walking delegates in the labour unions, who had to -continue to agitate in order to maintain their leadership, and their -advocacy of a state-within-the-state was naturally resented by all. It -was quite evident that one of the deep and obscure causes of the Jewish -trouble in Poland was this Nationalist-Zionist leadership that exploited -the Old Testament prophecies to capture converts to the Nationalist -scheme.</p> - -<p>Here, then, was Zionism in action. We had seen it at first hand in -Poland. I returned home fearful that, owing to the extensive propaganda -of the Zionists, the American people might obtain the erroneous -impression that a vast majority of the Jews—and not, as it really was, -only a portion of the 150,000 Zionists in the United States—had ceased -considering Judaism as a religion and were in danger of conversion to -Nationalism.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_385" id="page_385">{385}</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIX" id="CHAPTER_XIX"></a>CHAPTER XIX<br /><br /> -<small>ZIONISM A SURRENDER, NOT A SOLUTION<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">Z</span>IONISM is the most stupendous fallacy in Jewish history. I assert that -it is wrong in principle and impossible of realization; that it is -unsound in its economics, fantastical in its politics, and sterile in -its spiritual ideals. Where it is not pathetically visionary, it is a -cruel playing with the hopes of a people blindly seeking their way out -of age-long miseries. These are bold and sweeping assertions, but in -this chapter I shall undertake to make them good.</p> - -<p>The very fervour of my feeling for the oppressed of every race and every -land, especially for the Jews, those of my own blood and faith, to whom -I am bound by every tender tie, impels me to fight with all the greater -force against this scheme, which my intelligence tells me can only lead -them deeper into the mire of the past, while it professes to be leading -them to the heights.</p> - -<p>Zionism is a surrender, not a solution. It is a retrogression into the -blackest error, and not progress toward the light. I will go further, -and say that it is a betrayal; it is an eastern European proposal, -fathered in this country by American Jews, which, if it were to succeed, -would cost the Jews of America most that they have gained of liberty, -equality, and fraternity.</p> - -<p>I claim to speak with knowledge on this subject. I have had occasion to -know the Jew intimately in all the lands where he dwells in numbers, and -to study his prob<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_386" id="page_386">{386}</a></span>lems on his own ground, with the intensity and -sympathy which were required by my duty to help in each place to -formulate the plans for his immediate assistance. I was born among the -Jews of Germany, and by natural association with German Jews in New -York, and by repeated visits to Germany, am familiar with their life and -problems. As an American of fifty-five years’ residence, as a director -of the Educational Alliance and of Mt. Sinai Hospital, as president of -the Bronx House and the Free Synagogue for more than ten years, and as -one who has travelled on speaking tours from the Atlantic to the Pacific -and from Canada to New Orleans on behalf of the American Jewish Relief -Committee, I became thoroughly familiar with the American Jews. As -American Ambassador to Turkey, I came into daily official contact with -the Jews from all parts of the Near East, not only the Jews of Turkey -and of the Turkish Protectorate in Palestine itself, but also the Jews -of Egypt, Asia Minor, Greece, Roumania, and Bulgaria, to say nothing of -the accredited representatives of the Zionist Party in Constantinople. -As the head of President Wilson’s Commission, which was sent to -investigate the alleged pogroms of the Jews of Poland following the -Armistice in 1919, I spent several months on the ground in Poland and -Galicia, and talked with thousands of Jews in every walk of life in that -greatest centre of Jewish population in the world. They told me their -troubles; the indignities and the perils they endured; the hatred of -their neighbours because of their religion; the deliberate efforts that -were being made to stifle their economic life; the political -discriminations to which they were subjected; and the social barriers -which did not permit them to enjoy a full life as members of their -community.</p> - -<p>I speak as a Jew. I speak with fullest sympathy for the Jew everywhere. -I have seen him in his poverty<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_387" id="page_387">{387}</a></span>—despised, hated, spat upon, beaten, -murdered. My blood boils with his at the thought of the indignities and -outrages to which he is subjected. I, too, would find for him, for me, -the way out of this morass of poverty, hatred, political inequality, and -social discrimination.</p> - -<p>But is Zionism that way? I assert emphatically that it is not. I deny -it, not merely from an intellectual recoil from the fallacy of its -reasoning, but from my very experience of life: as a seeker after -religious truth, as a practical business man, as an active participant -in politics, as one who has had experience in international affairs, and -as a Jew who has at heart the best interests of his co-religionists.</p> - -<p>First, let me trace briefly the origins of Zionism. I shall not attempt -to give a complete résumé of these origins, but shall sketch only a -broad picture of the facts.</p> - -<p>Zionism is based upon a literal acceptance of the promises made to the -Jews by their prophets in the Old Testament, that Zion should be -restored to them, and that they should resume their once glorious place -as a peculiar people, singled out by God for His especial favour, -exercising dominion over their neighbours in His name, and enjoying all -the freedom and blessings of a race under the unique protection of the -Almighty. Of course, the prophets meant these things symbolically, and -were dealing only with the spiritual life. They did not mean earthly -power or materialistic blessings. But most Jews accepted them in the -physical sense; and they fed upon this glowing dream of earthly grandeur -as a relief from the sordid realities of the daily life which they were -compelled to lead.</p> - -<p>Zionism arose out of the miseries of the Jews. It was offered as a -remedy, a release, a plan of action which would provide a road to -happiness. This is the secret of its hold upon its adherents. The -promises which it offers<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_388" id="page_388">{388}</a></span> are so dazzling that Jews everywhere have -rushed to embrace its faith without stopping to examine them closely or -to calculate whether they can be made good.</p> - -<p>Zionism is not a new idea, but it gained a fresh impetus following the -outbreak of wholesale massacres in Russia beginning with Kiev and -Kishineff, and all through that ghastly trail of bloodshed following the -recrudescence of Anti-Semitism. The Jews, in their agony and peril, -sought afresh for a path toward safety. Zionism was then restated as the -remedy. Theodore Herzl gained new power as its fiery apostle, and Jews -the world over embraced the doctrine as a drowning man grasps at a -straw. This largely accounts for the present intense agitation of the -Zionists.</p> - -<p>Let me now define Zionism more fully. To the average Jew, unread in -other histories than his own, ignorant of the great currents of world -progress in science, industry, and the art of government, it is a blind -and simple faith in the imminence of realization of the dream I have -just described of the reërection of Zion as an earthly Kingdom. By those -intellectual leaders of Jewish thought who have embraced this fallacy of -a panacea, Zionism is defined in more subtle and in more plausibly -rational terms. There are, first, those intellectual Jews who conceive -of “Zion” (that is, Jerusalem restored to the Jews) as being a physical -symbol of spiritual leadership, lifted up before their eyes and -inspiring them all to a common purpose; as a demonstration of Hebraic -civilization; a centre from which should proceed instruction and -exhortation to the Jews of all the world.</p> - -<p>This analogy, however, is not complete. For these leaders conceive the -Jews to be, not merely a religious congregation, but, besides, a nation. -They think that not merely should spiritual power be centralized in -Zion, but temporal power as well. In their view, the dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_389" id="page_389">{389}</a></span>crimination -against Jews in other countries will greatly diminish, once there is -erected a Jewish state in Palestine.</p> - -<p>This nation is to be, in their theory, not only the seat of a religion -and the fostering home of distinctive racial culture. It is to be, as -well, an actual political entity, with territorial boundaries and a -capital city, maintaining a temporal government with a ruler accrediting -ambassadors to foreign courts and capitals, dealing with other -governments on an equality as a sovereign state, and seeking to use the -familiar instruments of diplomatic pressure to redress the wrongs of its -citizens who happen to reside under the jurisdiction of “foreign” -nations.</p> - -<p>I say that this <i>is</i> the programme of the Zionists: perhaps I should say -<i>was</i>. It is true that they have, for the moment, altered the structure -of their dream, to accept the compromise held out to them by the Balfour -Declaration. They have stepped down from their plans for a sovereign -Jewish state in Palestine: they now accept the ideal of a “National Home -for the Jewish People”—to quote the words of that declaration. This is, -however, only a temporary compromise—a truce. Nothing short of the full -glory of their Zion will long content the ambitious apostles of Zionism.</p> - -<p>It is worth while at this point to digress for a moment from my main -argument, to point out that the Balfour Declaration is itself not even a -compromise. It is a shrewd and adroit delusion.</p> - -<p>The Balfour Declaration is: “His Majesty’s Government views with favour -the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, -it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may -prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish -communities in Palestine, nor the rights and political status enjoyed by -Jews in any other country.”</p> - -<p>The plain sense of these plain words has been woefully<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_390" id="page_390">{390}</a></span> misunderstood by -some of the Zionist leaders, and wilfully distorted by others. They -contain no promise of a Jewish state: they offer no recognition of a -Jewish nation. They do, it is true, apply the obscure but pleasant name -of “Jewish Home Land” to the land which the Declaration then accurately -defines by its political name as “Palestine”; but it guarantees to the -Jews in their Home Land only those familiar assurances of security of -person and property which are the common possessions of British subjects -the world over.</p> - -<p>I have been astonished to find that such an intelligent body of American -Jews as the Central Conference of American Rabbis should have fallen -into a grievous misunderstanding of the purport of the Balfour -Declaration. In a resolution adopted by them, they assert that the -Declaration says: “Palestine is to be a national home land for the -Jewish people.” Not at all! The actual words of the Declaration (I quote -from the official text) are: “His Majesty’s Government views with favour -the establishment <i>in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish -people</i>.” These two phrases sound alike, but they are really very -different. I can make this obvious by an analogy. When I first read the -Balfour Declaration I was making my home in the Plaza Hotel. Therefore I -could say with truth: “My home is in the Plaza Hotel.” I could not say -with truth: “The Plaza Hotel is my home.” If it were “my home,” I would -have the freedom of the whole premises, and could occupy any room in the -house with impunity. Quite obviously, however, I could not occupy the -rooms of any other of the guests of the hotel whose leases long -antedated mine.</p> - -<p>These men would gladly entertain me as a visitor, but how they would -resent and legally fight so unjustifiable an attempt as my trying -forcibly to enter their premises and displace them and make their -quarters my home.</p> - -<div class="c"><p><a name="ill_007" id="ill_007"></a></p> -<a href="images/i_390_fp.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_390_fp.jpg" height="600" alt="[image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p>RABBI RUBENSTEIN</p> - -<p>A leader of the Jewish community in Vilna, who took a very prominent -part in the incidents that arose when the Poles took possession of the -city.</p></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_391" id="page_391">{391}</a></span></p> - -<p>This is exactly the differentiation in meaning between the Balfour -Declaration and the claims of those Zionists who profess to see in it -British authority for claiming Palestine as the seat of a Jewish nation. -The Balfour Declaration very carefully says: “The British Government -favours the establishment of a home land for the Jewish people <i>in -Palestine</i>.” But this does not say that the Jews shall have the right to -dispossess, or to trespass upon the property of those far more numerous -Arab tenants whose right to their share in it is as good as that of the -Jews and, in most cases, of much longer standing.</p> - -<p>Palestine is a country already populated, and the British Government has -no intention of evicting the Arab owners of the soil in favour of the -Jews. Nor, I may add in passing, have the Arab owners any intention of -selling their holdings to the Jews, for they are fully aware of the -Zionist programme, are very resentful of it, and intend to use every -means at their command to frustrate it.</p> - -<p>In February, 1921, this obvious meaning of the Balfour Declaration was -made officially explicit, when the complete text of the mandate for -Palestine was first made public. After reiterating in the preamble the -language which I have above quoted, this official transaction of the -Council of the League of Nations proceeds to enumerate the specific -terms under which Palestine shall be governed as a mandatary of Great -Britain. The very first article of this mandate explodes completely the -theory that the Allied Powers had any idea of setting up a Jewish -nation. It reads: “His Britannic Majesty shall have the power to -exercise as mandatory all the powers inherent in the government of a -sovereign state save as they may be limited by the terms of the present -mandate.” In other words, not a government of Jews over a Jewish nation, -but His Britannic Majesty is declared to be the repository of “the -powers inherent in a sovereign state.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_392" id="page_392">{392}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>To be sure, these powers are limited by certain specific terms -enumerated in the mandate. Space does not permit a quotation of them in -full, but I would advise those interested to secure a copy of the -mandate and to study it in the light of the claim of some Zionists that -the Balfour Declaration recognizes a Jewish State. These so-called -“limitations” do not really limit the sovereign power of His Britannic -Majesty. They are not limitations; they are statements of the direction -in which the British as mandataries pledge themselves to pay especial -attention to the interests of the Jews <i>as a part of the body of the -citizens of Palestine</i>. Except for these expressions of benevolent -intention specifically toward the Jews, every one of the twenty-seven -articles in the declaration is just as applicable to every other citizen -of Palestine, whether Jew or Gentile, Mohammedan, Arab, or Christian -Syriac. They are guaranties of civil liberty, freedom of conscience, -equality before the law, and the like.</p> - -<p>It was a politic move of the British Government to name a Jew as the -first governing head of Palestine when the British began to function -under this mandate. But this appointment of Sir Herbert Samuel was only -politic, it was not political. It has no general significance.</p> - -<p>As I have said, some of the Zionist leaders woefully misunderstood the -Balfour Declaration. The terms of the mandate now leave to them no room -for misunderstanding. Other Zionist leaders, however, wilfully -misrepresented it. They knew that it meant what it said, but they did -not dare to tell their followers what it meant. They chose rather to let -them think that it was only another phrasing of their original programme -of the erection of a Zionistic national sovereign state, or that it -would lead to it. These misleaders, being more vociferous than their -more honest colleagues, have had the ear of the great mass of Jews -throughout the world. This mass now be<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_393" id="page_393">{393}</a></span>lieves that Zionism, as a -national ideal, is presently attainable, if, indeed, it is not actually -attained already. These Zionistic apostles are culpable, in that they -have failed to undeceive the masses of this error. Instead, they have -capitalized this credulous faith, and are collecting funds in America -and in Europe, ostensibly to finance what they call the establishment of -their dream, although really, as I believe, to finance further -propaganda for their unattainable ideal.</p> - -<p>Having disposed of the fallacious assumption that Zionism has been, or -is about to be attained, let me now return to my main argument, namely, -that it never can be attained, and that it ought not to be attained.</p> - -<p>Let us examine the pretensions of Zionism from three essential angles: -Is it an economic fallacy? Is it a political fantasy? Is it a spiritual -will-o’-the wisp?</p> - -<p>First, its economic aspect. I assert positively that it is impossible. -Zionists have been working for thirty years with fanatical zeal, and -backed by millions of money from philanthropic Jews of great wealth in -France, England, Germany, and America; and the total result of their -operations, at the outbreak of the World War, was the movement of ten -thousand Jews from other lands to the soil of Palestine. In the same -period, a million and a half Jews have migrated to America.</p> - -<p>The truth is that Palestine cannot support a large population in -prosperity. It has a lean and niggard soil. It is a land of rocky hills, -upon which, for many centuries, a hardy people have survived only with -difficulty by cultivating a few patches of soil here and there, with the -olive, the fig, citrus fruits and the grape, or have barely sustained -their flocks upon the sparse native vegetation. The streams are few and -small, entirely insufficient for the great irrigation systems that would -be necessary for the general cultivation of the land. The underground -sources<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_394" id="page_394">{394}</a></span> of water can be developed only at a prodigious capital expense. -There are thirteen million Jews in the world: the Zionist organization -itself claims for Palestine only a maximum possible population of five -millions. Even this claim is on the face of it an extravagant -over-estimate. After careful study on the spot in Palestine, I prophesy -that it will not support more than one million additional inhabitants.</p> - -<p>Palestine is in area about equal to the state of Massachusetts; and that -New England state, blest (as Palestine is not) with plentiful water, -ample water-powers, abundant forestation, and a good soil, supports only -four million people. This bald comparison, however, does not begin to -tell the story. Massachusetts is an integral part of a tremendously -prosperous nation of one hundred million souls. Distributed among -forty-eight states, between which there are no political boundaries to -protect, no fences to be maintained, no tariff discrimination, or -unfavourable exchanges to be considered, she enjoys all the advantages -of a highly industrialized community, and of established commercial -intercourse with the rest of the most progressive nations in the world. -If Massachusetts were situated as Palestine is situated, remote from the -great currents of modern economic life; without even one of those -absolutely indispensable prerequisites to commercial success, namely -natural ports; without its network of railways, bringing to it cheaply -the raw materials for its manufactures, and carrying from it cheaply and -quickly to rich markets its manufactured articles, Massachusetts would -support a population far less than its present numbers.</p> - -<p>This is the condition of Palestine: not only must agriculture be pursued -under the greatest possible handicaps of soil and water, but it is -subject to the direct competition of far more favoured lands in the very -agricultural<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_395" id="page_395">{395}</a></span> products for which it is distinctive. These are the citrus -fruits, almonds, figs and dates, grapes and wine. How can little -Palestine compete in these products with Italy, France, and Spain, and -their north African colonies, whose richer soil lies in the direct line -of the great march of commerce?</p> - -<p>A great industrial Palestine is equally unthinkable. It lacks the raw -materials of coal and iron; it lacks the skill in technical processes -and the experience in the arts; and, above all, it is not in the path of -modern trade currents. What hope is there for Palestine, as an -industrial nation, in competition with America, Great Britain, and -Germany, with their prodigious resources, their highly organized -factories, their great mass-production, and their superb means of -transportation? The notion is preposterous.</p> - -<p>I claim that the foregoing analysis demolishes the economic foundation -of Zionism.</p> - -<p>What of its political foundations? Is Zionism a political fantasy? I -assert most emphatically that it is. The present British mandate over -Palestine is a recognition, by the great powers of the world, of the -supreme political interest of Great Britain in that region. It was no -mere accident that it was a British army which captured Jerusalem from -the Turks in the late war. The life-and-death importance of the Suez -Canal to the integrity of the British Empire has for more than half a -century made the destiny of Palestine as well as of Egypt a vital -concern of British statesmanship. So long as the Turk was in control, -the British had no cause to fear what that impotent and backward -neighbour might do to interrupt the life current that flows through this -jugular vein connecting India with the British Isles. But now that the -Turk is in process of being dispossessed of sovereignty, and the future -disposition of his territories in doubt, British states<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_396" id="page_396">{396}</a></span>men can hold but -one opinion concerning either Egypt or Palestine, and this opinion is, -that no matter what else may befall, British influence must be -omnipotent on both sides of the Suez Canal. It may be politic for them -for the moment to coddle the aspirations of a numerically negligible -race like the Jews. But the notion that Great Britain would for one -instant allow any form of government in Palestine, under any name -whatever, that was not, in fact, an appanage of the British Crown, and -subservient to the paramount interests of British world policy, is too -fantastical for serious refutation.</p> - -<p>I have just said that it may be politic for the British Government to -coddle the aspirations of the Jews. There are, however, profound reasons -why this coddling will not take the form of granting to them even the -name and surface appearance of a sovereign government ruling Palestine. -In the first place, Britain’s hold upon India is by no means so secure -that the Imperial Government at London can afford to trifle with the -fanatical sensibilities of the millions of Mohammedans in its Indian -possessions. Remember that Palestine is as much the Holy Land of the -Mohammedan as it is the Holy Land of the Jew, or the Holy Land of the -Christian. His shrines cluster there as thickly. They are to him as -sacredly endeared. In 1914 I visited the famous Caves of Machpelah, -twenty miles from Jerusalem; and I shall never forget the mutterings of -discontent that murmured in my ears, nor the threatening looks that -confronted my eyes, from the lips and faces of the devout Mohammedans -whom I there encountered. For these authentic tombs of Abraham, Isaac, -and Jacob are as sacred to them, because they are saints of Islam, as -they are to the most orthodox of my fellow Jews, whose direct ancestors -they are, not only in the spiritual, but in the actual physical sense. -To these Mohammedans, my presence at the tombs of my ancestors was as -much a prof<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_397" id="page_397">{397}</a></span>anation of a Mohammedan Holy Place as if I had laid -sacrilegious hands upon the sacred relics in the mosque at Mecca. To -imagine that the British Government will sanction a scheme for a -political control of Palestine which would place in the hands of the -Jews the physical guardianship of these shrines of Islam, is to imagine -something very foreign to the practical political sense of the most -politically practical race on earth. They know too well how deeply they -would offend their myriad Mohammedan subjects to the East.</p> - -<p>Exactly the same political issue of religious fanaticism applies to the -question of Christian sensibilities. Any one who has seen, as in 1914 I -saw at Easter-tide, the tens of thousands of devout Roman Catholics from -Poland, Italy, and Spain, and the other tens of thousands of devout -Greek Catholics from Russia and the East, who yearly frequent the -shrines of Christianity in Palestine, and who thus consummate a lifetime -of devotion by a pilgrimage undertaken at, to them, staggering expense -and physical privation; and who has observed, as I have observed, the -suppressed hatred of them all for both the Jew and the Mussulman; and -who has noted, further, the bitter jealousies between even Protestant -and Catholic, between Greek Catholic and Roman—such an observer, I say, -can entertain no illusions that the placing of these sacred shrines of -Christian tradition in the hands of the Jews would be tolerated. The -most enlightened Christians might endure it, but the great mass of -Christian worshippers of Europe would not. They regard the Jew not -merely as a member of a rival faith, but the man whose ancestors -rejected their fellow Jew, the Christ, and crucified Him. Their -fanaticism is a political fact of gigantic proportions. A Jewish State -in Palestine would inevitably arouse their passion. Instead of such a -State adding new dignity and consideration to the position of the Jew -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_398" id="page_398">{398}</a></span> world over (as the Zionists claim it would do), I am convinced that -it would concentrate, multiply, and give new venom to the hatred which -he already endures in Poland and Russia, the very lands in which most of -the Jews now dwell, and where their oppressions are the worst.</p> - -<p>The political pretensions of Zionism are fantastic. I think the -foregoing paragraphs have demonstrated this.</p> - -<p>Is Zionism a spiritual will-o’-the-wisp? I assert with all the vigour of -my most profound convictions that it is. Its professed spiritual aim is -the reassertion of the dignity and worth of the Jew. It is a mechanism -designed to restore to him his self-respect, and to secure for him the -respect of others. The means by which it proposes to accomplish this -have been described above. How pitifully inadequate these means are has -been demonstrated.</p> - -<p>The effort of the Jews to attain their legitimate spiritual ambitions by -means of a political mechanism needs hardly further to be controverted -in the negative, or destructive, sense. I prefer to meet this issue on -positive and constructive grounds. My answer to the spiritual -pretensions of Zionism is the positive answer that the solution has -already been discovered—the way out has been found. The courageous Jew, -the intellectually honest Jew, the forward-looking Jew, the Jew who has -been willing to fight for his rights on the spot where they were -infringed, has won his battle, and has found all the glorious freedom -which Zionism so impractically describes. The brave Jews of England did -not surrender their cause. They did not seek a moral opiate in an -Oriental pipe-dream of retreat to a cloud-land Zion pictured by fancy on -the arid hills of Palestine. They stayed in England; they fought on -English soil for their rights as men. Their courage enlisted the -admiration of the nobler spirits among the English, and it allied to -them such Britons as Macaulay and George Bentinck, whose splendid -elo<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_399" id="page_399">{399}</a></span>quence and political acumen assisted in the repeal of the Jewish -Disabilities in 1858. This epochal legislation gave the Jews every right -enjoyed in Britain by the Christians. It made possible the splendid -political career of Beaconsfield (for many years Prime Minister of Great -Britain), and the brilliant experience of Sir Rufus Isaacs (now Earl -Reading) who has progressed through the highest political honours of the -nation as Lord Chief Justice, Ambassador to America, and Viceroy of -India.</p> - -<p>Do not forget that in this victorious struggle the Jew made no -compromise whatever with his conscience. He did not abandon his racial, -religious, or cultural heritage.</p> - -<p>The courageous and wise Jews of France and Italy have fought this same -battle to this same victorious conclusion.</p> - -<p>But this book will be read chiefly by Americans: such influence as it -may wield will be particularly upon American minds. Need I elaborate the -argument in its American setting? The facts lie upon the surface for the -dullest eyes to see them. Nowhere in the world has so glorious an -opportunity been offered to the Jew. Generous America has thrown wide -the doors of opportunity to him. The Jew possesses no talents of the -mind or spirit that cannot find here a free field for their most -complete expression.</p> - -<p>Does he seek political office? Jews in this country have been or are -members of every legislature, including the Senate of the United States; -ambassadors representing the person of the President at foreign courts; -officers of the judiciary in every grade from justice of the peace to -justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.</p> - -<p>Does he seek freedom of conscience? He may freely choose his mode of -worship, from the strictest of orthodox tabernacles to the most liberal -of free synagogues.</p> - -<p>Does he seek a field for business talent? The evidence of opportunity in -this direction is so overwhelming that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_400" id="page_400">{400}</a></span> it need not here be wearyingly -recapitulated. The progress of Adolph S. Ochs from a printer’s devil in -Knoxville, Tenn., fifty years ago, to owner of the greatest newspaper in -the greatest city in the world, is characteristic of dozens of like -successful Jewish careers in this country; and it is emblematic of -hundreds of thousands of Jewish careers less spectacular but equally -momentous in their own degree.</p> - -<p>Does he seek social position? Here, indeed, his path is made more -difficult. But the social barriers are not insurmountable. Where they -seem so, calm judgment will reveal that the social environment where -this irrational prejudice exists is not worthy of the entrance of the -Jew. Leave the intolerant to associate with their own kind. The Jew who -has raised himself to the highest level will have put himself beyond the -reach of prejudice, and he will find himself welcomed in the highest -Christian circles.</p> - -<p>The enlightened Jews of America have found the true road to Zion. To -them Zion is no mere political mechanism existing by the political -sufferance of the greater Powers. It is not defined by geographical -boundaries, circumscribing an arid plot of ground which their ancestors -of two thousand years ago conquered from its aboriginal inhabitants and -occupied for a brief, though glorious, period before they, in turn, were -driven onward by a new conqueror. To them, Zion is a region of the soul. -To them, it is an inner light, set upon the hill of personal -consciousness, inspiring them as individuals to fight, each for himself, -the battle of life where he meets it; demanding in virtue of his own -worth the respect of those about him; winning through to the dignity and -position to which his native gifts and his self-developed character -entitle him. This is the only true Zion. All other definitions of it are -unreal.</p> - -<p>The proudest boast of all these men, and my proudest<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_401" id="page_401">{401}</a></span> boast, is: “I am -an American.” None of us would deny our race or faith. We are Jews by -blood. We are Jews, though of various sects, by religion. But as for me -(and here I am sure I speak for a vast body of Jews in the United -States), if I were pressed to define myself by any single appellation, I -would unhesitatingly select the one word <i>American</i>. Neither I nor the -humblest worshipper in the most orthodox congregation can hope for -anything from Zionism that is not already ours in virtue of our -participation in the freedom of America. And neither of us need make the -smallest compromise with any conviction that we hold dear. I have found -it more convenient (as well as quite within the approval of what I -regard as my somewhat more enlightened conscience) to cast off the other -symbols of the Hebraic faith, such as the Kosher observances, the -untouched beard, and the distinctive dress; but there are thousands of -Russian Jews in the United States to-day who retain these excrescences -of antiquity, with only a small inconvenience that is certainly very far -short of persecution. From observation and experience I know full well -that these same orthodox devotees will themselves become enlightened—if -not they, then certainly their children—and will perceive, as I and -others have perceived, that the Mosaic admonitions were purely temporal -devices, expedient truly for the age in which they were promulgated, -useful until modern sanitation and modern education did their work, but -now become empty of those first values.</p> - -<p>Here lies the crux of my affirmative argument against Zionism. We -anti-Zionist Jews of America have found that the spiritual life, after -whatever formula of faith, in modern times can be most fully enjoyed by -those people who accept the beneficent progress which the world at large -has made in science, industry, and the art of government. We have -learned the folly of persisting in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_402" id="page_402">{402}</a></span> sanitary regulations taught by -Moses, in this age when all civilized peoples have the benefit of the -more advanced sanitary knowledge of Lister, Pasteur, Metchnikoff, and -Flexner. We have learned the folly of persisting in a distinctive style -of clothing, beard, and locks (imposed upon the Jews extraneously as a -badge of slavery and oppression), and of ascribing a spiritual -significance to such a costume in this age when saints like Montefiore -and Baron Edmond de Rathschild, the great patrons of Palestine, have -found sanctity not incompatible with the ordinary dress of those about -them. We have come to see that the worship of the God of Israel, the -acceptable obedience to His will, is not contingent upon the Clothes one -wears, upon the meat one eats. His kingdom is the soul of man. In that -boundless temple He receives the priceless sacrifices of the true -believer. That time and place and mode are most acceptable to Him in -which the human spirit brings its richest offerings.</p> - -<p>It follows, then, that the Jew everywhere (in Poland and Russia, as well -as in France and America) can acceptably serve the God of his fathers -and still enter fully into the life about him. We in America refuse to -set ourselves apart in a voluntary ghetto for the sake of old -traditional Observances.</p> - -<p>I have often used a figure of speech—it was brought to my mind by -meeting the rug-makers in Turkey—as follows: The Jew has been content, -in most lands and down the ages, to be the fringe of the carpet, the -loose end over which every foot has stumbled, where every heel has left -its injuring impression on the disconnected individual strands. What the -Jew should do is, to become a part of the pattern of the carpet itself: -weave himself into the very warp and woof of the main fabric of -humanity; and gain the strength which comes from a coördinated and -orderly relation to the other strands of human society.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_403" id="page_403">{403}</a></span> His peculiar -beauties (his peculiar talents), which in the fringe are soiled and -hidden, take on new value when they become part of the main carpet; and -they find their glory in lending to the pattern a unique splendour and a -special lustre.</p> - -<p>I, for one, will not forego this vision of the destiny of the Jews. I do -not presume to say to my co-religionists of Europe that they shall -accept my programme. But neither do I intend to allow them to impose -their programme upon me. They may continue, if they will, a practice of -our common faith which invites martyrdom, and which makes the -continuance of oppression a certainty. I have found a better way (and -when I say <i>I</i>, it is to speak collectively as one of a great body of -American Jews of like mind). In the foregoing pages I have given my -reasons for opposing Zionism. They make plain why I asserted at the -beginning of this chapter that Zionism is not a solution; that it is a -surrender. It looks backward, and not forward. It would practically -place in the hands of a few men, steeped in a foreign tradition, the -power to turn back the hands of time upon all which I and my -predecessors of the same convictions have won for ourselves here in -America. We have fought our way through to liberty, equality, and -fraternity. We have found rest for our souls. No one shall rob us of -these gains. We enjoy in America exactly the spiritual liberty, the -financial success, and the social position which we have earned. Any Jew -in America who wishes to be a saint of Zion has only to practice the -cultivation of his spiritual gifts—there is none to hinder him. Any Jew -in America who seeks material reward has only to cultivate the powers of -his mind and character—there are no barriers between him and -achievement. Any Jew in America who yearns for social position has only -to cultivate his manners—there are no insurmountable discriminations<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_404" id="page_404">{404}</a></span> -here against true gentlemen. The Jews of France have found France to be -their Zion. The Jews of England have found England to be their Zion. We -Jews of America have found America to be our Zion. Therefore, I refuse -to allow myself to be called a Zionist. I am an American.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_405" id="page_405">{405}</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_406" id="page_406">{406}</a></span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_407" id="page_407">{407}</a></span> </p> - -<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX</h2> - -<h2><a name="REPORT_OF_THE_MISSION_OF_THE_UNITED_STATES_TO_POLAND" id="REPORT_OF_THE_MISSION_OF_THE_UNITED_STATES_TO_POLAND"></a>REPORT OF THE MISSION OF THE UNITED STATES TO POLAND</h2> - -<p class="c"> -<span class="smcap">American Commission to Negotiate Peace,<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 6em;">Mission to Poland.</span></span><br /> -<br /><span style="margin-left: 4em;"> -<i>Paris, October 3, 1919.</i></span><br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<i>To the American commission to negotiate peace.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>: 1. A mission, consisting of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, Brig. Gen. -Edgar Jadwin, and Mr. Homer H. Johnson, was appointed by the American -commission to negotiate peace to investigate Jewish matters in Poland. -The appointment of such a mission had previously been requested by Mr. -Paderewski, president of the council of ministers of the Republic of -Poland. On June 30, 1919, Secretary Lansing wrote to this mission:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>It is desired that the mission make careful inquiry into all -matters affecting the relations between the Jewish and non-Jewish -elements in Poland. This will, of course, involve the investigation -of the various massacres, pogroms, and other excesses alleged to -have taken place, the economic boycott, and other methods of -discrimination against the Jewish race. The establishment of the -truth in regard to these matters is not, however, an end in itself. -It is merely for the purpose of seeking to discover the reason -lying behind such excesses and discriminations with a view to -finding a possible remedy. The American Government, as you know, is -inspired by a friendly desire to render service to all elements in -the new Poland—Christians and Jews alike. I am convinced that any -measures that may be taken to ameliorate the conditions of the Jews -will also benefit the rest of the population and that, conversely, -anything done for the community benefit of Poland as a whole will -be of advantage to the Jewish race. I am sure that the members of -your mission are approaching the subject in the right spirit, free -from prejudice one way or the other, and filled with a desire to -discover the truth and evolve some constructive measures to improve -the situation which gives concern to all the friends of Poland.</p></div> - -<p>2. The mission reached Warsaw on July 13, 1919, and remained in Poland -until September 13, 1919. All the places where the principal excesses -had occurred were visited. In addition thereto the mission also studied -the economic and social conditions in such places as Lodz, Krakau, -Grodno, Kalisch, Posen, Cholm, Lublin, and Stanislawow. But automobiling -over 2,500 miles through Russian, Austrian,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_408" id="page_408">{408}</a></span> and German Poland, the -mission also came into immediate contact with the inhabitants of the -small towns and villages. In order properly to appreciate the present -cultural and social conditions, the mission also visited educational -institutions, libraries, hospitals, museums, art galleries, orphan -asylums, and prisons.</p> - -<p>3. Investigations of the excesses were made mostly in the presence of -representatives of the Polish Government and of the Jewish communities. -There were also present in many cases military and civil officials and, -wherever possible, officials in command at the time the excesses -occurred were conferred with and interrogated. In this work the Polish -authorities and the American Minister to Poland, Mr. Hughes Gibson, lent -the mission every facility. Deputations of all kinds of organizations -were received and interviewed. A large number of public meetings and -gatherings were attended, and the mission endeavoured to obtain a -correct impression of what had occurred, of the present mental state of -the public, and of the attitude of the various factions toward one -another.</p> - -<p>4. The Jews first entered Poland in large numbers during the twelfth and -thirteenth centuries, when they migrated from Germany and other -countries as the result of severe persecutions. Their language was -German, which subsequently developed into a Hebrew-German dialect, or -Yiddish. As prior to this immigration only two classes or estates had -existed in Poland (the owners and the tillers of the soil), the Jewish -immigrant became the pioneer of trade and finance, settling in the towns -and villages. As time went on it became generally known throughout -Europe that Poland was a place of refuge for the Jews, and their numbers -were augmented as a result of persecutions in western Europe. Still more -recently, as a result of the expulsion of the Jews from Russia, on -account of the enforcement of the pale of settlement, and of the May -laws of 1882, their number was further increased.</p> - -<p>5. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland has been a place of refuge for -the Jews, there have been anti-Jewish movements at various times. The -present anti-Semitic feeling took a definite political form after the -Russian revolution of 1905. This feeling reached an intense stage in -1912, when the Polish National Democratic Party nominated an anti-Semite -to represent Warsaw in the Russian Duma and the Jews cast their vote for -a Polish Socialist and carried the election. The National Democratic -Party then commenced a vigorous<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_409" id="page_409">{409}</a></span> anti-Semitic campaign. During the -German occupation this campaign was temporarily reduced. At the end of -the Great War the chaotic and unnatural state of affairs in which Poland -found itself gave good ground for a condition of social unrest, which, -together with the world-stimulated tendency toward national -self-determination, accentuated the feeling between Jewish and -non-Jewish elements. The chauvinistic reaction created by the sudden -acquisition of a long-coveted freedom ripened the public mind for -anti-Semitic or anti-alien sentiment, which was strongly agitated by the -press and by politicians. This finally encouraged physical -manifestations of violent outcroppings of an unbalanced social -condition.</p> - -<p>6. When, in November, 1918, the Austrian and German armies of occupation -left Poland there was no firm government until the arrival of Gen. -Pilsudski, who had escaped from a German prison, and it was during this -period, before the Polish Republic came into being, that the first of -the excesses took place. (The mission has purposely avoided the use of -the word “pogrom,” as the word is applied to everything from petty -outrages to premeditated and carefully organized massacres. No fixed -definition is generally understood.) There were eight principal -excesses, which are here described in chronological order.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(1) Kielce, November 11, 1918.</p></div> - -<p>Shortly after the evacuation of the Austrian troops from Kielce the Jews -of this city secured permission from the local authorities to hold a -meeting in the Polski Theatre. The purpose of this meeting was to -discuss Jewish national aspirations. It began shortly before 2 o’clock -and filled the theatre to overflowing. During the afternoon a small -crowd of Polish civilians, largely composed of students, gathered -outside of the theatre. At 6.30 p. m. the meeting began to break up, and -when only about 300 people remained in the theatre, some militiamen -entered and began to search for arms. A short while thereafter, and -while the militiamen were still in the building, a crowd of civilians -and some soldiers came into the auditorium and drove the Jews toward the -stairs. On the stairs there was a double line of men armed with clubs -and bayonets, who beat the Jews as they left the building. After the -Jews reached the street they were again beaten by a mob outside. As a -result of this attack four Jews were killed and a large number wounded. -A number of civilians have been indicted for participation in this -excess, but have not as yet been brought to trial.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_410" id="page_410">{410}</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(2) Lemberg, November 21-23, 1918.</p></div> - -<p>On October 30, 1918, when the Austrian Empire collapsed, the Ukrainian -troops, formerly in the Austrian service, assumed control of the town. A -few hundred Polish boys, combined with numerous volunteers of doubtful -character, recaptured about half the city and held it until the arrival -of Polish reinforcements on November 21. The Jewish population declared -themselves neutral, but the fact that the Jewish quarter lay within the -section occupied by the Ukrainians, and that the Jews had organized -their own militia, and further, the rumour that some of the Jewish -population had fired upon the soldiery, stimulated amongst the Polish -volunteers an anti-Semitic bias that readily communicated itself to the -relieving troops. The situation was further complicated by the presence -of some 15,000 uniformed deserters and numerous criminals released by -the Ukrainians from local jails, who were ready to join in any disorder, -particularly if, as in the case of wholesale pillage, they might profit -thereby.</p> - -<p>Upon the final departure of the Ukrainians, these disreputable elements -plundered to the extent of many millions of crowns the dwellings and -stores in the Jewish quarter, and did not hesitate at murder when they -met with resistance. During the ensuing disorders, which prevailed on -November 21, 22, and 23, 64 Jews were killed and a large amount of -property destroyed. Thirty-eight houses were set on fire, and owing to -the paralysis of the fire department, were completely gutted. The -Synagogue was also burned, and large numbers of the sacred scrolls of -the law were destroyed. The repression of the disorders was rendered -more difficult by the prevailing lack of discipline among the newly -organized Polish troops, and by a certain hesitation among the junior -officers to apply stern punitive measures. When officers’ patrols under -experienced leaders were finally organized on November 23, robbery and -violence ceased.</p> - -<p>As early as December 24, 1918, the Polish Government, through the -ministry of justice, began a strict investigation of the events of -November 21 and 23. A special commission, headed by a justice of the -supreme court, sat in Lemberg for about two months, and rendered an -extensive formal report which has been furnished this mission. In spite -of the crowded dockets of the local courts, where over 7,000 cases are -now pending, 164 persons, 10 of them Jews, have been tried for -complicity in the November disorders, and numerous similar cases await -disposal. Forty-four persons are under sentences ranging from 10 days to -18 months. Aside from the civil courts, the local court-martial has -sentenced military persons to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_411" id="page_411">{411}</a></span> confinement for as long as three years -for lawlessness during the period in question. This mission is advised -that on the basis of official investigations the Government has begun -the payment of claims for damages resulting from these events.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(3) Pinsk, April 5, 1919.</p></div> - -<p>Late in the afternoon of April 5, 1919, a month or more after the Polish -occupation of Pinsk, some 75 Jews of both sexes, with the official -permission of the town commander, gathered in the assembly hall at the -People’s House, in the Kupiecka Street, to discuss the distribution of -relief sent by the American joint distribution committee. As the meeting -was about to adjourn, it was interrupted by a band of soldiers, who -arrested and searched the whole assembly, and, after robbing the -prisoners, marched them at a rapid pace to gendarmerie headquarters. -Thence the prisoners were conducted to the market place and lined up -against the wall of the cathedral. With no light except the lamps of a -military automobile the six women in the crowd, and about 25 men, were -separated from the mass, and the remainder, 35 in number, were shot with -scant deliberation and no trial whatever. Early the next morning 3 -wounded victims were shot in cold blood when it was found that they were -still alive.</p> - -<p>The women and other reprieved prisoners were confined in the city jail -until the following Thursday. The women were stripped and beaten by the -prison guards so severely that several of them were bed-ridden for weeks -thereafter, and the men were subjected to similar maltreatment.</p> - -<p>It has been asserted officially by the Polish authorities, that there -was reason to suspect this assemblage of bolshevist allegiance. This -mission is convinced that no arguments of bolshevist nature were -mentioned in the meeting in question. While it is recognized that -certain information of bolshevist activities in Pinsk had been received -by two Jewish soldiers, the undersigned is convinced that Maj. -Luczynski, the town commander, showed reprehensible and frivolous -readiness to place credence upon such untested assertions, and on this -insufficient basis took inexcusably drastic action against reputable -citizens whose loyal character could have been immediately established -by a consultation with any well known non-Jewish inhabitant.</p> - -<p>The statements made officially by Gen. Listowski, the Polish group -commander, that the Jewish population on April 5 attacked the Polish -troops, are regarded by this mission as devoid of foundation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_412" id="page_412">{412}</a></span> The -undersigned is further of the opinion that the consultation prior to -executing the 35 Jews, alleged by Maj. Luczynski to have had the -character of a court-martial, was by the very nature of the case a most -casual affair with no judicial nature whatever, since less than an hour -elapsed between the arrest and the execution. It is further found that -no conscientious effort was made at the time either to investigate the -charges against the prisoners or even sufficiently to identify them. -Though there have been official investigations of this case none of the -offenders answerable for this summary execution have been punished or -even tried, nor has the Diet commission published its findings.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(4) Lida, April 17, 1919.</p></div> - -<p>On April 17, 1919, the Polish military forces captured Lida from the -Russian Bolsheviks. After the city fell into the hands of the Poles the -soldiers proceeded to enter and rob the houses of the Jews. During this -period of pillage 39 Jews were killed. A large number of Jews, including -the local rabbi, were arbitrarily arrested on the same day by the Polish -authorities and kept for 24 hours without food amid revolting conditions -of filth at No. 60 Kamienska Street. Jews were also impressed for forced -labour without respect for age or infirmity. It does not appear that -anyone has been punished for these excesses, or that any steps have been -taken to reimburse the victims of the robberies.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(5) Wilna, April 19-21, 1919.</p></div> - -<p>On April 19 Polish detachments entered the city of Wilna. The city was -definitely taken by the Poles after three days of street fighting, -during which time they lost 33 men killed. During this same period some -65 Jews lost their lives. From the evidence submitted it appears that -none of these people, among whom were 4 women and 8 men over 50 years of -age, had served with the Bolsheviks. Eight Jews were marched 3 -kilometers to the outskirts of Wilna and deliberately shot without a -semblance of a trial or investigation. Others were shot by soldiers who -were robbing Jewish houses. No list has been furnished the mission of -any Polish civilians killed during the occupation. It is, however, -stated on behalf of the Government that the civilian inhabitants of -Wilna took part on both sides in this fighting, and that some civilians -fired upon the soldiers. Over 2,000 Jewish houses and stores in the city -were entered by Polish soldiers and civilians during these three days, -and the inhabitants robbed and beaten. It is claimed by the Jewish -community<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_413" id="page_413">{413}</a></span> that the consequent losses amounted to over 10,000,000 -rubles. Many of the poorest families were robbed of their shoes and -blankets. Hundreds of Jews were arrested and deported from the city. -Some of them were herded into box cars and kept without food or water -for four days. Old men and children were carried away without trial or -investigation. Two of these prisoners have since died from the treatment -they received. Included in this list were some of the most prominent -Jews of Wilna, such as the eminent Jewish writers, Jaffe and Niger. For -days the families of these prisoners were without news from them and -feared that they had been killed. The soldiers also broke into the -synagogue and mutilated the sacred scrolls of the law. Up to August 3, -1919, when the mission was in Wilna, none of the soldiers or civilians -responsible for these excesses had been punished.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(6) Kolbuszowa, May 7, 1919.</p></div> - -<p>For a few days before May 7, 1919, the Jews of Kolbuszowa feared that -excesses might take place, as there had been riots in the neighbouring -towns of Rzeszow and Glogow. These riots had been the result of -political agitation in this district and of excitement caused by a case -of alleged ritual murder, in which the Jewish defendant had been -acquitted. On May 6 a company of soldiers was ordered to Kolbuszowa to -prevent the threatened trouble. Early in the morning of May 7 a great -number of peasants, among whom were many former soldiers of the Austrian -Army, entered the town. The rioters disarmed the soldiers after two -soldiers and three peasants had been killed. They then proceeded to rob -the Jewish stores and to beat any Jews who fell into their hands. Eight -Jews were killed during this excess. Order was restored when a new -detachment of soldiers arrived late in the afternoon. One of the rioters -has since been tried and executed by the Polish Government.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(7) Czestochowa, May 27, 1919.</p></div> - -<p>On May 27, 1919, at Czestochowa, a shot fired by an unknown person -slightly wounded a Polish soldier. A rumour spread that the shot had -been fired by the Jews, and riots broke out in the city in which Polish -soldiers and civilians took part. During these riots five Jews, -including a doctor who was hurrying to aid one of the injured, were -beaten to death and a large number were wounded. French officers, who -were stationed at Czestochowa, took an active part in preventing further -murders.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_414" id="page_414">{414}</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p>(8) Minsk, August 8, 1919.</p></div> - -<p>On August 8, 1919, the Polish troops took the city of Minsk from the -Russian Bolsheviks. The Polish troops entered the city at about 10 -o’clock in the morning, and by 12 o’clock they had absolute control. -Notwithstanding the presence in Minsk of Gen. Jadwin and other members -of this mission, and the orders of the Polish commanding general -forbidding violence against civilians, 31 Jews were killed by the -soldiers. Only one of this number can in any way be connected with the -bolshevist movement. Eighteen of the deaths appear to have been -deliberate murder. Two of these murders were incident to robberies, but -the rest were committed, to all appearances, solely on the ground that -the victims were Jews. During the afternoon and in the evening of August -8 the Polish soldiers, aided by civilians, plundered 377 shops, all of -which belonged to Jews. It must be noted, however, that about 90 per -cent. of the stores in Minsk are owned by Jews. No effective attempt was -made to prevent these robberies until the next morning, when adequate -officers’ patrols were sent out through the streets and order was -established. The private houses of many of the Jews were also broken -into by soldiers and the inhabitants were beaten and robbed. The Polish -Government has stated that four Polish soldiers were killed while -attempting to prevent robberies. It has also been stated to the mission -that some of the rioters have been executed.</p> - -<p>7. There have also been here and there individual cases of murder not -enumerated in the preceding paragraphs, but their detailed description -has not been considered necessary inasmuch as they present no -characteristics not already observed in the principal excesses. In -considering these excesses as a whole, it should be borne in mind that -of the eight cities and towns at which striking disorders have occurred, -only Kielce and Czestochowa are within the boundaries of Congress -Poland. In Kielce and Kolbuszowa the excesses were committed by city -civilians and by peasants, respectively. At Czestochowa both civilians -and soldiers took part in the disorders. At Pinsk the excess was -essentially the fault of one officer. In Lemberg, Lida, Wilna, and Minsk -the excesses were committed by the soldiers who were capturing the -cities and not by the civilian population. In the three last-named -cities the anti-Semitic prejudice of the soldiers had been inflamed by -the charge that the Jews were Bolsheviks, while at Lemberg it was -associated with the idea that the Jews were making common cause with the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_415" id="page_415">{415}</a></span>Ukrainians. These excesses were, therefore, political as well as -anti-Semitic in character. The responsibility for these excesses is -borne for the most part by the undisciplined and ill-equipped Polish -recruits, who, uncontrolled by their inexperienced and ofttimes timid -officers, sought to profit at the expense of that portion of the -population which they regarded as alien and hostile to Polish -nationality and aspirations. It is recognized that the enforcement of -discipline in a new and untrained army is a matter of extreme -difficulty. On the other hand, the prompt cessation of disorder in -Lemberg after the adoption of appropriate measures of control shows that -an unflinching determination to restore order and a firm application of -repressive measures can prevent, or at least limit, such excesses. It -is, therefore, believed that a more aggressive punitive policy, and a -more general publicity for reports of judicial and military -prosecutions, would have minimized subsequent excesses by discouraging -the belief among the soldiery that robbery and violence could be -committed with impunity.</p> - -<p>8. Just as the Jews would resent being condemned as a race for the -action of a few of their undesirable coreligionists, so it would be -correspondingly unfair to condemn the Polish nation as a whole for the -violence committed by uncontrolled troops or local mobs. These excesses -were apparently not premeditated, for if they had been part of a -preconceived plan, the number of victims would have run into the -thousands instead of amounting to about 280. It is believed that these -excesses were the result of a widespread anti-Semitic prejudice -aggravated by the belief that the Jewish inhabitants were politically -hostile to the Polish State. When the boundaries of Poland are once -fixed, and the internal organization of the country is perfected, the -Polish Government will be increasingly able to protect all classes of -Polish citizenry. Since the Polish Republic has subscribed to the treaty -which provides for the protection of racial, religious and linguistic -minorities, it is confidently anticipated that the Government will -whole-heartedly accept the responsibility, not only of guarding certain -classes of its citizens from aggression, but also of educating the -masses beyond the state of mind that makes such aggression possible.</p> - -<p>9. Besides these excesses there have been reported to the mission -numerous cases of other forms of persecutions. Thus, in almost every one -of the cities and towns of Poland, Jews have been stopped by the -soldiers and had their beards either torn out or cut off. As the -orthodox Jews feel that the shaving of their beards is contrary<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_416" id="page_416">{416}</a></span> to -their religious belief, this form of persecution has a particular -significance to them. Jews also have been beaten and forced from trains -and railroad stations. As a result many of them are afraid to travel. -The result of all these minor persecutions is to keep the Jewish -population in a state of ferment, and to subject them to the fear that -graver excesses may again occur.</p> - -<p>10. Whereas it has been easy to determine the excesses which took place -and to fix the approximate number of deaths, it was more difficult to -establish the extent of anti-Jewish discrimination. This discrimination -finds its most conspicuous manifestation in the form of an economic -boycott. The national Democratic Party has continuously agitated the -economic strangling of the Jews. Through the press and political -announcements, as well as by public speeches, the non-Jewish element of -the Polish people is urged to abstain from dealing with the Jews. -Landowners are warned not to sell their property to Jews, and in some -cases where such sales have been made, the names of the offenders have -been posted within black-bordered notices, stating that such vendors -were “dead to Poland.” Even at the present time, this campaign is being -waged by most of the non-Jewish press, which constantly advocates that -the economic boycott be used as a means of ridding Poland of its Jewish -element. This agitation had created in the minds of some of the Jews the -feeling that there is an invisible rope around their necks, and they -claim that this is the worst persecution that they can be forced to -endure. Non-Jewish labourers have in many cases refused to work side by -side with Jews. The percentage of Jews in public office, especially -those holding minor positions, such as railway employees, firemen, -policemen, and the like, has been materially reduced since the present -Government has taken control. Documents have been furnished the mission -showing that Government-owned railways have discharged Jewish employees -and given them certificates that they have been released for no other -reason than that they belong to the Jewish race.</p> - -<p>11. Furthermore, the establishment of coöperative stores is claimed by -many Jewish traders to be a form of discrimination. It would seem, -however, that this movement is a legitimate effort to restrict the -activities and therefore the profits of the middleman. Unfortunately, -when these stores were introduced into Poland, they were advertised as a -means of eliminating the Jewish trader. The Jews have, therefore, been -caused to feel that the establishment of coöperatives is an attack upon -themselves. While the establishment and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_417" id="page_417">{417}</a></span> the maintenance of coöperatives -may have been influenced by anti-Semitic sentiment, this is a form of -economic activity which any community is perfectly entitled to pursue. -On the other hand, the Jews complain that even the Jewish coöperatives -and individual Jews are discriminated against by the Government in the -distribution of Government-controlled supplies.</p> - -<p>12. The Government has denied that discrimination against Jews has been -practiced as a Government policy, though it has not denied that there -may be individual cases where anti-Semitism has played a part. -Assurances have been made to the mission by official authorities that in -so far as it lies within the power of the Government this discrimination -will be corrected.</p> - -<p>13. In considering the causes for the anti-Semitic feeling which has -brought about the manifestations described above, it must be remembered -that ever since the partition of 1795 the Poles have striven to be -reunited as a nation and to regain their freedom. This continual effort -to keep alive their national aspirations has caused them to look with -hatred upon anything which might interfere with their aims. This has led -to a conflict with the nationalist declarations of some of the Jewish -organizations which desire to establish cultural autonomy financially -supported by the State. In addition, the position taken by the Jews in -favour of article 93 of the Treaty of Versailles, guaranteeing -protection to racial linguistic and religious minorities in Poland has -created a further resentment against them. Moreover, Polish national -feeling is irritated by what is regarded as the “alien” character of the -great mass of the Jewish population. This is constantly brought home to -the Poles by the fact that the majority of the Jews affect a distinctive -dress, observe the Sabbath on Saturday, conduct business on Sunday, have -separate dietary laws, wear long beards, and speak a language of their -own. The basis of this language is a German dialect, and the fact that -Germany was, and still is, looked upon by the Poles as an enemy country -renders this vernacular especially unpopular. The concentration of the -Jews in separate districts or quarters in Polish cities also emphasizes -the line of demarcation separating them from other citizens.</p> - -<p>14. The strained relations between the Jews and non-Jews have been -further increased not only by the Great War, during which Poland was the -battle ground for the Russian, German, and Aus<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_418" id="page_418">{418}</a></span>trian Armies, but also by -the present conflicts with the Bolsheviks and the Ukrainians. The -economic condition of Poland is at its lowest ebb. Manufacturing and -commerce have virtually ceased. The shortage, the high price, and the -imperfect distribution of food, are a dangerous menace to the health and -welfare of the urban population. As a result, hundreds of thousands are -suffering from hunger and are but half clad, while thousands are dying -of disease and starvation. The cessation of commerce is particularly -felt by the Jewish population, which are almost entirely dependent upon -it. Owing to the condition described, prices have doubled and tripled, -and the population has become irritated against the Jewish traders, whom -it blames for the abnormal increase thus occasioned.</p> - -<p>15. The great majority of Jews in Poland belong to separate Jewish -political parties. The largest of these are the Orthodox, the Zionist, -and the National. Since the Jews form separate political groups it is -probable that some of the Polish discrimination against them is -political rather than anti-Semitic in character. The dominant Polish -parties give to their supporters Government positions and Government -patronage. It is to be hoped, however, that the Polish majority will not -follow this system in the case of positions which are not essentially -political. There should be no discrimination in the choice of professors -and teachers, nor in the selection of railroad employees, policemen, and -firemen, or the incumbents of any other positions which are placed under -the civil service in England and the United States. Like other -democracies, Poland must realize that these positions must not be drawn -into politics. Efficiency can only be attained if the best men are -employed, irrespective of party or religion.</p> - -<p>16. The relations between the Jews and non-Jews will undoubtedly improve -in a strong democratic Poland. To hasten this there should be -reconciliation and coöperation between the 86 per cent. Christians and -the 14 per cent. Jews. The 86 per cent. must realize that they can not -present a solid front against their neighbours if one-seventh of the -population is discontented, fear-stricken, and inactive. The minority -must be encouraged to participate with their whole strength and -influence in making Poland the great unified country that is required in -central Europe to combat the tremendous dangers that confront it. Poland -must promptly develop its full strength, and by its conduct first merit -and then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_419" id="page_419">{419}</a></span> receive the unstinted moral, financial, and economic support -of all the world, which will insure the future success of the Republic.</p> - -<p>17. It was impossible for the mission, during the two months it was in -Poland, to do more than acquaint itself with the general condition of -the people. To formulate a solution of the Jewish problem will -necessitate a careful and broad study, not only of the economic -condition of the Jews, but also of the exact requirements of Poland. -These requirements will not be definitely known prior to the fixation of -Polish boundaries, and the final regulation of Polish relations with -Russia, with which the largest share of trade was previously conducted. -It is recommended that the League of Nations, or the larger nations -interested in this problem, send to Poland a commission consisting of -recognized industrial, educational, agricultural, economic, and -vocational experts, which should remain there as long as necessary to -examine the problem at its source.</p> - -<p>18. This commission should devise a plan by which the Jews in Poland can -secure the same economic and social opportunities as are enjoyed by -their coreligionists in other free countries. A new Polish constitution -is now in the making. The generous scope of this national instrument has -already been indicated by the special treaty with the allied and -associated powers, in which Poland has affirmed its fidelity to the -principles of liberty and justice and the rights of minorities, and we -may be certain that Poland will be faithful to its pledge, which is so -conspicuously in harmony with the nation’s best traditions. A new life -will thus be opened to the Jews and it will be the task of the proposed -commission to fit them to profit thereby and to win the same -appreciation gained by their coreligionists elsewhere as a valued asset -to the commonwealths in which they reside. The friends of the Jews in -America, England, and elsewhere who have already evinced such great -interest in their welfare, will enthusiastically grasp the opportunity -to coöperate in working out any good solution that such a commission may -propound. The fact that it may take one or two generations to reach the -goal must not be discouraging.</p> - -<p>19. All citizens of Poland should realize that they must live together. -They can not be divorced from each other by force or by any court of -law. When this idea is once thoroughly comprehended, every effort will -necessarily be directed toward a better understanding and the -amelioration of existing conditions, rather<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_420" id="page_420">{420}</a></span> than toward augmenting -antipathy and discontent. The Polish nation must see that its worst -enemies are those who encourage this internal strife. A house divided -against itself can not stand. There must be but one class of citizens in -Poland, all members of which enjoy equal rights and render equal duties.</p> - -<p>Respectfully submitted.</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau.</span><br /> -</p> - -<h2>AMERICAN COMMISSION TO NEGOTIATE PEACE</h2> - -<p class="r"> -<i>Warsaw, 10 August, 1919.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My dear Mr. President</span>:<br /> -</p> - -<p>In compliance with your request to submit to you in writing the -suggestions I made to you last evening, I desire to state that the -interest of President Wilson and the citizenry of the United States was -not only to investigate the various occurrences during and after the -occupation of some of the cities in your country as well as the alleged -persecutions of the Jews, but also to ascertain the entire matter so -objectively, impartially, and disinterestedly, as to enable the -commission correctly to diagnose the difficulties and suggest a remedy.</p> - -<p>Although our investigations are by no means completed, I have discovered -that some of the main causes of your troubles are the inevitable results -of conditions that your country has gradually drifted into, and are due -to the fact that the release of the various sections of your country -from them, to the objectionable rule by foreign potentates, came so -suddenly that it found them unprepared to face and successfully grapple -with the complicated problems resulting therefrom.</p> - -<p>Poland, having at last had all her dreams realized, her ambitions more -than gratified, finds herself economically prostrate on her back, yet -too proud to ask for outside assistance. Her splendid pride has at all -times to be considered by anyone who wishes to be of any use to the -country. I feel that Poland possesses great resiliency, and has much -latent potentiality, and all she requires is to be given some confidence -in herself, and to be shown how to “help herself.” The new, proud Polish -republic not only requires personal liberty, but as much freedom as -possible from obligations to others for the exercise of the same. I -firmly believe that when she is enabled to do this, she will -ungrudgingly grant to her minorities the same privilege.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_421" id="page_421">{421}</a></span></p> - -<p>I am anxious to show Poland how she can rise from her prostrate position -and discover that she has adequate strength, with very little propping, -to start a brisk walk toward the goal she is aiming for—self-reliant, -successful independence. It has occurred to me that if in her earliest -steps she will permit her good friends, the other members of the League -of Nations, to assist her with tender sympathy and unselfish, fraternal -feeling, that she will be astonished at the rapidity of her progress. -You need to have proclaimed for your government, your people, and the -world, that your associates believe in you and want you to become a -strong country, and are anxious to have you promptly develop that -strength, for reasons too obvious to mention.</p> - -<p>It has occurred to me that what you require is a proper currency system, -and sufficient funds to enable you to secure adequate raw material and -fuel that will justify your factories in starting off at full speed and -not having to fear an early suspension of their activities. And you will -have to establish some institution that will restore confidence in your -population who, as I am reliably informed, are at present hiding, and -therefore not using, a substantial part of your liquid financial -resources.</p> - -<p>A corporation should be organized with $150,000,000 capital, the right -to subscribe should be divided, one-third to Poland, one-third to the -United States, and one-third to England, France, Italy, etc. The stock -should be paid in in instalments, particularly as to those shares -subscribed for by Polish capital, as it is desirable that the Poles be -given sufficient time so as to secure personally the benefits of the -tremendous rise in the value of your marks which would result from the -creation of this company. For this purpose I suggest five or six -instalments, extending over a year or longer. The sum of $50,000 or -$60,000 should be spent for publicity for subscriptions in all of your -newspapers, and great stress should be laid on the fact that the mass of -your people is to receive the preference in the allotment of stock. A -systematic campaign something like our Liberty Loan campaigns, should be -organized so as to create the proper sentiment in the country, to -encourage rivalry between your various large cities, and rouse the -patriotism of all your citizens. Care should be taken in the -constitution of these committees so as to make them platforms for the -promotion of better feeling amongst your people. All subscriptions of -$100 or less should be allotted in full. This would satisfy your -population that it was to be a genuine Polish people’s institution.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_422" id="page_422">{422}</a></span></p> - -<p>After a dividend of six per cent. is paid on the stock, the balance of -the profits should be divided equally between the stockholders and the -State. The profits paid to the State to be in lieu of all taxes. This -would work both ways: it would satisfy the people that the State is to -have its share, and it would satisfy the investors that they could not -be subjected, in any possible changed form of government of Poland, to -excessive taxation.</p> - -<p>The establishment of such a corporation would at once create a large -permanent credit for Poland. This corporation could assume the -responsibility of contracts for large quantities of cotton, wool and -produce, ships, and all necessary requirements for Poland’s resumption -of activities.</p> - -<p>Branches of the corporation should be established in all the large -cities. I believe from conversations I have had with representative men -in Wilno that they would subscribe largely to the stock, because I told -them that although America would very likely be willing to participate -in the creation of a large central institution for Poland with its -headquarters at Warsaw and branches in the larger cities, it would -certainly not be interested in a local institution in Wilno. It has -occurred to me that cities like Wilno, Lemberg, Cracow and Lodz, etc., -would vie with each other in subscribing to this institution if they -were told that the capital allotted to their district would depend upon -their subscriptions. It would be safe to say to them that there would be -two dollars of foreign capital for every dollar that they would -subscribe.</p> - -<p>It seems highly important that England be interested in this -corporation, because if the United States suggests its organization we -must promptly assure all other countries, including the neutrals during -the recent war, that America expects no commercial advantage over any -other country in Poland.</p> - -<p>I deem it very desirable that the stock owned by foreigners should -contain a provision that the Polish Government, or a syndicate of which -they would approve, would have the right at any time to buy the stock -from the owners at from $125 to $150 per share. This would serve a -double purpose: it would do away with any desire on the part of the -Poles to have control of the institution from the very start, because -they would know that at any time they could secure the same, and it -would enable them to feel that this important concern could be made -entirely Polish whenever their strength justified it; and the foreign -owners would, on the other hand, feel that they would receive a proper -compensation for their risk, and they would have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_423" id="page_423">{423}</a></span> rendered a fine -service, not only to Poland, but to the entire world in accelerating the -development of Poland’s economic strength.</p> - -<p>I have carefully canvassed the available material in the United States -for the president of this institution, and suggest to you that we secure -Secretary of the Interior, Franklin K. Lane. There are few men in the -United States that more deservedly possess the admiration and approval -of all Americans. He is a man who is entirely free from any financial -alliances, and therefore cannot be criticized on that score. -Incidentally, it would be of the greatest service to your government to -have one of the greatest experts in the science of government accessible -to your cabinet and functionaries. As you no doubt remember, he has not -only successfully administered that great Department of the Interior, -but also was member and chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission -of the United States. He was selected by President Wilson as one of the -commissioners that was sent to Mexico, and for other commissions. I have -every reason to feel that President Wilson, although reluctantly, would -consent to Secretary Lane’s responding to this call.</p> - -<p>I think that the mere announcement of the contemplation of such an -institution will electrify your people, and will replace the present -pessimism with an optimism that will astound all of us.</p> - -<p>If you and your associates in the government of Poland approve of the -suggestion, our commission is ready and anxious to help you and such -representatives of England, France, Italy, and other countries as you -may invite to join us, promptly to work out the details and make this -thought a living thing.</p> - -<p class="c"> -With kindest personal regards,<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Yours very truly,</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 10em;"><span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau</span>.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p class="hang"> -<span class="smcap">Hon. Ignace Paderewski</span>,<br /> -<i>President of the Council of Ministers, Warsaw</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<h2>MANDATES OR WAR?<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></h2> - -<p class="c">WORLD PEACE HELD TO BE MENACED UNLESS THE UNITED STATES ASSUMES CONTROL -OF THE SULTAN’S FORMER DOMINIONS</p> - -<p>I am one of those who believe that the United States should accept a -mandate for Constantinople and the several provinces in Asia Minor which -constitute what is left of the Ottoman Empire.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_424" id="page_424">{424}</a></span></p> - -<p>I am aware that this proposition is not popular with the American -people. But it seems to me to be a matter in which we do not have much -choice. Nations, like individuals, are constantly subject to forces -which are stronger than their wills. The responsibilities which nations -inherit, like the responsibilities to which individuals fall heir, are -frequently not of their own choosing. The great European conflict in -August, 1914, seemed to be a matter that did not immediately concern us. -In two years we learned that it was very much our affair. The impelling -forces of history drew us in, and led us to play a decisive part. If we -could not keep out of this struggle, it is illogical to suppose that we -can avoid its consequences.</p> - -<p>One of the most serious of these consequences and the one that perhaps -most threatens the peace of the world is a chaotic Turkey. Unless the -United States accepts a Turkish mandate the world will again lose the -opportunity of solving the problem that has endangered civilization for -500 years.</p> - -<p>The United States has invested almost $40,000,000,000 in a war against -militarism and for the establishment of right. We must invest three or -four billions more in an attempt to place on a permanent foundation the -nations to whose rescue we came. An essential part of this programme is -the expulsion of the Turk from Europe and the establishment as going -concerns of the nations which have been so long subject to his tyranny. -Unless we succeed in doing this we can look for another Balkan war in a -brief period, perhaps five years.</p> - -<p>Another Balkan war will mean another European war, another world war. It -is for the United States to decide whether such a calamity shall visit -the world at an early date. If we assume the mandate for Constantinople -and the Ottoman Empire probably we can prevent it; if, as so many -Americans insist, we reject this duty, we shall become responsible for -another world conflagration.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the most ominous phase of world politics to-day is that new -voices are interceding in behalf of the Sultan and his distracted -domain. The Government at Constantinople is making one last despairing -attempt to save the bedraggled remnants of its empire. It has -reorganized its Cabinet, putting to the fore men who are expected to -impress Europe favourably; but it is not punishing the leaders who sold -out to Germany and murdered not far from a million of its Christian -subjects. The new Sultan has given interviews to the press, expressing -his horror at the Armenian massacres, and promising that nothing like -them shall ever occur again. More ominous than these outgivings is the -fact that certain spokesmen in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_425" id="page_425">{425}</a></span> behalf of the Turk are making themselves -heard in the allied countries. Again it is being said that what Turkey -needs is not obliteration as a State, but reform.</p> - -<p>Probably the financial interests which look upon Turkey as a field for -concessions are largely responsible for this talk; the imperialistic -tendencies of certain European countries are blamable to a certain -extent, for, strange as it may seem, there are still many people in -England, France, and Italy who urge that the Turk, bad as his instincts -may be, is better than the Oriental peoples whom he holds in subjection.</p> - -<p>If we listen to these arguments, and to the fair promises of the Turkish -Government, we shall put ourselves into the position of a society which -fails to protect itself against the habitual criminal. Every civilized -society nowadays sees to it that constant offenders against decency and -law are put where they can do no harm. Yet the Turk is the habitual -criminal of history, the constant offender against the peace and dignity -of the world, and if we permit him to remain in Europe, and to retain an -uncontrolled sovereignty, it is easy to foresee the time when a -regenerated Russia will again be dependent on him for a commercial -outlet, so that the dangerous situation of the old world-order will be -duplicated and perpetuated. We cannot hope sanely for peace unless -America establishes at Constantinople a centre from which democratic -principles shall radiate and illuminate that dark region of the world.</p> - -<p>If we look at the Near Eastern situation we perceive that Italy and -Greece are reaching out to such distances for territory and power that -both, if their ambitions are gratified, will find themselves not only -unable to govern the new lands they have acquired, but will be greatly -weakened at home through expenditures in the maintenance of troops and -governments in their colonies. The danger is not only that the Balkans -will be more Balkanized than ever, but that Russia, too, will be -Balkanized. The only safety lies in setting up a beneficent influence -through a strong government in Constantinople, which would counteract -the intrigues and contentions of embittered rivals.</p> - -<p>A brief survey of the history of Turkey in Europe will suffice to make -clear the danger of accepting in this late day any promises of reform -from that quarter. I have always thought that the final word on Turkey -was spoken by an American friend of mine who had spent a large part of -his life in the East, and who, on a visit to Berlin, was asked by Herr -von Gwinner, the President of the Deutsche Bank, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_426" id="page_426">{426}</a></span> spend an evening -with him to discuss the future of the Sultan’s empire. When my friend -came to keep this appointment he began this way:</p> - -<p>“You have set aside this whole evening to discuss the Ottoman Empire. We -do not need all that time. I can tell you the whole story in just four -words: <i>Turkey is not reformable!</i>”</p> - -<p>“You have summed up the whole situation perfectly,” replied Von Gwinner.</p> - -<p>The reason why this conclusion was so accurate was that it was based, -not upon theory, but upon experiment. The history of Turkey for nearly a -hundred years has simply amounted to an attempt to reform her. Every -attempt has ignominiously failed. Up to fifteen years ago Great -Britain’s policy in the Near East had as its controlling principle the -necessity of maintaining the independence and integrity of the Ottoman -Empire. The folly of this policy and the miseries which it has brought -to Europe are so apparent that I propose to discuss the matter in some -detail, particularly as it is only by studying this attitude of the past -that we can approach the solution of the Turkish problem of the present.</p> - -<p>From 1853 to 1856 Great Britain and France fought a terrible, -devastating war, the one purpose of which was to maintain the -independence of Turkey. At this time the British public had before them -the Turkish problem in almost the same form as that which it manifests -to-day. As now, the issue turned upon whether they should regard this -question from the standpoint of civilization and decency, or from the -standpoint of national advantage and political expediency.</p> - -<p>The character of the Turk was the same in 1853 that it is now; he was -just as incapable politically then as he is to-day; his attitude toward -the Christian populations whom the accident of history had placed in his -power was identically the same as it is now. These populations were -merely “filthy infidels,” hated by Allah, having no rights to their own -lives or property, who would be permitted to live only as slaves of the -mighty Mussulman, and who could be tortured and murdered at will. All -European statesmen knew in 1852 that the ultimate disappearance of the -Ottoman Empire was inevitable; all understood that it was only the -support of certain European powers that permitted it to exist, even -temporarily.</p> - -<p>It was about this time that Czar Nicholas I applied to Turkey the name -“sick man of the East,” which has ever since been accepted as an -accurate description of its political and social status. The point which -I wish to make here is that that phrase is just as appropriate to-day as -it was then. The Turk had long since learned the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_427" id="page_427">{427}</a></span> resources of -Ottoman statesmanship—the adroit balancing of one European power -against another as the one security of his own existence.</p> - -<p>Yet, there was then a school of statesmanship, headed by Palmerston, -which declared that the preservation of this decrepit power was the -indispensable point in British foreign policy. These men were as -realistic in their policies as Bismarck himself. Outwardly they -expressed their faith in the Turk; they publicly pictured him as a -charming and chivalrous gentleman; they declared that the stories of his -brutality were fabrications; and they asserted that, once given an -opportunity, the Turkish Empire would regain its splendour and become a -headquarters of intelligence and toleration. Lord Palmerston simply -outdid himself in his adulation of the Turk. He publicly denounced the -Christian populations of Turkey; the stories of their sufferings he -declared to be the most absurd nonsense; he warned the British public -against being led astray by cheap sentimentality in dealing with the -Turkish problem.</p> - -<p>To what extent Palmerston and his associates believed their own -statements is not clear; they were trained in a school of statesmanship -which taught that it was well to believe what it was convenient to -believe. The fact was, of course, that the British public was under no -particular hallucinations about the Turk. But its mind was filled with a -great obsession and a great fear. The thing that paralyzed its moral -sense was the steady progress of Russia.</p> - -<p>This power, starting as a landlocked nation, had gradually pushed her -way to the Black Sea. There was something in her steady progress -southward that seemed almost as inevitable as fate. That Russia was -determined to obtain Constantinople and become heir to the Sultan’s -empire was the conviction that obsessed the British mind. Once this -happened, the Palmerston school declared, the British Empire would come -speedily to an end. It is almost impossible for us of this generation to -conceive the extent to which this fear of Russia laid hold of the -British mind. It dogged all the thoughts of British statesmen and -British publicists. There appeared to be only one way of checking Russia -and protecting the British fireside—that was to preserve the Turkish -Empire. England believed that, as long as the Sultan ruled at -Constantinople, the Russian could never occupy that capital and from it -menace the British Empire.</p> - -<p>Thus British enthusiasm for Turkey was merely an expression of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_428" id="page_428">{428}</a></span> hatred -and fear of Russia. It was this that led British statesmen to disregard -the humane principles involved and adopt the course that apparently -promoted the national advantage. The English situation of 1853 presented -in particularly acute form that question which has always troubled -statesmen: Is there any such thing as principle in the conduct of a -nation, or is a country justified always in adopting the course that -best promotes its interests or which seems to do so? As applied to -Turkey it was this: Was it Great Britain’s duty to protect the -Christians against the murderous attacks of the Mohammedans, or should -she shut her eyes to their sufferings so long as this course proved -profitable politically?</p> - -<p>I should be doing an injustice to England did I not point out that the -British public has always been divided on this issue. One side has -always insisted on regarding the Turkish problem as a matter simply of -expediency, while another has insisted on solving it on the ground of -justice and right. The party of humanity existed in the days of the -Crimean war. Their leaders were Richard Cobden and John Bright—men who -formed the vanguard in that group of British statesmen who insisted on -regarding public questions from other than materialistic standpoints.</p> - -<p>Cobden and Bright saw in the Ottoman question, as it presented itself in -1853, not chiefly a problem in the balance of power, but one that -affected the lives of millions of human beings. It was not the -threatened aggression of Russia that disturbed them; their eyes were -fixed rather on the Christian populations that were being daily tortured -under Turkish rule. They demanded a solution of the Eastern question in -the way that would best promote the welfare of the Armenians, Greeks, -Syrians, and Jews, whom the Sultan had maltreated for centuries. They -cared little for the future of Constantinople; they cared much for the -future of these persecuted peoples. They therefore took what was, I am -sorry to say, the unpopular side in that day. They opposed the mad -determination of the British public to go to war for the sake of -maintaining the Turkish Empire.</p> - -<p>The greatest speech John Bright ever made was against the Crimean War. -“That terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the -Ottoman Empire,” was his description of the country which Palmerston so -greatly admired. Richard Cobden had studied conditions at first hand and -had reached a conclusion identically the same as that of my friend whom -I have already quoted—that is, that Turkey was not reformable. He -ridiculed the fear that everywhere prevailed against Russia, denied that -Russia’s prosperity<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_429" id="page_429">{429}</a></span> as a nation necessarily endangered Great Britain, -declared that the Turkish Empire could not be maintained, and that, even -though it could be, it was not worth preserving.</p> - -<p>“You must address yourselves,” said Cobden, “as men of sense and men of -energy to the question—What are you to do with the Christian -population? For Mohammedanism cannot be maintained, and I should be -sorry to see this country fighting for the maintenance of -Mohammedanism.... You may keep Turkey on the map of Europe, you may call -the country by the name of Turkey if you like, but do not think that you -can keep up the Mohammedan rule in the country.”</p> - -<p>These were about the mightiest voices in England at that time, but even -Cobden and Bright were wildly abused for maintaining that the Eastern -question was primarily a problem in ethics. In order to preserve this -hideous anachronism England fought a bloody and disastrous war. I -presume most Englishmen to-day regard the Crimean War as about the most -wicked and futile in their national existence. When the whole thing was -over, a witty Frenchman summed up the performance by saying: “If we read -the treaty of peace, there are no visible signs to show who were the -conquerors and who the vanquished.” There was only one power which could -view the results with much satisfaction; that was Turkey. The Treaty of -Paris specifically guaranteed her independence and integrity. It shut -the Black Sea to naval vessels, thus protecting Turkey from attack by -Russia. Worst of all, it left the Sultan’s Christian subjects absolutely -in his power.</p> - -<p>The Sultan did, indeed, promise reforms—but he merely promised them. -Despite experience to the contrary, the British and French diplomats -blandly accepted this promise as equivalent to performance. It is -painful to look back to this year 1856; to realize that France and -England, having defeated Russia, had a free hand to solve the Ottoman -problem, and that they refrained from doing so. That absurd -prepossession that this oriental empire must be preserved in Europe -simply as a buffer state against the progress of Russia entirely -controlled the minds of British statesmen—and millions of Christian -people were left to their fate.</p> - -<p>What that fate was we all know. The Sultan’s promises of reform, never -made in good faith, were immediately disregarded. Pillage, massacre, and -lust continued to be the chief instruments used by the Sublime Porte in -governing its subject peoples. Again the Sultan maintained his throne by -playing off one European power against<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_430" id="page_430">{430}</a></span> another. The “settlement” of the -Eastern problem which had been provided by the Crimean War lasted until -1876.</p> - -<p>These twenty years were not quiet ones in the Ottoman dominions; they -were a time of constant misery and torture for the abandoned Christian -populations. Great Britain and France learned precisely what the -“integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire” meant in 1876, when -stories of the Bulgarian massacres again reached Europe. Once more -Europe faced this everlasting question of the Turk in precisely the same -form as in 1856. Again the British people had to decide between -expediency and principle in deciding the future of Turkey. Again the -British public divided into two groups. Palmerston was dead, but his -animosity to Russia and his fondness for the Turk had become the -inheritance of Disraeli. With this statesman, as with his predecessor, -Turkey was a nation that must be preserved, whatever might be the lot of -her suffering Christians. The other part, that played by Cobden and -Bright in 1856, was now played by Gladstone.</p> - -<p>“The greatest triumph of our time,” said Gladstone in 1870, “will be the -enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea of -European politics.” And Gladstone now proposed to apply his lofty -principles to this new Turkish crisis. Many of us remember the attitude -of the Disraeli Government in those days. We are still proud of the part -played by two Americans, McGahan, a newspaper correspondent, and -Schuyler, the American Consul at Constantinople, in bringing the real -facts to the attention of the civilized world.</p> - -<p>Until these men published the results of their investigations the -Disraeli Government branded all the reports of Bulgarian atrocities as -lies. “Coffee-house babble” was the term applied by Disraeli to these -reports, while Lord Salisbury, in a public address, lauded the personal -character of the Sultan. But these two Americans showed that the -Bulgarian reports were not idle gossip. They furnished Gladstone his -material for his famous Bulgarian pamphlet, in which he propounded the -only solution of the Turkish problem that should satisfy the conscience -of the British people. His words, uttered in 1876, are just as timely -now as they were then.</p> - -<p>“Let the Turks now carry away their abuses in the only possible manner, -namely, by carrying away themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, -their Bimbashis and their Yugbashis, their Kaimakans and their Pashas, -one and all, bag and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province -they have desolated and profaned.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_431" id="page_431">{431}</a></span>”</p> - -<p>Gladstone’s denunciation stirred the British conscience to its depths. -The finer side of the British character manifested itself; the public -conscience had made great advances since 1856, and the masses of the -British people began to see the Ottoman problem in its true light. -Consequently, when Russia intervened in behalf of the Bulgarians and -other persecuted peoples, England did not commit the fearful mistake of -1853—she did not go to war to prevent the intervention. British public -opinion at first applauded the Russian armies; when, however, the Czar’s -forces approached Constantinople, the old dread of Crimean days seized -the British public once more. Again Englishmen forgot the miseries of -the Christians and began to see the spectre of Russia seated at -Constantinople. Again Great Britain began to prepare for war; the -British fleet passed the Dardanelles and anchored off Constantinople. -England again declared that the safety of her empire demanded the -preservation of Turkey, and gave Russia the option of war or a congress -at which the treaty she had made with Turkey should be revised.</p> - -<p>Russia accepted the latter alternative, and the Congress of Berlin was -the result. This Congress could have freed all the subject peoples and -solved the Eastern question, but again civilized Europe threw away the -opportunity. At this Congress England, in the person of Disraeli, became -the Sultan’s advocate, and again the Sultan came out victorious. Certain -territories he lost, it is true, but Constantinople was left in his -hands and a great area of the Balkans and the larger part of Asia Minor. -As for the Armenians, the Syrians, the Greeks, and the Macedonians, the -world once more accepted from Turkey promises of reform. Thus Gladstone -and the most enlightened opinion in England lost their battle, and -British authority again became the instrument for preserving that -“terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman -Empire.”</p> - -<p>Had it not been for the Congress of Berlin it is possible that we should -never have had the world war. The treaty let Austria into Bosnia and -Herzegovina and so laid the basis for the ultimatum of July 22, 1914. It -failed to settle the fate of Macedonia, and so made inevitable the -Balkan wars. By leaving Turkey an independent sovereignty, with its -capital on the Bosphorus, it made possible the intrigues of Germany for -a great Oriental empire. No wonder Gladstone denounced it as an “insane -covenant” and “the most deplorable chapter in our foreign policy since -the peace of 1815.”</p> - -<p>“The plenipotentiaries,” he said, “have spoken in the terms of -Metternich rather than those of Canning.... It was their part<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_432" id="page_432">{432}</a></span> to take -the side of liberty—as a matter of fact, they took the side of -servitude.”</p> - -<p>The greatest sufferers, as always, were the Christian populations. The -Sultan treated his promises of 1878 precisely as he had treated those of -1856. It was after this treaty, indeed, that Abdul Hamid adopted his -systematic plan of solving the Armenian problem by massacring all the -Armenians. The condition of the subject peoples became worse as years -went on, until finally, in 1915, we had the most terrible persecutions -in history.</p> - -<p>The Russian terror, if it ever was a terror, has disappeared. England no -longer fears a Russia stationed at Constantinople and threatening her -Indian Empire. The once mighty giant now lies a hopelessly crippled -invalid, utterly incapable of aggressive action against any nation. What -her fate will be no one knows. What is certain, however, is that the old -Czaristic empire, constantly bent on military aggression, has -disappeared for ever. When we look upon Russia to-day and then think of -the terror which she inspired in the hearts of British statesmen forty -and sixty-two years ago the contrast is almost pitiful and grotesque. -The nation that succeeded Russia as an ambitious heir to the Sultan’s -dominions, Germany, is now almost as powerless.</p> - -<p>Moreover, the British conscience has changed since the days of the -Crimean and Russo-Turkish wars. The old-time attitude, which insisted on -regarding these problems from the standpoint of fancied national -interest, is every day giving place to a more humanitarian policy. -Gladstone’s idea of “public right as the governing idea of European -politics” is more and more gaining the upper hand. The ideals in foreign -policy represented by Cobden and Bright are the ideals that now control -British public opinion. There are still plenty of reactionaries in -England and Europe that might like to settle the Ottoman problem in the -old discredited way, but they do not govern British public life at the -present crisis. The England that will deal with the Ottoman Empire in -1919 is the England of Lloyd George, not the England of Palmerston and -Disraeli.</p> - -<p>For the first time, therefore, the world approaches the problem of the -Ottoman Empire, the greatest blight in modern civilization, with an -absolutely free hand. The decision will inform us, more eloquently than -any other detail in the settlement, precisely what forces have won in -this war. We shall learn from it whether we have really entered upon a -new epoch; whether, as we hope, mediæval history has ended and modern -history has begun.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_433" id="page_433">{433}</a></span></p> - -<p>If Constantinople is left to the Turk; if the Greeks, the Syrians, the -Armenians, the Arabs and the Jews are not freed from the most revolting -tyranny that history has ever known, we shall understand that the -sacrifices of the last four years have been in vain, and that the -much-discussed new ideals in the government of the world are the merest -cant. Thus the United States has an immediate interest in the solution -of this problem. The hints reaching this country that another effort may -be made to prop up the Turk are not pleasing to us. We did not enter -this war to set up new balances of power, to promote the interests of -concessionaries, to make new partitions of territory, to satisfy the -imperialistic ambitions of contending European powers, but to lend our -support to that new international conscience that seeks to reorganize -the world on the basis of justice and popular rights. The settlement of -the Eastern question will teach us to what extent our efforts have -succeeded.</p> - -<p>If this mistake of propping up the Sultan’s empire is not to be made -again, either that empire must be divided among the great powers—a -solution which is not to be considered for reasons which it is hardly -necessary to explain—or one of these great powers must undertake its -administration as a mandatory. The great powers in question are the -United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan. Of these only -the first two are capable of assuming this duty. Lord Curzon has told me -personally that for political and economic reasons Great Britain cannot -assume the Ottoman mandate. Lloyd George has said essentially the same -thing. And Stéphane Lauzanne, who speaks in a semi-official capacity for -France, said, in an interview, Nov. 1, with a correspondent of the -<i>Times</i>:</p> - -<p>“In the offer of a mandate to her, America should see more than the -selfish desire of Europe to involve her in European affairs. It is true -she fears to be the centre of intrigues and difficulties. She fears -distant complications. However, the question is nobler and higher than -that. America is an admirable reservoir of energy. She holds the secret -of that which is best in our modern life—to build largely and to build -quickly. She has youth; she has power; she has wealth; she has that -which she calls efficiency. We in Europe are old, poor, enfeebled, -divided. It would be prodigiously interesting if America, after she has -given us of her power, of her money and her material, should give us -also an example.</p> - -<p>“And what an example it would be if America were to accept the mandate -for Constantinople! Here is a city which is one of the marvels of Europe -and of the world, which is the jewel of the Orient,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_434" id="page_434">{434}</a></span> and which after -twenty centuries of European civilization remains the home of wickedness -and corruption. Every one disputes possession of its hills and harbours, -and no one tries to make of it a great modern city which, rid of -international intrigues and rid of politics, would be the shining pole -of Europe. Only America can transform Constantinople; only America can -establish herself there without suspicion of bad faith and without -jealousy; only America can civilize the capital of Islam.</p> - -<p>“To do that America has no need of regiments of soldiers or of cannon. -She has need only of her workers and her constructors. A Hoover or a -Davison would be enough. And America is full of Hoovers and Davisons.”</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>I recognize the tremendous problems which confront us in our own -country. Those problems must and will be solved. But the day is past -when the individual citizen can permit absorption in his personal -affairs to exclude the consideration of the community’s or the nation’s -well-being. A new social conscience has manifested itself. And it is -equally true that the United States, as a member of the League of -Nations, must take an active and altruistic interest in world affairs, -however pressing our own problems may seem. The European situation, -indeed, is really a part of them. Our associates in the war cannot drift -into bankruptcy and despair without involving the United States in the -disaster. The losses we would suffer in money would be the least -distressing, should the world fall into the chaos which is threatening. -If we cannot solve our own problems and at the same time help Europe -solve hers we must be impotent indeed.</p> - -<p>So much, then, for the general principles involved; what are the -practical details of such a mandate? Last May, William Buckler, -Professor Philip M. Brown, and myself joined in a memorandum to -President Wilson outlining briefly a proposed system of government for -the Ottoman dominions. This so completely embodies my ideas that I -reprint it here, with two slight omissions:</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>“The government of Asia Minor should be dealt with under three different -mandates, (1) for Constantinople and its zone, (2) for Turkish Anatolia, -(3) for Armenia. The reason for not uniting these three areas under a -single mandate is that the methods of government required in each area -are different. In order, however, to facilitate the political and -economic development of the whole country, these three areas should be -placed under one and the same mandatory<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_435" id="page_435">{435}</a></span> power, with a single governor -in charge of the whole, to unify the separate administrations of the -three states.</p> - -<p>“Honest and efficient government in the Constantinople zone and in -Armenia will not solve the problems of Asia Minor unless the same kind -of government is also provided for the much larger area lying between -Constantinople and Armenia, i. e., Turkish Anatolia. Constantinople and -Armenia are mere fringes; the heart of the problem lies in Anatolia, of -which the population is 75 per cent. Moslem.</p> - -<p>“The main rules to be followed in dealing with this central district -are:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>“1. That it should not be divided up among Greeks, French, -Italians, &c.</p> - -<p>“2. That the Sultan should, under proper mandatory control, retain -religious and political sovereignty over the Turkish people in -Anatolia, having his residence at Brusa or Konia, both of which are -ancient historic seats of the Sultanate.</p> - -<p>“3. That no part of Anatolia should be placed under Greeks, even in -the form of a mandate. The Greeks are entitled by their numbers to -a small area surrounding Smyrna. Under no circumstances should -Greece have a mandate over territory mainly inhabited by Turks.</p></div> - -<p>“The above solution of the problem of Asia Minor means refusal to -recognize secret deals such as the Pact of London and the Sykes-Picot -Agreement and especially the Italian claims to a large territory near -Adalia. If Greeks and Italians, with their standing antagonism, are -introduced into Asia Minor, the peace will constantly be disturbed by -their rivalry and intrigues. Italy has no claim to any part of Anatolia, -whether on the basis of population, of commercial interests, or of -historic tradition.</p> - -<p>“No solution of the Asia-Minor problem which ignores the fact that its -population is 75 per cent. Turkish can be considered satisfactory or -durable. The only two countries having any prospect of successfully -holding a mandate over Anatolia are Great Britain and the United States.</p> - -<p>“The large missionary and educational interests of the United States in -Anatolia must be adequately protected, and it is illusory to imagine -that this can be done if Anatolia is subjected to Greek, French, or -Italian sovereignty.</p> - -<p>“Only a comprehensive, self-contained scheme such as that above outlined -can overcome the strong prejudices of the American people against -accepting any mandate. To cure the ills of Turkey and to deliver her -peasantry from their present ignorance and impoverish<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_436" id="page_436">{436}</a></span>ment requires a -thorough reconstruction of Turkish institutions, judicial, educational, -economic, financial, and military.</p> - -<p>“This may appeal to the United States as an opportunity to set a high -standard, by showing that it is the duty of a great power, in ruling -such oppressed peoples, to lead them toward self-respecting independence -as their ultimate goal.”</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>The Armenians are wholly unprepared to govern themselves or to protect -themselves against their neighbours. Mere supervision will not be -adequate. What the Armenian State requires is a kind of receivership, -and we should take it over in trust, to manage it until it is time to -turn it over when it is governmentally solvent and on a going basis. -Anatolia should be under a separate management and have its own -parliament; its executive should be a deputy governor under a governor -general at Constantinople. The three governments should have a common -coinage, similar tariff requirements, and unified railroad systems; and -in other respects should be federated somewhat as states in this country -are.</p> - -<p>The commercial importance of such an arrangement is enormous, for -Constantinople must continue as Russia’s chief outlet to the world, and -it is the gateway to the East. The commercial policy would, of course, -be an open-door policy. All nations would have equality of opportunity -in trade and would be free in regard to colonization. As a matter of -fact, the commercial situation is of little importance to us. Prior to -the war our foreign trade amounted to only about 6 per cent. of our -total trade; and although it increased during the war to about 11 per -cent., it is likely to recede soon to the neighbourhood of 8 per cent. -It will consist largely of raw materials, such as wheat, cotton, copper, -and coal, which other nations must get from us, whether or no. Foreign -trade is a mere incident; our prosperity is not what we are fighting -for.</p> - -<p>It need not require the extension of large credits from us to put these -nations on a sound footing. They could be financed by bond issues issued -in each case against the resources of the territories involved. If the -United States held the mandates, there would be no difficulty, I -apprehend, in floating such issues. And as for the policing necessary, -that need be very small, provided a man of strong will and quick -decision, fertile in resources and of unshakable determination, were -assigned to the Governorship General at Constantinople. The opportunity -would be a great one for an American completely imbued with our -institutions. The succession of able<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_437" id="page_437">{437}</a></span> pro-consuls whom we have sent to -the Philippines shows that we shall not lack such men.</p> - -<p>We shall surrender our mandates over these three territories when we -have finished our work. We shall not necessarily leave them all at the -same time; we shall turn each one over to its people when the public -opinion of the world, expressed in the League of Nations, has decided -that it is capable of directing its own affairs. It might be necessary -for us to remain in Constantinople longer than elsewhere, and there is -reason to suppose that Constantinople will become the Washington of the -Balkans and perhaps of Asia Minor, the central governing power of the -Balkan confederation. But if left without the guidance and help of -outside intelligence and capital, those peoples will necessarily -continue to retrograde. They must have security of property if they are -to have an incentive to labour. Unless they have that, the blight of -southeastern Europe will remain, and the Turks, originally a marauding -band of conquerors, who have held a precarious and undeserved footing -for more than five hundred years on European soil, will continue to -menace its peace and safety. If ever there was a chance to put them out, -we have that chance now. The United States is the only government which -can undertake the purification of the Balkans without incurring ill-will -and jealousy. We need not indulge in overpolite phrases. This is the -only nation which can accept these mandates and maintain international -good feeling. It is absolutely our fault if the Turk remains in Europe.</p> - -<p>The difficulties inherent in this situation can be cured only at the -source. The League of Nations, when it comes into being, must not -operate exclusively through a central agency at Geneva, because it -cannot learn in that way the real difficulties and the wants of -dependent peoples. That can be done only in the most direct way, through -representatives on the spot. The people, moreover, want to be heard. -They are wonderfully relieved after they have had their say. That fact -has its touch of pathos, perhaps to some a touch of the ridiculous; but -it is a factor of the human equation which we cannot afford to ignore. -And if we supply American tribunals, disinterested and just, before -which these peoples can state their grievances and their aspirations, we -will have taken a long step toward their pacification and -stabilization.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_438" id="page_438">{438}</a></span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_439" id="page_439">{439}</a></span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_440" id="page_440">{440}</a></span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_441" id="page_441">{441}</a></span> </p> - -<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2> - -<p class="c"><a href="#A">A</a>, -<a href="#B">B</a>, -<a href="#C">C</a>, -<a href="#D">D</a>, -<a href="#E">E</a>, -<a href="#F">F</a>, -<a href="#G">G</a>, -<a href="#H">H</a>, -<a href="#I">I</a>, -<a href="#J">J</a>, -<a href="#K">K</a>, -<a href="#L">L</a>, -<a href="#M">M</a>, -<a href="#N">N</a>, -<a href="#O">O</a>, -<a href="#P">P</a>, -<a href="#Q">Q</a>, -<a href="#R">R</a>, -<a href="#S">S</a>, -<a href="#T">T</a>, -<a href="#U">U</a>, -<a href="#V">V</a>, -<a href="#W">W</a>, -<a href="#Y">Y</a>, -<a href="#Z">Z</a></p> - -<p class="nind"> -<a name="A" id="A"></a>Abdul Hamid, kept prisoner, <a href="#page_184">184</a><br /> - -Abraham & Straus, incident of formation of firm, <a href="#page_34">34</a><br /> - -Adler, Dr. Cyrus, objects to Jew serving on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, <a href="#page_353">353</a><br /> - -Adler, Dr. Felix, leader of a new movement, 9<a href="#page_5">5</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a><br /> - -Admission to the Bar, <a href="#page_29">29</a><br /> - -Adrianople, Governor of, hospitable reception given by, <a href="#page_192">192</a><br /> - -Agincourt, visit to ancient battleground, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -Albright, Charles P., <a href="#page_26">26</a><br /> - -Alexander, Andrew, building erected for, <a href="#page_55">55</a><br /> - -Alexander, James W., fights to retain control of Equitable Insurance Co., <a href="#page_80">80</a><br /> - -Alexandria, visit to, <a href="#page_219">219</a><br /> - -Algef, Dr., <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Ali Kuli Khan, at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_326">326</a><br /> - -Ali Mehemmid, visit to, <a href="#page_223">223</a><br /> - -Allen, Edward W., at Roosevelt’s fusion meeting, <a href="#page_280">280</a><br /> - -Alter, Rabbi, visit to, near Warsaw, <a href="#page_374">374</a><br /> - -America’s true mission in Turkey, <a href="#page_203">203</a><br /> - -American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant, speech at, <a href="#page_198">198</a><br /> - -American troops, arrival in France, restores flagging energy of the people, <a href="#page_256">256</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visit to, on British front, <a href="#page_266">266</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sir Douglas Haig’s impressions of, <a href="#page_273">273</a></span><br /> - -Anderson, Charles P., sails for International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in conference with Henry P. Davison, <a href="#page_313">313</a></span><br /> - -Anderson, U. S. District Attorney, sends deputies to New Hampshire to enforce election laws, <a href="#page_246">246</a><br /> - -Arabian night, arranged by Governor of Nabulus, <a href="#page_231">231</a><br /> - -Arif Pasha, <a href="#page_224">224</a><br /> - -Armenia, report on, <a href="#page_337">337</a><br /> - -Armistice, earlier than expected, <a href="#page_299">299</a><br /> - -Armstrong Committee, the Insurance investigation, <a href="#page_64">64</a>, <a href="#page_66">66</a>, <a href="#page_71">71</a><br /> - -Arnold, Olney, Consular Agent at Cairo, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_220">220</a><br /> - -Aronstam, Charles S. account of Roosevelt’s forming fusion ticket for New York municipal election, <a href="#page_280">280</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tenders nomination for President of Board of Aldermen, <a href="#page_281">281</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">declined, <a href="#page_282">282</a></span><br /> - -Arthur of Connaught, Prince, met on British front, <a href="#page_269">269</a><br /> - -Atterbury, Gen. W. W., asked to accept Director-Generalship of Associated National Red Cross, <a href="#page_318">318</a><br /> - -Askenazy, pronounced Assimilator, <a href="#page_366">366</a><br /> - -Astor, John Jacob, dealings with, <a href="#page_46">46</a><br /> - -Astor, William Waldorf, <a href="#page_46">46</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">real estate transactions with, <a href="#page_54">54</a>, <a href="#page_55">55</a></span><br /> - -Aupin, Count, meeting with, <a href="#page_330">330</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="B" id="B"></a>Baker, Elbert H., prophesies Wilson would carry Ohio by large majority, <a href="#page_245">245</a><br /> - -Baker, J. E., takes party of labour leaders to British front, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Baker, Newton D., assures committee of high Democratic majority in Ohio, <a href="#page_245">245</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter declining to speak for League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_300">300</a></span><br /> - -Baker, Ray Stannard, at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_324">324</a><br /> - -Baldwin, Edward R., sails for International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -Balfour, Arthur J., New York City’s reception to, <a href="#page_253">253</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at luncheon given by, in Paris, <a href="#page_341">341</a></span><br /> - -Balfour Declaration, misunderstood by Zionists, <a href="#page_389">389</a><br /> - -Ball, Alwyn, Jr., realty dealings through, <a href="#page_55">55</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids in forming real estate trust company, <a href="#page_57">57</a></span><br /> - -Baltimore Convention, Wilson’s nomination at, <a href="#page_146">146</a><br /> - -Baltimore <i>Sun</i>, favours Wilson at Baltimore Convention, <a href="#page_146">146</a><br /> - -Bamberger-Delaware Gold Mine, investment in, <a href="#page_51">51</a><br /> - -Bannard, Otto, defeated by Judge Gaynor, <a href="#page_279">279</a><br /> - -Bar, admission to the, <a href="#page_29">29</a><br /> - -Baring Brothers, influence of their failure on real estate transactions, <a href="#page_48">48</a><br /> - -Barth, Herr, remark that Roosevelt could never remain out of politics, <a href="#page_281">281</a><br /> - -Barton, Dr. James L., <a href="#page_175">175</a><br /> - -Baruch, Bernard M., valuable aid in securing campaign contributions, <a href="#page_242">242</a><br /> - -Bauman, Mr., <a href="#page_51">51</a><br /> - -Beattie, C. J., met on British front, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Beecher, Henry Ward, <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Behning, Henry, law case of, <a href="#page_31">31</a><br /> - -Bell, George W., with Mitchel on campaign, <a href="#page_285">285</a><br /> - -Bellows, Henry W., <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Bennett, James Gordon, aids in sale of lots, <a href="#page_48">48</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">encounter with pugilist indirect cause of siding against Tammany, <a href="#page_113">113</a></span><br /> - -Berkowitz, Dr. Henry, not in favour of Zionist plans, <a href="#page_349">349</a><br /> - -Biddle, General, commanding American troops on British front, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -Big Business, era of, <a href="#page_133">133</a><br /> - -Biggs, Dr. Hermann M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -Billinski, M., talks on Jewish question, <a href="#page_374">374</a>, <a href="#page_376">376</a><br /> - -Black, Mr., <a href="#page_72">72</a><br /> - -Blass, Robert, sings at Conried’s funeral, <a href="#page_104">104</a><br /> - -Bliss, Cornelius N., Jr., on committee for financing the Red Cross, <a href="#page_249">249</a><br /> - -Bliss, Dr. Howard, invited on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_214">214</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Samaritan ceremonies, <a href="#page_229">229</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Arabian night, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_232">232</a></span><br /> - -Bliss, General, on possibilities of another war, <a href="#page_335">335</a><br /> - -Bliss, George, real estate transactions with, <a href="#page_48">48</a>, <a href="#page_49">49</a><br /> - -Bloomingdale & Co., position with, <a href="#page_18">18</a><br /> - -Blumstein, Louis M., real estate sold to, <a href="#page_42">42</a><br /> - -B’nai Brith Lodge, at Constantinople, <a href="#page_205">205</a><br /> - -Bompard, M., French Ambassador at Constantinople, <a href="#page_183">183</a><br /> - -Bonné, Mrs. Josephine, <a href="#page_99">99</a><br /> - -Borah, antagonistic to Wilson, <a href="#page_130">130</a><br /> - -Brackett, Edgar T., presents argument for impeachment at Sulzer trial, <a href="#page_172">172</a><br /> - -Brady, Anthony N., interested in formation of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_59">59</a><br /> - -Brady, Peter, member “Committee of Safety,” <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Bratiano, Roumanian premier, at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_326">326</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a><br /> - -Briand, Aristide, meeting with, <a href="#page_330">330</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposes to pay war debt by sale of lottery tickets in America, <a href="#page_331">331</a></span><br /> - -Bridgeport, Alabama, unfortunate investments at, <a href="#page_50">50</a><br /> - -British front, trip to, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -Broad Exchange Bldg., purchase of plots for site, <a href="#page_87">87</a><br /> - -Bronx House, Settlement work at, <a href="#page_105">105</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Brooklyn, emigration to, <a href="#page_5">5</a>, <a href="#page_7">7</a><br /> - -Brown, Dr. Arthur Judson, <a href="#page_175">175</a><br /> - -Brown, Dr. Elmer R., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_301">301</a><br /> - -Brown, Prof. Philip M., in study of Armenian question, <a href="#page_337">337</a><br /> - -Bryan, William Jennings, candidacy against Wilson, <a href="#page_138">138</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the “cocked-hat” letter, <a href="#page_140">140</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hazy ideas of diplomacy, <a href="#page_174">174</a></span><br /> - -Bryant, Lieut.-Col. M. C., executive secretary Mission to Poland, <a href="#page_335">335</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acts as secretary, <a href="#page_381">381</a></span><br /> - -Bryant, William Cullen, <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Bryce, Viscount, invited on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_216">216</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his thirst for facts, <a href="#page_227">227</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Samaritan ceremonies, <a href="#page_230">230</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Arabian night, <a href="#page_231">231</a></span><br /> - -Buchman, Albert, architect, <a href="#page_51">51</a><br /> - -Buckler, William H., study of Turkish problem with, at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_323">323</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in study of the Turkish question, <a href="#page_336">336</a>, <a href="#page_337">337</a></span><br /> - -Bureau of Public Information, beginnings of, <a href="#page_252">252</a><br /> - -Burleson, Albert S., assistance during campaign, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed Postmaster-General, <a href="#page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in difficulties over New York Postmastership, <a href="#page_237">237</a>, <a href="#page_239">239</a></span><br /> - -Butler, Benjamin F., <a href="#page_26">26</a><br /> - -Butler, Prescott Hall, Boreel Bldg. purchased through, <a href="#page_87">87</a><br /> - -Butzel, Mr., acquaintance with, <a href="#page_25">25</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="C" id="C"></a>Cairo, arrival at, <a href="#page_220">220</a><br /> - -Campaign of 1916, financing, <a href="#page_236">236</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a><br /> - -Cannes, International Red Cross Conference at, <a href="#page_313">313</a><br /> - -Carpenter, Prof. William H., speaks at Conried’s funeral, <a href="#page_105">105</a><br /> - -Carroll, John F., <a href="#page_9">9</a><br /> - -Caruso, Enrico, engaged by Conried from phonograph records, <a href="#page_101">101</a><br /> - -Celluloid Piano Key Co., connection with, <a href="#page_32">32</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investments in, <a href="#page_41">41</a></span><br /> - -Central Realty Bond & Trust Company, organization, 57 <i>et seq.</i>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">transactions of, <a href="#page_86">86</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">merged into Lawyers’ Title Insurance Company, <a href="#page_89">89</a></span><br /> - -Chadbourne, Thomas L., Jr., valuable aid in securing campaign contributions, <a href="#page_242">242</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_252">252</a></span><br /> - -Channing, Dr., extract from “Self-Denial” sermon, <a href="#page_16">16</a><br /> - -Charters, General, on British front, <a href="#page_268">268</a><br /> - -Childs, William Hamlin, at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_253">253</a><br /> - -Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, dinner given by, <a href="#page_324">324</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their hopeless position, <a href="#page_325">325</a></span><br /> - -Choate, Joseph H., attorney for the Astors, <a href="#page_45">45</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">presiding at New York City’s welcome to Joffre, Viviani, and Balfour, <a href="#page_254">254</a></span><br /> - -City College, preparation for, <a href="#page_9">9</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">entrance, <a href="#page_11">11</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">withdrawal from, <a href="#page_13">13</a></span><br /> - -Clark, Champ, candidacy against Wilson, <a href="#page_138">138</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Baltimore Convention, <a href="#page_146">146</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">over-confidence costs nomination, <a href="#page_147">147</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Sea Girt notification, <a href="#page_148">148</a></span><br /> - -Clemenceau, at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a><br /> - -Cobb, Frank I., aids Wilson cause at Baltimore by New York <i>World</i> editorial, <a href="#page_146">146</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_168">168</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">collaboration with on article showing Germany planned the war, <a href="#page_296">296</a></span><br /> - -Coblenz, speech at, on the next war, <a href="#page_332">332</a>, <a href="#page_335">335</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">state of mind of the residents, <a href="#page_333">333</a></span><br /> - -Cochran, Bourke, acquaintance with, <a href="#page_25">25</a><br /> - -Coggeshall, Edward W., entertains proposition for increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, <a href="#page_67">67</a>, <a href="#page_69">69</a><br /> - -Colby, Bainbridge, retained by Alexander in Equitable contest, <a href="#page_80">80</a>, <a href="#page_81">81</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Board of Directors, Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_101">101</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">campaign for Wilson, <a href="#page_245">245</a></span><br /> - -College for Girls, Constantinople, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a><br /> - -Columbia Law School, attendance at, <a href="#page_27">27</a><br /> - -“Committee of Safety,” creation of, <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Conkling, Roscoe, <a href="#page_113">113</a><br /> - -Conried, Heinrich, backing secured for Metropolitan Opera venture, <a href="#page_99">99</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">engages Caruso from phonograph records, <a href="#page_101">101</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death, and impressive funeral, <a href="#page_104">104</a></span><br /> - -Constantinople arrival at, <a href="#page_177">177</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tactics toward the “diplomatic set,” <a href="#page_179">179</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first impressions of, <a href="#page_186">186</a></span><br /> - -Cooke, Jay, in Panic of 1873, <a href="#page_20">20</a><br /> - -Cooper Union, address at, showing necessity of complete defeat of Germany, <a href="#page_298">298</a><br /> - -Cox, Governor, nominated for Presidency by state “bosses,” <a href="#page_121">121</a><br /> - -Crane, Charles R., helps finance Wilson campaign, <a href="#page_145">145</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves selection of headquarters for 1916 campaign, <a href="#page_236">236</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, <a href="#page_324">324</a></span><br /> - -Crawford, L. Cope, met on British front, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Crimmins, John D., <a href="#page_22">22</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">real estate ventures of, <a href="#page_41">41</a>, <a href="#page_42">42</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interested in formation of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_58">58</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_168">168</a></span><br /> - -Croker, Richard, acquaintance with, <a href="#page_113">113</a><br /> - -Crowell, Ass’t Sec’y of War, at dinner to, in Paris, <a href="#page_337">337</a><br /> - -Cullen, Judge Edgar M., presiding at Sulzer impeachment, <a href="#page_172">172</a><br /> - -Cummings, Homer S., friendship with, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as the Demosthenes of the Democratic Party, <a href="#page_306">306</a></span><br /> - -Currie, Sir Arthur, lunch with on British front, <a href="#page_268">268</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">description of battle of Lens, <a href="#page_269">269</a></span><br /> - -Curtis, Dr. Holbrook, <a href="#page_103">103</a><br /> - -Curtis, Miss, met at Cannes, <a href="#page_327">327</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="D" id="D"></a>D’Abernon, Lord, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, <a href="#page_341">341</a><br /> - -D’Ankerswaerd, <a href="#page_188">188</a><br /> - -Dana, Charles A., <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Daniels, Josephus, friendship with, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed Secretary of the Navy, <a href="#page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hopeless of success of 1916 campaign, <a href="#page_235">235</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at McCormick luncheon, <a href="#page_242">242</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sails on the <i>Leviathan</i>, <a href="#page_310">310</a></span><br /> - -Dardanelles, Major Tibbetts tells experiences, <a href="#page_268">268</a><br /> - -Davies, J. Clarence, in the “Subway Boom,” <a href="#page_87">87</a><br /> - -Davies, Joseph E., friendship with, <a href="#page_154">154</a><br /> - -Davison, Henry P., selected as Chairman of Committee for financing the Red Cross, <a href="#page_250">250</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dinner given Red Cross delegates in Paris, <a href="#page_312">312</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cable from, requesting attendance at International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_308">308</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organizing and directing spirit of International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_316">316</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">entreated to make Red Cross his life work, <a href="#page_316">316</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mistake of permitting other than American as Director-General, <a href="#page_319">319</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposes dinner to Governors of the League of Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_320">320</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">speaks at the dinner, <a href="#page_321">321</a></span><br /> - -Democracy—a master-passion, <a href="#page_351">351</a><br /> - -Deutsch, Bernard, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Djemal, Colonel, <a href="#page_187">187</a><br /> - -Dmowski, Roman, at Paderewski dinner, <a href="#page_356">356</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explains his Anti-Semitism, <a href="#page_357">357</a></span><br /> - -Dodge, Bayard, on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_214">214</a><br /> - -Dodge, Cleveland H., helps finance Wilson campaign, <a href="#page_145">145</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aid to Robert College, <a href="#page_208">208</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invited on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_214">214</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on committee for financing the Red Cross, <a href="#page_249">249</a></span><br /> - -Doheny, Edward L., contributes large sum to campaign fund, and gets it back by election bets, <a href="#page_242">242</a><br /> - -Domremy, visit to, <a href="#page_260">260</a><br /> - -<i>Dora</i>, trip to Hamburg on, <a href="#page_22">22</a><br /> - -Doremus, Professor, <a href="#page_12">12</a><br /> - -Draper, Mrs. William K., speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a><br /> - -Dreier, Miss Mary, member “Committee of Safety,” <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Drummond, Sir Eric, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a><br /> - -Duel, Dr. Arthur B., with Mitchel on campaign, <a href="#page_285">285</a><br /> - -Dwight, Prof. Theodore W., <a href="#page_29">29</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="E" id="E"></a>Easter sacrifice of the Samaritans on Mount Gerizim, <a href="#page_228">228</a><br /> - -Eclectic Life Insurance Co., failure in Panic of 1873, <a href="#page_21">21</a><br /> - -Edison, Thomas A., at McCormick luncheon, <a href="#page_242">242</a><br /> - -Educational Alliance, Director of, <a href="#page_105">105</a><br /> - -Egan, Dr. Maurice Francis, at Copenhagen Legation, <a href="#page_19">19</a><br /> - -Egypt, Kitchener’s explanation of Great Britain’s policy in, <a href="#page_226">226</a><br /> - -Ehrich, William J., association with in realty ventures, <a href="#page_42">42</a><br /> - -Einhorn, Rabbi, <a href="#page_15">15</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a><br /> - -Elizabeth, Princess, at dinner with, <a href="#page_326">326</a><br /> - -Elkus, Abram I., work with factory investigation committee, <a href="#page_108">108</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">helps finance Wilson campaign, <a href="#page_145">145</a></span><br /> - -Emerson, Ralph Waldo, <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Emerson Society, organized, <a href="#page_98">98</a><br /> - -Enver Pasha, Turkish Minister of War, <a href="#page_185">185</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">direct dealings with, <a href="#page_197">197</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks advice, <a href="#page_202">202</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of much interest to Kitchener, <a href="#page_225">225</a></span><br /> - -Equitable Insurance Co., the investigation, 79 <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Esher, Lord, arranges trip to British front, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -Evarts, William M., attorney for the Astors, <a href="#page_45">45</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="F" id="F"></a>Farley, Terrence, <a href="#page_41">41</a><br /> - -Federal Reserve Act, prevents concentration and control of capital, <a href="#page_83">83</a><br /> - -Filene, Edward A., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_301">301</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, <a href="#page_324">324</a></span><br /> - -Finley, Dr. John H., <a href="#page_11">11</a><br /> - -Fisk and Hatch, in Panic of 1873, <a href="#page_20">20</a><br /> - -Flower, Roswell P., <a href="#page_118">118</a><br /> - -Ford, Henry, drives a hard bargain, <a href="#page_242">242</a><br /> - -Fosdick, Raymond B., aids in preparing National Committee budget, <a href="#page_153">153</a><br /> - -Foss, Mr., at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a><br /> - -Fox, Mortimer J., on trip to Constantinople, <a href="#page_177">177</a><br /> - -Franco-Prussian War, influences sentiment in favour of Germans in New York, <a href="#page_8">8</a><br /> - -Frascara, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a><br /> - -Fraser, Lovat, met on British front, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Free Synagogue, resignation from, <a href="#page_293">293</a><br /> - -Freedman, Andrew, connection with Richard Croker, <a href="#page_115">115</a><br /> - -French front, visit to, <a href="#page_259">259</a><br /> - -Fuller Construction Co., financing of, <a href="#page_71">71</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="G" id="G"></a>Garfield, President, influence of assassination on real estate market, <a href="#page_41">41</a><br /> - -Garrels, Consul, <a href="#page_219">219</a><br /> - -Gates, Dr., president of Robert College, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a><br /> - -Gawa, Prof. Arata Nina, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a><br /> - -Gaynor, William J., an opponent, <a href="#page_34">34</a><br /> - -George, Lloyd, seeks Wilson’s favour through Admiral Grayson, <a href="#page_331">331</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a></span><br /> - -Germans, early prejudice against, in New York, <a href="#page_8">8</a><br /> - -Germany: entering on career of Imperialism, <a href="#page_23">23</a><br /> - -Gibson, Hugh, asked to report on Poland’s treatment of Jews, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Paderewski dinner, <a href="#page_356">356</a></span><br /> - -Giers, Michel de, Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, <a href="#page_183">183</a><br /> - -Gildersleeve, Henry A., acquaintance with, <a href="#page_25">25</a><br /> - -Glass, Franklin P., at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, <a href="#page_140">140</a><br /> - -Glass, Senator Carter, reason for his appointment as secretary of Democratic National Committee, <a href="#page_244">244</a><br /> - -Godkin, Lawrence, <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Goelet, Robert, on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Gold mine, investment in, <a href="#page_51">51</a><br /> - -Goldsmith, Abraham, partnership with, <a href="#page_33">33</a>, <a href="#page_42">42</a><br /> - -Goodhart, Capt. Arthur L., Counsel with Mission to Poland, <a href="#page_355">355</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at reception in Warsaw, <a href="#page_365">365</a></span><br /> - -Gould, George J., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Gouraud, General, Pershing renews acquaintance of, at Verdun, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -Grabski, conference with, on conditions in Poland, <a href="#page_358">358</a><br /> - -Grand Central Station, construction of, <a href="#page_8">8</a><br /> - -Grasty, Charles H., aids Wilson at Baltimore Convention, <a href="#page_146">146</a><br /> - -Grayson, Admiral, telegram to, regarding Wilson’s attitude toward Lane as Director-General of International Red Cross, <a href="#page_318">318</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dinner with Lloyd George, <a href="#page_332">332</a></span><br /> - -Greeley, Horace, <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Green, Andrew H., appointed Comptroller of City of New York, <a href="#page_113">113</a><br /> - -Greene, Colonel Warwick, declines membership of commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, <a href="#page_352">352</a>, <a href="#page_354">354</a><br /> - -Gregory, Attorney General, sends deputies to New Hampshire to enforce election laws, <a href="#page_247">247</a><br /> - -Gregory, Eliot, on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_101">101</a><br /> - -Grew, Joseph C., cables to obtain American opinion of Jew serving<br /> -on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, <a href="#page_353">353</a><br /> - -Groshents, M., patriot of Thann, <a href="#page_261">261</a><br /> - -Grosscup, Mr., <a href="#page_139">139</a><br /> - -Grant, Hugh J., interested in formation of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_58">58</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids in financing of Fuller Construction Co., <a href="#page_71">71</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">advises purchase of Bareel Bldg., <a href="#page_86">86</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">had no fear of panic, <a href="#page_88">88</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interested in Underwood Typewriter Company, <a href="#page_91">91</a></span><br /> - -Guggenheim, Daniel, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Guggenheimer, Randolph, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Guizat, Count de Witt, entertained by, on trip to French front, <a href="#page_262">262</a><br /> - -Gutherz, Dr., <a href="#page_3">3</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="H" id="H"></a>Haig, Sir Douglas, arranges meeting with Sir Arthur Currie, <a href="#page_269">269</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">why he did not capture Lens, <a href="#page_271">271</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">record of meeting with, <a href="#page_271">271</a></span><br /> - -Hall, A. Oakey, Mayor of New York City under Tweed, <a href="#page_109">109</a><br /> - -Hall, Dr., quotation from, <a href="#page_16">16</a><br /> - -Hamburg, trip on sailing vessel to, <a href="#page_22">22</a><br /> - -Hamlin, Dr., work at Robert College, <a href="#page_208">208</a><br /> - -Hammerstein, Oscar, realty dealings with, <a href="#page_43">43</a><br /> - -Hammill, Dr. Samuel M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -Hankey, Sir Maurice, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, <a href="#page_341">341</a><br /> - -Hanna, Mark, in control of Republican Party, <a href="#page_122">122</a><br /> - -Harbord, Major-General, meeting with in France, <a href="#page_273">273</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">induced to accept Armenian Mission, <a href="#page_337">337</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">helps select military member of mission to Poland, <a href="#page_354">354</a></span><br /> - -Harbord Commission to Armenia, negotiations for appointment, <a href="#page_336">336</a>, <a href="#page_337">337</a>, <a href="#page_338">338</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">report giving reasons for and against America accepting Armenian mandate, <a href="#page_343">343</a></span><br /> - -Harriman, E. H., financing of Union Pacific, <a href="#page_77">77</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward Equitable controversy, <a href="#page_82">82</a></span><br /> - -Hartman, Judge Anthony, <a href="#page_39">39</a><br /> - -Hartman, Miss Rosina, studies under, <a href="#page_10">10</a><br /> - -Harvey, Col. George, disagreement with Wilson, <a href="#page_149">149</a><br /> - -Haskell, Col. William N., appointed to head resident commission to Armenia, <a href="#page_342">342</a><br /> - -Havemeyer, Henry O., realty ventures, <a href="#page_42">42</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interested in formation of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_58">58</a></span><br /> - -Hays, Will H., success as Republican National Chairman, <a href="#page_126">126</a><br /> - -Hearst, William Randolph, at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a><br /> - -Heins, Louis F., <a href="#page_116">116</a><br /> - -“Hell’s Kitchen,” experiences with tenants in, <a href="#page_40">40</a><br /> - -Henderson, General David, becomes Director-General of International Red Cross, <a href="#page_320">320</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a></span><br /> - -Henry Street Settlement, <a href="#page_105">105</a><br /> - -Herrick, Myron T., urges acceptance of Ambassadorship to Turkey, <a href="#page_161">161</a><br /> - -Hilton, Frederick M., transaction with, <a href="#page_86">86</a><br /> - -Hilton, Hughes & Co., difficulties of, <a href="#page_36">36</a><br /> - -Hirsch, Solomon, <a href="#page_162">162</a><br /> - -Hirsdansky, Simon, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Hoffman, John T., made Governor by Tweed, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a><br /> - -Holley, Abner B., instructor in mathematics, <a href="#page_10">10</a><br /> - -Hollis, Senator, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, <a href="#page_324">324</a><br /> - -Holt, Dr. L. Emmett, sails for International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -Holy Land, visit to the, <a href="#page_212">212</a><br /> - -Homer, Mme., sings at Conried’s funeral, <a href="#page_104">104</a><br /> - -Hoover, Herbert, meeting with in Paris, <a href="#page_312">312</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recommends appointment of Harbord Armenian Mission, <a href="#page_338">338</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not in favour of America accepting mandate over Armenia, <a href="#page_340">340</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges Wilson to appoint commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">State dinner given to, by Paderewski, <a href="#page_377">377</a></span><br /> - -Hoskins, Dr. Franklin, invited on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_214">214</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Caves of Machpelah, <a href="#page_218">218</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">profound Biblical scholar, <a href="#page_227">227</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Samaritan ceremonies, <a href="#page_229">229</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Arabian night, <a href="#page_231">231</a></span><br /> - -House, Colonel, Wilson’s confidence in, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves selection of headquarters for 1916 Campaign, <a href="#page_236">236</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relationship with President Wilson, <a href="#page_239">239</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_327">327</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a></span><br /> - -Houston, Secretary, applauds campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_300">300</a><br /> - -Hudspeth, Judge, <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a><br /> - -Hughes, Chas. Evans, conducts insurance investigation, <a href="#page_79">79</a>, <a href="#page_83">83</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_252">252</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, <a href="#page_284">284</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, <a href="#page_340">340</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">speaks at Madison Square Garden meeting of protest against treatment of Jews in Poland, <a href="#page_352">352</a></span><br /> - -Hughes, Congressman, <a href="#page_139">139</a><br /> - -Huntington, Collis P., real estate dealings with, <a href="#page_52">52</a><br /> - -Hyde, Henry B., organizes Equitable Life Insurance Co., <a href="#page_79">79</a><br /> - -Hyde, James Hazen, head of Equitable Life Insurance Co., <a href="#page_66">66</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insurance irregularities, <a href="#page_78">78</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal weakness, <a href="#page_79">79</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts in Paris to assist in World War, and work with the Red Cross, <a href="#page_84">84</a></span><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="I" id="I"></a>Ibrahim Bey, <a href="#page_189">189</a><br /> - -Ickelheimer, Henry R., <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -Izzett, General, <a href="#page_187">187</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="J" id="J"></a>Jackson, Charles A., <a href="#page_120">120</a><br /> - -Jackson Day Dinner, of 1912, Wilson’s success at, <a href="#page_138">138</a><br /> - -Jacob-ben-Aaron, High Priest of Samaritans, <a href="#page_228">228</a><br /> - -Jadwin, General Edgar, on commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">selected by Pershing, <a href="#page_354">354</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Paderewski dinner to Hoover, <a href="#page_378">378</a></span><br /> - -Jarlsberg, Count Wedel, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a><br /> - -Jarvie, James N., on board of directors of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_61">61</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opponent of Havemeyer, <a href="#page_65">65</a>, <a href="#page_69">69</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interested in Underwood Typewriter Co., <a href="#page_91">91</a></span><br /> - -Jastrow, Prof. Morris, not in favour of Zionist plans, <a href="#page_349">349</a><br /> - -Jaubert, Captain, in charge of trip to French front, <a href="#page_259">259</a><br /> - -Jews, influence of, discrimination against, in failure of Hilton, Hughes & Co., <a href="#page_38">38</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">send commission to Peace Conference, <a href="#page_348">348</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opportunities boundless in America, <a href="#page_399">399</a></span><br /> - -Jews, atrocities against, in Poland, <a href="#page_351">351</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Hugh Gibson asked to report on, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wilson appoints commission to investigate, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">objections against Jew serving on commission, <a href="#page_353">353</a></span><br /> - -Jewish members of Polish Parliament, <a href="#page_361">361</a><br /> - -Jewish question, the, article in New York <i>Times</i>, <a href="#page_289">289</a><br /> - -Joffre, Marshal, New York City’s reception to, <a href="#page_253">253</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pleads for sight of American uniforms in Paris, <a href="#page_256">256</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meeting at his Paris headquarters, <a href="#page_262">262</a></span><br /> - -Johnson, Frederick, <a href="#page_116">116</a><br /> - -Johnson, George F., <a href="#page_116">116</a><br /> - -Johnson, Homer H., at dinner given by, in Paris, <a href="#page_337">337</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, <a href="#page_352">352</a></span><br /> - -Johnson, Joseph, appointment as Postmaster prevented, <a href="#page_238">238</a><br /> - -Joline, Adrian H., “cocked-hat” letter from Wilson, <a href="#page_140">140</a><br /> - -Jones Estate, Joshua, purchase of lots in, <a href="#page_47">47</a><br /> - -Jordan, Thomas N., <a href="#page_68">68</a><br /> - -Judson, Dr. Henry Pratt, dinner to, <a href="#page_299">299</a><br /> - -Juilliard, A. D., on board of directors of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_61">61</a>, <a href="#page_66">66</a>, <a href="#page_69">69</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="K" id="K"></a>Kahn, Congressman Julius, on committee to present views of American Jews on Zionism to Peace Conference, <a href="#page_350">350</a><br /> - -Kahn, Otto H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Kahri Jeh Janisi, oldest mosque in Constantinople, <a href="#page_187">187</a><br /> - -Kelly, John, succeeds Tweed as Tammany leader, <a href="#page_112">112</a><br /> - -Kennedy, John S., aid to Robert College, <a href="#page_208">208</a><br /> - -Kenyon, Cox & Co., in Panic of 1873, <a href="#page_20">20</a><br /> - -Kerenski, at Peace Conference,<a href="#page_323">323</a><br /> - -Kergolay, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_320">320</a><br /> - -Khedive of Egypt, provides for welcome at Alexandria, <a href="#page_219">219</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">official call on, <a href="#page_221">221</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as a modern business man, <a href="#page_222">222</a></span><br /> - -Kiernan, Lawrence D., <a href="#page_9">9</a><br /> - -Kilpatrick, Frank, realty dealings with, <a href="#page_45">45</a><br /> - -Kilpatrick, Walter, realty dealings with, <a href="#page_45">45</a><br /> - -Kingsbury, John A., member “Committee of Safety,” <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Kitchener, Lord, meeting with, in Egypt, <a href="#page_210">210</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">anomalous position in Egypt, <a href="#page_220">220</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meeting with, <a href="#page_221">221</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">luncheon with, <a href="#page_224">224</a></span><br /> - -Knickerbocker Real Estate Co., dealings with, <a href="#page_42">42</a><br /> - -Knox Bldg, purchase of, <a href="#page_87">87</a><br /> - -Koenig, Samuel S., at Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_168">168</a><br /> - -Kuhn, Loeb & Co., rise in banking circle, <a href="#page_77">77</a><br /> - -Kurzman, Ferdinand, in law office of, <a href="#page_12">12</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reëmployment by, <a href="#page_18">18</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">method of dispossessing undesirable tenant, <a href="#page_39">39</a></span><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="L" id="L"></a>Lachman, Samson, <a href="#page_33">33</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">realty ventures with, <a href="#page_42">42</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elected Judge of Sixth District Court, <a href="#page_120">120</a></span><br /> - -Lachman, Morgenthau & Goldsmith, formation of partnership, <a href="#page_34">34</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">withdrawal from the firm, <a href="#page_56">56</a></span><br /> - -Lamont, Dan, his friendship with Grover Cleveland, <a href="#page_118">118</a><br /> - -Lamont, Thomas, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference,<a href="#page_324">324</a><br /> - -Landman, Rabbi Isaac, on committee to present views of American Jews on Zionism to Peace Conference, <a href="#page_350">350</a><br /> - -Lane, Franklin K., donation to campaign fund, <a href="#page_242">242</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">writes Red Cross proclamation, <a href="#page_251">251</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_300">300</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposed as Director-General of International Red Cross, <a href="#page_318">318</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">considered for head of corporation to finance Poland, <a href="#page_381">381</a></span><br /> - -Lansing, Secretary of State, at Paderewski dinner, <a href="#page_356">356</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter of instructions to Mission to Poland, <a href="#page_359">359</a></span><br /> - -Lansing, Mrs., at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a><br /> - -Lauzanne, Stéphane, arranges luncheon with Bunau Varilla, <a href="#page_330">330</a><br /> - -Lawyers’ Mortgage Company, increase of capital stock, <a href="#page_70">70</a>, <a href="#page_71">71</a><br /> - -Lawyers’ Title Company, increase of capital stock, <a href="#page_67">67-71</a><br /> - -League to Enforce Peace, work against future wars, <a href="#page_300">300</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">travelling in campaign of, <a href="#page_301">301</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pronouncement on the League of Nations Covenant, <a href="#page_303">303</a></span><br /> - -Leisenring, John, <a href="#page_26">26</a><br /> - -Leishmann, John G. A., meeting with at Aix-les-Bains, <a href="#page_85">85</a><br /> - -Lens, General Currie’s description of battle, <a href="#page_269">269</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">why Sir Douglas Haig refrained from capturing, <a href="#page_271">271</a></span><br /> - -Lenox, James, <a href="#page_22">22</a><br /> - -Letoviski, Major, leader of Jewish massacre at Pinsk, <a href="#page_369">369</a><br /> - -Lewin, Rabbi, on Jewish question in Poland, <a href="#page_375">375</a><br /> - -Liberty Loan, and United War Work Drives, travelling in behalf of, <a href="#page_295">295</a><br /> - -Lloyd, Bishop Arthur Selden, <a href="#page_175">175</a><br /> - -Lodge, Henry Cabot, signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, <a href="#page_340">340</a><br /> - -Loeb, Solomon, realty ventures, <a href="#page_42">42</a><br /> - -Loewi, Valentine, <a href="#page_30">30</a><br /> - -Lord, Dr. Robert, at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_324">324</a><br /> - -Low, Sydney, met on British front, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Lowell, President in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_301">301</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in a foot race with, <a href="#page_302">302</a></span><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="M" id="M"></a>Macauley, Captain, of the <i>Scorpion</i>, <a href="#page_219">219</a><br /> - -Machpelah, Caves of, visit to, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a><br /> - -Mackay, Clarence H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Mackaye, Dr., <a href="#page_175">175</a><br /> - -Macy, R. H., & Co., business secured by Isidor Straus and his sons, <a href="#page_36">36</a><br /> - -Mahmoud Tahgri Bey, acting Governor of Alexandria, <a href="#page_219">219</a><br /> - -Mahmoud Tewfik Hamid, <a href="#page_232">232</a><br /> - -Mahmoud Pasha, <a href="#page_189">189</a><br /> - -Malcolm, Ian, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_320">320</a><br /> - -Mallet, Sir Louis, British Ambassador at Constantinople, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renewal of acquaintance with, <a href="#page_336">336</a></span><br /> - -Malone, Dudley Field, at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, <a href="#page_140">140</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">brings message from Wilson on McCombs-Newton rupture, <a href="#page_145">145</a></span><br /> - -Mannes, David, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Mannheim, early life in, <a href="#page_1">1</a>, <a href="#page_333">333</a><br /> - -Manning, Dan, <a href="#page_118">118</a><br /> - -Mardighian, Osman, <a href="#page_187">187</a><br /> - -Marie, Princess, at dinner with, <a href="#page_326">326</a><br /> - -Marling, Alfred E., <a href="#page_175">175</a><br /> - -Marsh, Benjamin C., Secretary Committee on Congestion of Population in New York City, <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Marshall, T. R., at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a><br /> - -Marshall, Louis, at Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_168">168</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">objects to Jew serving on Commission to investigate Polish pogroms, <a href="#page_353">353</a></span><br /> - -Martin, Riccardo, sings at Conried’s funeral, <a href="#page_104">104</a><br /> - -Meyer, Peter F., <a href="#page_48">48</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">connection with Richard Croker, <a href="#page_113">113</a></span><br /> - -Metaxa, Dr., arranges meeting with Venizelos, <a href="#page_328">328</a><br /> - -Metropolitan Opera Company, formed for Conried, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Metropolitan Opera House, gathering on President Wilson’s return from Paris, <a href="#page_304">304</a><br /> - -Miller, Cyrus C., elected Borough President of the Bronx, <a href="#page_118">118</a><br /> - -Mitchel, John Purroy, in the Postmastership controversy, <a href="#page_237">237</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">campaign for preparedness irritating to President Wilson, <a href="#page_238">238</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_252">252</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">has good business offer but decides to remain in politics, <a href="#page_279">279</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks advice on Mayoralty campaign, <a href="#page_278">278</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elected Mayor of City of New York, <a href="#page_283">283</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks advice as to running again, <a href="#page_283">283</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death in his country’s service, <a href="#page_286">286</a></span><br /> - -MacDowell, Miss, in Settlement work, <a href="#page_105">105</a><br /> - -MacNulty, Mr., <a href="#page_35">35</a><br /> - -McAdoo, William G., in Wilson’s campaign, <a href="#page_137">137</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">drops his business to aid Wilson’s candidacy, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed Secretary of the Treasury, <a href="#page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">apprehensive of outcome of 1916 campaign, <a href="#page_235">235</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dejection at unfavourable election returns, <a href="#page_246">246</a></span><br /> - -McAneny, George A., considered for Mayor on fusion ticket, <a href="#page_280">280</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not a vote-getter, <a href="#page_281">281</a></span><br /> - -McCall, Mr., power in finance, <a href="#page_78">78</a><br /> - -McCombs, William F., in charge of Wilson campaign, <a href="#page_137">137</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">controversy with Byron Newton, <a href="#page_145">145</a></span><br /> - -McCormick, Chancellor, on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_215">215</a><br /> - -McCormick, Vance, bosses object to, <a href="#page_121">121</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">named Chairman of Democratic Campaign Committee, <a href="#page_241">241</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dinner to Henry Ford, Thos. A. Edison, and Josephus Daniels, <a href="#page_242">242</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on committee for financing the Red Cross, <a href="#page_249">249</a></span><br /> - -McCurdy, Richard A., incensed at not being asked to participate in capital increase of Lawyers’ Title Company, <a href="#page_69">69</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">power in finance, <a href="#page_78">78</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">misuse of insurance funds, <a href="#page_83">83</a></span><br /> - -McCurdy, R. H., on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -McIntire, Alfred, <a href="#page_19">19</a>, <a href="#page_30">30</a><br /> - -McIntyre, William H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_101">101</a><br /> - -McManus, Thomas F., <a href="#page_116">116</a><br /> - -Mohammed V, a weakling, <a href="#page_184">184</a><br /> - -Moncheur, Baroness, <a href="#page_188">188</a><br /> - -Montefiore, Claude, representing Jews of France at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_350">350</a><br /> - -Moore, Judge, <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_122">122</a><br /> - -Moore, Mrs. Philip North, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_301">301</a><br /> - -Morgan, J. Pierpont, his power in finance, <a href="#page_76">76</a><br /> - -Morgan, Miss Anne, member “Committee of Safety”, <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Morgenthau, Henry, Jr., at Sea Girt, <a href="#page_148">148</a><br /> - -Morgenthau, Mrs., arrival in Turkey, <a href="#page_194">194</a><br /> - -Morgenthau Company, Henry, formation, <a href="#page_89">89</a><br /> - -Morton, Levi P., real estate transactions with, <a href="#page_48">48</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assists at auction sale, <a href="#page_49">49</a></span><br /> - -Mott, John R., conversation with, on after-the-war work, <a href="#page_316">316</a><br /> - -Mt. Sinai Hospital, on Board of Directors, <a href="#page_105">105</a><br /> - -Munsey, Frank, at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_253">253</a><br /> - -Murphy, Arthur D., defeated for Borough President of Bronx, <a href="#page_116">116</a><br /> - -Murphy, Charles F., selected by Croker to head Tammany, <a href="#page_116">116</a><br /> - -Murphy, Major, with Red Cross in France, <a href="#page_86">86</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="N" id="N"></a>Nabulus, Governor of, arranges an Arabian night, <a href="#page_231">231</a><br /> - -Nahoun, Chief Rabbi, <a href="#page_205">205</a><br /> - -New York, arrival in, <a href="#page_6">6</a>, <a href="#page_7">7</a><br /> - -New York <i>Sun</i>, comment on heading of <i>Red Cross Magazine</i> article, <a href="#page_289">289</a><br /> - -New York <i>Times</i>, article on the Jewish question, <a href="#page_289">289</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Washington despatch to, <a href="#page_293">293</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">publishes speech made at dinner of Executive Committee of Wise Centenary Fund, <a href="#page_294">294</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">article, “Emperor William Must Go,” <a href="#page_297">297</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">article, “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War,” <a href="#page_308">308</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">article on departure as delegate to International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_308">308</a></span><br /> - -New York <i>World</i>, article showing Germany planned the war, <a href="#page_296">296</a><br /> - -Newton, Byron, controversy with McCombs, <a href="#page_145">145</a><br /> - -Nilsson, Christine, <a href="#page_12">12</a><br /> - -Norton, Chas. D., on Committee for financing the Red Cross, <a href="#page_249">249</a><br /> - -Norton, Patrick, excavation contractor, <a href="#page_51">51</a>, <a href="#page_52">52</a><br /> - -Nugent, difficulty with, over tickets for Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_139">139</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="O" id="O"></a>O’Connor, Charles, <a href="#page_29">29</a><br /> - -O’Gorman, Senator James A., at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">friendship with, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">transmits Wilson’s offer of Ambassadorship to Turkey, <a href="#page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fearful of Wilson’s reëlection in 1916, <a href="#page_235">235</a></span><br /> - -O’Toole, Morgan, <a href="#page_27">27</a><br /> - -Ochs, Adolph S., as example of opportunity, <a href="#page_400">400</a><br /> - -Ogden, D. B., entertains proposition to increase capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, <a href="#page_67">67</a><br /> - -Olcott, Frederick P., interested in formation of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_58">58</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a power in finance, <a href="#page_65">65</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids in increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, <a href="#page_68">68</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in railroad reorganizations, <a href="#page_78">78</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">questioned as to attitude if panic should ensue, <a href="#page_88">88</a></span><br /> - -Ottendorfer, Oswald, realty transactions with, <a href="#page_45">45</a><br /> - -Otto, Major Henry S., with Mission to Poland, <a href="#page_355">355</a><br /> - -Outerbridge, E. H., urges acceptance of nomination for President of the Borough of Manhattan, <a href="#page_278">278</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, <a href="#page_284">284</a></span><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="P" id="P"></a>Paderewski, asks Wilson to appoint commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives dinner at the Ritz, <a href="#page_355">355</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts to assure people he was not Anti-Semitic, <a href="#page_377">377</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives state dinner to Hoover, <a href="#page_377">377</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impressions of, at dinner to Hoover, <a href="#page_379">379</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">holds up financing of Poland, <a href="#page_381">381</a></span><br /> - -Paderewska, Mme., at dinner given to Hoover, <a href="#page_378">378</a><br /> - -Page, Thomas Nelson, meeting with in Paris, <a href="#page_255">255</a><br /> - -Page, Walter Hines, introduced by Woodrow Wilson, <a href="#page_136">136</a><br /> - -Painlevé, meeting with, <a href="#page_85">85</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at review of first American troops in France, <a href="#page_256">256</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dining with, <a href="#page_257">257</a></span><br /> - -Palestine, visit to, <a href="#page_212">212</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prominent Jews not in favour of Zionist project of National home, <a href="#page_349">349</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">true meaning of Balfour Declaration, <a href="#page_389">389</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">significance of Sir Herbert Samuel’s appointment, <a href="#page_392">392</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not suitable for colonization, <a href="#page_393">393</a></span><br /> - -Pallavicini, Marquis, Austrian Ambassador at Constantinople, <a href="#page_182">182</a><br /> - -Panic of 1873, <a href="#page_20">20</a><br /> - -Parish, Henry, realty dealings with, <a href="#page_55">55</a><br /> - -Park, Trenor W., <a href="#page_53">53</a><br /> - -Parker, Judge Alton B., at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of counsel at Sulzer impeachment, <a href="#page_172">172</a></span><br /> - -“Parsifal,” difficulties encountered in production, <a href="#page_102">102</a><br /> - -Parsons, John E., realty ventures, <a href="#page_42">42</a><br /> - -Patri, Angelo, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Patrick, Dr. Mary Mills, president Constantinople College for Girls, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a><br /> - -Patrick, Mason M., considered for Mission to Poland, <a href="#page_355">355</a><br /> - -Peabody, Charles A., realty dealings through, <a href="#page_55">55</a><br /> - -Peace Conference, impressions of, <a href="#page_322">322</a><br /> - -Peace Treaty, signing of, <a href="#page_336">336</a><br /> - -Pears, Sir Edwin, <a href="#page_188">188</a><br /> - -Peet, Dr. W. W., work in Constantinople, <a href="#page_205">205</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">missionary activities, <a href="#page_211">211</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives information on Palestine, <a href="#page_213">213</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invited to accompany party, <a href="#page_214">214</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Arabian night, <a href="#page_231">231</a></span><br /> - -Penrose, Senator, assumes leadership of Republican machine, <a href="#page_125">125</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">willing to wreck party’s chances to injure Roosevelt, <a href="#page_150">150</a></span><br /> - -Perlmutter, Rabbi, calls on Mission at Warsaw, <a href="#page_361">361</a><br /> - -Perkins, George W., member “Committee of Safety,” <a href="#page_107">107</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_253">253</a></span><br /> - -Perkins, Major, with Red Cross in France, <a href="#page_86">86</a><br /> - -Perkins, Miss Frances, member “Committee of Safety,” <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Persian delegation to Peace Conference, their hopeless position, <a href="#page_325">325</a><br /> - -Pershing, General, meeting with in Paris, <a href="#page_255">255</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lauded by Joffre, <a href="#page_264">264</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter from, explaining postponement of dinner, <a href="#page_264">264</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his description of battle of Verdun, <a href="#page_265">265</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meeting with at headquarters in France, <a href="#page_273">273</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">selects military member of Mission to Poland, <a href="#page_354">354</a></span><br /> - -Phillip, Hoffman, Conseiller and First Secretary, American Embassy, Constantinople, <a href="#page_177">177</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a><br /> - -Philipson, Rev. Dr. David, not in favour of Zionist plans, <a href="#page_349">349</a><br /> - -Phillips, L. J., <a href="#page_48">48</a><br /> - -Phœnix Insurance Co., position with, <a href="#page_18">18</a><br /> - -Pilsudski, Dictator of Poland, <a href="#page_115">115</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not in favour of Mission to Poland, <a href="#page_360">360</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at reception in Warsaw, <a href="#page_364">364</a>;</span><br /> -“no pogroms, nothing but unavoidable accidents,” <a href="#page_371">371</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">talks with on Jewish question, <a href="#page_372">372</a>, <a href="#page_375">375</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">change of attitude toward Commission, <a href="#page_378">378</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his story of his rise to power, <a href="#page_378">378</a></span><br /> - -Pinchot, Amos, member “Committee of Safety,” <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Pinsk, investigations in, <a href="#page_369">369</a><br /> - -Platt, Frank, retained by Alexander in Equitable Insurance contest, <a href="#page_80">80</a>, <a href="#page_81">81</a><br /> - -Plaza Hotel, purchase of, <a href="#page_87">87</a><br /> - -Plumb, Preston, <a href="#page_26">26</a><br /> - -Poincaré, President, at review of first American troops in France, <a href="#page_256">256</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a></span><br /> - -Poland, atrocities against the Jews, <a href="#page_351">351</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">question of Jewish nationalism in, <a href="#page_351">351</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plan to finance, <a href="#page_380">380</a></span><br /> - -Poland, Mission to, formation of, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ideal to be accomplished, <a href="#page_358">358</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lansing’s letter of instructions, <a href="#page_359">359</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrival in Warsaw, <a href="#page_360">360</a></span><br /> - -Politics, first entry into, <a href="#page_111">111</a><br /> - -Politis, M., arranges meeting with Venizelos, <a href="#page_328">328</a><br /> - -Polk, Frank L., doubt of success of 1916 campaign, <a href="#page_235">235</a><br /> - -Pomerene, Atlee, at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a><br /> - -Ponydreguin, General, dinner with at Gondrecourt, <a href="#page_259">259</a><br /> - -Post, James H., aids in formation of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_58">58</a><br /> - -Postmastership at New York, contention regarding, <a href="#page_237">237</a><br /> - -Power, Judge Maurice J., “discoverer” of Grover Cleveland, <a href="#page_118">118</a><br /> - -Prendergast, William A., at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_253">253</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">slated for Comptroller on fusion ticket, <a href="#page_280">280</a></span><br /> - -Pryor, Gen. Roger A., <a href="#page_29">29</a>, <a href="#page_30">30</a><br /> - -Pyne, Percy R., retires from presidency of National City Bank, <a href="#page_76">76</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="Q" id="Q"></a>Quekemeyer, Captain, American representative on trip to French front, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="R" id="R"></a>Radcliffe, General, met on British front, <a href="#page_269">269</a><br /> - -Rappard, Dr., William, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a><br /> - -Raymond, Henry T., <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Reading, Lord, address before Merchants’ Association in New York, <a href="#page_298">298</a><br /> - -Real Estate, ventures in, <a href="#page_39">39</a><br /> - -Red Cross, financing the, insisting on aiming for large sum, <a href="#page_249">249</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">article “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War,” <a href="#page_308">308</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the International Conference, <a href="#page_308">308</a></span><br /> - -<i>Red Cross Magazine</i> article on Turkish massacres, <a href="#page_288">288</a><br /> - -Redfield, Congressman, appointed Secretary of Commerce, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a><br /> - -Reilly, John, buys lots on route of Subway, <a href="#page_50">50</a><br /> - -Rice, Edwin T., <a href="#page_93">93</a><br /> - -Richardson, Captain, ’Forty-niner, <a href="#page_4">4</a><br /> - -Robert College, Constantinople, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_208">208</a><br /> - -Rockefeller, William, how he obtained stock of Northern Pacific, <a href="#page_71">71</a><br /> - -Rockefeller, Mrs. John D., Jr., activities in war work, <a href="#page_299">299</a><br /> - -Rosalsky, Judge Otto, at Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_168">168</a><br /> - -Rosenwald, Julius, on committee for financing the Red Cross, <a href="#page_250">250</a><br /> - -Roosevelt, Franklin D., doubt of success of 1916 campaign, <a href="#page_235">235</a><br /> - -Roosevelt, Theodore, deference to Mark Hanna, <a href="#page_123">123</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coaches Taft for campaign, <a href="#page_124">124</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">split in Republican party forfeits election, <a href="#page_150">150</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Joffre anecdote of, <a href="#page_264">264</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">calls meeting of New York Progressives to agree on fusion slate, <a href="#page_280">280</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his first demonstration of power, <a href="#page_282">282</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, <a href="#page_284">284</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a></span><br /> - -Root, Elihu, associated with in difficulties of Hilton, Hughes & Co., <a href="#page_37">37</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">policy of business and politics, <a href="#page_37">37</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">consulted on Equitable controversy, <a href="#page_82">82</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, <a href="#page_340">340</a></span><br /> - -Rose, William R., <a href="#page_54">54</a><br /> - -Roumania, question of Jewish nationalism in, <a href="#page_351">351</a><br /> - -Roux, Dr. Émile, at International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_315">315</a><br /> - -Rubenstein, Rabbi, recounts history of Vilna excesses against Jews, <a href="#page_362">362</a><br /> - -Russell, Colonel, sails for International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -Russell, Judge Horace, retained by, <a href="#page_36">36</a><br /> - -Ryan, Thomas, <a href="#page_39">39</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="S" id="S"></a>Said Halim, Prince, Grand Vizier, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_225">225</a><br /> - -Samaritans, visit to the tribe on Mount Gerizim, <a href="#page_228">228</a><br /> - -Samuel, Sir Herbert, significance of appointment as first governing head of Palestine, <a href="#page_392">392</a><br /> - -Sassoon, Sir Philip, private secretary of Sir Douglas Haig, <a href="#page_272">272</a><br /> - -Sayre, Dr., on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_216">216</a><br /> - -Schiff, Jacob H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives evidence against Sulzer at impeachment trial, <a href="#page_173">173</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">misfortune at a dinner, <a href="#page_299">299</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">advises attendance at International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_308">308</a></span><br /> - -Schmavonian, A. K., attaché at American Embassy, Constantinople, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_215">215</a>, <a href="#page_231">231</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on trip to French front, <a href="#page_259">259</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to British front, <a href="#page_266">266</a></span><br /> - -Schurz, Carl, on Independent politics, <a href="#page_135">135</a><br /> - -Schwab, Chas. M., buys stock in Fuller Construction Co., <a href="#page_72">72</a><br /> - -Sebastiyeh, visit to, <a href="#page_231">231</a><br /> - -Seligman, Joseph, refused accommodations in Saratoga hotel, <a href="#page_38">38</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">president Society for Ethical Culture, <a href="#page_95">95</a></span><br /> - -Senior, Max, not in favour of Zionist plans, <a href="#page_349">349</a><br /> - -Settlement work, in Manhattan and the Bronx, <a href="#page_105">105</a><br /> - -Seymour, Harriet, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Shaffer, Chauncey, in law office of, <a href="#page_24">24</a><br /> - -Sharp, Ambassador, at review of first American troops in France, <a href="#page_256">256</a><br /> - -Shaw, Peggy, maintaining soldiers’ theatre and rest room at Treves, <a href="#page_333">333</a><br /> - -Shufro, Jacob, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Sibert, General, in command at Gondrecourt, <a href="#page_259">259</a><br /> - -Siegel-Cooper & Company, opening New York Store, <a href="#page_54">54</a><br /> - -Sigerson, Michael, <a href="#page_111">111</a><br /> - -Simon, Robert E., in the “Subway Boom,” <a href="#page_87">87</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">partnership with, <a href="#page_89">89</a></span><br /> - -Sinclair, General, met on British front, <a href="#page_269">269</a><br /> - -Singer Sewing Machine Co., in Constantinople, <a href="#page_203">203</a><br /> - -Skrzynski, M., at reception in Warsaw, <a href="#page_365">365</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at luncheon, <a href="#page_376">376</a></span><br /> - -Slocum, Gen. Henry W., <a href="#page_118">118</a><br /> - -Smith, Alfred E., chairman of factory investigating committee, <a href="#page_108">108</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recommended for New York Postmastership, <a href="#page_240">240</a></span><br /> - -Smith, J. Henry, on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_101">101</a><br /> - -Society of Ethical Culture, formation, <a href="#page_95">95</a><br /> - -Southack, Frederick, aids in forming real estate trust company, <a href="#page_57">57</a><br /> - -Southmayd, Henry M., attorney for the Astors, <a href="#page_45">45</a><br /> - -Spanish-American War, influence of, on real estate transactions, <a href="#page_54">54</a>, <a href="#page_56">56</a><br /> - -Speer, Mrs. Emma Bailey, in war work, <a href="#page_299">299</a><br /> - -St. Patrick’s Cathedral, construction of, <a href="#page_8">8</a><br /> - -Stanchfield, John B., of Counsel at Sulzer impeachment, <a href="#page_172">172</a><br /> - -Standard Oil Co., in Constantinople, <a href="#page_203">203</a><br /> - -Stanislawa, investigations at, <a href="#page_367">367</a><br /> - -Stanley, Sir Arthur, instrumental in selection of Englishman as Director-General of International Red Cross, <a href="#page_319">319</a><br /> - -Stewart, A. T., & Co., <a href="#page_36">36</a><br /> - -Stillman, James, on Executive Committee of real estate trust company, <a href="#page_61">61</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a power in finance, <a href="#page_65">65</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interested in increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, <a href="#page_68">68</a>, <a href="#page_70">70</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids in financing of Fuller Construction Co., <a href="#page_71">71</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes president of National City Bank, <a href="#page_76">76</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward Equitable controversy, <a href="#page_81">81</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offers backing in case of panic, <a href="#page_88">88</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">wise advice of, <a href="#page_180">180</a></span><br /> - -Stimson, Henry L., Chairman “Committee of Safety,” <a href="#page_108">108</a><br /> - -Stone, Senator, call on Wilson’s campaign managers, <a href="#page_143">143</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">at the Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_168">168</a></span><br /> - -Storrs, Richard S., <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Stowell, Edgar, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Straight, Willard D., at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_253">253</a><br /> - -Straus, Isidor, incident of formation of firm Abraham & Straus, <a href="#page_34">34</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secures business of R. H. Macy & Co., <a href="#page_36">36</a></span><br /> - -Straus, Nathan, early friendship with, <a href="#page_3">3</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dry goods business of, <a href="#page_35">35</a>, <a href="#page_36">36</a></span><br /> - -Strauss, Charles, transactions with, <a href="#page_89">89</a><br /> - -Strong, Colonel, plans for International Red Cross preferred by Davison, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_315">315</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Cannes, <a href="#page_327">327</a></span><br /> - -Subway, routes being laid out for, <a href="#page_47">47</a><br /> - -Sulzer, William, experiences with, <a href="#page_155">155</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inaugurated Governor of New York, <a href="#page_162">162</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dinner given to, <a href="#page_163">163</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">beneficial legislation and wise appointments, <a href="#page_164">164</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defies Tammany Hall, <a href="#page_167">167</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Café Boulevard Dinner, and “the wish-bone speech,” <a href="#page_168">168</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impeached and removed from office, <a href="#page_170">170</a></span><br /> - -Sykes, Josephine, <a href="#page_99">99</a><br /> - -Syrian Protestant College, visit to, <a href="#page_233">233</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="T" id="T"></a>Taft, William H., coached for campaign by Roosevelt, <a href="#page_124">124</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">work for League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <i>et seq.</i>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">speech on the Covenant at Metropolitan Opera House gathering, <a href="#page_305">305</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">advises attendance at International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_308">308</a></span><br /> - -Talaat Bey, real ruler of Turkey, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_191">191</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arranges reception at Adrianople, <a href="#page_192">192</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">direct dealings with, <a href="#page_197">197</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks advice, <a href="#page_198">198</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">looks to comfort of party on Palestine trip, <a href="#page_231">231</a></span><br /> - -Talbot, Dr., Fritz B., sails for International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -Talmage, T. De Witt, <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Tariff, Protective, a blow to family fortunes, <a href="#page_4">4</a><br /> - -Taussig, Professor, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, <a href="#page_324">324</a><br /> - -Thalman, Ernest, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Thann, visit to, on trip to the front, <a href="#page_261">261</a><br /> - -Tibbetts, Major, met on British front, <a href="#page_268">268</a><br /> - -Tilden, Samuel J., effects downfall of Tweed Ring, <a href="#page_111">111</a><br /> - -Tilton, Henry, <a href="#page_30">30</a><br /> - -Tourtel, H. B. met on British front, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Townroe, Captain, conducts trip to British front, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -Townsend, Col. C. M., met, after many years on British front, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Tsulski, Dr., conference with, on conditions in Poland, <a href="#page_358">358</a><br /> - -Tumulty, Joseph, at conference over Jefferson Day Dinner tickets, <a href="#page_139">139</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Sea Girt notification, <a href="#page_148">148</a></span><br /> - -Turkish question, study of, <a href="#page_336">336</a><br /> - -Tweed Ring, contact with, <a href="#page_109">109</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="U" id="U"></a>Underhill, Senator, at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_142">142</a><br /> - -Underwood, John T., transactions with, <a href="#page_90">90</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tenders John Purroy Mitchel vice-presidency of his company, <a href="#page_279">279</a></span><br /> - -Underwood, Oscar, candidacy against Wilson, <a href="#page_138">138</a><br /> - -Underwood Typewriter Co., capitalization of, <a href="#page_90">90</a><br /> - -“Union for Higher Life,” member of, <a href="#page_97">97</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="V" id="V"></a>Van Dyke, Dr. Henry, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_301">301</a><br /> - -Vanderbilt, Alfred G., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Varilla, Bunau, at luncheon with, <a href="#page_330">330</a><br /> - -Vendôme, Duc de, acquaintance with at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_326">326</a>, <a href="#page_327">327</a><br /> - -Vendôme, Duchess of, met at Cannes, <a href="#page_327">327</a><br /> - -Venizelos, at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_328">328</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discussion with on Smyrna question, <a href="#page_329">329</a></span><br /> - -Vesnitz, representing Jugo-Slavia at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_327">327</a><br /> - -Vilna, investigations in, <a href="#page_370">370</a><br /> - -Vimy Ridge, visited during battle of Lens, <a href="#page_271">271</a><br /> - -Viviani, René, New York City’s reception to, <a href="#page_253">253</a><br /> - -Von Moltke, General, at launching of Germany’s first battleship, <a href="#page_24">24</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="W" id="W"></a>Webb, Gen. Alexander S., <a href="#page_12">12</a><br /> - -Whitall, Dr. Samuel S., influence of, <a href="#page_15">15</a><br /> - -Wadsworth, Eliot, on committee for financing the Red Cross, <a href="#page_249">249</a><br /> - -Wagner, Robert E., vice-chairman of factory investigation committee, <a href="#page_108">108</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recommended for New York Postmastership, <a href="#page_240">240</a></span><br /> - -Wald, Lillian D., and Henry Street Settlement, <a href="#page_105">105</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces Sidney Webb, <a href="#page_120">120</a></span><br /> - -Wallace, Dr. Louise B., dean of Constantinople College for Girls, <a href="#page_204">204</a><br /> - -Wallace, Hugh C., friendship with, <a href="#page_154">154</a><br /> - -Wanamaker, John, succeeds to original business of A. T. Stewart & Co., <a href="#page_38">38</a><br /> - -Wangenheim, Baron, complains against American ammunition, <a href="#page_24">24</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">German Ambassador at Constantinople, <a href="#page_182">182</a></span><br /> - -Washburn, Dr., work at Robert College, <a href="#page_208">208</a><br /> - -Waterlow, Lady, met at Cannes, <a href="#page_327">327</a><br /> - -Watson, Dr. Charles Roger, <a href="#page_175">175</a><br /> - -Webb, Sidney, interview with an American political “boss,” <a href="#page_120">120</a><br /> - -Weber, M., patriot of Thann, <a href="#page_261">261</a><br /> - -Wechsler & Abraham, incident of dissolution of partnership, <a href="#page_34">34</a><br /> - -Weitz, Dr. Paul, emissary of German and Austrian Ambassadors, <a href="#page_181">181</a><br /> - -Welch, Dr. William H., sails to attend International Red Cross Conference, <a href="#page_310">310</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Council of National Defense, <a href="#page_311">311</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">speech at dinner</span><br /> -to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, <a href="#page_321">321</a><br /> - -Wells, Rollo, friendship with, <a href="#page_154">154</a><br /> - -Wertheim, Jacob, aids in financing Underwood Typewriter Co., <a href="#page_92">92</a><br /> - -Wertheim, Maurice, <a href="#page_92">92</a><br /> - -White, George, member of Democratic National Committee, <a href="#page_122">122</a><br /> - -White, Henry, arranges meeting with Venizelos, <a href="#page_329">329</a><br /> - -White, Richard Grant, study under, <a href="#page_98">98</a><br /> - -Whiting, Richard, makes flashlight photographs of Samaritan ceremonies, <a href="#page_228">228</a><br /> - -Whitman, District Attorney, at Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_168">168</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">slated for Mayor of New York on fusion ticket, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a></span><br /> - -Whitney, H. P., on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Whitney, William C., fight against Kelly, Tammany leader, <a href="#page_112">112</a><br /> - -Willcox, William R., at War Publicity meeting, <a href="#page_252">252</a><br /> - -Williams, Dr. Talcott, anecdote of Woodrow Wilson, <a href="#page_307">307</a><br /> - -Williams, John Sharp, signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, <a href="#page_340">340</a><br /> - -Wilson, George Grafton, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, <a href="#page_301">301</a><br /> - -Wilson, Joseph, devotion to his brother Woodrow, <a href="#page_154">154</a><br /> - -Wilson, President Woodrow, presented with typewriter, <a href="#page_93">93</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defies state bosses, <a href="#page_122">122</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">why attracted to, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Free Synagogue Dinner, <a href="#page_130">130</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">taking Borah’s measure, <a href="#page_130">130</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Presidential candidacy, <a href="#page_132">132</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the hope of political regeneration, <a href="#page_135">135</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces Walter Hines Page, <a href="#page_136">136</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explanation of the “cocked-hat” letter, <a href="#page_140">140</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">speech at Jackson Day Dinner, <a href="#page_143">143</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">comment on Champ Clark-Col. Harvey episode, <a href="#page_149">149</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Campaign of 1912, <a href="#page_150">150</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks reconsideration of refusal to accept chairmanship of Finance Committee, <a href="#page_152">152</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elected President, <a href="#page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks acceptance of Ambassadorship of Turkey, <a href="#page_160">160</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">instructions on leaving to assume post of Ambassador to Turkey, <a href="#page_175">175</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reëlection in 1916, not thought possible by party leaders, <a href="#page_234">234</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward New York Postmastership appointment, <a href="#page_238">238</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renominated at St. Louis Convention, <a href="#page_241">241</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">election night returns</span><br /> -seem to show defeat, <a href="#page_246">246</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">election assured, <a href="#page_248">248</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">report to on trips to battle fronts, <a href="#page_274">274</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter advising exposure of German intrigue, <a href="#page_297">297</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Metropolitan Opera House gathering, <a href="#page_304">304</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward Lane as Director-General of International Red Cross, <a href="#page_318">318</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the hope of the Peace Conference, <a href="#page_323">323</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discuss Polish Mission with, and propose Armenian Mission to, <a href="#page_338">338</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cable to from America proposing this Mission, <a href="#page_339">339</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, <a href="#page_352">352</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insists on having a Jew on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, <a href="#page_354">354</a></span><br /> - -Wilson, Mrs. Woodrow, claims the President’s typewriter, <a href="#page_93">93</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at signing of Peace Treaty, <a href="#page_336">336</a></span><br /> - -Winthrop, Henry Rogers, on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Wise, Dr. Stephen S., speaks at Conried’s funeral, <a href="#page_105">105</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges acceptance of Ambassadorship to Turkey, <a href="#page_162">162</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquaints President Wilson with his plans for Zionism, <a href="#page_293">293</a></span><br /> - -Wise Centenary Fund, Isaac M.,<br /> -speech at dinner of Executive Committee, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -“Wish-bone speech” at Sulzer dinner, <a href="#page_169">169</a><br /> - -Woerishoefer, Carola, <a href="#page_107">107</a><br /> - -Wolff, Lucien, representing Jews of England at Peace Conference, <a href="#page_350">350</a><br /> - -Woman’s activities in the war, <a href="#page_299">299</a><br /> - -Women in Turkey, their position, <a href="#page_195">195</a><br /> - -Woodruff, Lieutenant-Governor, at Roosevelt’s fusion meeting, <a href="#page_280">280</a><br /> - -Wood, Sir Henry, <a href="#page_188">188</a><br /> - -<i>World</i>, New York, danger of defection, owing to Postmastership appointment, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_240">240</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="Y" id="Y"></a>Yeaman, George H., <a href="#page_19">19</a>, <a href="#page_30">30</a><br /> - -Young Turks, government a failure, <a href="#page_196">196</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="Z" id="Z"></a>Zermoysky, Countess, at reception in Warsaw, <a href="#page_364">364</a><br /> - -Zionism, article in New York <i>Times</i>, <a href="#page_289">289</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a fallacy in Poland, <a href="#page_383">383</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a surrender not a solution, <a href="#page_385">385</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its economic aspect, <a href="#page_393">393</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its political foundations, <a href="#page_395">395</a>;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a spiritual will-o’-the-wisp, <a href="#page_398">398</a></span><br /> - -Zionists, their Nationalistic plans not favoured, <a href="#page_349">349</a>;<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">present their case to Mission at Warsaw, <a href="#page_363">363</a></span><br /> -</p> - -<div class="footnotes"><p class="cb">FOOTNOTES:</p> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Appendix No. 3, which contains this report.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> This chapter was written in June, 1921, and most of it was -published in the <i>World’s Work</i> for July, 1921.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Reprinted from the New York <i>Times</i> of November 9, 1919. -Copyright, 1919, by the New York Times Company.</p></div> - -</div> - -<hr class="full" /> - - - - - 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